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The Passion of Justice: Plato's Education of Anger in the Republic

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The Passion of Justice: Plato's Education of Anger in the Republic The Passion of Justice: Plato’s Education of Anger in the Republic ​ Daniel Wasserman Senior Essay in Humanities and Political Science April 15, 2019 Justice, which distributes to each man what belongs to him, created for the society and community of men–– how can it be in God? -Michel de Montaigne, “Apology for Raymond Sebond” TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................................1 CHAPTER ONE: The methods of Plato’s education ....................................................................14 Plato’s use of dialogue and dialectic .....................................................................................14 Plato’s theory of imitation ....................................................................................................19 Hiding imitation ....................................................................................................................23 CHAPTER TWO: The education in reflection ..............................................................................29 The lack of proof of the existence of truth for action and politics ........................................30 The philosopher/philosopher ruler as a role model ...............................................................33 Plato’s education to instill the existence of, and the need to search for, truth ......................40 The lack of truth generated by philosophy ...........................................................................43 CHAPTER THREE: The education of the passion of anger into the passion of justice ...............49 Thumos in Homer and Plato ..................................................................................................52 Hector’s anger that responds to wrongs perpetrated against himself and loved ones ..........55 Thrasymachus’s anger transformed into the passion of injustice .........................................59 Glaucon’s images on the side of justice ................................................................................68 CHAPTER FOUR: The education of the passions to privilege the passion of justice ..................76 The threat of Achilles’s grief ................................................................................................77 Plato’s response to the threat of Achilles’s grief ..................................................................82 The threat of love ..................................................................................................................86 Plato’s response to the threat of love ....................................................................................87 CHAPTER FIVE: The education in reflection upon the passion of justice ..................................91 The philosophic dog: reflection on whose causes to advance before acting on the passion of justice ....................................................................................................................................93 Justice in the city: reflection before acting on the passion of justice within one’s political community ............................................................................................................................95 The myth of Er: reflection before acting on the passion of justice for one’s own causes ....98 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................101 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................106 Wasserman 1 INTRODUCTION Empirical social science, including political science, often considers people in terms of their “interests,” often thought of as rational desires. In its attempt to employ the scientific approach of natural sciences, political science focuses on that which can be measured and determined readily, viewing men as rational actors who maximize their preferences and welfare. Extensive polling and mining of data may be performed to determine what voters “truly” desire. Yet, does this type of interest-driven understanding of man allow us to grasp the whole of political experience? Or does politics encompass more than men’s preferences? Despite the prevalence of “rational choice models” that deny the importance of passions among political scientists, the importance of passions to politics has long remained part of the broader cultural discussion. There may be more than simply preferences that affect political action; perhaps, beyond mere preferences, are the passions of pride, resentment, love, fear, grief, and anger. Since the 2016 United States presidential election, political commentators perhaps have focused most, out of the passions, on anger. The Washington Post reported that in the spring before the 2016 election, Pennsylvania State University’s McCourtney Institute began polling Americans’ level of anger about political events. It found then, and its successive polling continues to find, that Americans are very angry.1 Countless think-pieces in highbrow magazines began discussing the role of anger in the Trump movement. An Atlantic headline asked, “Why is America so angry?”2 Journalist Sarah Posner wrote in the New Republic that Donald Trump won the presidency because of his ability to “stoke…anger” against “global 1 Eric Pulzer and Michael Berman, “New poll: Voters are just as angry as in 2016,” Washington Post, October 11, 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/10/11/new-poll-voters-are-just-as- angry-as-in-2016/?utm_term=.3b48407b04af 2 Charles Duhigg, “Why is America so angry?” Atlantic, January/February 2019 issue, https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2019/01/charles-duhigg-american-anger/576424/ Wasserman 2 elites.”3 The New York Review of Books, in a headline, nicknamed the Republican Party “The Party of Rage” and said that Trump identified himself “as the candidate of angry white middle class men.”4 The common thread of these articles is that anger is dangerous. It is anger, these articles suggest, that allowed the lesser candidate to win, against the rational interests of the nation. Martha Nussbaum’s Anger and Forgiveness, a recent work by a prominent scholar, takes a similar view of anger, without referring to Trump or the 2016 election. Nussbaum argues that “anger is always normatively problematic, whether in the personal or in the public realm.”5 In an article discussing her book, she connects her lessons to present-day political arguments and writes pithily, “If we think closely about anger, we can begin to see why it is a stupid way to run one’s life.”6 Yet, a contrarian perspective praises the role of anger in politics. Historian Joanne Freeman believes that the anger that Trump introduced to politics helped provoke anger on the political left, which she believes might inspire more people to involve themselves in the fight for justice. She writes in the Atlantic, “Channeled properly and put to purpose, outrage can prove formative, inspiring civic engagement, political involvement, and organized protest, thereby leading to reform and change.”7 Danielle Allen’s work The World of Prometheus revives the perspective of the Athenian political order which, she argues, bases its judicial punishments on anger; laws and communal memories formed “a body of past opinion about how much anger 3 Sarah Posner, “Right Makes Right,” New Republic, March 25, 2019. https://newrepublic.com/article/153276/ republicans-congress-courted-nativist-authoritarian-leaders 4 Elizabeth Drew, “Party of Rage,” The New York Review of Books, July 22, 2016. https://www.nybooks.com/ daily/2016/07/22/party-of-rage-trump-acceptance-speech-cleveland/ 5 Martha Nussbaum, Anger and Forgiveness (Oxford 2016), 3. 6 Martha Nussbaum, “Beyond anger,” Aeon, July 26, 2016, https://aeon.co/essays/there-s-no-emotion-we- ought-to-think-harder-about-than-anger 7 Joanne Freeman, “America Descends Into the Politics of Rage,” Atlantic, October 22, 2018, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/trump-and-politics-anger/573556/ Wasserman 3 should be meted out for any given act of wrongdoing.”8 While Allen never connects her view of anger to current politics, despite currently writing extensively on contemporary political issues for the Washington Post, she suggested, at the time of her book’s publication in 2000, using concepts from her book to “ask questions about modern democratic practice.” Allen seems to believe we have not escaped the legacy of the Athenian political order entirely, although we have “shift[ed]” the “paradigms” that we use to understand our political order.9 Nussbaum and most popular intellectual writings suggest ridding ourselves of anger entirely, while Freeman and Allen suggest that anger lingers in our political life, perhaps unavoidably or even beneficially. What explains the differences between their views, especially between the views of the two prominent political theorists, Nussbaum and Allen? Should anger be repressed or reformed? • One way to approach this question lies in the two theorists’ readings of Aeschylus’s Oresteia. Aeschylus’s trilogy of tragedies tells of the Furies, ancient goddesses of revenge, and their pursuit of Orestes for killing his mother. In order to save Orestes, who committed his deed at the behest of the god Apollo, Athena establishes law courts to replace the Furies. The Furies do not disappear, however, but are transformed to fit into
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