Greek Hymns. Volume I. the Texts in Translation
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Ancient Religions: Public Worship of the Greeks and Romans by E.M
Ancient Religions: Public worship of the Greeks and Romans By E.M. Berens, adapted by Newsela staff on 10.07.16 Word Count 1,250 Level 1190L TOP: The temple and oracle of Apollo, called the Didymaion in Didyma, an ancient Greek sanctuary on the coast of Ionia (now Turkey), Wikimedia Commons. MIDDLE: The copper statue of Zeus of Artemision in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, Greece. BOTTOM: Engraving shows the Oracle of Delphi, bathed in shaft of light atop a pedestal and surrounded by cloaked figures, Delphi, Greece. Getty Images. Temples Long ago, the Greeks had no shrines or sanctuaries for public worship. They performed their devotions beneath the vast and boundless canopy of heaven, in the great temple of nature itself. Believing that their gods lived above in the clouds, worshippers naturally searched for the highest available points to place themselves in the closest communion possible with their gods. Therefore, the summits of high mountains were selected for devotional purposes. The inconvenience of worshipping outdoors gradually suggested the idea of building temples that would offer shelter from bad weather. These first temples were of the most simple form, without decoration. As the Greeks became a wealthy and powerful people, temples were built and adorned with great splendor and magnificence. So massively were they constructed that some of them have withstood the ravages of This article is available at 5 reading levels at https://newsela.com. time. The city of Athens especially contains numerous remains of these buildings of antiquity. These ruins are most valuable since they are sufficiently complete to enable archaeologists to study the plan and character of the original structures. -
Who Freed Athens? J
Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny. -
Giovan Battista D'alessio Pindar's Prosodia and the Classification Of
GIOVAN BATTISTA D’ALESSIO PINDAR’S PROSODIA AND THE CLASSIFICATION OF PINDARIC PAPYRUS FRAGMENTS aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 118 (1997) 23–60 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 23 PINDAR’S PROSODIA AND THE CLASSIFICATION OF PINDARIC PAPYRUS FRAGMENTS* I. The attribution of Pindaric papyrus fragments Judging from current editions, the two books of Pindar’s Prosodia seem to be by far the most scantily represented among the 17 books in which his work was divided by ancient editors.1 In the Teubner edition (the only critical edition taking account of the bulk of papyrus fragments published in 1961, and of the few scraps subsequently known) the Prosodia occupy less than two pages, which compares rather poorly with the second worst represented category, the Hyporchemata, where five pages are the remains of one or two books,2 not to say of the Dithyrambs (14 pages from two books), the Threnoi (9 pages from a single book) or of the apparently massively represented Paeans (57 pages from a single book!). Together with the single book of the Encomia (whose indirect tradition is better represented) the Prosodia are the only category to which Snell and Maehler attribute no papyrus fragment.3 The distribution of the fragments among the different books of Pindar’s works, apart from the few cases where we have explicit evidence that a quotation or a poem came from one or other book, rests, unavoidably, on a certain degree of speculation. Since the 18th century (and in some cases earlier) many fragments, known thanks to indirect tradition, have been conjecturally attributed to different genres on different grounds: in the recent Teubner edition this fact is signalled by an asterisk, preceding the con- jecturally assigned fragment, while two asterisks indicate a fragment whose attribution to Pindar is conjectural too. -
Online Library of Liberty: the Dialogues of Plato, Vol. 1
The Online Library of Liberty A Project Of Liberty Fund, Inc. Plato, The Dialogues of Plato, vol. 1 [387 AD] The Online Library Of Liberty This E-Book (PDF format) is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a private, non-profit, educational foundation established in 1960 to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. 2010 was the 50th anniversary year of the founding of Liberty Fund. It is part of the Online Library of Liberty web site http://oll.libertyfund.org, which was established in 2004 in order to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. To find out more about the author or title, to use the site's powerful search engine, to see other titles in other formats (HTML, facsimile PDF), or to make use of the hundreds of essays, educational aids, and study guides, please visit the OLL web site. This title is also part of the Portable Library of Liberty DVD which contains over 1,000 books and quotes about liberty and power, and is available free of charge upon request. The cuneiform inscription that appears in the logo and serves as a design element in all Liberty Fund books and web sites is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 B.C. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash, in present day Iraq. To find out more about Liberty Fund, Inc., or the Online Library of Liberty Project, please contact the Director at [email protected]. -
Storytelling and Community: Beyond the Origins of the Ancient
