Alternative Geography Earcag | 9Th Meeting

EAST ASIAN REGIONAL CONFERENCE IN ALTERNATIVE GEOGRAPHY EARCAG | 9TH MEETING

For spatial justice: RETHINKING SOCIO-SPATIAL ISSUES FROM EAST ASIAN PERSPECTIVES

10–15 DECEMBER 2018 Daegu University (10 DEC) & Daegu EXCO (11-12 DEC) Field Trip (13-15 DEC)

| Local Organizing Committee Bae-Gyoon Park (Seoul National University) Byeongsun Jeong (Seoul Institute) Byung-Doo Choi (Daegu University) HaeRan Shin (Seoul National University) Hyunjoo Jung (Seoul National University) In Kwon Park (University of Seoul) Jin-Tae Hwang (Seoul National University) Jong Heon Jin (Kongju National University) Sanghun Lee (Hanshin University) Sang-hyun Chi (Kyunghee University) Seung-Ook Lee (Korea Advanced Institute of Science & Technology) Se Hoon Park (Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements) Young A Lee (Daegu University)

| International steering Committee Byung-Doo Choi (Daegu University) Bae-Gyoon Park (Seoul National University) Amriah Buang (Malaysia) Jim Glassman (University of British Columbia, Canada) Chu-joe Hsia (Nanjing University, China) Jinn-yuh Hsu (National Taiwan University, Taiwan) Fujio Mizuoka (Hitotsubashi University, Japan) Toshio Mizuuchi (Osaka City University, Japan) Wing-Shing Tang (Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong)

| Organizers

| Sponsors

CONtents

Conference aims and theme 2

Keynote speakers 3

Program at a glance 9

Sessions 12

Abstracts 23

Map & Floor Plan 94

Useful information 97

| Conference aims and theme

In January 1999, the East Asian Regional Conference in Alternative Geography (EARCAG) was held in Gyeongju and Daegu, South Korea, where twenty scholars assembled to discuss research on the theme of ‘Socio-Spatial Issues for East Asian Countries in the 21st Century’. Since this inaugural gathering, scholars within the expanding EARCAG network have witnessed complex socio-spatial changes in East Asia that have served to produce and re-shape various forms of inequality, injustice, and precarity, and they have sought to critically examine these issues from East Asian perspectives.

Twenty years later, at the same location as EARCAG’s first conference in South Korea, we will revisit these socio-spatial questions with the hopes of promoting spatial justice. We are particularly interested in considering the relationship between East Asian spaces and the variety of methods that both guide the organization of space and our understandings of that space.

The aim of EARCAG is to provide a platform for critical geographers and other social scientists to debate social and spatial issues in East Asia. Critical social scientists have observed increasing complexities, interdependencies, and inequalities in the development of capitalism and geopolitics over the world. Recent geopolitical tensions, particularly in East Asia, have produced convergent social and spatial concerns. What are the socio-spatial issues that act as impediments to spatial justice in East Asia? How are the issues approached in relation to Asian capitalism, politics, and the affects thereof?

This year’s EARCAG session topics include but are not limited to:

• Division, conflict and peace in East Asia • Embedded developmentalism and spatial justice in post-developmental-state society; post-territorial dynamics of spatial justice • Right to the cities and urban commons • Geography of precarity • Gender, Space and Justice; Gendered migration within and from East Asia • Alternative spaces for spatial justice; critical geopolitics for spatial justice • Mobilities as threats to and possibilities for spatial justice; Mobilities promoted and mobilized under the post-developmental state • Challenge of climate change and risk governance in East Asia • Environmental justice; critical geography for nature and the environment • Urban alienation and just city in East Asia • Uneven regional development and spatial justice • Equity issues in cities and regions under Neo-liberalism; Planning and policy issues for social justice from East Asian perspective • Transnational migration, multiculturalism, and global justice

| Keynote speakers

keynote speaker I Byung-Doo Choi is a professor in the Department of Geography at Daegu University. His work bears on the problems arising in modern capitalist cities.

Abstract Spatial Justice and the De-alienated City

The process of neoliberal globalization which has evolved for the last half century has increased a integration of world economy market, extending and intensifying the capitalist economic system throughout the world on the one hand. But on the other, this process has resulted in a fragmentation and compartmentalization of our society due to its nature of exclusivity and polarization, heightening a multi-faceted and multi-scalar boundaries with translucent glass wall. This seems what has been implied in Neil Smith's theory of uneven development as a process of equalization and differentiation(Smith, 2008). Most countries in East Asia as well as others on the globe have gone through this kind of process with an increasing socio-spatial compartment and polarization, which has arisen numerous unfair relations and unjust events in every corners of our society. This is why we take 'spatial justice' into a consideration seriously and intensively as the main theme of in this conference. Our enthusiasm in this conference is to reveal and oppose to this kind of socio-spatial unjust differentiation and exclusion, and to pursue alternative geographies for production of space of justice.

The concept of spatial justice is not an easy term to be defined, even though it is now likely a familiar one to human geographers. This term would neither be properly defined as a sub-category of social justice, nor with a translation or application of existing concepts of social justice into spatial contexts. As Butler(2016) suggests, spatial justice seems to be most appropriately understood with a relational and dynamic concept of space (that is, space as a set of relations among people and things, or as a 'sphere of coexisting heterogeneity' in Massey's term), and with a concept of justice interpreted on the basis of Lefebvre's concept of moment as a 'modality of presence' which arises from

the spatiality of everyday life. According to Lefebvre, moments of justice is an 'impossible possibility' from which 'the possible/impossible' dialectical movement begins'(Lefebvre, 2002).

When we think of spatial justice, it is often conceptualized with absolutely normative terms, This sort of Justice provokes utopian moments in everyday life. But because it proclaims itself to be an absolute, the moment of justice defines its alienation and its specific negativity, In this sense, the moment of justice can be situated as lying at the intersection of the utopian and the tragic. Even though the concepts of moment and alienation can be traced back to Hegel's theory of dialectics, we are mainly focusing on these concepts in relation to spatial (in)justice. Realizing (spatial) justice is to escape form such alienated situations, or especially for Lefebvre, to rupture the banality of the everyday life.

As seen above, space is not a thing but a relation of things and its ongoing dynamic process. Then when we consider spatial justice, we need to deal with not merely spatial products, but production of space more importantly. In other words, a formulation of spatial justice can include concept of distributive justice, as certain kinds of physical goods such as buildings (eg. hospital), land blocks, etc. might be distributable. But what is more important for theory of spatial justice is to formulate justice of production as well as justice of recognition, Justice of production does not merely comprise justice in work places for dealienation of workers, but more comprehensively justice in socio-spatial relation of production in capitalist society in general, and justice of production of the city in particular. From this point of view, the right to the city can be generalized as a claim of alienated urban people for justice of production of urban space, as stressed by Harvey that "all those whose labors are engaged in producing and reproducing the city have a collective right not only to that which they produce, but also to decide what kind of urbanism is to be produced where, and how" (Harvey, 2012, 137).

Reference Butler, C., 2016, Space, politics, justice, in Butler, C. and Mussawir, E.(eds), Space of Justice: Peripheries, Passages, Appropriations, Routledge, New York. 113-131. Harvey, D., 2012, Rebel Cities: From the right to the City to the Urban Revolution, Verso. Lefebvre, A., 2002, Critique of Everyday Life, vol.2. (translated by J. Moore), Verso. Smith, N., 2008, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the production of space, Univ. of Georgia Press.

keynote speaker II Jinn-yuh Hsu is a professor in the Department of Geography at National Taiwan University. He is interested in regional development, industrial organization, and community empowerment.

Abstract Spatial Justice of State Zoning in East Asia

Over the past five decades the proliferation of special economic zones (SEZs) and export processing zones (EPZs) has been crucial to the emergence of Asian economic power. As a policy technology, zoning is used to alter strategic, political, economic, and social conditions in a specific locality to attract foreign investment, technology, and international expertise. The demonstration and experimentation effects of the zoning phenomena lead to zone proliferation and policy learning across the East Asian Developmental States (EADS). While a number of zones take advantage of dynamic agglomeration and engage in industrial upgrading, some zones become the fields of (female) labor super-exploitation and environment super-destruction. Zones, in some cases, mutate from the recipient of transnational capital and merge in the intertwined production networks to the bases of national champions and prides, but in other cases, they remain the corporate tax-evasion enclaves of foreign capital and test-bed of graduated sovereignty. It becomes difficult but imperative to evaluate the zoning phenomena based on the multiple dimensions, including regional development and spatial fairness, in different stages of the zone planning, construction and governance. I will deal with the issue of justice in this talk on zoning in EADS.

keynote speaker III Don Mitchell is a professor in the Department of Social and Economic Geography at Uppsala University. He focuses on understanding the political-economic determinants of landscapes, cultures, and urban public spaces.

Abstract Revolting New York: How 400 Years of Riot, Revolt, Uprising, and Revolution Shaped a City

Riots, revolts, uprisings, and revolutions have been a near-constant and a decisive force in shaping New York City’s landscape. From the revolt of the Munsee Indians in the 1640s to Black Lives Matters in the present, political and social tumult has – to a far larger degree than is usually appreciated – determined flows of investment, neighborhood restructurings, and everyday life of the metropolis. Drawing on research begun by Neil Smith and his students in a seminar on the Geography of Revolution and just now published, I will show how one of the determinants of the morphology and meaning of the urban landscape is revolt and riot, uprising and revolution – anarchists exploding bombs, gardeners claiming empty lots and holding them militantly, the inchoate rage of looters, the occupation of buildings, massive marches, violence by police and protesters. There is at play in the making of the landscape, I will contend, a constant dialectic of spatial form and social revolt, and it is important to understand this dialectic if we want to understand the making of cities as well as the possibilities for social justice in them. Or, as the Harlem Renaissance writer Allain Locke suggested, the 1935 Harlem riot – and by extension other moments of upheaval – was “a revealing flash of lightning.” Revolting New York – both the book and my remarks in this talk – tells the story of the city as it has been not only revealed by such lightning flashes, but also and especially how it has been remade by the lightning strikes of revolt. In doing so, I think, it makes palpable just how power is built into the landscape – and why. Through both descriptions of revolt large and small as well as historical-geographical analysis (and lots of images), this talk will not only show the remaking of New York’s landscape, but also why it is vital to understand such remaking within the totality of long-term historical change.

keynote speaker IV HaeRan Shin is a professor in the Department of Geography at Seoul National University (SNU). She came to SNU in 2013 from University College London. She focuses on urban politics, critical geopolitics, and migrant studies.

Abstract The Cultural Politics of Urban Development: Art, Memory and Urban Boosterism in Gwangju

This study looks at the process of arts-based urban boosterism particularly in the case of post-developmental lower-tier cities. It illustrates what happens when the cultural politics of urban development is crossed, on the one hand, with the memorialisation of political trauma, and on the other hand, with the growth obsession of secondary cities in East Asian post-developmental states. I use the concept of ‘the politics of cultural economy’ to illustrate both the integration of and the tension between culture and economy. The cultural economy is the product of a dynamic process of interference, resistance, communication, compromise, and integration involving different agents from various urban development projects. Both the conflict and integration between culture and economy are significant and urban development becomes a contested space where key discourses and values are constantly negotiated and renegotiated.

This study asks: How are the politics of cultural economy constituted in post- developmental second-tier cities? How do memorialisation and economic growth encounter and constantly re-negotiate with each other? The case is Gwangju in South Korea, a city that staged the May 18 Democratic Uprising, the biggest political event in South Korea’s recent history. To insiders and outsiders, the city has been largely associated with a tragic collective memory of lives sacrificed for democratisation, suppressed memorialisation, the continuing stigma of negative regionalism, and the significant burden of emotional and physical scars the victims and their supporters still carry a significant. Despite the importance of those themes, the important implication of

the case faces the same struggle between desperate developmentalism and cultural meaning as any number of secondary cities. Through a longitudinal study from 1995 when the Gwangju Biennale started to 2017 when the Asian Culture Centre was constructed, I want to answer the question of how developmental second-tier cities’ urban fortunes are situated within the politics of cultural economy. In cultural politics, different desires – culture and economy – conflict and constantly territorialise the discourses and relations of key actors. On the one hand, the economic growth desire is based on embedded developmentalism at an urban level combined with the awareness of the particular city’s lack of economic development and second-tier cities’ general need for competitiveness. While the policies of a developmental state are no longer practised, developmentalism as a way of dealing with economic growth has become embedded on local and personal scales as a form of state- dependent growth-orientation. On the other hand, the desire to memorialise a tragic history, which had been suppressed for many years, was promoted and supported by the nation state. The urban regeneration project was seen as an opportunity to re-define the city as a city of justice and a city of human right. The Gwangju stories also illustrate conflicting desires towards the future through talking about the past are assembled and shift urban landscape. In demonstrating these points, the research contributes to the dialogue surrounding postcolonial urban development.

|Program at a glance

th Monday 10 December, 2018 DAEGU UNIVERSITY Registration 08:30 – 09:00 Lobby, 17F, Seongsan Hall (성산홀) Opening Address by President Sang Ho Kim 09:00 – 09:10 Daegu University Sky Lounge, 17F, Seongsan Hall (성산홀) Keynote Speech I

09:10 – 10:40 Professor Byung-Doo Choi Daegu University Sky Lounge, 17F, Seongsan Hall (성산홀) 10:40 – 11:00 BREAK Keynote Speech II

11:00 – 12:40 Professor Jinn-Yuh Hsu National Taiwan University Sky Lounge, 17F, Seongsan Hall (성산홀) LUNCH 12:40 – 14:00 Cafeteria, 2F, E1-9 (동편복지관) Sessions (1) 14:00 – 15:40 1-1 1-2 1-3 1-4 Rm. 1111, E1-3 Rm. 1112, E1-3 Rm. 202, W2-3 Rm. 203, W2-3 (교수학습지원관) (교수학습지원관) (평생교육관) (평생교육관) 15:40 – 16:00 BREAK Sessions (2) 16:00 – 17:40 2-1 2-2 2-3 2-4 Rm. 1111, E1-3 Rm. 1112, E1-3 Rm. 202, W2-3 Rm. 203, W2-3 17:40 – 18:00 BREAK DINNER Congratulatory Address by Dr. Jang Min Choo 18:00 – 19:00 Korea Environment Institute (KEI) || Sponsored by Korea Environment Institute (KEI) || Sky Lounge, 17F, Seongsan Hall (성산홀)

th Tuesday 11 December, 2018 DAEGU EXCO Registration 08:30 – 09:00 Lobby, 3F, New Building (above Halls 1&2) Sessions (3) 09:00 – 10:40 3-1 3-2 3-3 3-4 Rm. 322A Rm. 322B Rm. 323A Rm. 323B 10:40 – 11:00 BREAK Sessions (4) 11:00 – 12:40 4-1 4-2 4-3 4-4 Rm. 322A Rm. 322B Rm. 323A Rm. 323B

LUNCH 12:40 – 14:00 GaeJeong (개정), 17F, Hotel Inter-Burgo EXCO Sessions (5) 14:00 – 15:40 5-1 5-2 5-3 5-4 Rm. 322A Rm. 322B Rm. 323A Rm. 323B 15:40 – 16:00 BREAK Keynote Speech III

16:00 – 17:40 Professor Don Mitchell Uppsala University Rm. 325, Banquet Hall 17:40 – 18:00 BREAK DINNER 18:00 – 19:00 || Sponsored by Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements (KRIHS) || Rm. 325, Banquet Hall

th Wednesday 12 December, 2018 DAEGU EXCO Registration 08:30 – 09:00 Lobby, 3F, New Building (above Halls 1&2) Keynote Speech IV

09:00 – 10:40 Professor HaeRan Shin Seoul National University Rm. 324, New Building 10:40 – 11:00 BREAK Sessions (6) 11:00 – 12:40 6-1 6-2 6-3 6-4 Rm. 322A Rm. 322B Rm. 323A Rm. 323B

LUNCH 12:40 – 14:00 Not Provided Sessions (7) 14:00 – 15:40 7-1 7-2 7-3 7-4 Rm. 322A Rm. 322B Rm. 323A Rm. 323B 15:40 – 16:00 BREAK Round-up Discussions Chaired by Professor Bae-Gyoon Park Seoul National University

16:00 – 17:40 Panelists: Jamie Doucette (University of Manchester), Jong Heon Jin (Kongju University), June Wang (City University of Hong Kong), Szu-Yun Hsu (University of British Columbia), Takashi Yamazaki (Osaka City University) Rm. 324, New Building 17:40 – 18:00 BREAK

DINNER 18:00 – 19:00 MaekChamSutBul (맥참숯불), Korean BBQ

| Sessions

Monday 10th December, 2018 DAEGU UNIVERSITY Sessions (1) 14:00 – 15:40

1-1. Governance, Government, and Grassroots Room 1111, E1-3 | Chair: Young Rae Choi (Florida International University)

1- Intergovernmental Collaborations and Spatial Justice: The Case of Seoul | Seungbin Park (Korea University) 2- Uprooting People, Planting Trees: Disentangling Beijing’s “Poverty Belt” and its “Green Necklace” | Sam Kay (The Ohio State University) 3- The Role of Intermediaries in Collaborative Governance: The Case of Seoul Innovation Park | Youjung Song (Korea University)

1-2. Law and Justice Geography Room 1112, E1-3 | Chair: June Wang (City University of Hong Kong)

1- Judicialisation of Welfare under Neo-liberalism in Japan: A Case of the Child Guidance Centre | Fujio Mizuoka (Hitotsubashi University) 2- Law, Urban Infrastructure, and Land (In)justice: A New Explanation of New Town in British Hong Kong in the 1980s | Maurice Kwan-Chung Yip (Hong Kong Baptist University) 3- Stories of Property: Revealing Bangalore North’s Scalar Crises | Solomon Benjamin (Indian Institute for Human Settlements)

1-3. Othering and the Othered Room 202, W2-3 | Chair: Sanghun Lee (Hanshin University)

1- Exploring Urban Precarity of East Asia from Carceral Geographies: Geopolitics of Semi-private ‘Vagrant Facilities’ in South Korea, 1950s | Hyun-Chul Kim (University of Toronto)

2- Ghosts in Wen-Meng-Lo：From the Othering of a Brothel to the Grounding of a Political Radicalism | Jung-Che Chang (National Taiwan University) 3- Pursuing Positive Development? Social Conflict and Cooperation in the Closure of the Red- Light District in Suwon and Daegu | Heejin Choi (Center for Asian Cities) 4- Beyond Diva? --“Goddess Worship” in Taiwan | Jyun-Lan Hong (National Taiwan University)

1-4. Spatial Justice in Planning* Room 203, W2-3 | Chair: Seung-Ook Lee (Korea Advanced Institute of Science & Technology)

1- In the Middle of Government and Citizen: Urban Regeneration Activists and Government-Civil Society Relation in Seoul, Korea | Se Hoon Park, Jueun Kim (Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements, University College London) 2- Urban Inclusivity of (Post) Developmental States in East Asia | In Kwon Park, Zhe Hong (University of Seoul) 3- Spatial Justice, Urbanisation of (East Asian) Capital, and the Rise of Enclave Urbanism in Vietnam | Hyun Bang Shin (London School of Economics and Political Science) 4- Developmentalist Cities? Debating Urban Developmentalism in Korea and East Asia | Jamie Doucette, Bae Gyoon Park (The University of Manchester, Seoul National University)

*Special session sponsored by Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements (KRIHS)

Sessions (2) 16:00 – 17:40

2-1. Resilience of Cities, Villages, and People Room 1111, E1-3 | Chair: In Kwon Park (University of Seoul)

1- A Reconsideration on Neighbourhood Regeneration from the Perspective of Smart Shrinkage | Ju Eun Kim (University College London) 2- Beautiful Villages in 21st century Japan: Post-Growth Landscapes of Emptiness or Transforming Spaces towards Rural Resilience? | Wendy Wuyts, Ha T Minh Phuc, Guo Jing (Nagoya University) 3- A Behavioral Approach to Economic Resilience of Korean Industrial Cities in Jeopardy | Hanbyul Shim (Seoul National University)

2-2. Politics of Urban Development Room 1112, E1-3 | Chair: Se Hoon Park (Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements)

1- In the Name of Taiwan: The Bordering of Nation/State Spatial Transformation in Haixi Economic Zone, China | Ling-I Chu (National Taiwan University) 2- S. Korea's Developmental Urbanization and Birth of State-nature: Miracle of Han-river and Urban Political Ecological Challenges | Jun Su Kim (Yonsei University) 3- China Meets Jeju Island: The Politics of Making Special Security/Economy Zone in East Asia | Seung-Ook Lee (Korea Advanced Institute of Science & Technology)

2-3. Struggling with and in Precarity Room 202, W2-3 | Chair: Fujio Mizuoka (Hitotsubashi University)

1- Precarious Housing Pathways of Young Adults in Korea | Miseon Park (Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements) 2- The Labour Issue in Transnational Cinema: Mobility/Precarity of Screen Artists | June Wang (City University of Hong Kong) 3- The Genealogy of the Precariats’ Space in Tokyo | Didi Han (London School of Economics and Political Science)

2-4. Environmental Cooperation* Room 203, W2-3 | Chair: Maurice Kwan-Chung Yip (Hong Kong Baptist University)

1- Slippery Ontologies of Tidal Flats | Young Rae Choi (Florida International University) 2- The Grain for Green Reforestation Programs in China: Socio-economic Consequences, Design Flaws, and Reforms | Claudio Delang (Hong Kong Baptist University) 3- Politicizing Dust: Production of Riskscapes of Fine Particulate Matters in South Korea and China | Sanghun Lee (Hanshin University) 4- Implications for South-North Korean Environmental Cooperation: Focused on the Environmental Issues from Agricultural Production of the Korean Peninsula | Soo Jeong Myeong (Korea Environment Institute)

*Special session sponsored by Korea Environment Institute (KEI)

Tuesday 11th December, 2018 DAEGU EXCO Sessions (3) 09:00 – 10:40

3-1. Transformation and Development Room 322A | Chair: Young A Lee (Daegu University)

1- From the Developmental State to the Regenerational State?: Governing the Surplus in the Post-developmental Seoul, South Korea | Hyunjoon Shin (Sungkonghoe University) 2- Contesting Financial Nationalism in Post-developmental Taiwan | Szu-Yun Hsu (University of British Columbia) 3- Transforming Dortmund in Germany: from a Smoke-stack Steel Town to a High-technology Industrial Town | Dong-Ho Shin (Hannam University)

