Online Library of Liberty: the Dialogues of Plato, Vol. 1
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Who Freed Athens? J
Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny. -
Anselm's Cur Deus Homo
Anselm’s Cur Deus Homo: A Meditation from the Point of View of the Sinner Gene Fendt Elements in Anselm's Cur Deus Homo point quite differently from the usual view of it as the locus classicus for a theory of Incarnation and Atonement which exhibits Christ as providing the substitutive revenging satisfaction for the infinite dishonor God suffers at the sin of Adam. This meditation will attempt to bring out how the rhetorical ergon of the work upon faith and conscience drives the sinner to see the necessity of the marriage of human with divine natures offered in Christ and how that marriage raises both man and creation out of sin and its defects. This explanation should exhibit both to believers, who seek to understand, and to unbelievers (primarily Jews and Muslims), from a common root, a solution "intelligible to all, and appealing because of its utility and the beauty of its reasoning" (1.1). Anselm’s Cur Deus Homo is the locus classicus for a theory of Incarnation and Atonement which exhibits Christ as providing the substitutive revenging satisfaction for the infinite dishonor God suffers at the sin of Adam (and company).1 There are elements in it, however, which seem to point quite differently from such a view. This meditation will attempt to bring further into the open how the rhetorical ergon of the work upon “faith and conscience”2 shows something new in this Paschal event, which cannot be well accommodated to the view which makes Christ a scapegoat killed for our sin.3 This ergon upon the conscience I take—in what I trust is a most suitably monastic fashion—to be more important than the theoretical theological shell which Anselm’s discussion with Boso more famously leaves behind. -
EPISTEMIC CIRCULARITY: MALIGNANT and BENIGN Michael Bergmann
EPISTEMIC CIRCULARITY: MALIGNANT AND BENIGN Michael Bergmann Consider the following dialogue: Juror #1: You know that witness named Hank? I have doubts about his trustworthiness. Juror #2: Well perhaps this will help you. Yesterday I overheard Hank claiming to be a trustworthy witness. Juror #1: So Hank claimed to be trustworthy did he? Well, that settles it then. I’m now convinced that Hank is trustworthy. Is the belief of Juror #1 that Hank is a trustworthy witness justified? Most of us would be inclined to say it isn’t. Juror #1 begins by having some doubts about Hank’s trustworthiness, and then he comes to believe that Hank is trustworthy. The problem is that he arrives at this belief on the basis of Hank’s own testimony. That isn’t reasonable. You can’t sensibly come to trust a doubted witness on the basis of that very witness’s testimony on his own behalf.1 Now consider the following soliloquy: Doubter: I have some doubts about the trustworthiness of my senses. After all, for all I know, they are deceiving me. Let’s see ... Hey, wait a minute. They are trustworthy! I recall many occasions in the past when I was inclined to hold certain perceptual beliefs. On each of those occasions, the beliefs I formed were true. I know that because the people I was with confirmed to me that they were true. By inductive reasoning, I can safely conclude from those past cases that my senses are trustworthy. There we go. It feels good to have those doubts about my senses behind me. -
The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:2 (1986:Summer) P.173
STANLEY, PHILLIP V., The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:2 (1986:Summer) p.173 The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus Phillip V. Stanley LTHOUGH THE ANCESTRY of the Athenian general Alcibiades A III remains obscure for the sixth century, his genealogy is as sumed to be secure for the fifth. The descent of the family from Alcibiades I to Alcibiades IV has been reconstructed by Vander pool in the following way:l Alcibiades J2 I Cleinias I I Alcibiades II I I Axiochus Cleinias II I I I I Cleinias III Alcibiades III Cleinias IV I Alcibiades IV I E. Vanderpool, "The Ostracism of the Elder Alcibiades," Hesperia 21 (I952) 1-8, esp. 6. Cr. M. B. Wallace, "Early Greek Proxenoi," Phoenix 24 (I 970) 196f; 1. K. DAVIES, Athenian Propertied Families (Oxford 1971 [hereafter APF)) 10-12. According to Isoc. 16.25f (delivered by Alcibiades IV, son of the general), Alcibiades I, the ally of Cleisthenes when he expelled Hippias from Athens, was the great-grandfather (1TpO- 1Ta1T1To~) of Alcibiades III. The general difficulty stems from the apparent need to reduce the number of generations separating Alcibiades I from Alcibiades III, believed to be five: if the number is not reduced, Alcibiades I would actually be the great-great grandfather of the general. 2 Roman numerals are those assigned in PA and APF. These numerals will continue to be used even when homonyms are added to the family's genealogy. In order to avoid the confusion that might result if a major overhaul of the numerical system for this family were attempted, and to preserve the numerical descent established for the branch of the family to which Alcibiades III belongs, the newly identified individual will be assigned the next available Roman numeral, even though he may be earlier than an individual with the same name whose number is lower. -