STORYTELLING AND COMMUNITY: BEYOND THE ORIGINS OF THE ANCIENT THEATRE, GREEK AND ROMAN by Sarah Kellis Jennings Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Departmental Honors in the Department of Theatre Texas Christian University Fort Worth, Texas May 3, 2013 ii STORYTELLING AND COMMUNITY: BEYOND THE ORIGINS OF THE ANCIENT THEATRE, GREEK AND ROMAN Project Approved: T.J. Walsh, Ph.D. Department of Theatre (Supervising Professor) Harry Parker, Ph.D. Department of Theatre Kindra Santamaria, Ph.D. Department of Modern Language Studies iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................iv INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1 GREEK THEATRE .............................................................................................................1 The Dithyramb ................................................................................................................2 Grecian Tragedy .............................................................................................................4 The Greek Actor ............................................................................................................. 8 The Satyr Play ................................................................................................................9 The Greek Theatre Structure and Technical Flourishes ...............................................10 Grecian -
Investigations Into the Zarlino-Galilei Dispute
WHERE NATURE AND ART ADJOIN: INVESTIGATIONS INTO THE ZARLINO- GALILEI DISPUTE, INCLUDING AN ANNOTATED TRANSLATION OF VINCENZO GALILEI’S DISCORSO INTORNO ALL’OPERE DI MESSER GIOSEFFO ZARLINO Randall E. Goldberg Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Jacobs School of Music Indiana University February 2011 UMI Number: 3449553 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3449553 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Doctoral Committee ____________________________ Thomas J. Mathiesen ____________________________ Massimo Ossi ____________________________ Ayana Smith ____________________________ Domenico Bertoloni Meli February 8, 2011 ii Copyright © 2011 Randall E. Goldberg iii Dedication For encouraging me to follow my dreams and helping me “be the ball,” this dissertation is dedicated with love to my parents Barry and Sherry Goldberg iv Acknowledgments There are many people and institutions that aided me in the completion of this project. First of all, I would like thank the Jacobs School of Music at Indiana University. -
Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015)
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 31 | 2018 Varia Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) Angelos Chaniotis Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/2741 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.2741 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2018 Number of pages: 167-219 ISBN: 978-2-87562-055-2 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Angelos Chaniotis, “Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015)”, Kernos [Online], 31 | 2018, Online since 01 October 2020, connection on 25 January 2021. URL: http:// journals.openedition.org/kernos/2741 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/kernos.2741 This text was automatically generated on 25 January 2021. Kernos Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) 1 Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) Angelos Chaniotis To the memory of David Jordan 1 The 28th issue of the EBGR presents epigraphic corpora and new epigraphic finds published in 2015. I have only included a few contributions to the reading and interpretation of old finds as well as a small selection of publications that adduce inscriptions for the study of religious phenomena. I have also summarizes some publications of earlier years that had not been included in earlier issues of the EBGR (2007–2013). 2 In this issue, I summarize the content of new corpora from Athens (34), Macedonia (56. 109), Termessos (64), and Hadrianopolis (79) that mainly contain dedications, but also records of manumission through dedication to deities (56). The two most important new inscriptions are the incantations from Selinous (?), known as the ‘Getty hexameters’ and a cult regulation from Thessaly. -
The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:2 (1986:Summer) P.173
STANLEY, PHILLIP V., The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:2 (1986:Summer) p.173 The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus Phillip V. Stanley LTHOUGH THE ANCESTRY of the Athenian general Alcibiades A III remains obscure for the sixth century, his genealogy is as sumed to be secure for the fifth. The descent of the family from Alcibiades I to Alcibiades IV has been reconstructed by Vander pool in the following way:l Alcibiades J2 I Cleinias I I Alcibiades II I I Axiochus Cleinias II I I I I Cleinias III Alcibiades III Cleinias IV I Alcibiades IV I E. Vanderpool, "The Ostracism of the Elder Alcibiades," Hesperia 21 (I952) 1-8, esp. 6. Cr. M. B. Wallace, "Early Greek Proxenoi," Phoenix 24 (I 970) 196f; 1. K. DAVIES, Athenian Propertied Families (Oxford 1971 [hereafter APF)) 10-12. According to Isoc. 16.25f (delivered by Alcibiades IV, son of the general), Alcibiades I, the ally of Cleisthenes when he expelled Hippias from Athens, was the great-grandfather (1TpO- 1Ta1T1To~) of Alcibiades III. The general difficulty stems from the apparent need to reduce the number of generations separating Alcibiades I from Alcibiades III, believed to be five: if the number is not reduced, Alcibiades I would actually be the great-great grandfather of the general. 2 Roman numerals are those assigned in PA and APF. These numerals will continue to be used even when homonyms are added to the family's genealogy. In order to avoid the confusion that might result if a major overhaul of the numerical system for this family were attempted, and to preserve the numerical descent established for the branch of the family to which Alcibiades III belongs, the newly identified individual will be assigned the next available Roman numeral, even though he may be earlier than an individual with the same name whose number is lower. -
Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou
Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou ACCHYLIDES 17, a Cean commission performed on Delos, has been the subject of extensive study and is Bmuch admired for its narrative artistry, elegance, and excellence. The ode was classified as a dithyramb by the Alex- andrians, but the Du-Stil address to Apollo in the closing lines renders this classification problematic and has rather baffled scholars. The solution to the thorny issue of the ode’s generic taxonomy is not yet conclusive, and the dilemma paean/ dithyramb is still alive.1 In fact, scholars now are more inclined to place the poem somewhere in the middle, on the premise that in antiquity the boundaries between dithyramb and paean were not so clear-cut as we tend to believe.2 Even though I am 1 Paean: R. Merkelbach, “Der Theseus des Bakchylides,” ZPE 12 (1973) 56–62; L. Käppel, Paian: Studien zur Geschichte einer Gattung (Berlin 1992) 156– 158, 184–189; H. Maehler, Die Lieder des Bakchylides II (Leiden 1997) 167– 168, and Bacchylides. A Selection (Cambridge 2004) 172–173; I. Rutherford, Pindar’s Paeans (Oxford 2001) 35–36, 73. Dithyramb: D. Gerber, “The Gifts of Aphrodite (Bacchylides 17.10),” Phoenix 19 (1965) 212–213; G. Pieper, “The Conflict of Character in Bacchylides 17,” TAPA 103 (1972) 393–404. D. Schmidt, “Bacchylides 17: Paean or Dithyramb?” Hermes 118 (1990) 18– 31, at 28–29, proposes that Ode 17 was actually an hyporcheme. 2 B. Zimmermann, Dithyrambos: Geschichte einer Gattung (Hypomnemata 98 [1992]) 91–93, argues that Ode 17 was a dithyramb for Apollo; see also C. -
The Parthenon Frieze: Viewed As the Panathenaic Festival Preceding the Battle of Marathon
The Parthenon Frieze: Viewed as the Panathenaic Festival Preceding the Battle of Marathon By Brian A. Sprague Senior Seminar: HST 499 Professor Bau-Hwa Hsieh Western Oregon University Thursday, June 07, 2007 Readers Professor Benedict Lowe Professor Narasingha Sil Copyright © Brian A. Sprague 2007 The Parthenon frieze has been the subject of many debates and the interpretation of it leads to a number of problems: what was the subject of the frieze? What would the frieze have meant to the Athenian audience? The Parthenon scenes have been identified in many different ways: a representation of the Panathenaic festival, a mythical or historical event, or an assertion of Athenian ideology. This paper will examine the Parthenon Frieze in relation to the metopes, pediments, and statues in order to prove the validity of the suggestion that it depicts the Panathenaic festival just preceding the battle of Marathon in 490 BC. The main problems with this topic are that there are no primary sources that document what the Frieze was supposed to mean. The scenes are not specific to any one type of procession. The argument against a Panathenaic festival is that there are soldiers and chariots represented. Possibly that biggest problem with interpreting the Frieze is that part of it is missing and it could be that the piece that is missing ties everything together. The Parthenon may have been the only ancient Greek temple with an exterior sculpture that depicts any kind of religious ritual or service. Because the theme of the frieze is unique we can not turn towards other relief sculpture to help us understand it. -
Cronus, and the Other Know…? Titans to Become the King of the Gods
Mount Olympus The ancient Greeks believed in many There were some very powerful different gods and goddesses. The most gods who did not actually live powerful 12 lived on the top of Mount on Mount Olympus, such as Olympus. This is where meetings were Hades, god of the underworld. held and arguments were settled. Zeus Zeus was the most powerful of all the gods. He was god of the sky and the King of Mount Olympus. He was married to the queen of the gods, Hera. His temper affected the weather, and when he was angry he threw thunderbolts. Did You Zeus defeated his father, Cronus, and the other Know…? Titans to become the King of the Gods. Poseidon Poseidon was the god of the sea. He was the most powerful god except for his brother, Zeus. He lived in a beautiful palace under the sea and caused earthquakes when he was angry. Sailors would pray to Poseidon for safe passage across the seas before a voyage. Did You He rode a chariot pulled by seahorses. Know…? Hades Hades was the brother of Zeus and the god of the dead. He ruled the underworld, where people went when they died. Hades had a helmet that could make him invisible. Hades had a three-headed dog called Cerberus which guarded the Underworld. Did You He was also the god of wealth because of the Know…? precious metals mined from the earth. Hestia Hestia was the sister of Zeus. She was the goddess of the hearth and the home. Hestia was deeply honoured by ancient Greek women, who would present their newborn children to hearths to receive her blessing. -
The Limits of Communication Between Mortals and Immortals in the Homeric Hymns
Body Language: The Limits of Communication between Mortals and Immortals in the Homeric Hymns. Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Bridget Susan Buchholz, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2009 Dissertation Committee: Sarah Iles Johnston Fritz Graf Carolina López-Ruiz Copyright by Bridget Susan Buchholz 2009 Abstract This project explores issues of communication as represented in the Homeric Hymns. Drawing on a cognitive model, which provides certain parameters and expectations for the representations of the gods, in particular, for the physical representations their bodies, I examine the anthropomorphic representation of the gods. I show how the narratives of the Homeric Hymns represent communication as based upon false assumptions between the mortals and immortals about the body. I argue that two methods are used to create and maintain the commonality between mortal bodies and immortal bodies; the allocation of skills among many gods and the transference of displays of power to tools used by the gods. However, despite these techniques, the texts represent communication based upon assumptions about the body as unsuccessful. Next, I analyze the instances in which the assumed body of the god is recognized by mortals, within a narrative. This recognition is not based upon physical attributes, but upon the spoken self identification by the god. Finally, I demonstrate how successful communication occurs, within the text, after the god has been recognized. Successful communication is represented as occurring in the presence of ritual references.