3-2. Scales in Development and Movement Room 322B | Chair: Yimin Zhao (Renmin University of China)

1- Urban Restructuring, Institutions, Networks and Urbanization in Northern East Sea Rim: A Comparative Study in Hunchun and Vladivostok | Youngjin Choi (Kyunghee University) 2- East Sea Rim: Cross-Sea Regional Development Plans to Counteract Spatial Injustice | Outi Luova (University of Turku) 3- Thought of “Right to Life” in the Anti-CTS Movement and Citizen’s Movement in Ryukyu Arc | Koji Nakashima (Kanazawa University) 4- The Hong Kong-Macau-Zhuhai Bridge: Scale making in the Pearl River Delta, China | Brian Scanlon (National Taiwan University)

3-3. Border and Identity Room 323A | Chair: Lachlan Barber (Hong Kong Baptist University)

1- Let’s Talk About Love: Hong Kong’s Geopolitical Narratives of Emotion and Stories of Lifestyle Migrants in Taiwan | Tsung-yi Michelle Huang (National Taiwan University) 2- Singing About “Taiwaneseness” in Taike and Little Freshness | Liang-Chi Chen (National Taiwan University)

3- A Town Built upon Dollar: Informal Economy, Spatial Structure, and Authoritarian Control in Post-war Korean Camptowns | Suyoung Kang, Yoonai Han (Seoul National University, London School of Economics and Political Science) 4- Cultural Geography of Dating in South Korea’s Urban Landscape | Yewon Hong (University of Amsterdam)

3-4. The Politics of Planning and Discourses Room 323B | Chair: Po-Yi Hung (National Taiwan University)

1- The Changes of Chinese Academic Engagement in Plan Making Practices Since 2000 | Chunxue Gu (University College London) 2- Smart City as a Discursive Strategy under Overaccumulation in Built Environment: A Marxist Interpretation Based on a Case Study of Songdo International Business District | Jung Won Sonn, Junghwa Hurr (University College London, Seoul National University)

Sessions (4) 11:00 – 12:40

4-1. Post-socialist Development and Exclusions Room 322A | Chair: Takashi Yamazaki (Osaka City University)

1- Spaces of Social Exclusion: Spatial Inequality, Social Injustice and Urban Change | Luděk Sýkora (Charles University) 2- “Land Kings” and the Territorial Logic of the Chinese state | Yimin Zhao (Renmin University of China) 3- City-regionalism as Geopolitical Processes: The Evolution and Dynamics of Yangtze River Delta Region, China | Yi Li, Andrew E.G. Jonas (Hohai University, University of Hull)

4-2. The Politics of Mobilities and Migrants Room 322B | Chair: Jamie Doucette (University of Manchester)

1- Creating Exclusionary Spaces to Enter the Public: The Spatial Politics of Nepalese Restaurants in a Globalising Seoul | Seonyoung Seo (Yonsei University)

2- Why Do African Students Choose to Study in South Korea? | Victor Owusu, Nana Yaw Oppong-Yeboah (Seoul National University) 3- Urbanizing Mobility Justice: Hong Kong’s Mobilities Regime | Lachlan Barber (Hong Kong Baptist University)

4-3. Theorizing the Urban of East Asia* Room 323A | Chair: Wing-Shing Tang (Hong Kong Baptist University) Organizer: Wei-Chieh Hung (Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey)

1- Making Theorization Matter: Rereading State-Society Relationship of Taiwan’s Housing Policy | Wei-Chieh Hung (Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey) 2- The Transformation from Failure: A Case Study of Nanjichang Community in Taipei | Wei-Ting Sheng (The Chinese University of Hong Kong) 3- Brokering Spaces: The Analysis on Institution and Power of Social Housing in Taiwan | Chih-Hua Tseng (National Taiwan University) *Organized Session

4-4. Equity in Planning Room 323B | Chair: Hyun Joo Jung (Seoul National University)

1- Dynamics Between Urban Economic Development and the Development of Urban Public Goods: The History of Planning and Building Parks in Ulsan, South Korea | Woo-cheol Kim (University of British Columbia) 2- Housing Allocation in a Redeveloped Neighbourhood in China: Luck Egalitarianism or Real Justice? | Him Chung (Hong Kong Baptist University) 3- Development and Policy of Housing and Impact of Young people’s Movement: Cases of Taipei and Seoul | Eunyoung Yu (National Taiwan University) 4- Land Grabbing, Forced Evictions and Land Justice Movement in Taiwan | Shih-Jung Hsu, Li-Min Liao (National Chengchi University, China University of Technology)

Sessions (5) 14:00 – 15:40

5-1. Housing Development and Spatial Justice Room 322A | Chair: Him Chung (Hong Kong Baptist University)

1- Market-oriented Housing Development | Chao Yuan (University of Bristol) 2- Role sharing Models of Supply and Management of Public Housing in Seoul | Chang-heum Byeon (Sejong University) 3- Spaces of Entrepreneurial Welfare: Public Assistance and the Inner City in Osaka, Japan | Johannes Kiener (Osaka City University) 4- Boundaries, Limits and Flows –Conceptualizing Natural Resource Management in Times of Increasing Resource Pressures | Bettina Bluemling (Utrecht University)

5-2. Relocating Asian Borders in Everyday Life* Room 322B | Chair: Bridget Martin (University of California, Berkeley) Organizer: Po-Yi Hung (National Taiwan University)

1- Refugee Policies and Identity Politics: the Cases of Tibetan Communities in Exile | Yu-Shan Liu (National Chi Nan University) 2- The Local in Question: Politics of Border and Mobility of the Tea Trade between Vietnam and Taiwan | Po-Yi Hung (National Taiwan University) *Organized Session

5-3. Gender and Spatial Justice I: Community, Housing and Social Reproduction* Room 323A | Chair: Herng-Dar Bih (National Taiwan University) Organizers: Laam Hae (York University), Yi-Ling Chen (University of Wyoming)

1- Vietnamese Marriage Migrants’ Place-making in Seoul: The Case of Vietnamese Class for Multicultural Children | Bui Thi My Hang (Seoul National University) 2- Activist Parenting? The Crisis of Social Reproduction and Community Childcare Coops in Korea | Laam Hae (York University)

3- Making "My Home": Spatial Strategies of Young Women as Housing Precariat | Minji Gwon (Seoul National University) 4- Interstitial Spaces of Caring and Community: Commodification, Modernization and the Dislocations of Everyday Practice within Beijing’s hutong Neighborhoods | Melissa Y. Rock (State University of New York at New Paltz) *Organized Session

5-4. Housing in East Asia* Room 323B | Hyun Bang Shin (London School of Economics and Political Science) Yi-Ling Chen (University of Wyoming)

*Book Launch Panel Session

Wednesday 12th December, 2018 DAEGU EXCO Sessions (6) 11:00 – 12:40

6-1. Right to the City Room 322A | Chair: Youngjin Choi (Kyunghee University)

1- Solidarity Infrastructures: Practices of Commonings of Alternative Asia | Pelin Tan (University of Cyprus) 2- Green Urban Infrastructure and the Right to the City: Exploring New Approaches to Citizenship and Urban Livelihood Security | Fred Krüger, Alexandra Titz, Axel Drescher (University of Erlangen-Nürnberg (FAU)) 3- Right to the City in Top-dong, Jeju: Resident Movement for Value Capture in Land Reclamation | Youjeong Oh (The University of Texas at Austin) 4- Global Urban Food Policy Network and Making East Asian Food Commons | Nam-Hyuk Hur (Daegu University)

6-2. Exclusive vs. Inclusive Room 322B| Chair: Masato Mori (Mie University)

1- Gentrification is Dead in East Asia: ‘Nano’-isation in Hong Kong | Wing-Shing Tang, Maurice Kwan-Chung Yip (Hong Kong Baptist University)

2- Multinational Enclave as a By-product of the Korean Government Scholarship Program | Yulii Kim (Seoul National University) 3- Inner-city Service hubs in East-Asian context: A geography of voluntary services for migrant workers in Singapore | Geerhardt Kornatowski (Kyushu University)

6-3. Gender and Spatial Justice II: Struggles over Representation and Uneven Development * Room 323A | Chair: Laam Hae (York University) Organizers: Laam Hae (York University), Yi-Ling Chen (University of Wyoming)

1- Urban Floods in Can Tho City, Vietnam: Vulnerability and Resilience among Women | Ly Quoc Dang (Chiang Mai University) 2- The Formation of Feminist Student Club（女性研究社), NTU | Herng-Dar Bih (National Taiwan University) 3- The Emergence of the Jackfruit Woman | Michael Leung (Hong Kong Baptist University) 4- Women’s Body Represented in Japanese Urban Landscape: Consideration of Visual Images of “Moe” Characters for Regional Promotion | Tamami Fukuda (Osaka Prefecture University) *Organized Session

6-4. Alternative Place-making Room 323B | Chair: Toshio Mizuuchi (Osaka City University)

1- Ethnography of the South Korean Kwinong (귀농, 歸農, return-to-farming) Movement: Designing an Alternative Life | Elise Youn (University of California, Berkeley) 2- Spatial Justice in the Form of Ethnic Placemaking by Latin American Migrant Minorities in Seoul, South Korea | Cassandra Gutierrez Rosales (Seoul National University) 3- Graffito Poetics and Politics in Contemporary China: The Spatialization of Urban Resistance in a Nation without Speech | Nick R. Smith (Yale-NUS College) 4- Public Space in the Making through Occupation: Case Study of Sewolho Gwangjang, Gwanghwamun, Seoul | Yerin Jin (Seoul National University)

Sessions (7) 14:00 – 15:40

7-1. Urban Spectacles and Social Injustice in the Global East* Room 322A | Chair & Organizer: Hyun Bang Shin (London School of Economics and Political Science)

1- Gentrification and Revanchism in the Olympic City：The Case Study of Tokyo | Takeshi Haraguchi (Kobe University) 2- The Winter Olympics and Rhetoric of Destroying the Nature – Examples of Sapporo and Pyeongchang | Miyo Aramata (Meiji University) 3- The New 2020 Tokyo Olympics Stadium and the Spatial Displacement | Eun-Hye Kim (Hitotsubashi University) 4- The Society of Spectacle in Shifting Geopolitical Economy of the Global East | Hyun Bang Shin (London School of Economics and Political Science) *Organized Session

7-2. “Kim Jiyong” in Academic Spaces: Uneven Gendered/Sexualized Development, Precarious Bodies, and the Question of ‘Alternative’ Geography * Room 322B | Chair: Hyun-Chul Kim1 Organizers: Hyun-Chul Kim1, Minji Gwon2, Yeryun Hong2 (University of Toronto1, Seoul National University2)

*Roundtable Session

7-3. Geopolitical Change and Consequences Room 323A | Chair: Hyun Joon Shin (Sungkonghoe University)

1- Political Geographical Reconfiguration of Socio-Technical System Theory: An Example of the Impact of North Korea Light-water Reactors (LWR) Construction Support Project on South-North Korea's Energy System | Boah Lee (Seoul National University) 2- Geopolitics of the Developmental Urbanism and the Mobilisation of the University in East Asia | Do Young Oh (London School of Economics and Political Science) 3- Material Nations: Geopolitics of Everyday Practices in the Postwar Japan | Masato Mori (Mie University)

4- Geopolitical Landscapes, Urban Aspirations: The Legal Geography of US (De)Militarization and Local Growth in South Korea | Bridget Martin (University of California - Berkeley)

7-4. Development and Well-being Room 323B | Chair: Jong Heon Jin (Kongju University)

1- The Impact of Social Trust on Socialization of Care: Focusing on Seoul | Gahwan Yoo (Ewha Womans University) 2- From Plausible Governance to Responsible Government in Urban Regeneration as Community Welfare | Young A Lee (Daegu University) 3- The Housing Safety as Bulwark Against Gentrification in Japan's Vulnerable Inner Cities | Toshio Mizuuchi1, Geerhardt Kornatowski2, Johannes Kiener1, Takuma Matsuo1 (Osaka City University1, Kyushu University2) 4- Commercial Gentrification by Accommodation Industry in Inner City of Tokyo | Tamura Fuminori (Seoul National University)

| Abstracts

1-1. Governance, Government, and Grassroots

1-1-1. Intergovernmental collaborations and spatial justice: The case of Seoul Seungbin Park (Korea University), [email protected]

This paper examines how the Seoul city government has boosted local-level intergovernmental collaborations to correct the existing top-down development strategies for spatial justice. After the inauguration of the current mayor, the Seoul city government supported in political, financial, and institutional ways the local-level intergovernmental collaborations among the four northeastern districts, Dobong-gu, Gangbuk-gu, Nowon-gu, and Seongbuk gu, which are economically lagging districts as the traditional bedroom towns of Seoul. This study explores how the Seoul city government helps the intergovernmental collaborations work properly and evaluates Seoul’s new attempts to remediate the spatial injustice through bottom- up strategies. This research is methodologically based on content analysis and interviews.

Keywords: spatial justice, intergovernmental collaboration, Seoul city government

1-1-2. Uprooting people, planting trees: Disentangling Beijing’s “poverty belt” and its “green necklace” Sam Kay (The Ohio State University), [email protected]

This paper examines Beijing’s “pínkùn dài” (poverty belt) and “lǜsè xiàngliàn” (green necklace) both as governance strategies and as actual spaces that embody different aspects of urbanization. That the green necklace and poverty belt overlap in many places is hardly a coincidence, yet the spatial overlap is just the most obvious manifestation of the intertwined processes that drive urbanization and create spatial gradients with wealth and ecological amenities on one side and poverty and ecological services on the other. China’s domestic governance strategies for balancing urbanization, rural development, and environmental protection hold broader implications for understanding its regime stability, geoengineering strategy, and rapidly-spreading governance and development models. The lopsided relationship between Beijing and surrounding Hebei province aptly reflects the uneven relationship between Chinese cities and rural areas since the founding of the PRC. I argue that even as the rural-urban economic imbalance is reduced—Xi Jinping has vowed to eliminate poverty in China by 2020—environmental imbalances may increase. Beijing relies on substantial water subsidies from other provinces, has off-sited all heavy industry and coal power plants to Hebei, and brought dramatically bluer skies to the capital during the 2017-18 winter heating season in part by cutting off coal heating to Hebei’s residents even before replacement systems were fully in place. To Beijing’s urban planning bureau and leaders, Hebei is seen as a

resource hinterland, and its mountainous areas are thought of as a first line of green defense, a “shield” that provides ecological protection in tandem with the capital’s own greenspaces. As Beijing’s urban footprint has grown, previously unwanted wasteland at the periphery has gradually become desirable real-estate, resulting in the progressive expulsion of communities of migrants engaged in activities such as recycling and light manufacturing. In the current drive to downsize (the footprint of built-up areas, population levels) and upgrade (economic activity, land value, and people), greenspaces hold appeal for planners as more desirable than informal low- cost housing. In the supposed absence of slums, Beijing’s government must rely on other concepts to pathologize areas slated for demolition. This paper examines two recent demolition campaigns meant to “upgrade” Beijing. One campaign’s stated purpose is to remove “non-core” functions (e.g. wholesale markets, light industry, migrant-owned shops) from the city. The other campaign’s stated purpose is to improve fire safety. The latter used the deaths of 19 migrant workers in a fire in November to unleash a 40-day demolition campaign that wiped entire neighborhoods off the map and displaced tens of thousands of people. As migrant communities are uprooted, they are being replaced in some cases by property development, and in other cases by greenspaces. I argue that the green necklace and the poverty belt—both as physical spaces and as ideas—cannot be properly understood except in terms of one another and their relationship to urbanization.

Keywords: urban greenspace, environmental gentrification, ecological services, geoengineering

1-1-3. The Role of Intermediaries in Collaborative Governance: The Case of Seoul Innovation Park Youjung Song (Korea University), [email protected]

This paper examines Seoul's new attempt for social innovation based on the collaboration of multiple actors and organizations. Seoul Metropolitan government initiated the collaborative governance by fostering the Seoul Innovation Park, which is specialized for social innovation derived from the citizens. This article focuses on analyzing the role of intermediaries as the leading coordinators of the governance and the interaction among intermediaries, city government and citizens in the Seoul Innovation Park. This study argues that the intermediaries, which are differentiated from the service deliverer for the city government, reflect and mediate citizens’ needs and insight and thus support the performance of the resident organizations formed by citizens. This study employs the multiple data from interviews, observation and site visits.

Keywords: Collaborative Governance, Intermediary, Social Innovation, Seoul Innovation Park

1-2. Law and Justice Geography

1-2-1. Judicialisation of Welfare under Neo-liberalism in Japan: A Case of the Child Guidance Centre Fujio Mizuoka (Hitotsubashi University), [email protected]

State provision of welfare under Fordism has suffered severe setback in neo-liberalism. In generic neo-liberalism, the bureaucrats are doomed to be scrapped in favour of small government; whereas in the East Asia with developmentalist or socialist legacy the government sector still remains large, or even the bureaucrats attempt to expand its turf. The author has termed it as neo-liberalism à la Orient. This paper demonstrates a typical aspect in this Oriental version of neo-liberalism, the judicilisation of welfare. Fordist welfare concept of pouvoir pastoral with strong propensity of the conservatorship nevertheless exercised state power – the coercing of the will of capitalist state upon the citizens, e.g. welfare policy for urban poor to avoid uprising. Judicialisation of welfare under neo- liberalism is something different from it: the transformation of welfare itself into the role of policing. It thereby oppresses citizens and has potential role to prevent seditions in case of state emergencies. Child guidance centre (CGC) is a typical case in point. Although it had existed in pre- WWII period as child health centre, the current CGC was established under the Child Welfare Act in 1947, after the US model. It initially catered for war orphans which created such nuisance as shoplifting and squatting. The recovery of Japanese economy and growing-up of the orphans reduced the needs of the CGC, which became target for scrapping as neo-liberalist structural adjustment was introduced in early 1981, instigated by the advent of Thatcherism. To counter this move, the Ministry of Health and Welfare (MHW) spotted the child abuse agenda, and began to propagate the child abuse prevention as the new task of the CGC. Legislation of Child Abuse Prevention Act in 2000 triggered drastic expansion of the vested interest of CGC and former orphanages. The MHLW (L for labour was added in 2001) ordered CGC to detain children in catch-as-catch-can manner without consideration of Article 9 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which demands court approval in detaining a child. Removing children from families aggressively, the CGC began to be dubbed ‘welfare police’. This human right infringement began attracting critical attention of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) through the scale-jumping action of the concerned citizens. The former chair of the investigation team of the CGC in 2010 on Japan criticised CGC unduly exercising a quasi-judicial role. The vice chairperson of incumbent UNCRC commented in 2018 that in human rights situation in Japan is in the state of Middle Ages. Recently, the MHLW began to assign a full-time lawyer to every CGC, which is a hallmark of judicialisation of welfare. Using these lawyers, the MHLW plans to detain youths preventively. The students engaging in anti-war movements could also be subject to detention in case of state emergency. This is no longer ‘welfare’ except for appearance, yet this is a way the state-run welfare could survive under neo-liberalism.

1-2-2. Law, Urban Infrastructure, and Land (In)justice: A New Explanation of New Town in British Hong Kong in the 1980s Maurice Kwan-Chung Yip (Hong Kong Baptist University), [email protected]

Locating in the North-western area of the New Territories, Tin Shui Wai new town in Hong Kong, currently accommodating 300,000 people, has been perceived as the ‘city of sadness’ because of the identified social problems. The existing literature on this new town always argues that these social problems were an outcome of planning failure and the latter was a result of the inevitable colonial government intervention to rescue the project failure of a China developer amid the market slump in 1982. It is the objective of this paper to demonstrate the new evidence against this argument. As the declassified files in the local government archives and the British National Archives reveal, resuming the land of Tin Shui Wai and cooperating with a China developer were believed to offer political advantages to the colonial government, and these were evidently part of the preparation for the Sino-British Negotiation over future of Hong Kong, immediately after Governor MacLehose’s visit to Peking in 1979. Two months before the British Prime Minister Thatcher’s visit to Peking in September 1982 which officially declared the opening of the Sino-British Negotiation, the colonial government publicly announced this new town development project. In other words, the land transaction between the colonial government and the developer had nothing to deal with the market downturn but was an outcome after rounds of considerations about the planning and management of the urban infrastructures of Hong Kong as well as the Sino-British negotiation. In order to offer a new explanation of this new town, this paper draws on the recently declassified archival files, judgement of litigation in court, ordinances and planning documents related to Tin Shui Wai and situate the case within the colonial context of Hong Kong. It addresses the politics of the spatiality of this new town and discusses how the government materialised the new town through a legal mechanism. In this paper, I conceptualise the leasehold land system as the legal mechanism in Hong Kong. Because of the land lease problem, the colony’s future was an uncertainty in the early 1980s; but also because of the land lease, the effective and efficient urban governance was ensured. This paper documents the legal changes favouring the development of this new town and unpacks the underlying political considerations behind these technical moves of law that governs the urban space. The legal changes have even evolved after the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed in 1984, and from which the land injustice in Hong Kong is originated. This paper contributes to the scholarship of legal geography and the debates around land (in)justice.

Keywords: legal geography, Hong Kong, land justice, urban infrastructure

1-2-3. Stories of Property: Revealing Bangalore North’s Scalar Crises Solomon Benjamin (Indian Institute for Human Settlements), [email protected]

Almost two decades ago, Bangalore promoting its brand as India’s if not South Asia’s Silicon Valley promoted its IT Corridor in Whitefeild, in the city’s Eastern precincts. By the middle 2005, it’s swanky airport, initially run by Zurich International moved north, led to an imagination in 2009 of even a larger mega territory. This was to be the Bangalore Int. Airport Area Planning Authority (BIAAPA) of 1330 sq. km in 2009 to include 564 villages. By 2018, the official tender now reduced to 451 sq.km and 228 villages lies almost a third of the earlier vision planned around what the planners call exclusive zones: Airport City, Aero-space Park, IT Region, Electronic Hardware Park, Software Technology Park, and a Global Financial District. The corporate policy effort now, vented in the media, is to save these grand schemes via pro-active planning to counter both a lack of planning and ‘over-development’. Using this case study, I aim to explore the connection between a crises that relates to an imagination of spatialized property that underpin the BIAL airport imagined as an mega territory by a development ‘state’ (with assumed homogeneity) of the 1999 and early 2000s, and how forms of capital and it’s financialization remain fractured from various processes that also operate in varied ways but making an easy extraction of property surpluses impossible. Is this counter a politics of ‘social movements’ or then evidence of a bureaucratic –politico subversion – requiring us to understand the post- development state in it’s heterogeneity and perhaps even fracture. I also use this research agenda aimed at larger flows of capital to break a binary where usually the mega plan is placed in oppositional terms at a meta level. Instead, I argue that a methodological approach exploring scalars via ethnography across multi-sited spaces tells us about how histories and stories remain varied and the complexity of institutional and individuals shaping these, and also its precisely in the ‘’chaos” of un-planning that we can start to see realms of crises for large capital. Drawing on past research on such projects, I suggest that a method framed around ‘stories of properties’ help to uncover new conceptual grounds as these hold the possibility of connecting political spaces in varied ways.