Problems in Athenian Democracy 510-480 BC Exiles
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1971 Problems in Athenian Democracy 510-480 B. C. Exiles: A Case of Political Irrationality Peter Karavites Loyola University Chicago Recommended Citation Karavites, Peter, "Problems in Athenian Democracy 510-480 B. C. Exiles: A Case of Political Irrationality" (1971). Dissertations. Paper 1192. http://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/1192 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1971 Peter. Karavites PROBLEMS IN ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY 510-480 B.C. EXILES A Case of Political Irrationality A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty o! the Department of History of Loyola University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy b;y Peter Karavites ?ROBLEt'.n IN ATP.EHIA:rT n:s::ocRACY 5'10-480 n.c. EXIL:ffi: A case in Politioal Irrationality Peter·KARAVIT~ Ph.D. Loyola UniVGl'Sity, Chicago, 1971 This thesis is m attempt to ev"aluate the attitude of the Athenian demos during the tormative years of the Cleisthenian democracy. The dissertation tries to trace the events of the period from the mpul sion of Hippian to the ~ttle of Sal.amis. Ma.tural.ly no strict chronological sequence can be foll.amtd.. The events are known to us only f'ragmen~. some additional archaeological Wormation has trickled dcmn to us 1n the last tro decad.all 11h1ch shed light on the edating historical data prO\Tided ma:1nly by Herodotus md Arletotle. -
Semi-Colonized: Malebranche, Freire and My Summer in Nanjing Shannon Dea, Dept
Shannon Dea Dept. of Philosophy Semi-Colonized: Malebranche, Freire and My Summer in Nanjing Shannon Dea, Dept. of Philosophy University of Waterloo [email protected] The opportunity Two dialogues Nicolas Malebranche, 1708 Paulo Freire, 1968 Malebranche’s dialogue • Chinese philosopher versus Christian philosopher • “insular eurocentrism” (Mungello, 1980) • Origins in mission work: an asymmetrical pedagogy Freire • “Banking model” of colonizer and colonized • Student-centred education • Conscientization • Dialogics What we did (two dialogues) • Critiqued Malebranche • Small groups in Chinese • “Li” translation • Oral dialogues A worry • What if dialogic pedagogy is more insidious than Malebranche’s? • What is the cost of effective teaching? Resistance is futile! When we make ourselves “accessible” to the students, we make it harder for them to resist us. Generalizing the worry… • Not just Chinese students • Not just Philosophy classes Why shouldn’t we colonize our students? • Because colonization creates intellectual monocultures • Because they are persons not objects. • Because, historically, colonialism has been the source of injustices. • Because we ought not to treat the future as a resource to be exploited. • Because this system of power is not worth reproducing just as it is. A question: How much should our students resist us? (And should we be the ones to decide?) Resistance vs. openness Semi-colonized? Even if our role as colonizers is inescapable, perhaps awareness of that fact, and resistance to it helps us to avoid the worst consequences of colonialism. Thank you! This talk would have been impossible without the intellectual generosity of Nicholas Ray and Rockney Jacobsen, who are jointly responsible for all of the good ideas and none of the bad ones. -
Excerpts from David Hume=S Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion
(4) Hume, Dialogues concerning Natural Religion. a. Text. Pubic domain. Excerpted, edited and annotated by A. C. Kibel Excerpts from David Hume=s Dialogues concerning Natural Religion ANatural Religion@ was a phrase appropriated to the notion of religious knowledge that did not depend upon a Revelation by GodCthe sort of religious doctrine that human beings could reason out for themselves without divine assistance. One assumption of Christianity had been that humanity was either too weak or too corrupt in mind (or both) to think clearly about religious fundamentals and that God in his mercy had revealed these fundamentals in the form of holy scriptures, whose interpretation conveyed doctrine about the nature of deity. Since the sixteenth century, however, the idea grew steadily that mankind could infer certain features of God=s existence by use of unaided reason in the study of the natural universe and its laws; this idea (associated with the view that God was immanent in the created world) was designated Atheism@ in the eighteenth-century. Closely allied with theism was the view of deism, which held that reason could establish the existence of God, quite apart from knowledge of his characteristics; this idea sometimes carried with it the notion that the fact of his existence was all we could know about him without divine revelation. Hume=s dialogue was composed in the decade before 1651 but was not published until after his death, in 1779, and the belief of most scholars is that he thought the doctrines it espoused were too radical to be exposed to the general public during his lifetime. -
Supplementary Anselm-Bibliography 11
SUPPLEMENTARY ANSELM-BIBLIOGRAPHY This bibliography is supplementary to the bibliographies contained in the following previous works of mine: J. Hopkins, A Companion to the Study of St. Anselm. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1972. _________. Anselm of Canterbury: Volume Four: Hermeneutical and Textual Problems in the Complete Treatises of St. Anselm. New York: Mellen Press, 1976. _________. A New, Interpretive Translation of St. Anselm’s Monologion and Proslogion. Minneapolis: Banning Press, 1986. Abulafia, Anna S. “St Anselm and Those Outside the Church,” pp. 11-37 in David Loades and Katherine Walsh, editors, Faith and Identity: Christian Political Experience. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990. Adams, Marilyn M. “Saint Anselm’s Theory of Truth,” Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale, I, 2 (1990), 353-372. _________. “Fides Quaerens Intellectum: St. Anselm’s Method in Philosophical Theology,” Faith and Philosophy, 9 (October, 1992), 409-435. _________. “Praying the Proslogion: Anselm’s Theological Method,” pp. 13-39 in Thomas D. Senor, editor, The Rationality of Belief and the Plurality of Faith. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995. _________. “Satisfying Mercy: St. Anselm’s Cur Deus Homo Reconsidered,” The Modern Schoolman, 72 (January/March, 1995), 91-108. _________. “Elegant Necessity, Prayerful Disputation: Method in Cur Deus Homo,” pp. 367-396 in Paul Gilbert et al., editors, Cur Deus Homo. Rome: Prontificio Ateneo S. Anselmo, 1999. _________. “Romancing the Good: God and the Self according to St. Anselm of Canterbury,” pp. 91-109 in Gareth B. Matthews, editor, The Augustinian Tradition. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999. _________. “Re-reading De Grammatico or Anselm’s Introduction to Aristotle’s Categories,” Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale, XI (2000), 83-112. -
Notes on Dialogue, St. John's College
Notes on Dialogue by Stringfellow Barr Perhaps the first obstacle to writing even these random notes on dialogue is that the very word, dialogue, has been temporarily turned into a cliché. Everybody is loudly demanding dialogue, and there is not much evidence that most of us are prepared to carry one on. Indeed, to borrow a traditional phrase from professional diplomats, conversations have deteriorated. But both radio and television, whether public or commercial, remind us daily that a lonely crowd hungers for dialogue, not only for the dialogue of theatre but also for the dialogue of the discussion program. * * * There is a pathos in television dialogue: the rapid exchange of monologues that fail to find the issue, like ships passing in the night; the reiterated preface, "I think that . .," as if it mattered who held which opinion rather than which opinion is worth holding; the impressive personal vanity that prevents each "discussant" from really listening to another speaker and that compels him to use this God-given pause to compose his own next monologue; the further vanity, or instinctive caution, that leads him to choose very long words, whose true meaning he has never grasped, rather than short words that he understands but that would leave the emptiness of his point of view naked and exposed to a mass public. There is pathos in the meaningless gestures: the extended chopping hands, fingers rigidly held parallel and together, the rigid wayward thumb pointing to heaven. A knowledgeable theatrical director would cringe at these gestures and would perhaps faint when the extended palms, one held in front of the other, are made to revolve rapidly around each other, thereby imitating and emphasizing the convolutions of a mind that races like a motor not in gear. -