1-3. Othering and the Othered

1-3-1. Exploring Urban Precarity of East Asia From Carceral Geographies: Geopolitics of Semi-private ‘Vagrant Facilities’ in South Korea, 1950s Hyun-Chul Kim (University of Toronto), [email protected]

Since the concept of ‘precariat’ was derived from Guy Standing (2011), a body of work on precarious space has been written and told in the field of geography. They have focused on neoliberal policies, feminization of the labor market, and unstable working/living conditions occurred by globalized transformation processes and its consequential crisis, the ‘Global Financial Crisis’ (DeVerteuil, 2017; Lewis et al., 2015; Jordan, 2017). This discourse provides a critical and theoretical frame in analyzing neoliberal urban transformation processes within the post-

industrial society. Simultaneously, however; Standing’s ‘precariat’ has been critiqued for its narrow, neatly coherent, and abstracted approach to political economy and agency, centering primarily on the market, governmental ‘expertise’ groups, and formal labor force, while leaving out temporal-spatial aspects, various local political economic structures, social reproduction works, and informalities (Lee & Kofmanl, 2012; Meehan & Strauss, 2015; Scully; 2007). I consider these critiques as critical intervention to ‘provincialize’ (Charkrabarty, 2008) the word ‘precarity’ from its prior usage and to situate it within concrete socio-spatial facets. To participate in this ongoing provincializing process and further make ‘inter-references’ (Chen, 2010) of ‘precarity’ within the alternative geographies of East Asian regions, my research builds on the hypothesis that a genealogy of semi-private ‘vagrant Facilities’ of South Korea would serve as a socio-material node to trace the urban precarity of East Asia, considering three main aspects: 1) their local to transnational networks and mobilities, particularly highlighting the entanglements between U.S. occupation, authoritarian national government, Japanese welfare business groups, and transnational religious aid organizations, 2) the privatized and subcontracted medical welfare services and the birth of the Welfare Chaebol1, 3) their developmental construction and management processes in urban areas. By doing so, I seek to explore the informal capital structure, unstable urban living conditions, and feminized welfare /service sector not as a result or an effect of neoliberal policies (Beck, 1992; Standing, 2011; Tilly, 1996), but as an essential condition of constructing urban carceral infrastructures which have produced urban precarity and precariat in East Asia.

1 Welfare Chaebol is a composite word of welfare and Chaebol, specifically referring to the people who have accumulated their own economic and political profits by being funded and protected by the national government, international welfare NGOs, and religious institutions. This word has popularly been used by activists in the anti-welfare residential institution movement.

1-3-2. Ghosts in Wen-Meng-Lo：From the Othering of a Brothel to the Grounding of a Political Radicalism Jung-Che Chang (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

When Taipei City government made an abrupt decision in 1997 to abolish its license- based prostitution system and was resisted by sex workers and their supporters, COSWAS (Collective of Sex Workers and Supporters) has been campaigning for the total decriminalization and de-stigmatization of sex work and sex workers since. In 2006, the organization succeeded in lobbying the city government to designate Wen Meng Lou, the brothel house and headquarter of the 1997 campaign for sex work rights, as an official heritage site. At the turn of this century, the Taiwanese authorities on both the national and local levels have successfully re-cast themselves as pro-growth regimes. This paper focuses on how COSWAS has been engaged in an unexpected struggle to preserve the brothel house and its historical surroundings against a new trend of urban redevelopment since 2010. The campaign of Wen Meng Lou regrettably demonstrates the tidal wave of gentrification invading the Taipei City that is facilitated by the deregulation and

privatization of public lands. This trend in turn accelerates financial speculations based on a system of virtualization and monetization of real-estate properties.

Keywords: Licensed Prostitution, Urban Renewal, Historical Preservation, Anti-gentrification, TDR

1-3-3. Pursuing Positive Development? Social Conflict and Cooperation in the Closure of the Red-Light District in Suwon and Daegu Heejin Choi (Center for Asian Cities), [email protected]

This study attempts to understand the mechanism of how local government manage the social conflict surrounding the prostitution space of big cities in South Korea. Based on archival analyses, interviews, and site visits, It examines the multi-level power relations among the local government and women’s organization, sex workers, media etc. This study suggest that social conflicts itself produce the valuable ties that hold modern democratic society.

Keywords: Prostitution Space, Red-Light District, Gender, Governance, Collaborative Planning, Urban Politics

1-3-4. Beyond Diva? --“Goddess Worship” in Taiwan Jyun-Lan Hong (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

As successful female singers are called “Diva” in the Western World, “Goddess” is the analogue in Taiwan recently. With different features and music genres, A-mei Zhang, Jolin Cai, Jeanne Xie, Cheer Chen, and Deserts Chang, who are named as the Gay Goddess, the Electronic Music Goddess, and the Wenqing (文�) Goddess, are the most famous ones in Taiwan. In our general imaginations, Goddesses seem to have high agency. They possess rich resources, highly professional abilities, and distinctive charisma. Meanwhile, they unfold the possibilities of female bodies, and also show their perfectness in front of their fans, or even the whole society. However, being female, Asian, and Taiwanese, they may still be under some serious criticisms and unequal conditions. To explore the “Goddess Worship” phenomenon more, this research will apply the perspectives of post-feminism and cultural geography. It first discusses the symbols that these Goddesses bear with, and the female images showed via their bodies, styles, songs, and stage performances. Then, it will decode how the Goddesses’ performances enact and transform to match the endemic contexts in the process of trans-regional flows by observing and analyzing the cross-cultural elements in the fore-mentioned Goddesses’ music products, as well as their performances, advertising strategies, fans, and the discourses on media in different regions. Finally, this research tries to interpret the political and gender tensions and the dynamic energy contained in “Taiwan Popular Music Goddesses’ Performances”. It will be concluded by the significance and impact of the Goddesses’ actions on the development of contemporary movements for gender equality, especially in Taiwan, and how popular music carries and spreads post-feminist thoughts.

1-4. Spatial Justice in Planning

1-4-1. In the Middle of Government and Citizen: Urban Regeneration Activists and Government-Civil Society Relation in Seoul, Korea Se Hoon Park (Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements), [email protected] Jueun Kim (University College London), [email protected]

By taking the case of ‘the urban regeneration activist training programme’ of Seoul, this paper examines the changing features of the government-civil society relation and its implication for urban regeneration policy in Korea. Seoul Metropolitan Government launched the training programme aimed at nurturing ‘urban regeneration activists’ in 2015, and allocated the activists in designated areas as tools for facilitating citizen participation. Based on analysis on the programme contents and in-depth interviews with trainers and trainees, we found that the role of activists is more focused on effective policy implementation than advocacy of citizen’s interest. Government needed to create ‘participating citizen’ for implementing the citizen-oriented urban regeneration scheme in a situation that civil society is lopsidedly weak, and the activists were key tools for doing this job. Consequently, the recent rise of the collaborative relation between government and civil society in Korea cannot be understood as a sign of the growth of civil society. Even though the government and civil society are increasingly penetrating into each other, this is far from an equal partnership. In this new dynamics, government became sophisticated and delicate in a manner of delivering policies, and civil society is newly constructed in alliance with the specific policy schemes.

1-4-2. Urban Inclusivity of (Post) Developmental States in East Asia In Kwon Park (University of Seoul), [email protected] Zhe Hong (University of Seoul), [email protected]

While cities have rapidly grown in East Asia, some city dwellers have been marginalized and socially excluded from many opportunities cities have to offer. The underprivileged do not participate in social activities and decision-making processes; they are excluded from economic opportunities; and they are disconnected from social relations. This is closely related to a unique development path in the region, that is, the developmental state. Developmental states prioritized efficiency over any other social values such as equity, and the whole society was mobilized for their national economies to catch up with advanced economies in a short period of time. Social groups and individuals in cities failed to form a civil society based on mature civic consciousness such as solidarity and reciprocity. This accelerated the social exclusion of the urban underprivileged. Despite the common feature of the developmental state, each country’s cities have their own state and characteristics in terms of urban inclusivity. It depends on not only the space-time specific contexts of cities but also the specific phase of the developmental state of countries.

Japan already went through all the stages of the developmental state and began to experience the post developmental state in the twentieth century. Korea followed Japan with a time-lag of 20-30 years, and China is still in the middle of the developmental state. Their urbanization rates show a similar pattern with Japan leading the rest countries and the degree of political decentralization also varies among the countries. All these variations may have impacts on the inclusivity of their cities. In this study, we try to compare urban inclusivity of East Asian countries and to relate the differences to the different conditions of developmental states. Specifically, we evaluate the inclusivity of major East Asian cities using indicators that are selected along the four dimensions of capacity building, interdependence, participation and spatial openness. The phase of the development state for countries are characterized in terms of economic growth, political decentralization, urbanization, and so on. The two set of characteristics are related to each other to figure out how the phase of developmental state influence urban inclusivity. The targets of study are cities of population over 1 million, such as Seoul, Beijing, Tokyo and Taipei, and the base year for data collection is 2015. The main findings expected from the analysis are as follows: First, the overall degree of urban inclusivity and dimensional score will vary across countries. It is not necessarily true that all the countries growing into developmental state lead to similar levels of urban inclusivity. The nature of urban inclusivity would depend on the way each country realizes developmental state, as well as on their own historical context and phase of developmental state. Second, the strength and weakness of urban inclusivity will be related to the phase of developmental state. In the early phase of developmental state, infrastructure improvement and economic growth leads to a betterment of living capabilities for people as whole, though at the same time the underprivileged are excluded from political decision making and reciprocal relations. Later, in the phase of matured developmental state or adaptive developmental state, civil society matures and civic engagement is vitalized with political democratization and various policies and systems try to handle social exclusion. Thus, urban inclusivity improves, particularly in terms of participation and capacity building.

Keywords: urban inclusivity, developmental states, inclusivity indicators, East Asian cities

1-4-3. Spatial Justice, Urbanisation of (East Asian) Capital, and the Rise of Enclave Urbanism in Vietnam Hyun Bang Shin (London School of Economics and Political Science), [email protected]

Inter-referencing within the global South becomes an important mode of development for cities in the region: Singapore, Shanghai, Shenzhen and Seoul emerge as a source of inspiration by other cities in the global South, despite questions about the replicability of their development models. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates the practices of South

Korean and Singaporean real estate developers who have made a marked presence in Vietnam by building commercial housing estates and new towns targeting Vietnam’s middle or upper classes. The paper examines the extent to which such foreign developers’ participation in Vietnam’s urban and housing development reflects their own visions of urbanism accumulated through their participation in urban and housing development in their countries of origin, and what such participation resulting in the rise of enclave urbanism means for the spatial justice in Vietnam. The discussions are based on the empirical data (archives, in-depth interviews and observation) collected during the author’s field trips to Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City in spring and summer 2017.

1-4-4. Developmentalist Cities? Debating Urban Developmentalism in Korea and East Asia Jamie Doucette(The University of Manchester), [email protected] Bae Gyoon Park (Seoul National University), [email protected]

Research into the developmental state has, to date, had little to say about the urban circuit of capital and the role of urban development in the configuration of this model. Likewise, research on East Asian urbanization has often neglected the influence of developmentalism on urban space. Building upon recent work that has proposed a concept of urban developmentalism to rectify this lacunae, this presentation examines its traction for highlighting the nature of the urban as a site of and for developmentalist intervention in Korea and other locations in East Asia in a manner that pays particular attention to inter-Asian and trans-Pacific connections. We do so by first surveying some of the concepts and ideas introduced in our newly published edited collection, Developmentalist Cities? Interrogating Urban Developmentalism in East Asia, and then by suggesting several ways in which they might be further developed to understand the spatial politics of inequality in contemporary Korea and responses to it that are aimed at expanding equality and spatial justice.

Keywords: urban developmentalism; developmental states; gentrification; commons; postdevelopmental urbanism; inequality

2-1. Resilience of Cities, Villages, and People

2-1-1. A Reconsideration on Neighbourhood Regeneration from the Perspective of Smart Shrinkage Jueun Kim (University College London), [email protected]

Since the early 20th century, increasing studies have sought to shed light on urban shrinkage globally. The term shrinking city names the phenomenon wherein cities experience a great degree of population decline for a sustained period of time. Recently observed dramatic demographic trends in South Korea, such as low fertility and rapidly aging population, demonstrate that a growing number of cities are in the need of planning for a future with far fewer inhabitants. Researches however indicate Korean urban shrinkage is deeply rooted in uneven geographical development. The development of capitalism and geopolitics has also contributed to the excessive population concentration into the capital area while intensifying the structural vulnerability in small cities to shrinkage. In the face of the nation’s total population decline, slow economic growth and deepening spatial disparity, growth strategies cannot be an absolute countermeasure to urban shrinkage. Here, particular attention has been paid to urban regeneration policy. This research seeks to reconsider neighbourhood regeneration from the perspective of smart shrinkage which refers to an alternative approach to dealing with urban shrinkage. Smart shrinkage implies planning for fewer residents to ensure their quality of life. Despite the urgency of paradigm shift and alternative approaches to shrinking cities, it has yet to come up with a framework for proper smart shrinkage countermeasures breaking away from the growth-oriented policies. Also, the pervading negative perception of depopulation delays the transition from an entrenched growth-oriented one to a new kind of planning paradigm. Therefore, this research has two main objectives. Firstly, it attempts to identify the key reasons and real issues of urban shrinkage in Korean small cities, and to improve the concept of smart shrinkage particularly for Korean shrinking cities. Next, the research intends to critically analyse the importance and limitation of neighbourhood regeneration in order to develop and implement smart shrinkage. As a practical case, the study explores the Neighborhood Regeneration plan in Yeongju: an intense shrinking city in South Korea. Despite the different causes, impacts and processes of shrinkage, we can learn from the experience of the city that has been going through its transition period. Sharing the key barriers and opportunities to smart shrinkage from the case site will help other shrinking and potential shrinking cities across the world to facilitate adapting and transforming in the face of continuous depopulation.

2-1-2. Beautiful Villages in 21st century Japan: Post-Growth Landscapes of Emptiness or Transforming Spaces towards Rural Resilience? Wendy Wuyts (Nagoya University), [email protected] Ha T Minh Phuc (Nagoya University), Guo Jing (Nagoya University)

Since the last decades, Japan knows a co-existence of two realities: a shrinking or post- growth society mostly situated in the slow-paced countrysides and the fast-paced urbanizing metropoles like Tokyo, Nagoya, Osaka and Fukuoka. The focus of this paper is on the post- growth rural communities. In the eighties, the central government invested in many projects, like civic halls and museums, under the name of "regional development" which benefitted mostly the construction industry, but did not revitalise the regions on long term and left them with many empty buildings. Under the current Abe administration, there is a more entrepreneurial approach, where local economies should not be revitalised through subsidies or top-down development projects, but by building sustainable business from the bottom up with private capital, often assembled through crowd-funding or other unconventional financing. Local governments and activists get more at the forefront, but it also can lead to a competition between villages, towns and communities to survive or to vanish. This research looks into the field of social and human capital to identify the strengths, weaknesses, threats and opportunities for three case studies: 2 “beautiful villages” and 1 town in the mountains of the Gifu prefecture (Ena, Higashi-Shirakawa and Shirakawa-cho). From late April 2018 until early December 2018, we investigate the utilization of local resources, like forestry, the material stock (buildings, infrastructure), and social and human capital to foster sustainability. We involve also young revitalization cooperators in the co-learning and co- production process. These cooperators are young newcomers between 18-30 years old, paid by a central government program, to contribute to local government programs, which could be the management and inventory of empty houses in the villages, the digitalization of local products, tourism promotion etc. A first finding shows the financial limitations, as the villages are often kept alive through the work of young people or old people, who are relatively poor, compared with the people in the big cities. Another finding shows that the social capital on the environmental history and issues could be a strength, but the community activities places a burden on the few younger habitants and families, who often have already many other jobs to sustain themselves and their own family. Another issue is the sprawl of the communities and the dependency on the car. The mountains literally divide the communities. As many old people live in the villages, and more and more houses do not get new owners, the old people face loneliness. Also the young newcomers indicated a lack of "space" to meet new people and plug in the community systems. This research sheds light on the way local communities deal with the vacant houses and other empty public spaces as well as strategies to cope with the isolation (e.g. new shopping complex employing "old local ladies").

2-1-3. A Behavioral Approach to Economic Resilience of Korean Industrial Cities in Jeopardy Hanbyul Shim (Seoul National University), [email protected]

Economic resilience to recessionary shock has become an urgent social issue of several industrial cities in Korea, such as Gunsan from where General Motors withdrawal and Geoje where shipbuilding yards are closed. Although the evolutionary concept of economic resilience is useful to interpret developmental phases of those cities posteriorly, it implies little relevant policy implications to local actors who are the political stakeholders including central/local government, laborers, local firms, and citizens of the cities but 'adaptation' which means their deprivation and resorting to external aid. With the cases of Korean manufacturing industrial cities, this study examines the notion of economic resilience in terms of spatial institutions and behaviors of rule setters and followers. Below are the questions that this study propounds. A. What are the cause of changes called 'impact' and global/local structural attributes conveying impact to the cities? B. What is substantive risk in the view point of subject who suffers from the recession? C. How can the notion of economic resilience be re-defined in behavioral approach? D. What are the policy issues the local government take into consideration in terms of structural aspect? The study traces 20-year change of several industrial cities in Korea focusing on fluctuations in aggregated amount of production activities and employment by industries, and the developmental trajectory of industrial space in the cities regarding government industrial park projects and spatial plans. The analysis includes the delineation about what are the substantive changes to the subjects who take their own response to the impact with the field study in Gunsan and Geoje where decline is ongoing. The preliminary analysis tentatively found that: first, the cause is related to topology of production network across in global/local scale and industrial composition of the city which can be categorized into structural attributes of economic resilience. Second, the benefit and damage accompanied by the recession process is distributed unevenly among the stakeholders via spatial fix during developmental process and via hierarchy among laborers. Third, the risk actually is seeded and embedded not only into the economic structure but also spatial structure in in developing process.

Keywords: Industrial composition, GPN, industrialization path, spatiality, labor mobility, growth coalition

2-1. Politics of Urban Development

2-2-1. In the Name of Taiwan: The Bordering of Nation/State Spatial Transformation in Haixi Economic Zone, China Ling-I Chu (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

The study aims to explain the spatial rationalities of “The Western Taiwan Straits Economic Zone (Haixi SEZ)”, which seems to be inappropriate and inopportune in consideration of the current cross-strait links that had largely bypass these adjacent Southeastern China coasts. Nevertheless, the developmental agenda of southeastern coasts was mobilized in the name of Taiwan, in a different way. By launching the Haixi SEZ, a series of preferential policies for Taiwanese were tested and implemented. The SEZ claimed to become the interface city where the everyday life situations of cross-strait integration can be imagined and experienced. This act looked almost meaningless for Taiwanese because hundreds of thousands of Taiwanese people have already made their livings in the mainland, most of them enjoyed different kinds of preferential policies, for decades. By claiming to be the interface city, however, the local regime obtained supports from central and provincial governments to invest in massive infrastructure projects. Considering that the utilization of the SEZ seems nothing but for real estate speculation rather than for strengthening cross-strait relationship, the Haixi SEZ is now wildly conceived as a discrepancy, an excuse or even a fraud. In contrast to the foregoing inferences, it is argued here that the significance of Haixi SEZ－seeing from Taiwan’s angle of view to identify itself－is largely underestimated. It is only in Haixi that the subjective position is implanted by Taiwan though it is imagined, in such a way that Haixi itself is objectified. On the one hand, Haixi has to transforms itself to perform the “Taiwaneseness”; on the other hand, some kind of “Chineseness” should also be discernible in these performances. Whatever social-economical-political-cultural resources, memories or roles in hand may be interpreted, articulated and recombined to improvise the Chineseness in the act of representing the Taiwaneseness in Haixi. So that both the meanings of Chineseness and Taiwaneseness may probably be re-defined. The spatial rationality of Haixi is argued to be utilizing Taiwan as the method in imagining and performing Taiwan’s taking China as a method. I put emphasis on how innovative spatial strategies, such as the multiple border control, overlapping sovereignty, transborder citizenship and the coupling/decoupling of nation/state spaces, constitute different subjectivity and trigger certain pairing of relationships. The case study further proposes a Haixi perspective, which invite Taiwanese to introspect ourselves so as to expand the possibilities in re-positioning cross-strait relations.

Keywords: cross-strait relation, nation/state, spatial transformation, geopolitical economy, relationality

2-2-2. S. Korea's Developmental Urbanization and Birth of State-nature: Miracle of Han- river and Urban Political Ecological Challenges Junsu Kim (Yonsei University), [email protected]

This study attempts to analyze the temporal-spatial rebalancing of the Han River in Seoul through the process of developmental urbanization in South Korea. Especially, in the context of developmentalism, I will examine the Han-River’s Shin-Gok submerged reservoir which is installed to keep the water level of the Han River constant and to prevent flooding of the Gangnam area and inflow of sea water into the city. For this purpose, I explore the role of various social actors. In addition to the developmental context, I will examine the process of installing the ‘Shin-Gok’ reservoir in a ‘Cold War context’ through specific government documents and Seoul city planning data. Through this, I conceptualize the Han River as a huge 'urban fishbowl' and consider the possibility of changing the geographical image of the Han River through various social dynamics of its demolition and preservation. To do this, it is necessary to analyze the various actors surrounding the Han River. First, we examine the interests of the actors such as the fishing fraternities, farmers in the Gyeonggi Province area, the leisure capital, the Korea Water Resources Corporation, Seoul City and environmental organizations. Especially in the case of ‘Shin-Gok’ submerged reservoir, it is a point of conflict between environmental groups because it results in ‘State-ified Nature’, formed as an unintended consequence and producing the Jang- hang wetland. Thus, this study examines the process of reassemble of “state-nature” in which the Han River in Seoul is constituted in a certain context and its socio-spatial dynamics.

2-2-3. China Meets Jeju Island: The politics of Making Special Security/Economy Zone in East Asia Seung-Ook Lee (Korea Advanced Institute of Science & Technology), [email protected]

Some recent articles such as “Trump’s trade plan threatens to derail Korean security talks” (Swanson, 2018) and “Booming trade is clashing with geopolitical tensions in Northeast Asia” (Ivanovitch, 2018) highlight a new tension between security and economy in East Asian region. For years, scholars and policymakers have focused upon the relation between security and economy in global political economy. In particular, how to maintain geopolitical security in globalized economy has become a critical issue in the post-9/11 statecraft (Davis, 2003; Duffield, 2007; Stern and Öjendal, 2010). However, most observations tend to overtly stress international relations without paying due attention to more complex inter-scalar interactions. Based upon the recent scholarship on geopolitical economy, this research notes the contradictory tensions between geopolitical and geoeconomic logics of power in terms of local development strategy. Mathew Coleman describes the border as “an incoherent, contradictory ‘security/economy nexus’” (2007: 609). However, it is not just a particular border or border region where we can find inconsistencies and tensions between geopolitical and geoeconomic practices. I argue that the operation of zoning technologies in Jeju Island of South Korea

promotes the contradictory visions of China’s rise, and as a result fails to reconcile geoeconomic and geopolitical discourses and practices. Jeju Free International City that was introduced as a “neoliberal space of exception” in 2002 (Lee et al., 2017) highlights China’s growing presence as a geoeconomic opportunity. Yet, the subsequent establishment of Jeju naval base (or Jeju Civilian- Military Complex Port) is premised on the idea of China as a new geopolitical threat that should be addressed. This incoherence results from the articulation between the geopolitical-economic imaginations of the central government and economic development imperatives of the local growth coalition.

2-3. Struggling with and in Precarity

2-3-1. Precarious Housing Pathways of Young Adults in Korea Miseon Park (Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements), [email protected]

Young adults in Korea recently have faced extended transitional period due to longer education, higher housing price, and gloomy outlook of job market situation. During last three decades, one-person households have emerged from the least popular household type to the most prevalent one, which leads to huge impact on housing demand and policy. However, due to the fact that housing policy in Korea has been focused on the massive production of new apartment, households with dependents, and owner-occupation, single person household and young people have hardly regarded as the priority target group to be considered and rather excluded from the policy consideration, even though it is not intended to. Moreover, housing price is not affordable for young-single and private rental market requires higher deposit and/or higher monthly rent for young generation including college students, newly graduate, or newly- weds. Considering low level of stable job opportunity, high housing cost, unstable tenure, and housing illiteracy, young adults in Korea have faced precarious housing situations. This study defines young adults in Korea as a new emerging housing precariat, and explores their housing pathways in the process of housing searching, sustaining, and moving forward. Incorporating questionnaire survey with in-depth interviews, this research investigates how precarious are young adults in terms of physical situation of housing, financial burden of mobilizing housing cost, and mental status from housing stress. Results unfold that young-singles, in particular living in Seoul, face housing hardship in entering housing market to mobilize both heavy deposit and monthly rent due to their weak financial ability and instable job conditions. Lack of education and awareness of rental contract practice put them in fragile or precarious situation when they search dwelling units and make lease contract. Young people also experience unfair treatment from the property owners and real estate agents due to their age and the lack of knowledge. High cost of living in private rental markets and unaffordable housing price make young people in disappointment, resulting in serious negative impact on future life decision. The author attempts to examine and extend Guy Standing’s precariat framework. As a result, young adults in Korea experience precarious housing situation and they also show unique

mindset of precariat. However, they feel several layers of mindset not only 4A’s such as Anger, Anomie, Anxiety, and Alienation that typical precariat feel, but also 3D’s such as Dependence, inDifference, and Dodge that are relatively new and disappointing sentiment. Precarious housing situation, unstable economic status, and inevitably dependent life on their parents all make young adults’ housing pathways even rockier than ever before. Consequently, inclusive and integrated housing policy should be put in place for young adults to provide more affordable housing, enhance housing conditions, residential stability, and provide soft services and education.

2-3-2. The Labour Issue in Transnational Cinema: Mobility/Precarity of Screen Artists June Wang (City University of Hong Kong), [email protected]

The world-wide passion of creative city production has witnessed ceaseless mobility of ideas, capital, products and population, however, their entangled-ness has yet been reflected in the literature. Perhaps, nowhere is this more evident in the transnational co-production of films. By mobility, I follow scholars like Urry and Bauman, who argue that, ‘mobility becomes a most precious and sought-after resource. If chances cannot be “fixed to a place” and made to last, one needs to go where the chances appear and when they appear’ (Bauman, 2002, p. 83). Nevertheless, I tend to adopt a multivariate understanding of network, which can be created by a wide range of forces functioning on multiple scalars, such as firms, state apparatus, as well as self-conscious subjects. In particular, this paper focuses on infrastructure power, which, serving its centrifugal logic, de-territorialises memberships bounded by national states and re- territorialises them according to whatever needs that arise for the infrastructure to actualise an imagined path of communication for capital, products, population and so on. This paper will explore co-production of war/action movies between mainland and Hong Kong, after the co-production treaty of “Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement” (CEPA). By offering “national treatment” to industries in two territories to share financial costs and creative labour, CEPA stimulates a variety of connection-construction activities by movie production companies, individual directors and other creative staffs, many of which set up offices in mainland to further enhance and consolidate their network sociality. As argued by Bærenholdt (2013), this new chapter is hyper-social, “since people travel, connect and relate in order to sustain their crucial social relations.” Mobility of labour has its ambivalence, whilst it further widens the split between core workers and peripheral workers, it might means precarity in different times. The state- empowered mobility works in a way that appropriate the law of capital circulation, through which individual actors learned self-government of connections. As their social partnership can only be constructed and sustained through the technologies of circulation, which in turn, encouraged ceaseless mobility of labours. It cannot be reduced to a simply version of the international order shaped by neoliberal globalisation, or a romantic fantasy that “what Hardt 2 and Negri have written about as the smooth space of Empire (2001)…either had been or inevitably will be realized.”

2-3-3. The Genealogy of the Precariats’ Space in Tokyo Didi Han (London School of Economics and Political Science), [email protected]

This study examines spatial dynamics of Sanya [山谷] --a major yoseba [寄場] located on the east side of Tokyo. A yoseba is an urban day labour market, which has historically developed in during Japan's industrialization. While Japan has been described as a “homeowner society” (Hirayama & Ronald, 2008) until the collapse of the bubble economy in the 90s, this narrative misses the historical significance of day labourers. As the most insecure and marginalized population in the society, day labourers have been enclosed in yoseba, where cheap lodging houses [doya] offer a small room payable by day. Day labourers are "free workers ... which is to say they are not bound by any legally binding ties to an employer" (Gill, 1996) and have provided what Marx (2002) calls " a disposable industrial reserve army" which is needed for the self-expansion of capital. In this sense, day labourers are the most precarious labourers who have nothing but their bodies, and yoseba can be seen as the space of precarity, historically formed in the formation of the capitalist city. My research, in this regard, challenges and expands the conventional usage of the term precarity beyond its application to the generation or the class emerging under the neoliberal economy. As yoseba demonstrates, precarity is an ontological experience, rather than “an exception” (Neilson and Rossiter, 2008), in the capitalist mode of production in which people have to sell their labour to earn a living as free individuals (Lorey, 2017). While precarity had been controlled and thus marginalized under the Fordist welfare governmentality, it has become a generalized condition under the neoliberal regime. There were about 1.2 million day labourers in Japan as of 1995 (MCA, 1995, cited in Gill, 1996). A significant number of them have become even more marginalized, as their life without roof [nojuku] has become normalized under the extended economic downturn. This was also a period, in which precarious forms of labour began to flood the society irrespective of a spatial localization such as yoseba. Taking inspiration from this conjuncture, my research will pay attention to the relationship between space and precarity. The existing discussion about precarity tends to focus on the flexibilization of work, and the spatial aspect of precarity has been overlooked. While yoseba was originally a space of segregated precarity, it has also served as a home for the urban resistance movement. However, as financialization of urban space has become a major mode of capital accumulation under neoliberalism (Havey, 1978; Hardt and Negri, 2009), even the space reserved for the precarious has become a target of gentrification. Construction of guesthouses in Sanya catering for tourists is a prime sign of this. This project attempts to put the spatial dynamics of precarity into a perspective by choosing Sanya as the vantage point. By conducting ethnographic research and interviews, I will trace how the space of precarity has become a site of struggle between different modes of governance and the ungovernable.

2-4. Environmental Politics

2-4-1. Slippery Ontologies of Tidal Flats Young Rae Choi (Florida International University), [email protected]

Tidal flats are a slippery object. Unless you take careful and balanced steps, the silty surfaces of tidal flats would make you fall or trapped. Tidal flats are also slippery in terms that they evade given definitions, and, hence, control and governance. Drawing upon the works of Franz Krause’s amphibious anthropology (2017) and Philip Steinberg and Kimberly Peters’ wet ontologies (2015), this paper lays out a theoretical foundation for understanding and analyzing tidal flats: coastal wetlands that are flooded at high tides and exposed at low tides; an entity that is neither land nor sea—or both. This paper takes South Korea’s tidal flats, getbol, as a geographically and politico- economically situated object of study. I first examine the materialities of tidal flats—matter, movements, rhythms, and the list goes on—that lead to slippery ontologies of tidal flats that resist falling into fixed categories. Second, I attend to ‘multiple ontologies’ of tidal flats (Yates, Harris, and Wilson, 2017). I trace the modern history of tidal flats in South Korea, identifying three main ways of discursive and material production of tidal flats. Subject to state-led large-scale land reclamation projects, tidal flats had been an integral part of state-building since the nation’s independence from Japan’s colonial rule. Then, fueled by anti-reclamation movements, scientific knowledge on tidal flats exploded over the past two decades that have produced new imageries of tidal flats as biologically rich and diverse. Biological tidal flats, as opposed to geomorphological and physical tidal flats, have co-evolved with social tidal flats as seen in the emphasis on their harmonious existence with local fishing communities. Finally, in the age of sustainability, tidal flats are subject to managerial governance that stresses economic value and spatial efficiency. I demonstrate that such different ontologies of tidal flats, while having distinct historical trajectories, co-exist and influence one another. Expanding the focus of geography into the muddy unfamiliar terrain is more than case studies. As Steinberg and Peters argue, the oceanic space for its dynamism and the ways in which it interacts with the society offers us with new perspectives on world-making as well as new politics. Similarly, I argue that endorsing the slippery ontologies of tidal flats opens up new possibilities of encountering, using, and protecting tidal flats. These possibilities, on the one hand, have a capacity to address emerging challenges such as climate change and intensified effort to capitalize tidal flats. On the other hand, they have broader implications on how to reimagine and reconfigure human-nature relations in the Anthropocene where change and uncertainty become the norm. Although slipping through easy conceptualizations, thinking through the slippery ontologies of tidal flats is in this sense useful and needed.

2-4-2. The Grain for Green Reforestation Programs in China: Socio-Economic Consequences, Design Flaws, and Reforms Claudio Delang (Hong Kong Baptist University), [email protected]

The Grain for Green (GfG) is a reforestation program implemented in China since 1999. The GfG pays farmers to reforest their marginal farmland or wasteland. It is the largest reforestation program in the world: between 1999 and 2012, China reforested a total of 24.86 million ha through the GfG, of which 9.06 million ha we former farmland and 15.8 million ha was barren hills and wasteland suitable for forests; among 124 million people or 32 million households in 25 provincial-level administrative units. The reforestation program was initially set to last until 2007, but was then extended to 2015. In 2015, the GfG came to an end, and a new GfG (which I call GfG/2) was gradually implemented nationwide. Based on fieldwork in Chongqing Municipality in 2016 and 2017, I will discuss: 1) the consequences of the GfG/1, almost 20 years after it first started being implemented; and 2) the differences between the GfG/1 and the GfG/2. In terms of the consequences of the GfG/1, I will focus on the shortage of farmland that resulted from the conversion of land through the GfG/1; the importance of remittances and off-farm employment for those who remained on the land; and the risks to migrants’ sustenance, if they are forced to return to the countryside by an economic slump. In terms of the GfG/2, I will discuss the differences compared to the GfG/1, due to changed conditions in the countryside; the weaknesses in the design of the GfG/1, in particular the low incomes that can be obtained from the ecological trees selected for the GfG/1; and the lack of funding and expertise in orchard production by the farmers.

2-4-3. Politicizing Dust: Production of Riskscapes of Fine Particulate Matters in South Korea and China Sanghun Lee (Hanshin University), [email protected]

The airpocalypse derived from fine particulate matters(PM10, PM2.5) in South Korea and China has become serious environmental hazard and threat to both countries. Since the fine particulate matters are regarded as carcinogenic materials and the graveness of the air pollution from them caused political concern. The governments’ policies to cope the pollution and peoples’ anxiety against it have produced the riskscapes of fine particulate matters in both countries. Interestingly, the manner and way of producing riskscapes in both countries seems to be contrasting. While Chinese government has taken the methods based on developmental authoritarianism, there was dramatic plummet of PM 10 & PM2.5 within short time. In case of South Korea, it looks like to have tendency of taking more democratic way to tackle the PM 10 & PM 2.5. However, there was not prominent change. This paper tries to show the characteristics, reasons, mechanism, agencies, and result of the production of riskscapes with fine particulate matters in China and South Korea. Finally, this paper will suggest more appropriate political regime for managing the environmental conundrum.

2-4-4. Implications for South-North Korean Environmental Cooperation: Focused on the Environmental Issues from Agricultural Production of the Korean Peninsula Soo Jeong Myeong (Korea Environmental Institute), [email protected]

The environmental issues related with agricultural production of Korean peninsula are different between South Korea and North Korea. While South Korea is losing crop areas such as rice paddies due to urbanization and development, North Korea is losing forested areas due to crop area expansion. The provision of the ecosystem service provided by natural resources is decreasing in South and North Koreas. North Korea has damaged forest ecosystems as they have been suffering from food shortage for a long time. The change of land use in North Korea from the 1980s to the 2000s shows that the crop land was widened while forests and grass land were reduced, indicating that deforestation occurred mainly for the agricultural activities. North Korea’s cutting down of forest trees for agricultural terraces caused serious soil erosion and loss, which made the country very vulnerable to natural disasters such as floods and droughts. Natural disasters in North Korea have been reported almost every year, and support from South Korea and the international community has continued. In addition, increasingly frequent natural disasters caused by climate change are worsening the vulnerability to natural disasters of North Korea. To mitigate the damages from natural disasters, it is necessary to strengthen the ecosystem service, restoring top soil and recovering the ecosystem integrity. The cooperation of the two Koreas should lead to strengthening the environmental capacity of North Korea and thereby achieving sustainable development in the Korean Peninsula.

** This study was supported by Korea Environment Institute and Rural Development Administration.

3-1. Transformation and Development

3-1-1. From the Developmental State to the Regenerational State?: Governing the Surplus in the Post-developmental Seoul, South Korea Hyunjoon Shin (Sungkonghoe University), [email protected]

Although renewal, redevelopment, regeneration, and revitalization have difference nuances, they have been interchangeably used in South Korea, redevelopment (jaegaebal) and regeneration (jaesaeng) began to be differentiated since the 2010s, especially after the enactment of ‘Special Act on Promotion of and Support for Urban Regeneration’ in 2013. While the ‘Act on the Maintenance and Improvement of Urban Areas and Dwelling Conditions for Residents’ has underpinned the hegemonic paradigm of development based on the physical demolition of urban areas, the Special Act is designed for the revitalization of the areas based on the preservation of the existing urban fabrics. As the urban regeneration as public policy started just three years ago, it is hard to evaluate its performances. What is obvious is that a paradigm

shift is based on the judgment that the significant parts of Seoul has been “declined” due to the “depopulation, change of industrial structure… deterioration of the dwelling condition, etc” according to the Special Act. However, to talk about the paradigm shift from the redevelopment to the regeneration is tricky. It does not stop the demolition-and-redevelopment and the (re)construction of mid- or large-scale apartment estate that leads to the creation of ‘new town’ in the areas where the new- build property development is still lucrative. Thus, the ongoing urban transformation in Seoul (and other big cities in South Korea) takes the form of the co-emergence and co-existence of mega-redevelopment and micro-regeneration, sometimes side by side in the same district and neighborhood. It means that the areas where the urban regeneration are enacted are the older and organic neighborhoods with low-rise buildings and small alleys that still remain like islands surrounded by high-rise buildings. Some of them have already become the place of commercial conversion of residential or industrial areas, the so-called ‘gentrification’ operated through the exploitation of the artists and other independent cultural actors as the ‘urban pioneers’ since the late 2000s. The, the sites under urban regeneration are becoming the places of cultural struggles among multiple actors in the 2010. The concept of the ‘redevelopmental state’ invented by Sapana Doshi (2018) attends to the Indian states’ attempt to “reconcile two contradictory pressures of global urbanization: dispossessing capitalist accumulation and demands for inclusive welfare.” Despite the different conditions, it shows that a linear urban development that Western theories presuppose is not relevant to the cities that have shared the historical trajectory of postcolonial urbanization by the developmental state. It also shows that incompatible urbanisms are contested in Asian megacities: the ‘global city’ and the ‘creative city’ on one extreme, the ‘sustainable city’ and the ‘resilient city’ on the other. By the ‘regenerational state’ which is not conclusive but suggestive, I will examine the policy paradigm of urban regeneration as development governance which has to deal with ‘urban surplus,’ both the people and places, casting a doubt that a populist and ethnonationalist tendency is embedded in it when the ‘post-global condition’ is declared. Cases are drawn from three neighborhoods of Seoul: Garibong, Changsin, and Haebangchon.

3-1-2. Contesting Financial Nationalism in Post-developmental Taiwan Szu-Yun Hsu (University of British Columbia), [email protected]

Literature on the restructuring of East Asian developmental states in the face of economic liberalization has primarily focused on the reconfiguration of state-industry nexus (be it successful or futile), with finance regarded as either instrumental or derivative to such development. Taiwan’s post-developmental economic liberalization, however, cannot be comprehended without critical scrutiny of the transforming role of finance in the national trade and economic agenda. Situating Taiwan in its prolonged economic restructuring challenges since

the 1990s, this paper deploys the notion of “financial nationalism” to interrogate the articulation between antagonistic nationalist politics, contesting trade policies and financial deregulation. It first traces the long-term as well as short term factors contributing to the growing centrality of financial industry in Taiwan’s national economic agenda at the turn of the 21st century. It then elucidates how such an agenda set off contestation between different forms of financial nationalism: While the protectionist camp re-evoked the Cold-War-style fear for capital drain to call for tightening control over cross-border capital flows, the liberal camp advocated for deregulation of financial capital – especially for oversea Taiwanese entrepreneurs – as a way to rejuvenate Taiwan’s national economy. How distinctive appeals appropriate nationalist and populist discourses at contingent historical moments will be critically scrutinized. It is argued that the dominance of “financial talk,” as well as the consolidation of its alliance across party lines, eventually paved the way for precipitated financial deregulation across the Strait along with the regime change in 2008.

Keywords: Post-developmental state, Financial nationalism, Neoliberalization, Globalization, Taiwan

3-1-3. Transforming Dortmund in Germany: from a Smoke-stack Steel town to a High- technology Industrial Town Dong-ho Shin (Hannam University), [email protected]

Since the 1950s, many of the traditional industrial towns of advanced economies in Europe and North America have been affected by a series of de-industrialization. The de- industrialization process, characterized by company shut-downs and massive lay-offs, has resulted in high unemployment rates and massive redundancies in physical infrastructure. Since the 1980s, many of the old industrial towns attempted to overcome such problems. However, it has been found that not many of the towns are found to be successful. The City of Dortmund, one of the core cities of the large German industrial conurbation of the past, the Ruhr, is found to be an exceptional case demonstrating a clear success in overcoming de-industrialization problems. The City in fact strategically pursued transforming backbone of its economy from steel-making, coal-mining and beer-brewery to high-technology and future-oriented economies, based on microsystems technology, biomedical industry, electronic logistics and information technology. This paper attempts to analyse the processes and outcomes of transforming Dortmund beginning from the 1980s.

3-2. Scales in Development and Movement

3-2-1. Urban Restructuring, Institutions, Networks and Urbanization in Northern East Sea Rim: A Comparative Study in Hunchun and Vladivostok Youngjin Choi (Kyunghee University), [email protected]

The central investment in China or the federal investment in Russia is directed at specific cities, where it has promoted them as a strategic space for capital accumulation. One example is to convert Hunchun into the International Cooperation Demonstration Zone attracting processing factories and logistics companies. It also plays a pioneering role in leading the outward economy as a route of ‘One-Belt One-Road’. The freight trains are expected to start from Changchun, and exit China via Hunchun and then will pass through Russia’s Slavyanka and Khabarovsk, and link with trans-Siberian railway to Europe. The municipal government established the international talents exchange service center in 2013 so as to manage the foreign talent mainly from Russia. The other example is Vladivostok to host international events such as political events, and then to develop it as the growth pole. Vladivostok held the 2012 APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) Summit and the EEF (the Eastern Economic Forum) starting from 2015 so as to attract the domestic investment as well as the foreign investment. It was also designed to initiate internal migration, a ‘homestead act’ in January 2015 which envisaged a boost for the population into Far East Russia. The land giveaway scheme would see the Russian citizens migrated into and develop the stated-held land for farming, forestry or other enterprises. At the same time, it was designated on the Free Port of Vladivostok, according to the Federal Law No. 212 of July 13, 2015. The decree is expanded to include other key port cities from Nakhodka to Zarubino. It has targeted the stumbling cargo flows across Russia’s Pacific coast region. Benefits for the territories under the free-port initiative include simplified border-crossings, relaxed customs regulations and tax breaks. This paper aims to consider to what extent it would be targeting the goal, how it could be formulated, what strategy would be adopted to construct infrastructures and institutions, and what priorities for urbanization in terms of the composition of human capital as well as migrants from domestic and overseas would be given.