Dialogue on Babbitt and Epistemology
Dialogue on Babbitt and Epistemology Babbitt, Literary Positivism, And Neo-Positivism A. Owen Aldridge University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign In a recent issue of this journal Professor Claes G. Ryn has raised the question of the legitimacy of classifying Irving Babbitt as an adherent to the method of literary criticism known as positivism.1 His remarks were stimulated by my own advocacy of restoring to common use a critical methodology, positivism, widely designated under that name, which Babbitt looked upon with favor. Labelling my renewed version neo-positivism, I described it as “a method of objective description allowing for esthetic and moral evaluations and welcoming multicul- turalism as represented by Babbitt at the beginning of the century and Etiemble at its end.” 2 Seeking a compromise between ap- proaches based on analysis of technique and those on culture, I pro- posed that “such a neo-positivism could embrace both stylistically- oriented studies and those tending toward history.” I also described Babbitt as “a self-proclaimed positivist.” Professor Ryn objected to my proposal on two principal grounds: 1) that positivism is a system appropriate to the natural sciences, but not to the humanities; 2) that Babbitt used the terms “positivist” and “positivism” loosely and that he did not in his own practice follow positivistic methodology. Before venturing an opinion on whether Professor Ryn’s objections are well founded, I shall give a brief sketch of the meaning of positiv- ism in history and a somewhat more extensive sketch of Babbitt’s treat- 1 “How We Know What We Know: Babbitt, Positivism and Beyond,” 8:1 (1995), 6- 25. -
Crucifixion in Antiquity: an Inquiry Into the Background and Significance of the New Testament Terminology of Crucifixion
GUNNAR SAMUELSSON Crucifixion in Antiquity Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2. Reihe 310 Mohr Siebeck Gunnar Samuelsson questions the textual basis for our knowledge about the death of Jesus. As a matter of fact, the New Testament texts offer only a brief description of the punishment that has influenced a whole world. ISBN 978-3-16-150694-9 Mohr Siebeck Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament · 2. Reihe Herausgeber / Editor Jörg Frey (Zürich) Mitherausgeber / Associate Editors Friedrich Avemarie (Marburg) Markus Bockmuehl (Oxford) James A. Kelhoffer (Uppsala) Hans-Josef Klauck (Chicago, IL) 310 Gunnar Samuelsson Crucifixion in Antiquity An Inquiry into the Background and Significance of the New Testament Terminology of Crucifixion Mohr Siebeck GUNNAR SAMUELSSON, born 1966; 1992 Pastor and Missionary Degree; 1997 B.A. and M.Th. at the University of Gothenburg; 2000 Μ. Α.; 2010 ThD; Senior Lecturer in New Testament Studies at the Department of Literature, History of Ideas and Religion, University of Gothenburg. ISBN 978-3-16-150694-9 ISSN 0340-9570 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 2. Reihe) Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbiblio graphie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ©2011 by Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was printed by Laupp & Göbel in Nehren on non-aging paper and bound by Buchbinderei Nadele in Nehren. -
HERODOTUS I I I 1 IV I I BOOKS VIII-IX I I I I L I I I I I I 1 I 1 I L I 1 I 1 I I I I L G Translated by I a D
I I 1 I 1 OEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY I i I 1 I I I m HERODOTUS I i I 1 IV i I BOOKS VIII-IX I i i I l I I I I i i 1 I 1 i l i 1 i 1 I I i I l g Translated by i A D. GODLEY i i I 1 I I iN Complete list of Lock titles can be V*o Jound at the end of each volume the historian HERODOTUS grc-at Greek was born about 484 B.C., at Halicar- nassus in Caria, Asia Minor, when it was subject to the Persians. He travelled in of Asia widely most Minor, Egypt (as as far Assuan), North Africa, Syria, the country north of the Black Sea, and many parts of the Aegean Sea and the mainland of Greece. He lived, it seems, for some time in Athens, and in 443 went with other colonists to the new city Thurii (in he died about South Italy) where 430 B.C. He was 'the prose correlative of the bard, a narrator of the deeds of real men, and a describer of foreign places' (Murray). His famous history of warfare between the Greeks and the Persians has an epic enhances his dignity which delightful style. It includes the rise of the Persian power and an account of the Persian the empire ; description of Egypt fills one book; because Darius attacked Scythia, the geography and customs of that land are also even in the later books on the given ; the Persians attacks of against Greece there are digressions.o All is most entertainingo a After and produces grand unity.