3-2-2. East Sea Rim: Cross-Sea Regional Development Plans to Counteract Spatial Injustice Outi Luova (University of Turku, Finland), [email protected]

The sub-national regions around the East Sea (Sea of Japan) have for decades been neglected in the regional plans of their respective countries (China, Japan, Koreas, Russia). This presentation focuses on these littoral regions and their regional cross-sea strategies that are aimed to counteract spatial injustice and to rejuvenate their economies. While they have weak capacities to obtain power over the processes that, in Soja’s terms, produce unjust geographies, they have developed own regional counter-strategies. This presentation provides an initial analysis of various cross-sea networks of cities and regions that are initiated for that end. The

main question is: in which aspects do the different plans converge and contradict? The research results help to understand the challenges in drafting and implementing multi-scalar transnational plans to counter regional spatial injustice. During the past decades, several strategies have been made in order to invigorate cross- sea contacts across the East Sea. However, both political and economic reasons have obstructed their implementation: nationalism and political tensions among the states, unwillingness of North Korea to commit itself, and the paralyzing impact of several financial crises. Also the negligence of these regions in the national-level regional plans has weakened their possibilities for rejuvenation. They have suffered from the absence of investments and favourable regional policies. However, now, the East Sea is seeing exceptional changes, as two long-term developments are unfolding. New continental and maritime transportation routes are opening. Secondly, China’s landlocked northeastern provinces finally have gained short-distance access to the East Sea through ports in North Korea and Russia. These changes have revitalised attempts to build regional economic and logistical cooperation in the East Sea Rim. However, there is also incipient competition among the ports to become the best hubs and cargo picking places on the Eastern end of the Arctic route. Also the recent Winter Olympic Games provided an opportunity for the South Korean province of Gangwon to strengthen ties across the sea. Gangwon regards itself as the Korean centre of the East Sea Economic Rim, and it has been instrumental in promoting cross-sea cooperation. Networks of cities and regions have been identified in previous studies as central actors in the development of the East Sea Economic Rim. This presentation has two aims: to highlight these existing multi-scalar cross-sea networks, and to provide an initial analysis of the various plans that they have drafted and implemented in an attempt to counteract spatial injustice, and to rejuvenate regional economies. How do the strategies suggest that the East Sea region should be developed? In which aspects do the different plans converge and contradict? The study is based on an analysis of relevant printed and online documents and on focus-group interviews conducted in the region.

3-2-3. Thought of “Right to Life” in the Anti-CTS Movement and Citizen’s Movement in Ryukyu Arc Koji Nakashima (Kanazawa University), [email protected]

The anti-CTS movement was an opposition movement against the Okinawa CTS (Central Terminal Station including oil storage tanks and refineries) in 1970s which was constructed on the reclaimed land from Kim Bay by Gulf Oil (US) and Okinawa Mitsubishi Development (Japan) under the Japanese national policy of oil storage. Then reformist regime of the Government of the Ryukyu Islands accepted the construction project of Okinawa CTS as a “peaceful industry” and approved the reclamation of Kim Bay in 1972. Also after the reversion of Okinawa to Japanese administration in 1972, Okinawa Prefectural Government carried on this developmental

policy. Against this developmental policy and the construction project of Okinawa CTS, local people organized the “Association of Saving Nature of Kim Bay (ASNK),” and deployed fierce opposition movement through lawsuits, making representations to Okinawa prefectural government, and direct actions of sit-in. Although ASNK lost the lawsuits and the Okinawa CTS was constructed on the reclaimed land in the end, this opposition movement provoked the sense of region and the question of Okinawan identity. An ideological leader of ASNK, Seishin Asato (1981) says that the sea is a mother of Okinawan people through which they had obtained their daily food and thereby survived hard times before and after the Okinawan War. Therefore, killing the sea by the reclamation means to sever the “root of life” for Okinawan people. This thought of the “right to life” constitutes the ideological foundation of the anti-CTS movement, and the struggle for the “right to life” was spread to various citizen’s movements developed in other areas of Ryukyu Islands. The “Association of Spreading the Anti-CTS Struggle” was organized in 1974 by university professors, journalists, lawyers and several intellectuals for supporting the ASNK and spreading the anti-CTS movement (it was renamed to the “Association of Spreading Citizen’s Movements of Ryukyu Arc” in 1982). It has published the quarterly journal of “Citizen’s Movement of Ryukyu Arc” (Ryukyu-ko no jumin undo) during 1977-1984, 1986-1990. This journal aimed for reporting various citizen’s movements among Ryukyu Islands from Amami, Okinawa, Miyako, Yaeyama through Taiwan, and making regional networks beyond prefectural and national borders. Furthermore, this attempt of networking Citizen’s Movement of Ryukyu Arc was developed in the publication of annual journal of “Ryukyunesia” (1981-1984) of which title was inspired by a Japanese writer Toshio Shimao (1977)’s unique concept of “Japonesia.” This journal published various articles, essays and discussions on a self-determination and an independence of islands of Ryukyu Arc. This unique attempt of “Ryukyunesia” aimed for deconstructing the sovereign state of Japan and constructing imaginative geographies of “Ryukyunesia.” This paper traces the history of citizen’s movements in Ryukyu Islands during 1970s and 1980s, and attempts to illuminate the significance of the thought of the “right to life” that was originated from the anti-CTS movement and has been underlying following citizen’s movements.

3-2-4. The Hong Kong-Macau-Zhuhai Bridge: Scale making in the Pearl River Delta, China Brian Scanlon (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

The imminent completion of the Hong Kong-Macau-Zhuhai Bridge is a major step forward in Beijing’s spatial transformation efforts in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) region. It is one of many infrastructure projects implemented as part of the central government’s stated strategy to transform the PRD into a globally competitive city-region commonly referred to in press releases as “The Greater Pearl River Delta” (GPRD). Since the handover of sovereignty over Hong Kong from the UK to China in 1997, Hong Kong has undergone dramatic economic, political, and cultural transformations. The rapid growth of Mainland China’s economy and the perceived threat

of marginalization led Hong Kong leadership to liberalize the cross-border flows of capital and people between China and Hong Kong. Both the Chinese Government and Hong Kong have been under-prepared for the tensions that have arisen from the post-handover integration currently unfolding, as exemplified by the Umbrella Movement protests in 2014. This report investigates the bridge as a component of China’s GPRD scale-making strategy and its overlapping state spatial project of further integrating Hong Kong under the constraints of the 'One Country, Two Systems' policy. I utilize a strategic-relational approach to analyze and discuss the geopolitical transformations taking place in the PRD related to the bridge project since its proposal in 1983.

3-3. Border and Identity

3-3-1. Let’s Talk About Love: Hong Kong’s Geopolitical Narratives of Emotion and Stories of Lifestyle Migrants in Taiwan Tsung-yi Michelle Huang (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

To comprehend the ideology embedded in Hong Kong’s recent Taiwan fever and the concomitant people flow such affection entails, this chapter seeks to trace the geopolitical connections between Hong Kong and Taiwan by contextualizing the politics of emotions found in the narratives of lifestyle migrants in Taiwan. Against the social contexts that nurture Hong Kong’s new found love for Taiwan, I attempt to tease out the cultural logic of migrants’ stories to lay bare how various emotions contribute to constructing Hong Kong people’s new subjectivity and redefining the psychological borders between Hong Kong and Taiwan as well as Hong Kong and China. Such a hope of building a new geopolitical community with Taiwan and simultaneously alienating itself from China is driven by Hong Kong centrism. The so-called Taiwan fever can be characterized as the way Hong Kong people project their desire for a good life amidst the socio- political turmoil onto the idyllic landscape and “small-pleasure” lifestyle of Taiwan. Taiwan’s “culture of smallness,” a hodgepodge of “small pleasures,” “little freshness,” “petit-bourgeois life” and “small business,” not only allows middle-aged middle class Hong Kong people to imagine Taiwan as the ideal place for a slow-paced life but also motivates the young generation to pursue alternatives to going north. Taiwan also seems to offer an opportunity for the self-made-person- wannabe and the self-employed to survive without subscribing to the narrowly defined success and cut-throat competitiveness in Hong Kong. In other words, for many young people in Hong Kong only by crossing the border can they exorcise the specter of the useless. Migrating to Taiwan can not only relieve Hong Kong people from geopolitical fears (the Mainlandization of Hong Kong in all possible ways) however temporary and illusive this may be but also enable them to envision freedom beyond the mainstream geo-economic discourse of hope (going north to China). Given such emotional and practical needs, it is not difficult to understand why for Hong Kong people today Taiwan has changed from a “backyard” to visit occasionally to a highly useful place to live and settle down for a good life.

3-3-2. Singing About “Taiwaneseness” in Taike and Little Freshness Liang-Chi Chen (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

This paper discusses how Taiwanese popular music culture created “Taiwaneseness”, focusing on the process of performing the national identity and reflecting on the influences and its meaning concerning current socio-political status in Taiwan. Popular music has been playing a key role on the issue of Taiwanese identity and the “uniqueness of being Taiwanese” since 2000. “Taike(台客)” culture started a trend of fashion which attracted Taiwanese youths to follow their style. Mainly making their music in American popular music style including Hip-Hop and Rock, their lyrics are often written in “Taiyu(台語)”, the language that is often taken as the “Mother tongue” of Taiwanese people. On 2017, Taipei city official invited “911(玖壹壹)”, a new, popular “Taike” group, as the promotion ambassadors of the 29th summer Universiade. Having both public and governmental recognition as an influential music group, 911 gave rise to series of discussion about whether “Taike” as a popular culture can truly represent Taiwan, making Taiwan an internationally recognized “island of culture.” Mainly motivated by “little happiness(小確幸)”, a word borrowed form Murakami Haruki’s novel, “little freshness(小�新)” was initially and is still strongly related to popular music which was influenced by British and Japanese indie pop and folk music. With the soft and warm music style, and the introspective lyrics, artists such as Cheer Chen(陳綺貞) and Soda Green(蘇打綠) have led a popular trend totally different from “Taike” among youngsters. After the break through of popularity in China, “little freshness” has caused some people in China and Hong Kong to picture Taiwan as an island of slow-paced, somewhat pressure-less lifestyle and kind-hearted people, making Taiwan a tourist attraction and even a decent place to settle down. Both “Taike” and “little freshness” display the issue of “Taiwaneseness”, but they are also under different controversies respectively. The music and the culture phenomenon created by “Taike” are criticized as filthy, superficial, and potentially having bad influences on/upon teenagers, while “little freshness” is considered self-indulgence, escapism, lacking courage and motivation to tackle with the obstacles in life. While under great doubt and debate, why these two seemingly opposite could ever be considered as the representation of “Taiwan” post a question unanswered. Popular music has been important to making national identity, as musicologist Simon Frith suggested. It can steer people’s affection during performance hence creating a sense of solidarity and making people “perform” their identity within the group. In the case of Taiwan, popular music has become an important tool on social/political events, claiming the relation between popular culture and the nation as if it was “natural”. However, as the controversies mentioned above, the connection may not be natural. Therefore, by analyzing the discourses on social media, websites, and news released, this paper discusses the ways that these two different styles of culture related to “Taiwaneseness”.

3-3-3. A Town Built upon Dollar: Informal Economy, Spatial Structure, and Authoritarian Control in Post-war Korean Camptowns Suyoung Kang(Seoul National University), [email protected] Yoonai Han (London School of Economics and Political Science), [email protected]

Korean camptowns saw a short-lived prosperity built on dollar economy around US military bases. Earning dollar quickly became a strong rationale for informal economy, spatial division, violence, and (bio)political control in camptowns. Despite the increasing literature on military prostitution as product of state violence and broader international relations, we still know little about the material ground on which the violence stood. We bring the following findings from Yongjugol, one of the most prosperous camptowns in Paju and Korea. First, institutions of different names and functions surged in the 1960s-1970s Yongjugol. Some were the villagers’ autonomous organisations. Others were individuals delegated by the authoritarian state for administrative control. Our findings show the seemingly administrative units stretched their functions to actively control the movement of resource and population. Second, PX military product smuggling, Entertainment Halls, and personal money lending among villagers are identified as essence of informal camptown economy. We examine how they built wealth and violence of camptowns, while functioning informally and tacitly. Third, we visualise the spatial structure of Yongjugol high street by tracing the villagers’ memory and property ownership changes. Analysis reveals how the spatial divisions within camptown and land use changed over the rise and fall of dollar economy. Also spatial representation of active supporting for prostitution and varying hierarchies are identified.

Keyword: Yongjugol, camptown, boomtown economy, authoritarian state, spatial visualization ** This research was supported by Center for Asian Cities, Seoul National University.

3-3-4. Cultural Geography of Dating in South Korea’s Urban Landscape Yewon Hong (University of Amsterdam), [email protected]

Departing from a spatial analysis of Bless You, a virtual wedding studio located in Uijeongbu station that lends wedding gowns and tuxedos to young couples, the paper aims to investigate the close relationship between the widespread ideology of love and coupleism in South Korea with “room” or “bang” (including love motels, DVD bang, room cafes and other similar bang), the specific genre of urban spaces that provides a space of intimacy at hourly rates, most noticeable in Korea. These spaces usually embody fantasies for intimacies of coupleness or girl/sisterhood, and, as a result, frequented by young heterosexual couples and groups of young women. Following Lefebvre, these spaces of love or of love-making and/or fore/after-play of love, produce, control and structure the dating model in South Korea. The preoccupation of rituals in dating scenes, such as exchange of rings and usage of appellation that resembles that of married couples, leads to the idolization of marriage as a denouement of any romantic relationships.

However, marriage, and, consequently, dating, still largely operates under the logic of marriage ‘market’ that assesses bride and groom materials based on their appearances, occupations, family backgrounds, educations and many more. This, then, integrates love into the social pressure of self-portfolioization and ‘spec’ accumulation where presentation of one’s attractiveness (or marketability) intensifies the obsession with coupleness, especially through popular culture and social media, including but not limited to various dating entertainment TV programmes, blogs and Instagram. Combined with the prospect of marriage and/or possibility of self-enhancement, South Korea’s dating culture forms a large part of urban spaces as much as these spaces of love that commodify intimacies serve and co-shape these processes by structuring relations in the urban fabric. The tension between the idea of ‘eternal’ love and the transient, or even precarious, rental spaces that accommodate such fantasy demands re-examination of our attachment to the idea of love, coupleness and, as suggested by Ahmed, happiness, and, ultimately, the circulation of the emotions and affective economy of love within Korean society. The paper concludes with questions about the agency of the young couples who face the city filled with rooms not of their own.

3-4. The Politics of Planning and Discourses

3-4-1. The Changes of Chinese Academic Engagement in Plan Making Practices Since 2000 Chunxue Gu (University College London), [email protected]

A considerable body of work mentions the multiple roles of academics around the world (teacher, researcher, critic, consultant), but changes in the roles of them need increasingly to be demonstrated. This paper explores the change of the roles of Chinese academics in plan making practices in urban areas. It focuses on what roles Chinese academics play when engaging in planning practices, how their roles change in recent two decades, and what factors are determining this change. Guangzhou with maturing planning systems in China is chosen as the research case. Comparative analysis on semi-structured interview materials about university professors and practical planners in Guangzhou are adopted to obtain information about academic engagement in plan making since 2000. The findings obtained in this research include: Firstly, the paper points out that the form of academic engagement in plan-making is mainly academic consultancy at present; the role of Chinese academics in plan making is mainly consultant providing the government intelligential and technical supports, rather than direct team leader or team staff. Secondly, the number and frequency of Chinese academic engagement in planning practices are decreasing since 2010. It is the opposite trend compared to academic engagement in western countries, such as UK, where academics are encouraged to take more responsibility and make more contribution to the society.

Thirdly, there are various kinds of factors influencing the change in Chinese academic engagement; organisational factors and institutional factors determine the change more than individual factors. The results show that country-specific policies and KPI institution in university are negative determinists on this change. This paper highlights the significance of academics’ behaviours under various institutional contexts where more parties are involved in. It promotes more attention among government officers to balance academics’ social roles when making decisions on planmaking work; and it provides insight into understanding Chinese academic engagement in plan-making under unique institutional context and in different development period compared with western countries.

3-4-2. Smart City as a Discursive Strategy under Overaccumulation in Built Environment: A Marxist Interpretation Based on a Case Study of Songdo International Business District Jung Won Sonn (University College London), [email protected] Junghwa Hurr (Seoul National University), [email protected]

Using Songdo International Business District, which some call “the world’s first smart city,” this paper offers a Marxist interpretation of the smart city as a discursive strategy under overaccumulation in the built environment sector. Data for this paper come from our interviews of important players in the District’s development. Cisco advertises that it has built Songdo as the world’s first smart city. It is often believed that Cisco could accomplish this aim partly because Songdo was a greenfield development. However, our case interviews show that 1) Cisco’s contribution to the master plan was exaggerated 2) Many of the “smart” elements in the master plan did not materialise. Our interviews further show that greenfield smart city development like Songdo is difficult for two reasons. Firstly, adding IT service at the stage of new development is extremely difficult because it increases the associated cost and buyers are not willing to pay for what has not been fully tested. Secondly, even if the cost problem is overcome, because of the slow speed of built environment production, installation of any IT infrastructure has to be based on a prediction of technology several years down the road, which is extremely risky, given the fast change in IT. When the vision of the smart city is difficult to materialize, why do we see so much buzz around that concept? Cisco and other IT firms’ intentions are clear, which is expanding their business into built-environment sector. The real question is, why the developers and the states produce similar discourses, especially in S. Korea, China and India? We claim that the smart city plays the same role as other urban discourses in the past, such as the industrial cluster and the creative city. This cyclic appearance and disappearance of concepts represents a discursive strategy of real estate capital. When world-class commercial spaces are oversupplied, the survival of the capital depends upon achieving superprofit, not the normal profit that Neil Smith and David Harvey assumed in their theories. The problem in the pursuit of superprofit in built environment is that, unlike other productive goods such as machinery, the producer should prove the quality of the product before it is produced. To make things worse, a large part of the quality of built environment is related to the agglomeration economy, which is not a direct outcome of the physical quality of built environment but rather of

the interactions among the users of built environment. As such, if key users are not attracted to this built environment, the higher quality would never materialise. For this reason, it is critical for the real estate capital to deploy seductive discourse, such as a smart city.

4-1. Post-socialist Development and Exclusions

4-1-1. Spaces of Social Exclusion: Spatial Inequality, Social Injustice and Urban Change Luděk Sýkora (Charles University), [email protected]

This paper discusses the development and nature of socio-spatial exclusion in the postsocialist context of Czech cities and regions. Three decades ago, the urban and regional landscapes exhibited traces of four decades of socialist rule with low levels of socio-spatial differentiation as one of key markers of socialist cities. The establishment of democracy and market system in the 1990s and fast incorporation into global capitalist order and European Union brought not only the desired variability in housing supply and differentiation between neighborhoods, but also visible signs of segregation. Fuelled by the pursuit of neoliberal practices in decision-making, new socio-spatial formations, such as gated communities and gentrified neighborhoods, concentrations of immigrants and socially excluded localities signaled the fast development of socio-spatial inequality. This paper specifically focuses on the spaces of social exclusion, with the increasing concentration of the most vulnerable population. The debate about the so called socially excluded localities was stimulated by the 2006 report that mapped Roma concentrations. Since then, the spatially embedded social exclusion developed into a phenomenon perceived by local governments, especially in medium and large cities, in regions affected by economic decline and some peripheral rural areas, as one of the major threats of urban development. Using the spatially detailed database about the recipients of social welfare benefits, the paper maps the most pronounced spatial concentrations of poverty and social exclusion, asses growing intra-urban and intra-region differences and documents developments towards continuing concentration of socially vulnerable population. The data analysis is further enhanced by the results of an in-depth study in eleven cities, which utilized the analysis of perception (interviews with key stakeholders), representation (analysis of media discourse) and field inquiry in identified localities of social exclusion. While the detailed city studies confirmed the results of nation-wide data analysis, it also pointed to specific local cases, where the social exclusion is symbolically constructed by local discourses (often biased towards Roma population) adding stigma to places, which do not necessarily exhibit high proportion of population receiving social welfare. In the final part, the paper discusses the issue of social housing, which role is to prevent and fight rather than foster exclusion, yet while some local government bring innovative practices, others depart from this aim and actively produce new spaces of social exclusion.

Keywords: segregation, social exclusion, spatial inequality, postsocialist city

4-1-2. “Land kings” and the Territorial Logic of the Chinese state Yimin Zhao (Renmin University of China), [email protected]

China is now in an era when an urban metamorphosis has been rewriting the ethos of the Party and its regime, with the ultimate goal of sustaining its authority by working miracles in and through urban space. With this rationale, relations and interactions of the state agents are restructured to turn heterogeneous spatio-temporalities into a homogeneous whole. Drawing on an empirical study of land transactions at the micro level in Beijing, this paper shows that thriving land businesses of the Chinese state are not a purely economic project; instead, it is a totalising project in the sense that the state’s production of urban spaces are conditional on related social, spatial and political processes – all being dominated by a territorial logic. This exploration may help to uncover the power geometries of China’s urban process and facilitate further reflections on the “state space” and the state question in general

Keywords: state space, territorial logic, land business, urban process, China

4-1-3. City-regionalism as Geopolitical Processes: The Evolution and Dynamics of Yangtze River Delta Region, China Yi Li (Hohai University), [email protected] Andrew E.G. Jonas (University of Hull), [email protected]

Focusing upon Chinese city-regionalism, in general, and the evolution of Yangtze River Delta (YRD) region, in particular, the paper underlines the close associations between city- regionalism and the geopolitics of national development. Rather than conceived as an inevitable outcome of contemporary globalization processes, the development of YRD region is instead examined against the changing geopolitical dynamics and national objectives of the communist Chinese state from 1949 to the present day. YRD and Shanghai were not officially designated as a city-region until the late 1980s, a time when city-regionalism became linked to the Chinese state’s aspiration for accelerated economic growth and the internationalization of the domestic economy. Often portrayed as a ‘global city-region’, YRD has been significantly expanded far beyond its original functional administrative territory to incorporate peripheral cities and provinces for the sake of regionally coordinated development. At the same time, Shanghai is imagined to be a ‘global city’ yet remains politically detached from the rest of the YRD. The paper reveals how YRD city-regionalism manifests wider geopolitical tensions inside the Chinese state, thereby throwing doubt upon contemporary post-Westphalian or hyper-globalist perspectives on the rise of global city-regions in a seemingly stateless world.

4-2. The Politics of Mobilities and Migrants

4-2-1. Creating Exclusionary Spaces to Enter the Public: The Spatial Politics of Nepalese Restaurants in a Globalising Seoul Seonyoung Seo (Yonsei University), [email protected]

Labour migration as a prominent form of mobility has significantly contributed to shaping urban diversity in the Asian region. Since 2007, a new form of labour migration, from Nepal to South Korea under the Employment Permit System, has also led to the remarkable expansion of Seoul’s “Nepal Town”. This ethnicised space has not only changed the landscape of the city through enabling encounters with diverse materials and cultural practices, but it also offers otherwise socially and spatially marginalised Nepalese migrants a public space to connect with larger urban public spaces. This paper interrogates how low-wage Nepalese migrants, whose social and spatial exclusion is taken for granted under regulatory migration regimes, enter the public sphere and engage in place-making practices in a global city. Drawing on Staeheli et al.’s (2009) discussion on the marginalised groups’ struggle for access to the public realm, I focus particularly on the spatial politics of Nepalese restaurants and their roles creating exclusionary spaces where Nepalese migrants feel safe, perform their social, cultural, and political subjectivities, and ultimately assist their entry to the Korean public world. The argument I present highlights paradoxical relations in that spaces of exclusion offer safe spaces for low-wage Nepalese migrants to be a part of the public in a global city.

4-2-2. Why Do African Students Choose to Study in South Korea? Victor Owusu (Seoul National University), [email protected] Nana Yaw Oppong-Yeboah (Seoul National University)

East Asian countries like China and Korea are increasingly becoming the favorite study abroad destination for most African students. We made an attempt to analyze the motivations behind Ghanaian and Kenyan students' choice of Korea as their preferred destination for higher education using the push-pull travel motivation framework. A total of 160 questionnaires were randomly administered to students from Ghana and Kenya studying in Korea between March and May 2018. The questionnaire consisted of four parts: socio-demographic variables, push motivational items, pull motivational items, and students' satisfaction of Korea in relation to higher education. The study found that Korea's global reputation for academic excellence and the availability of scholarship opportunities constitute the major motivations for African students to study in Korea. Among the socio-demographic variables, only the age category showed a significant relationship with pull motivation factors. Possible reasons that can explain such development might be related to student's post-graduation intentions and the desire for such people to secure a better job opportunity that can increase their families' socio-economic status. We suggest that student travel motivations are influenced by personal factors together with the

attractiveness of the host destination Acceptance and integration together with the introduction of more English courses were the two most important suggestions made by respondents to help improve the image of Korea as a top destination for study abroad. In relation to better integration, students advocated for more education on African cultures to reduce racism and ignorance. Other important recommendations made by students includes favorable immigration policies, job opportunities after graduation and more scholarship opportunities. We believe that the results from this study could serve as a blueprint for both the government and other related agencies in Korea that have been charged to increase as well as sustain the population of international students.

Keywords: Ghana, Kenya, International Students, Travel Motivations, Korea.

4-2-3. Urbanizing Mobility Justice: Hong Kong’s Mobilities Regime Lachlan Barber (Hong Kong Baptist University), [email protected]

Much of the emerging scholarship on mobility justice (Sheller 2014) in urban contexts builds on longer-standing efforts in transport studies to address questions of access and distribution in the context of automobile-oriented planning systems. It has been shown that those unable to afford or access private vehicles experience various forms of socio-spatial exclusion manifest in im/mobilities and that these relations are shaped by gender, race, class and other forms of difference. Moving beyond the paradigm of Anglo-American car-dominated urban landscapes, this paper considers mobility justice in the context of the dense, transit-oriented transport systems of East Asian cities. Although mass transit dominates in Hong Kong and the rate of private car ownership is low (+/-10%), attention to the role of the private sector in transport planning and provision leads to questions about mobility justice. Here, questions of access and distribution must be accompanied by attention to hierarchically ordered transport modes and the modalities of power undergirding them. This paper employs the emerging conceptual framework of “mobilities regimes” to ask how inequalities materialize in a transport planning system heavily influenced by corporate interests including a related property (re)development regime (Tang 2008) and colonial interests (Mizuoka 2018). Empirically the paper draws on research on two episodes in Hong Kong that reveal the relations of domination inherent in the mobilities regime: the relocation of a ferry pier due to harbour reclamation, and the establishment and normalization of above-ground pedestrian infrastructure integrated with private shopping malls. Conceptually the paper contributes to contextualizing mobility justice with respect to the political and economic relations that undergird the production of the urban landscape. In doing so, it also responds to recent calls to urbanize mobility justice.

4-3. Theorizing the Urban of East Asia

Session description With rapid urban growth in the past few decades, urban scholars have developed different ways of understanding contemporary urban conditions and urban questions, and we have witnessed multiple debates between existing “leading” critical theories and the emerging “state-of-the-art” critics. From planetary urbanization (Lefebvre 2003 [1970], Brenner 2014), comparative urbanism (Robinson 2006, Parnell and Robinson 2012), to assemblage urbanism (Farías and Bender 2010, McFarlane 2011), these efforts of theorizing the urban and the debates among them enrich this field and offer inspiring lenses to analyze contemporary urban issues from different perspectives, and even to critically reconsider the relationship between “the urban” and “the rest (or beyond)”. However, these lively dialogues also bring challenges for urban scholars, especially those who study the global south or the East, regarding to whether and how to relate their own works to those existing theorizations. In East Asia, scholars heavily rely on theories from the North or the West to understand the diverse socio-spatial issues of this loosely defined region. This led to a problematic fragmentation of the studies of this region. While comparative and relational perspectives have been introduced to address this neocolonialism of knowledge production, so far the East Asian urban experiences still rarely speak to each other or other cities of global south. Borrowing the idea of building connections and conversations between the South from Inter-Asia Cultural Studies project (Chen and Chua 2007), this session aims to invite participants to bring their projects from different urban contexts to enhance our understanding of in what ways existing social and spatial theories could help us better address contemporary socio-spatial issues in East Asia. Based on our concerns of the relationship between the empirical and the theoretical, we also aim to anchor our conversation to the socio-spatial justice in East Asian contexts. To what extent East Asia societies perceive socio-spatial justice differently from what western societies do? Or whether they reveal similar or diverse understandings within this loosely defined region? For example, different understandings of property right might lead to different struggles on eminent domain between the people and the government, or produce collaboration or alienation among homeowners and tenants of the same neighborhood. Then whether the ways we adopt or appropriate existing theories facilitate or limit the understanding of the empirical cases? Or with theories borrowed from other contexts or developed by our own contexts, how academic analysis or knowledge production could contribute to nurturing a just urban society?

4-3-1. Making Theorization Matter: Rereading State-Society Relationship of Taiwan’s Housing Policy Wei-chieh Hung (Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey), [email protected]

Since Taiwan’s housing price skyrocketed in late 1980s caught nationwide attention and induced social movements advocating policy reform, critical scholars have tried to understand the socio-spatial processes that led to the urban housing crisis, identify its historical roots, and develop strategies to tackle it. However, prevailing explanations that adopt state-centered approaches rarely inform effective political actions to addressing housing injustice, but also produce contradictory explanations of Taiwan’s housing policy. Both coming from left-leaning critical scholars, one criticizes government’s historically low investment in housing sector – under the developmental state account, and the other condemns government’s reduction of housing investment in recent decades – under the neoliberal account. Based on problematizing the paradox of “how the state could cut a nonexistent investment”, I first examine (1) how existing literature theorizes Taiwan’s housing policy, practice, and crisis and (2) how the state-society binary is reinforced by applying theories growing from different contexts, Anglo-American societies specifically. Second, through archival research and participant observation of past and contemporary transformations of Taipei’s housing policy, I argue that a relational approach to the state-society relationship is needed to better understand how ordinary people and different civil groups with different social, economic, and political agendas gained access to influencing different housing policies. Finally, through identifying the role of homeownership ideology in shaping contemporary socio-spatial injustice, I argue that the formation of the discourse of “self- made homeowners” and its future transformation is needed in future academic research in order to make housing research relevant to policy reform and socio-spatial transformation.

4-3-2. The Transformation from Failure: A Case Study of Nanjichang Community in Taipei Wei-Ting Sheng (The Chinese University of Hong Kong), [email protected]

City is a laboratory. “This is the laboratory of trial and error, failure and success, in city building and design.” (Jacobs, 1961) By presenting the history and recent development of Nanjichang community, this case study aims to apply the urban planning methodologies to the first public housing project in Taipei, Taiwan. Nanjichang community is known as a “resettled tenement community”. It was one of the model community set up by Taiwanese Government in 60s and 70s, when the trend of rational planning was deeply influencing planners in Taipei. This public housing project seemed to be perfect and humane in such a society until the emergence of informal rooftop and balcony. The management error and lack of local connection and social bonding attributes to the emergence of another slum in southern Taipei. Advocacy and communicative planning came to Nanjichang after the martial law ended in Taiwan. As one of the most important advocators of Nanjichang, the chief of “li” promotes

community engagement in Nanjichang. To reach social justice in a low-end community, he has taken measures in this community. His cooperation with NGO and NPO opened another era of communicative planning in the district. Urban planners invited civilians in the community and students from universities to practice cooperative planning in recent urban renewal project in Nanjichang. By collecting opinions from different stakeholders, the uncertainties under different context can be mutually understood. The global trend of transformation from rational planning to advocacy and communicative planning was realized in Nanjichang in Taipei. Planning methodology is considered as a tool in the case of Nanjichang, which is also a typical case representing the professional trend in Taipei. This laboratory of planning is continuously developing its opportunity connecting stakeholders.

4-3-3. Brokering Spaces: The Analysis on Institution and Power of Social Housing in Taiwan Chih-Hua Tseng (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

Under several crises to housing problems, Taiwan has finally started to build social housing since 2010, mainly because of the social movement led by Social Housing Advocacy Consortium (SHAC). After the president election in 2016, social housing has further been recognized as one of the major policies for Taiwanese government, with the goal of 200,000 units in 8 years. However, some news revealed drawbacks to the policy, for instance some neighborhood in Taipei have strongly opposed social housing. Moreover, the policy may have the issue of high rent price to income ratio, which may become unaffordable especially for low income and underprivileged households. Based on the dynamic relationship between institution and power, the research focused on social housing in Taiwan as a case study. Built upon neo-institutionalism and urban regime theory, I revised it with the insight of strategic action field, combining with different research method including historical research, interview and fieldwork. I examined two different cities that both are planning to build more than 20,000 units since 2014 mayor election, while taking different path to achieve it. In a field which is based upon two different indicators, political power over space and ownership relation over place, social housing in Taipei has become a plan for urban redevelopment, with the relatively multilateral relationship, different interests could be brokered with the complex strategic action, including mobilization and cooperation, even leading to more institutional creations. Meanwhile, social housing in Taoyuan has become a plan for urban development, with the bilateral relationship between government and respective interest groups, different preferences and interests could only be negotiated and mandated mostly by the headmen of each groups, causing the policy to achieve faster with lesser reflections. In conclusion, I suggested a more relational approach, combining with multi-layered analysis as a much more dynamic understanding to urban politics. I pointed out that the connection between neighborhoods, local and central level of political process can lead to the different outcome of the urban institution, and implied the different transformation path to the respective urban political relationships.

4-4. Equity in Planning

4-4-1. Dynamics Between Urban Economic Development and the Development of Urban Public Goods: The History of Planning and Building Parks in Ulsan, South Korea Woo-cheol Kim (University of British Columbia), [email protected]

Many existing studies about second-tier industrial cities have focused on their industrial development paths, thus they involuntarily assume that urban development of those cities is the mere outcome of their industrial/economic development. However, the concentration of production does not automatically lead to urban development because urban development does not merely mean industrial development or population growth, but rather, it inevitably includes the development of collective goods related to the reproduction of labor forces and human lives in the city. This development process is not smoothly advanced according to urban planning but contingently shaped by a web of political pressures and social struggles based on diverse groups’ interests over the distribution of urban resources. By revealing this process in one of the famous second-tier industrial cities—Ulsan, South Korea, I will challenge the assumption that a city’s industrial/economic development is not well distinguished from its general development including the development of public goods. Specifically, I will focus on Ulsan’s history of planning and building parks in order to show that industrial development and following urban planning did not easily result in the improvement of urban settings. There have been diverse forces and moments that shape dynamics between the development of a city as a core of production and the development of a city as a center for reproduction.

4-4-2. Housing Allocation in a Redeveloped Neighbourhood in China: Luck Egalitarianism or Real Justice? Him Chung (Hong Kong Baptist University), [email protected]

Urban scholars which follow a critical scholarship suggest development and redevelopment as a process of capital accumulation which in favour of large corporate interest and wealthy groups. This is particular the case of China where urbanization and redevelopment are considered as “speculative” (Shin, 2014) and “property-led” (He and Wu, 2005) respectively. Such features have not only accelerated the pace of accumulation, but also intensified displacement and dispossession; therefore raise concern on inequality and socio-spatial segregation in Chinese cities as well as urban residents’ housing right in the city. Investigating right protection actions stemmed from redevelopment, Shin (2013) suggests the missing of effective means to stop the demolition of urban dwellers’ home has sparked discontent and produced nail households. This is particular for marginal groups such as migrant workers. Qian and He (2012) argues that the country’s uneven distribution of social power has led to unequal social relations as well as uneven distribution of material interest including housing. Since such an inequality is structurally made and it is unlikely to be changed fundamentally under

the existing power structure, the state, in the light of maintain social stability and the building a harmonious society, has to relentlessly regulate the redistribution of material interest during the building of urban modernism. The making of a housing class in urban China is a good illustration. Early studies show people, such as urban household registration (hu kou) holders and socialist workers, who enjoy a dominant power relation are able to access a various kind of state-sponsor goods and hence make themselves a housing class during urban development. In the context of China’s state-led urbanization, the making of housing class is facilitated by urban redevelopment. Through flexible policies, there are, in fact, social groups who are not ‘within the system’ manage to negotiate for their right to inhabitance and right to housing during the redevelopment of their neighbourhood. Who are these people? How do they pursue this? Most importantly, what is the implication of their story on social justice in urban China? The redevelopment of Yangji will be used for illustration. Yangji is one of the 45 villages- in-the-city in central Guangzhou. Native residents are situated at the lower level of the social ladder of the existing social structure and suffered from alienation and discrimination during urbanisation. Guangzhou’s flexible redevelopment policy for their neighbourhood, however, has provided them unexpected opportunity for negotiation during the redevelopment of their neighbourhood. The gain of on-site replacement, retention of land use rights and reallocation of housing resources not only allows these native residents to sustain their living style, but also enables them to reap a share from the potential ground rent stemmed from the redevelopment. This paper demonstrates the way that the potential ground rent is shared among native residents, a developer and the government. Through this story, this paper suggests redevelopment is a redistribution process in urban China. This outcome appears to produce a just distribution of goods but it fails to meet a more substantial equality of opportunity principle.

4-4-3. Development and Policy of Housing and Impact of Young people’s Movement: Cases of Taipei and Seoul Eunyoung Yu (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

Living space is a basic human right, and housing is a necessity for people's livelihood. In many advanced countries, housing policy and development is an important issue of social welfare. This paper explores housing issues in relation to young people in Seoul and Taipei. The paper argues that the housing question in those cities has discriminate young and other generations connected to political and economic issues. Young people living in Taipei and Seoul face housing problems in making the independent from the parental home to studying or working in cities. Because house prices and the lack of affordable alternatives for rent is commonly ignored in housing market. In Taipei, housing price-to-income ratio is growing and in addition to the salary level has subsided and the gap between the rich and the poor has widened. The housing problem of young people in the metropolitan area is even more severe. Therefore, the Social Housing Alliance and the Student Movement Group jointly launched the second-generation residential

movement, "Chaoyun". On the other hand, Seoul has different developments in housing policy. South Korea was a large-scale public rental house after the struggle caused by large-scale development in the late 1980s. However, the main background of Seoul's housing market after the financial crisis were the restructuring of the rental market. The rent for a single-family house that is mainly occupied by young people is about twice as expensive as that of an housing unit. This is an obvious phenomenon of unequal youth housing and it motivate the development of youth housing movements in Seoul. Addressing the housing problem is widely regarded as a political priority. The research question is what kind of appeals the housing movements and youth groups put forward, and how does the government respond to the policy? How these policy developments express governance relationships. The paper draws on comparing through the young people’s housing issues which explores the statues and expectations with regard to housing among young people in two cities.

Keywords: Young People, Housing Policy, Social Conflict, Generation Gap

4-4-4. Land Grabbing, Forced Evictions and Land Justice Movement in Taiwan Shih-Jung Hsu (National Chengchi University), [email protected] Li-Min Liao (China University of Technology), [email protected]

The governing regime in Taiwan has mainly pursued economic growth since 1960, and the land has been basically treated as a productive base for industry. The high economic growth rate is ascribed by Gold (1986) to the government’s single-minded policy focus on economic growth. The state in Taiwan played the leading role in the process of capital accumulation, and land was basically treated as economic production factor. In order to promote economic growth which is usually equal to public interest, the state frequently implements the power of eminent domain (or land expropriation, taking) to deprive land ownership or property right through the mechanism of land use planning. However, land is a precious resource needed for human development. A piece of land or a community can be a specific place for human identity. The relation between human and place cannot be separated in this sense. A subjective and valuable sense of place is very important for land use policy and planning. Thus, several people could define variety meanings of land. Ali Madanipour, Pastsy Healey and Angela Hull (2001, 6-7) maintain "The notions of space are complex concepts. [S]uch complexity requires a dynamic, multidimensional approach, which would capture complexity without the need for excessive reductionism." Furthermore, John Agnew (1987, 28) dissects land or place into three major parts: locale, location and sense of place. Members of a particular geographic and political community should be included in planning process to ensure a future that is environmentally healthy and economically and socially vibrant at the local and regional levels. Unfortunately, because land use planning in Taiwan is a matter of the distribution of benefits and burdens, those who hold the most power tend to receive the

most benefits and they try to exclude those powerlessness. Exclusion occurs through the mobilization of bias in the political process. Numerous protests have emerged in recent years. The Taiwan Rural Front (TRF), an advocacy NGO organization tries to help those farmers whose land have been deprived by the state. The protest activities led by the TRF are called the Land Justice Movement, which has great influence in Taiwan society recently (Hsu, 2016). The goal of the paper is to show the serious problem of land grabbing and forced evictions in Taiwan. The TRF and Land Justice Movement try to stop the authoritarian control of land use planning and to bring in deliberative democracy in it.

5-1. Housing Development and Spatial Justice

5-1-1. Market-oriented Housing Development Chao Yuan (University of Bristol), [email protected]

Since the 1980s, as China has undergone a state-led market-oriented commercialisation of land and housing, the urban landscape has become increasingly segregated, the distribution of capital has been re-shuffled, and the face of the country’s class structure has altered. However, questions remain about individual urban agents’ everyday social experiences in the poor neighbourhoods where they live, using a social theoretical framework that goes beyond quantitative data-based models. To answer these, this thesis first examines how the state’s market-oriented housing development has helped to speed-up the spatial segregation of rich and poor, and the formation of typically poor urban neighbourhoods, both in family areas owned by State Owned Enterprise (SOE) work-units, and in urban villages. More importantly, it aims to untangle the power ‘game’ played by the central state and local government, in which, driven by the pursuit of ‘land profit’ through mass demolitions and innovations in lifestyle and cultural environments. Secondly, the thesis investigates the everyday life of three typical categories of urban resident: poor laid-off SOE workers, migrant workers and low-income college graduates who live in the decayed family areas and urban villages. In examining the interaction between state-led symbolic power and individual urban social agents from a bottom-up ‘lifeworld’ perspective, this research reveals the way that symbolic power has operated during this rapid state-led spatial change, illustrating the processes that have led to the division of the external environment into high/low, luxury/low-end, bright/dark and rich/poor physical spatial order in the state-led urban spatial redevelopment It also unpacks how it is reproduced in the everyday lives of urban residents through their economic activities, consumption, leisure and social networking via their bodily movements and their spatial recognition of both their own neighbourhoods and those adjacent to it. Furthermore, by following Bourdieu’s social spatial topology, the thesis also discovers differences in the spatial practices of the three categories of urban resident in terms of their capital composition and class habitus.

5-1-2. Role sharing Models of Supply and Management of Public Housing in Seoul Chang-heum Byeon (Sejong University), [email protected]

Until now agents of housing supply and management have been divided by public and private. But recently new types of housing supply and management models have been invented and practiced through various agents in Seoul. Social housing, community housing based on the land rent, housing cooperatives, New Stay, Youth Housing on the station influence area etc. I will analyse business models of the new types of public housing focused on the role of agents, land acquisition, financing, risk sharing and residential stability.

5-1-3. Spaces of Entrepreneurial Welfare: Public Assistance and the Inner City in Osaka, Japan Johannes Kiener (Osaka City University), [email protected]

This presentation aims to challenge hegemonic understandings of welfare geographies, deeply rooted in the experience of the West. By evoking the “public city” of a past Keynesian welfare state, welfare settlements became to be understood as under attack of neoliberal or austerity policies. This resulted in a residualized and disguised form of welfare, unable or unwilling to address sufficiently issues of poverty. The terms that were developed in order to describe this change are plentiful, and “Schumpeterian workfare state (Jessop 1993)”, “post- welfare regime (Dean 1999)”, or “post-welfare age (Fairbanks 2009)” are only some of the most prominent. This notion is reflected in research on the spatial remaking of the city for the middle class. Welfare cuts, closure of soup runs or the introduction of fees to homeless shelters emerged as strategies to clean cities from the poor (Smith 1996). Despite this more recently the focus shifted to “spaces of care (Cloke and May 2005)” that are able to sustain the lives of service dependent populations in a neoliberal environment. Building on this also the capabilities and strategies of voluntary organizations, residuals of the Keynesian public city, to “stay put” in an increasingly gentrifying environment were analyzed (DeVerteuil 2015). In contrast in Japan welfare was already during the 1970s residualized making it difficult to talk about a Keynesian past. Especially men, that were considered able to work, was the access to public assistance denied, and many of them became day laborers, providing the flexible workforce that was demanded by the booming construction industry. This situation changed not before the 2000s, when many of the day laborers suffered from unemployment and homelessness, and public assistance became available also for them. Hence, a large amount of unhoused people became able to enter the private housing market, having the potential to creat new spaces of welfare. This gave rise to a market for so called “welfare housing” that provided especially to public assistance recipients and which’s praxes differ strongly from the rather discriminatory major rental housing market (Kiener et al. 2018). The formation of welfare housing follows the logic of “entrepreneurs” who venture into this new business, but opt mainly for profit. The presentation aims to interrogates these spaces that were created by entrepreneurial welfare from an historical point of view, unraveling the relation between the public sphere and the inner city housing market in Osaka, that became the main site for welfare housing.

5-1-4. Boundaries, Limits and Flows –Conceptualizing Natural Resource Management in Times of Increasing Resource Pressures Bettina Bluemling (Utrecht University), [email protected]

The relationship between society and nature is getting more and more complex. With societal needs increasingly diversifying, different groups have competing claims for the same natural resource. Such claims can confront communities with the challenge of how to coordinate resource uses that have complex interactions. This observed interconnectedness has been coined “water-energy-food nexus” which recognizes the interdependency of different natural resource uses. The “nexus” puts emphasis on the interchanges among resources that express in abstractions and additions across resources. It to some extent thwarts emphasis on “clearly defined boundaries”, which have been identified as an important design principle for the long- term management of natural resources by scholars of the “Common Pool Resource School”. Increased interlinkage of natural resource uses hence calls the concept of “boundaries” into question. In this paper / presentation, we assume that boundaries do have a role to play in successful natural resource management, but given increased interconnectedness of natural resources, we need to go further in differentiating among different kinds of boundaries. Such a differentiation is presumed to be necessary to better cope with the interconnectedness of resource users and resource uses, i.e. to allow for a better consideration of such interconnectedness and its interplay with different kinds of boundaries within Common Pool Resource management. We start out by devising a theoretical framework based on which we distinguish three different kinds of boundaries involved in natural resource management, and for each of the, we identify sources for ambiguity. These sources for ambiguity are potential leverage points to “break open” boundaries and connect resources. We apply this framework to an analysis of 30 publications by Elinor Ostrom that we retrieved from a systematic literature review. In this way, we obtained a better understanding of the conceptualization of boundaries: In how far has the CPR school taken into consideration different types of boundaries and their ambiguities? In how far has the design principle “clearly defined boundaries” to be understood in such a rigid way as it is discussed in literature? Our results show that indeed, the understanding of “clearly defined boundaries” in literature is misleading. Elinor Ostrom has early on identified the increasing complexities around natural resource uses, which has however not necessarily led to a refinement of the design principle. In this paper, we hence apply our theoretical framework to three cases of interlinked natural resource use in East Asia. By identifying different kinds of boundaries and their related ambiguities, we can discuss which parts of these boundaries to possibly “break open” in order to allow for the inclusion of the resources’ connectedness in a sustainable management of natural resources. By pointing at how to coordinate uses, a much more just resource use can be achieved among communities.

5-2. Relocating Asian Borders in Everyday Life

Session Description The research approach to “vernacularization of borders” has relocated the practices of state borders to people’s everyday lives. This pushed us to reconsider meanings and effects of borders and bordering of the world, including Asia, where borders have received less attention compared to the dominant research sites in Europe and North America. Political disputes of borders between different countries have never eased in Asia, both within and without. While the Asian border issues have been discussed at national and global scale, fewer studies look into the border and bordering in the scale of everyday life. Hence, this panel aims to relocate Asian borders in the everyday life, where state governance and sovereignty have been reproduced, challenged, and reworked. The panelists would like to transcend the academic account in delineating boundaries of area studies within Asia with divisions like East Asian Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, South Asian Studies, etc.. Additionally, with relocating Asian borders, we specifically relocate the Asian borders at the site of people’s everyday lives. We consider people’s everyday lives are the arena where different actors from different places, including human and nonhuman, encounter to do the border work. More importantly, the encounter of different actors from different places in everyday life has therefore pushed us not only to shift away the research focus on the physical borderlines on the ground, but also to reconsider the border work at multiple scales and places without the confinement the boundaries of area studies divided in academia.

5-2-1. Refugee Policies and Identity Politics: the Cases of Tibetan Communities in Exile Yu-Shan Liu (National Chi Nan University), [email protected]

This research aims to understand the identity politics involved in the everyday life of refugees, and the role played by state-state and region-region relations in shaping the refugee policies of host societies. Focusing on the Tibetan refugees in South/East Asia, this study looks into the changes of their legal status and associated policies from their host governments in the past decades. In doing so, the paper explores the boundary negotiations between the refugee communities, host societies, and the transnational/transregional contexts in South/East Asia. It addresses the question of whether the constraints imposed by state’s refugee policies become a mean of empowerment by which the refugees manipulate resources for their social, political and cultural practices, and negotiate their relationship with different ‘others’ (which may refer to other ethnic ‘refugees’ in the same country, the host society, their countries of origin, and international organizations). Although the case of Tibetan refugees may vary in many ways with other refugee communities, including their experience of displacement and migration, narratives of exclusion and belonging, representations of ‘homeland’, and forms of community mobilization, it is suggested that they are connected with others (and as such, provide an important angle for comparison) by a dilemma of being caught between state-state politics, ethnicity/internal ‘others’

and nationalism, and between localization and globalization. Through the lens of Tibetans, this paper aims to provide new ways of conceptualizing the interactions between ‘communities’, states and regions in South/East Asia, and the discourse of ‘community security’. It also hopes to case light on those living on the margin, whose expression and experience have been largely neglected, but who have continuously contested and modifies the diversity and dynamics of state-people, state-state and region-region relations today.

Keywords: Tibetan refugees, community security, identity politics, state-state relations

5-2-2. The Local in Question: Politics of Border and Mobility of the Tea Trade between Vietnam and Taiwan Po-Yi Hung (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

Taking tea trade between Vietnam and Taiwan as an epitome, this essay aims to reconsider the re-localization of agri-food production and consumption through understanding the politics of (de)bordering and (im)mobilization in local food system (LFS). Starting from early 1990s, a group of Taiwanese entrepreneurs and tea merchants started their tea plantations and production in Vietnam, especially at the Province of Lam Dong. Instead of using the tea trees originally grew in Vietnam, these Taiwanese entrepreneurs and tea merchants transplanted tea trees of improved varieties from Taiwan. Additionally, they also brought along the whole “package” of processing techniques from Taiwan. In other words, they believed they also produced Taiwanese tea, whereas the production location was in Vietnam instead. In Taiwan, the “local” production of tea has declined due to a variety of reasons. Nevertheless, the market demand of tea has increased mainly because of the increasing consumption of bottled teas, handmade tea drinks of chain stores, and the tea for touristic souvenirs. As a result, strong demand for imported tea, mainly from Vietnam, has increased for meeting the growing consumption. However, the emerging ethos of LFS in Taiwan has created a discourse of local authenticity in agriculture, including tea production. In consequence, the decreasing local tea production in Taiwan has been labeled as the only authentic tea product of Taiwan. In accordance, many see Vietnamese tea, including those produced by Taiwanese tea entrepreneurs in Lam Dong, as a threat tarnishing the authenticity of local tea in Taiwan. Based on the empirical data collected in both Taiwan and Vietnam, we argue that the local food movement has been a circulation assemblage with interface between border work and material mobility. From that, we problematize the emerging pursue of a purified and essentialized local food, Taiwanese tea in particular.

Keywords: border, mobility, materiality, assemblage, Vietnamese tea, Taiwanese tea

5-3. Gender and Spatial Justice I: Community, Housing and Social Reproduction

5-3-1. Vietnamese Marriage Migrants’ Place-making in Seoul: The Case of Vietnamese Class for Multicultural Children Bui Thi My Hang (Seoul National University), [email protected]

The paper aims to discuss about Vietnamese migrants’ place-making in Seoul, Korea in the case of the Vietnamese class for multicultural children. In particularly, the research focuses on the actors contributing in making the place and then finds its characteristics. To study about the Vietnamese class as the migrants’ place-making, the paper applies the regime of place-making considering two groups of actors, which are governmental and non-governmental actors. The research argues that the role of the non-governmental actors is rising whereas the state actor’s role influences on place-making on the macro size. Different contexts create a different form of place-making, the paper argue that the Vietnamese marriage migrants’ place-making is indirectly and passively formed via the Vietnamese class for the children from the multicultural families and the place reflects the short history of Vietnamese migrants’ settlement in Korea.

5-3-2. Activist Parenting? The Crisis of Social Reproduction and Community Childcare Coops in Korea Laam Hae (York University), [email protected]

In my paper, I examine the evolution of the community childcare coop movement in Korea, and interrogate the forms of prefigurative politics that it has envisaged, and the transformative potential of this movement. The community childcare coop movement that emerged in the mid 1990s was the intersectional outcome of the Korean feminists’ theorization of the crisis of social reproduction and their activism for affordable and universal childcare system in the 1980s, on the one hand, and the leftist movements for local participatory democracy that emerged in the early 1990s, on the other. Community childcare coops have sought to overcome the unequal gender division of labor on childcare, establish alternative forms of education to children and to promote social bondage amongst community members against the developmentalist offensive onto alternative community politics. That is, this movement has been the site where the current state of social reproduction and gendered division of care labor have been questioned and challenged through alternative community child-rearing practices. While examining the practices and achievements of this movement, I argue that despite all the radicalness that it is associated with, the movement needs to be seriously re-appraised and questioned in terms of its potential as a node within broader movements for social transformations, especially broader movements that have fought against the crisis of social reproduction in Korea. I also show the continuation of unequal gender relations and bourgeois character of this movement, too.

5-3-3. Making "My home": Spatial Strategies of Young Women as Housing Precariat Minji Gwon (Seoul National University), [email protected]

The concept of precariat suggests the possibility of the formation of a new political subject by designating unstable workers as one class, and highlights the psychological aspects linked to job market instability. However, the existing discussion did not take into account gender as a cause of precariat formation, and overlooked subjectivity of the precariat, focusing on the aspects of precarity. To overcome these limitations, this study uses the concept of precarity and precariat to analyze housing experiences of Korean young women, and investigates major factors of the formation of housing precariat, aspects of housing precarity, and their spatial strategies. In this paper, housing precariat is defined as a group that experiences the absence of housing space where one can feel comfortable and secure, with privacy protected, and can focus on self- improvement without interruption, regardless of the existence of physical dwelling space. Combined with the growing economic precarity caused by the spread of neoliberalism and the patriarchal historical and cultural context of Korea, young women are forming housing precariat. However, in Korean society where normative life course, such as marriage, is taken for granted, housing precarity of young women is regarded as a temporary problem and remains on the fringe of housing welfare policy. Despite the given set of circumstances, they try to improve housing stability by implementing diverse spatial strategies such as migration strategies, precarious jobs, communal housing, and alternative place-making. This paper expands the understanding of housing precarity of Korean young women, which has been at the periphery of the discussion, and suggests the need to introduce gender mainstreaming in residential welfare policies.

5-3-4. Interstitial Spaces of Caring and Community: Commodification, Modernization and the Dislocations of Everyday Practice within Beijing’s hutong Neighborhoods Melissa Y. Rock (State University of New York at New Paltz), [email protected]

In the transition towards a socialist market economy, China has newly-redrawn literal and figurative boundaries of public and private space in favor of the private, whereas previously during the Mao era, the reverse had been valorized. In the early post-Mao era, the spaces of public and private in old Beijing’s alleyway (hutong) neighborhoods dynamically overlapped and evolved. As such, these interstitial spaces often served as unique locations for rich social interface, community care and civic engagement, especially for the more vulnerable segments of society (i.e./ the poor, youth/elderly and disabled). During the early post-Mao economic reform era, families and neighbors residing in Beijing’s center city hutong have continued to live largely in close quarters—fluctuating between harmony and disharmony—creating and maintaining tightly interwoven relationships that are often mutually beneficial, if not socio-economically necessary. However, processes of commodification, modernization and gentrification expedited at the turn of the century, especially in preparation for the hosting of the 2008 Summer Olympic

Games, have notably worked to squeeze out and displace interstitial spaces (Brighenti 2016). This paper explores the ways in which everyday practice is transformed within hutong neighborhoods to accommodate the spatial logics and discourses associated with Beijing’s neoliberal urbanism (He and Wu 2009). The reorganization of hutong spatial practice and the resultant impact upon the changing geographies of care and responsibility are underpinned by an emergent neoliberal urbanism and spatiality of social reproduction. This paper demonstrates that although the socio- spatial restructuring experienced in contemporary hutong neighborhoods provides its residents with a high degree of geographically partitioned proximity, processes of commodification and gentrification have eroded the interstitial spaces where close or intimate social interactions build tight, mutually beneficial social networks. Rather, the commodification of Beijing’s courtyard housing (siheyuan) and concomitant propagation of discourses of modernity and personal quality effectively create, reinforce and normalize distinctive boundaries that demarcate not just private ownership or usury rights, but also the social conceptions of responsibility within a neoliberal socio-spatial sphere of everyday interaction. Thus, the informal structures of social reproduction which had previously been located in the interstitial spaces within hutong neighborhoods are squeezed out of the newly re-inscribed contemporary binaries of spatial organization and social interaction in Beijing’s new commodity housing framework. The long-standing saying, “close neighbors are better than distant relatives,” once an indication of Beijing social life is less descriptive of life in its neoliberal urban present.

5-4. Housing in East Asia [Book Launch Panel Session]

Hyun Bang Shin (London School of Economics and Political Science), [email protected] Yi-Ling Chen (University of Wyoming), [email protected]

6-1. Right to the City

6-1-1. Solidarity Infrastructures: Practices of Commonings of Alternative Asia Pelin Tan (University of Cyprus), [email protected]

This paper based on field research and personal engagement in the alternative collectives in several cities such as Seoul, Hong Kong, Tokyo, Kaohsiung and others since 2011. The aim of the research is to understand how artistic practices are creating specific collectivity, autonomy and discourses in urban and rural social movements. Secondly, the collectives have started to meet and discuss together on solidarity and common actions in Tokyo (2016), Seoul (2017) and Hong Kong (in several occasion) in the last years. These autonomous meetings which differ from the organised movements and solidarity actions (based on types of NGOs or Unions) are creating alternative inter-asian platforms. The role of artists-designers-activists mixed collectives in east

asia are based on socially engaged art centered on community engagement—from neighborhoods to urban villages to migration communities—. They started to break up into autonomous collective practices during the post-occupy movements. Some practices, including the work of collective organizations such as Woofer Ten (Hong Kong), Multitude (Taiwan), Social Kitchen (Kyoto), ListenTheCity (Seoul), Kai Fong Pai Dong (Hong Kong), Mapopo Farm (Hong Kong), Shirouto no Ran (Tokyo) and other. They are acting not only against gentrification, eviction, forced migration/refugeehood and ecological destructions but also setting solidarity infrastructure and practices of commoning among other collectives in east asia. These collectives are offering new forms of collaboration, dissemination, approaches to artistic autonomy, and alternative labor networks and economies. This research focuses of how those collectives have organised themselves, sustain and created solidarity infrastructures along the commoning practices in different cities under conditions of forced eviction, gentrification, migration issues and ecological destructions. The methodology of this research based on participation and video - interviews. This paper, theoretically is arguing the differences of Western literature of Commons than such solidarity practices in urban and rural asia. The notion of Collective Action by JK Gibson Graham, the asian anarchist history argued by Arif Dirlik and the discussions of ‘solidarity infrastructure and alliances’ pursued by those collectives are the theoretical backbone of this research. It is hoped that this research and paper will reveal the importancy of the role and contribution of such artistic activists collectives in urban solidarity, collective action, spatial justice and as well questioning the spatial movements.

6-1-2. Green Urban Infrastructure and the Right to the City: Exploring New Approaches to Citizenship and Urban Livelihood Security Fred Krüger (FAU University of Erlangen-Nürnberg ), [email protected] Alexandra Titz (FAU University of Erlangen-Nürnberg ), [email protected] Axel Drescher (FAU University of Erlangen-Nürnberg ), [email protected]

This paper focuses on green infrastructure and its potentials for an integrative, citizen- oriented and resourceful urban development, including everyday practices and concepts of sustaining livelihood and food security in the city. Inter-relationships between making use of urban public space, and green infrastructure in particular, and opportunities for urban dwellers to ‘capture’ and shape their own urban living environment have largely been ignored in conventional urban research and planning. Infrastructure, understood here as a process beyond the classic idea of a network for the mere distribution of goods and services, holds much potential to break new ground for just and resourceful cities. Green infrastructure can be seen both as an arena for articulation and negotiation and as a major driver for the shaping of a rights-based, integrative living environment in cities. While, in the so-called ‘Global North’, green infrastructure often serves as an aesthetic element to beautify the city, and maybe sometimes to contribute to an improvement of

environmental conditions, in many cities in the ‘Global South’ it is marked by urban gardening and farming which, in turn, frequently form essential elements of sustaining livelihoods and food security for marginalised and vulnerable urban dwellers. However, the complexities, and sometimes vital functions, of green infrastructure are often not acknowledged, or are interpreted as ‘rural’, and their appropriation is thus seen as having no place in the (post)modern city. Opportunities to claim the city are then denied or lost. The paper will thus add to the East Asian perspective by presenting a much broadened, critical conceptualisation and assessment of green infrastructure, rights-based approaches, and the mobilisation of citizens’ resourcefulness and creativity. The presentation will partly draw on examples and case studies in the justice and food security context from various cities in Europe and in Sub-Saharan Africa which hold potential to inform both a spatial justice research agenda and an integrative urban development planning in East Asia.

6-1-3. Right to the City in Top-dong, Jeju: Resident Movement for Value Capture in Land Reclamation Youjeong Oh (The University of Texas at Austin), [email protected]

This paper examines the resident movement over the claiming development gains in Top-dong land reclamation in Jeju city during the late 80s and early 90s. The Top-dong reclamation started when two private companies received the reclamation license in January 1987, one week before the new Public Water Management and Reclamation Act came into effect. Because the revised law allows the state to capture all development gains except the development cost and proper degree of profits in order to prevent land speculation and pursue publicness, the implementation of the project under the old law guaranteed windfall returns the private developers. Moreover, the state affairs audit in 1989 revealed that the documents of residents’ agreement and of public hearings were fake ones. Started as the resident movement— the directly disposed people including female divers and fishermen, the Top-dong movement developed into an island-wide social movement to criticize the illegality and state’s preferential treatment of private firms. What should be noticed is that residents did not request the nullification of the reclamation project. Rather, they asked the private firms to revert the profits they would make to the Jeju society. Analyzing the Top-dong resident movement, this paper examines the question, how ordinary people practice the “right to the city.” The right to the city movement emerged as the resistance to the crisis of Fordism, demanding for the improved collective consumption of public infrastructure and services in the 60s (Mayer 2009). Since the 90s, the urban social movement has reemerged to contest the neoliberal urban governance, fighting against gentrification, the commercialization of public space, and the dismantling of welfare state (Mayer 2009). At the same time, there have been the struggles of the deprived in the development-induced displacement across the globe. This paper attempts to extend the discussion by examining how residents try not only to defend their means of subsistence, but to control over the surplus profits from development.

Land reclamation creates new landmass from water bodies. The process not only generates an additional quantity of land, a commodity with relatively fixed supply, but more importantly allows the market circulation of land. Producing land for sale, reclamation embodies the commodification of land for seeking maximum exchange value. Once in the circuit of commodity circulation, land usually functions like a financial asset, with its present value determined by an expected cash flow in the future. Arguing that the private companies can earn astronomical profits by selling the produced land relying on its future potential, the residents in Top-dong tried to claim their rights in the increase of land value, stressing that the rent gap is created upon the urban collectivity, not upon the private companies’ own effort. The Top-dong resident movement has implications not only on the ways in which the dispossessed shape their own power over the process of urbanization (Harvey 2008), but also on contemplating the ongoing speculative and neoliberal urban development projects in Jeju.

6-1-4. Global Urban Food Policy Network and Making East Asian Food Commons Nam-Hyuk Hur (Daegu University), [email protected]

Milan urban food policy pact (MUFPP) since Oct. 2015 is the first urban food policy network worldwide focusing on sustainable urban food system based on right to food, and regional-scale forums for MUFPP cities are also emerging(Europe, Africa, North America & Latin America) as well as national-scale(UK, Germany, Spain, US etc). This new phenomenon reflects alternative food networks (AFNs) as well as urban food policy (food plan) as a new policy field, such as school meal/public meal reform, urban agriculture, community food activities and local food direct selling(short chain) since 2000. Especially Korean cities are currently very active participating in MUFPP, backed up by the national government’s food plan initiative since 2017. For example, as a MUFPP member Seoul has announced Seoul food masterplan, and organized Seoul food citizen committee in 2017 for integrated and participatory urban food policy, awarded by MUFPP this year. For East Asian scale, 4 Korean cities, 3 Japanese cities, and 4 Chinese cities are members of MUFPP, and these new urban food policies in East Asia are supported by alternative food networks such as food coops in Korea & Japan, direct selling initiatives in Korea, Japan, China and Taiwan, community supported agriculture(CSAs) in China, and school meal reform movement in Korea & Taiwan as strong reflections and reactions for intensive industrial agriculture policies and industrially biased national policies in this region since 1970s. The emerging East Asian Forum for sustainable food cities and various alternative food networks could be challenging national-scale food security policies from urban-scale towards making ‘food commons for East Asia’, based on a new but strong theoretical and practical concept of commons and challenging existing urban policy regime based solely on the housing. Food commons as an urban commons, right to food (FAO) as a part of ‘right to the cities’, and urban-rural linkage (UN Habitat) as a significant concept for better settlement and cities are good examples for food-housing-city nexus.

6-2. Exclusive vs. Inclusive

6-2-1. Gentrification is Dead in East Asia: ‘Nano’-isation in Hong Kong Wing-Shing Tang (Hong Kong Baptist University), [email protected] Maurice Kwan-Chung Yip (Hong Kong Baptist University), [email protected]

This paper challenges the random conceptual indigenisation and random conceptual appropriation of gentrification, and the associated idea of planetary gentrification in East Asia. In particular, this is to be achieved by referencing to Hong Kong. In 2016, while the city’s Gini-coefficient has reached a record high of 0.539, its smallest category of private domestic flats completed (less than 39.9 m2) made up more than one-fourth of the total. In Hong Kong common parlance, a self-sufficient flat with a size smaller than 161 ft2 (17.9 m2) is labelled a ‘nano’-flat. The completed flat with a size smaller than 20 m2, the smallest size category available in statistics as well as the one closest to the ‘nano’-flat, in 2016 had increased by 41% over the previous year. In addition, there were about 88,800 tong fang (‘sub- divided flats’ –a normal-sized flat is sub-divided into a number of small units, averaging 6.9 m2 per capita) in the city, accommodating 199,000 persons, by the end of 2015. In other words, while the wealth gap of the city has widened, the housing quality has dropped dramatically. The above fact speaks for itself: it is impossible to decipher this form of urban redevelopment by the concept of gentrification. In fact, what has been in operation is the hegemonic-cum-alienating land (re)development regime that has continued channeling collectively produced resources for the private appropriation of, mostly but not exclusively, landed and property capital. The contribution of urban professionals in the formulation of rhetoric like limited land and housing supply, has perpetuated the hegemony of the regime, producing a ‘nano’ living in the ever-increasing high-density environment that alienates all classes, but not exclusively the under-privileged, in the society. It too challenges the kind of urban development model under the thesis of planetary urbanisation, and so planetary gentrification. This paper ends by briefly mentioning that this isotopia must be challenged. It proposes a utopia that negates, unlike in other East Asian cities, the public ownership of land by replacing it with a collective mechanism that allows for the autogestion of urban space.

6-2-2. Multinational Enclave as a By-product of the Korean Government Scholarship Program Yulii Kim (Seoul National University), [email protected]

This research provides a brief policy review of the Korean Government Scholarship Program (KGSP) and examines the formation of a multinational enclave for international students as a by-product of this policy. The KGSP is a fully funded scholarship program that annually invites students from over 150 nations to enroll in undergraduate and graduate programs around

South Korea. I argue that the objectives and layout of the KGSP accelerate a segregated migrant clustering, leading to the materialization of the KGSP student multinational enclave. As evidence, I present two chief aims of the scholarship program, which can be summarized as 1) cultivating pro-Korean human capital and 2) internationalizing domestic universities. These motives align closely with the state’s attempt to promote language and cultural assimilation to international students on the one hand, but on the other, to facilitate a multicultural façade for domestic universities. The social engineering of the KGSP design helps to advance these goals. This study outlines the obligatory language program as the starting point of the enclave and the country- based quota system as the impetus for demographic diversity. Despite the enclave being a by-product of state policy, students come to see the enclave as a shared asset for all members. In appreciating their sense of solidarity, and celebrating the convergence of diverse identities, students start to adopt a communal identity by the end of the language program. The multinational enclave may lose its spatial roots after the language program, but continues to exist and evolve in mobile forms throughout the students’ academic careers. Through the case of KGSP student enclave formation, this thesis explores the intersection of migrant integration, segregation, multiculturalism and assimilation in state policy. Academically, I am broadening the discourse of social integration by equating student migrants, who are mostly seen as temporary sojourners, with other long-term foreign residents. In so doing, I am contributing to growing literature that does not simply assume migrant category as static, but one that is plural and continually shifting. Student migrants, their migrant decision-making process, and their verdict to settle in one place or another are all complex. State responses to global migratory flows and migrant settlement are equally multifarious. This calls for further studies that may bridge academic conversations with policy evaluations regarding student migrant integration in South Korea.

6-2-3. Inner-city Service hubs in East-Asian context: A geography of voluntary services for migrant workers in Singapore Geerhardt Kornatowski (Kyushu University), [email protected]

By using the concept of ‘service hub’ neighborhoods, this presentation aims to elucidate the survival geographies of migrant workers in Singapore seeking recourse and the related spatial arrangement of voluntary sector organizations. In short, ‘service hubs’ refer to, often residual forms of, concentrations of voluntary sector organizations that offer direct services to surplus populations such as the homeless, migrants, drug addicts, elderly singletons etc. (Dear et al, 1997). Often located in easy-accessible inner-city areas, these areas are also characterized by their peculiar housing environment, in which these populations can obtain relatively easy access for refuge. Recently, and especially in the West, the spatial arrangements of ‘service hubs’ have been gaining attention within the fields of social geography and urban sociology pertaining to 1) their capacity to withstand urban redevelopment and gentrification; 2) to actively include surplus

populations into prime urban spaces; and 3) to mitigate social pressures resulting from ongoing spatial and social polarization in world city-regions (DeVerteuil 2014, Marr 2015; 2016). First I will identify the constitutive factors of Singapore’s ‘service hubs’ for migrant workers since in the Western urban context these factors are ascribed to the previously existing distributive arrangements of the Keynesian welfare state. For the case of Singapore, it is imperative first to conceptualize the ‘service hub’ in a context-sensitive manner that enables us to take account of the specificities of its urban regime as it has emerged from a rather anti- welfarist and authoritarian trajectory. From there I will examine the actual networking practices of voluntary organizations in relations to the migrants’ survival geography and existing housing resources. I will conclude by focusing on the following factors that perform a crucial role in Singapore's ‘service hubs’: 1) insufficient public protection for foreign workers; 2) their personal, ethnic networks, 3) peculiar housing and help desks/shelters; and 4) civil activism ‘within bounds’, all set within the 5) relatively 'unruly' inner-city context of Singapore. Most importantly, these neighborhoods are not residual but taken spaces within Singapore's authoritarian context.

6-3. Gender and Spatial Justice II: Struggles over Representation and Uneven Development

6-3-1. Urban Floods in Can Tho City, Vietnam: Vulnerability and Resilience among women Ly Quoc Dang (Chiang Mai University), [email protected]

Cities throughout Asia are growing rapidly and are of increasing importance to those countries’ development trajectories. Many of these cities are highly vulnerable, however, to the risks posed by climate change, particularly floods, because of their geographic location, limited governance capacity, and uncurbed urbanisation. Vietnamese cities, in particular, are vulnerable to the threat of climate change. The country was ranked 7th in the 2016 Global Climate Risk Index. While scholars such as Garschagen have conducted extensive research on the governance of flooding in Can Tho, there exists a gap in this research: it has hardly touched on the gendered dimensions of flood vulnerability and governance at the community and household level. Using a feminist political ecology framework and the concept of vulnerability, this research seeks to address this gap, specifically by identifying women’s perceptions of and organisation in response to flood risk events in urban communities. Based on fieldwork in four different urban communities, this study finds that women have a hard time adapting to flood events, which affect their incomes and businesses. Resilience planning still fails to involve women’s organisations in climate actions, and city and national policies have difficulty seeing women’s resilience in the face of changing floods. Urban women are differentially vulnerable due to social and economic status and geographic location. Climate resilience partnerships have to involve women’s organisations in order to target their benefits towards women. This study used multiple methods to gather data, including participant observation, ethnography, field trip observation, and a review of the literature and documents on flooding in Can Tho and Vietnam.

6-3-2. The Formation of Feminist Student Club（女性研究社), NTU Herng-Dar Bih (National Taiwan University), [email protected]

Around the time of the abolition of Martial Law in 1987, all kinds of democratic movements emerged in university campus. In addition to participating in political democratic movements, college (NTU) students joined in different environmental and labor movements in rural areas. However, female students felt alienated in these students’ organizations. Decision making was controlled and dominated by male students. Regardless of female students’ talents and devotions, they were treated as cheerleaders or some male students’ girlfriend or sister. At the time, students were just permitted to establish new student clubs after the abolition of the Martial Law. Although they were a small group of female students, they collected 30 names and established the first Feminist Student Club in Taiwan. They joined all kinds of feminist reading groups, served as a volunteer in women’s organizations, as well as wrote articles and published a Newsletter: “New Women’s Voice”. In university campus, the Feminist Student Club enthusiastically promoted feminist ideas through education and practice. They pushed the school authority to remove the access control (curfew) of the women’s dormitories, developed planning and design projects to ensure the safety of campus, initiated a campaign of anti-sexual harassment, and organized some activities to discuss female sexual autonomy. After they found out that male students watched A films (erotic films) in dormitories publicly, they decided to show A films in women’s dormitories. This caused a lot of attention and criticisms in the media. In the meantime, it enhanced the popularity of the Feminist Student Club. Done in one vigorous effort, they pushed the head of the Feminist Student Club to run the president of the Student Council. As a result, she defeated the other candidates who were supported either by KMT or Nonparty（黨外）. In her term of office, the publicity of gender issues reached the highest point in NTU campus. In the paper, we will discuss the formation of gender (feminist) consciousness of these few pioneers who established and ran the Feminist Student Club, the strategies to promote feminist ideas they used, and how other male student activists reacted to this Club.

6-3-3. The Emergence of the Jackfruit Woman Michael Leung (Hong Kong Baptist University), [email protected]

The paper introduces Jackfruit Woman, an unlikely protagonist in an upcoming village eviction, situated on a green belt in the northwest part of Hong Kong. Despite a two-year resistance led by the villagers, the government is adamant in displacing over 500 villagers, instead of building social housing units on nearby brownfield sites. Socio-spatial issues are exacerbated by no public consultations, government and developer collusion, archaic land policies leftover by the former British colonial government, protection of indigenous villagers’ burial grounds, lax confidentiality by engineering consultants and controversial methods employed by government statutory bodies who enter the village,

sometimes in disguise. Despite abundant brownfield and previous land resistant movements, the Hong Kong government still chooses village displacement and eviction, and ecological destruction to create future housing and land commodification. Facing such adversity, in July 2017 the villagers, the Wang Chau Green Belt Concern Group and supporters decided to host an inaugural festival to coincide with the jackfruit season, with ripe jackfruits harvested from trees scattered all over Wang Chau – in villagers’ gardens and small farms. The Jackfruit Woman emerged in the run-up to the 2017 Wang Chau Jackfruit Festival. Facial features loosely modelled on a female village farmer, the Jackfruit Woman was described by an art curator as a ‘Gaia-like nurturing figure that is intrinsically connected with the concept of earth, she gazes back to Wang Chau' s farming roots, while looking towards an unclear future of the land.’ The festival location reappropriated the concrete village public park into an alternative space that attracted the public and many villagers, some of which are apolitical but came to enjoy the festivities and village harvest. The jackfruit became common, shared with whoever visited the festival. A special edition Jackfruit Festival village map was distributed to participants who joined the village tours that day. Elsewhere in the festival, organisers were serving caramelised edible jackfruit seeds and collectively painting a giant jackfruit (that remains today in the same place as a public sculpture). The festival raised awareness of the government’s inequitable development plans and brought people together, with live music performances and an evening outdoor feast. A village eviction is expected this summer 2018. Socio-spatial tensions and a two-year- plus struggle have been testing for villagers, some of which have preemptively donated their animals to people living on less precarious lands. In Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory, Edward W. Soja writes that, ‘Subjectivity and objectivity thus reconnect in a dialectical tension that gives place to being, that produces a milieu, a humanized second-nature.’ Today the Wang Chau village jackfruit trees are bearing fruit that should be ripe by July 2018. As new milieux form in the run-up to the village eviction, will the villagers and Hong Kong public witness a second jackfruit festival and group together, in one last effort, to resist the destruction of a green belt and support sustainable urban development?

6-3-4. Women’s Body Represented in Japanese Urban Landscape: Consideration of Visual Images of “moe” Characters for Regional Promotion Tamami Fukuda (Osaka Prefecture University), [email protected]

In recent years, social debates have frequently arisen concerning the promotion of videos and posters produced by Japanese companies and local governments. The promotional videos on the internet and the posters exhibited in the city which show images of beautiful girls have become the focus of controversy related to the presentation of women’s bodies; the companies and local governments designing the visual presentations have been inundated with comments that are both accusatory and supportive. While citizens have criticized the stereotypical and distorted images of women in the promotional videos and posters, some scholars in gender

studies have also investigated the ways in which the images were socially and visually produced. Others have regarded the exhibition of the nude female statues in a public space as a social issue rather than an enhancement to the urban landscape (e.g. Mori 2002). More recently, a journal, “Women’s Asia 21,” featured an article on sexual harassment in the media. Gender representation has become increasingly discussed as a social issue. This approach has deepened our consideration of the image of women and gender politics in Japanese society, primarily focusing on the ways in which women (or men) have been socially represented. Following the framework proposed in Gillian Rose’s book Visual Methodologies (2007), scholars have devoted significant attention to the sites of image itself and production. In contrast, this paper pays a great deal of attention to the site of audiencing, and examines the posters and videos using “moe” characters. “Moe” is a Japanese slang word which refers to feelings of strong affection towards characters (usually female) in anime from both the technological-material and social perspectives. How does the usage of “moe” characters relate to regional policies? How are “moe” characters represented in regional contexts? In what kinds of spaces are they exhibited? How are they interpreted by different audiences? By asking these questions, this paper explores aspects of visual culture and gender in a Japanese city.

6-4. Alternative Place-making

6-4-1. Ethnography of the South Korean Kwinong (귀농, 歸農, return-to-farming) Movement: Designing an Alternative Life Elise Youn (University of California, Berkeley), [email protected]

Contextual Background Continuing a trend that followed the 1997-1998 IMF financial crisis, 2016 saw the greatest numbers ever doing kwinong, “return-to-farm,” (귀농, 歸農) and kwichon, “return-to-village,” (귀촌, 歸村) in South Korea, 335,383 households.[1] During Korea’s “miracle” of industrial and urban development, from the 1960s into the 1990s, people were mobilized to organize their lives according to a standardized life path that involved both geographical movement and social mobility. This life path consisted of moving from the country to the city, competing to gain admission to a university in Seoul, getting a stable job in a chaebol conglomerate, marrying and buying an apartment, having children and educating them to enter the same life path, retiring and living off of a pension. However, nowadays, generations at both ends of this standard life path—young and old—find it unattainable or unsustainable, and are seeking to break out of it. Attracted by lower costs of living and a cleaner, healthier environment, Koreans are dropping out of mainstream urban life in favor of, as they have told me, “earning less and spending less money,” and “experimenting” with a “self-sufficient,” “alternative life” amidst “nature.” At the same time, at both the national and local rural levels, the government, concerned about Korea’s rapidly aging, declining rural population, is creating new policies and incentives to attract city dwellers to the countryside as a new biopolitical and labor force.

Paper Focus Based on ethnographic research and interviews, this paper examines how kwinong has become a method for urban residents to redesign their lives, in terms of their values, calling, behavioral practices, and spaces. The author spent two years doing ethnographic fieldwork with the National Kwinong Movement Headquarters (전국귀농운동본부), the nationwide member- funded citizens’ movement organization that first popularized the concept of kwinong as an ecological and social movement in 1996. The paper is developed from ethnography conducted with the students, graduates, and teachers of the National Kwinong Movement Headquarters’ training programs for kwinong hopefuls, including the Ecological Kwinong School (생태귀농학교) and Small Farming School (소농학교). First, how do kwinong school students shape and organize space, both that of the school farm and that of their own lives, to form an alternative way of living in reaction to the urban mainstream? Second, how do the kwinong school curricula and activities reflect the teachers’ efforts to form a different ethical model of thinking, feeling, and doing based on the principles of ecological life (생태적인 삶), small farming (소농), self-reliance (자립), and community (공동체)? Third, how do the changing everyday practices, behaviors, and lives of the kwinong participants show the use of kwinong as a method for living differently? This paper contributes to theories of subject formation, as well as ethnographic studies, both underrepresented in the field of critical East Asian geography.

6-4-2. Spatial Justice in the Form of Ethnic Placemaking by Latin American Migrant Minorities in Seoul, South Korea Cassandra Gutierrez Rosales (Seoul National University), [email protected]

This research analyzes the ethnic placemaking dynamics of the Latin-American migrant community in Seoul, South Korea. Placemaking is the process of creating quality places that people want to live, work, play and learn in. It is a process that gives importance to the spaces within cities, as well as to human interactions and the connections between people and place. However, due to the different types of interactions between space and society’s multiple spheres, not everyone can participate in placemaking in the same manner. In the case of ethnic minorities, and particularly those who are also transnational migrants characterized by a completely different background than their receiving society, achieving a kind of spatial justice can be difficult. Furthermore, previous studies on migrant communities and ethnic placemaking have tended to focus on larger sized communities in host countries, while ignoring the smaller ones. This can give the impression that smaller migrant communities do not seek out spatial justice for themselves in the form of placemaking activities and are therefore invisible throughout society. This research hopes to prove the opposite. Given that the Latin American community in South Korea is a minority of a minority, it cannot rely on neither the size of its community, a geographical proximity to the migrants’ countries of origin, nor on historical and cultural ties between the countries in question for them to gain spatial justice. Taking this background into account, this research asks the following: (1) how do migrant communities that have little or no historical and cultural ties to their host countries create a place for themselves? And (2) how

does the role of culture from a migrant’s home country influence the level of a migrant community’s visibility (or lack thereof) within the host country? Being that Seoul is the city where most foreign residents in South Korea tend to accumulate, it serves as the case study site for this qualitative research study. Through the use of archival analysis, direct participatory observation and in-depth interviews, this research focuses on how Latin American migrants in Seoul seek out spatial justice in the form of ethnic placemaking dynamics. These activities are mainly carried out via social media platforms and religious association on the one hand, and through the visible presence of Latin American small ethnic businesses on the other. Furthermore, although these businesses are owned by non-Latin Americans in Seoul, they are what helps this small community become more visible than other minorities in the city. I argue that compared to larger and more visible Latin American communities abroad, Latin Americans in Seoul rely on the profitability of their home culture in order to be seen by others, while at the same time, they build social networks with other Latinos in Seoul instead of actual physical spaces for themselves in order to ‘feel at home,’ in an attempt to achieve their own sense of spatial justice.

Keywords: Placemaking, Migrants, Latin-America, Ethnic, Seoul, South Korea

6-4-3. Graffito Poetics and Politics in Contemporary China: The Spatialization of Urban Resistance in a Nation without Speech Nick R. Smith (Yale-NUS College), [email protected]

This paper investigates the spatial expression of resistance to urban development in contemporary China, where freedom of speech is not guaranteed. The party-state’s monopoly over public discourse and the periodic punishment of those who openly challenge party-state authority have produced an anemic public sphere, in which resistance to urban development is often silenced. How can resistance to urban development be expressed in this environment? Using a combination of interviews and textual analysis, this paper ethnographically explores one example of such expression in Ciqikou, a historic district of Chongqing that was undergoing redevelopment in the summer of 2010. Thwarted in their attempts to publicly register their resistance through other modes of expression (including protest, the internet, and the law), residents of Ciqikou chose to express their resistance through graffiti inscribed onto the buildings slated for demolition. The use of graffiti served to evade the party-state’s monopoly on public discourse by spatializing residents’ resistance in three distinct ways: (1) making residents’ speech simultaneously anonymous, durable, and public; (2) challenging the devalorization of residents’ homes by inscribing speech directly onto the walls of buildings slated for demolition; and (3) poetically reapproriating the impersonal spatial idiom of party-state speech. I pursue this analysis through a discussion of the larger cultural and political significance of graffiti in Chinese history, including slogans (biaoyu), scrawls (tuya), murals (bihua), and big character posters (da zi bao), and the importance of spatial and non-verbal modes of expression in the contestation of urban development.

Keywords: China, demolition, resistance, graffiti, urbanization

6-4-4. Public Space in the Making through Occupation: Case Study of Sewolho Gwangjang, Gwanghwamun, Seoul Yerin Jin (Seoul National University), [email protected]

This paper draws upon the politics within the process of public space making by examining the dynamics in occupation of urban public space which has received great attention from geographers and urban scholars. This is a case study about Sewolho Gwangjang1 at Gwanghwamun square in the downtown of Seoul, a place made for commemoration and protest of bereaved families of victims who lost their lives by the Sewol ferry disaster of 2014. Through the case, this study looks at how the occupation of public space leads to creating a public space on the occupying area and who enables it. Actor-oriented approach is taken to explain the place- making procedure and it focuses on both governmental and nongovernmental actors who got involved in making of the public space. Findings demonstrate, first, the place-making of Sewolho Gwangjang was held along with the expansion of the occupation and the state of the was created and continuously strengthened by tensions. Second, multiple layers of collaboration among key political actors who engaged in the place-making of Sewolho Gwangjang existed and lasted under the support of the citizens sharing the griefs and ideologies. This research presents a progressive understanding of occupation of public space by contextualizing it into a process for place-making.

1 ‘Gwangjang’ is a Korean word for public square or plaza.

7-1. Urban Spectacles and Social Injustice in the Global East

Session Outline: This session brings together the recent experiences of hosting mega-events as urban spectacles in East Asia, here conceptualised as the Global East. In particular, the papers presented here visits the socio-spatial and political dimensions of the 1972 Sapporo Winter Olympic Games, 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games, 2020 Tokyo Summer Olympic Games, and to a lesser extent, the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games. Through discussions that focus on either single-case studies or comparative studies of multiple Games experiences, the contributors aim to contest the extent to which mega-events as urban spectacles contribute to the exacerbation of social injustice, and re-visit the socio-economic and political significance of mega-events in the context of volatile geopolitical economic contexts. The EARCAG 2018 provides a timely space to discuss these critical issues, given the concentration of the high- profile mega-events such as the Olympic Games in East Asia between 2018 and 2022.

7-1-1. Gentrification and Revanchism in the Olympic City：The Case Study of Tokyo Takeshi Haraguchi (Kobe University), [email protected]

Gentrification is not a mechanical economic process that works automatically, but an amalgamation of economic, political and ideological project. Such recognition is crucial for investigating diverse trajectories of gentrification in different cities without losing general perspective. Neil Smith already emphasized this political dimension by proposing the concept of ‘revanchism’. Recent arguments of planetary gentrification also focus on the issue. That is, relationship between capital and state, eviction of the urban poor, state’s violence and political oppression, resistance from evictee, and so on. Hosting mega-events such as the Olympic Games is one of the central issues concerning these recent arguments. Tokyo, hosting the 2020 Olympics Games, has become the contested city of gentrification. Even though the government proclaimed planning for ‘highly compact’ Olympic Games, the building cost rose sharply soon, and huge amounts of capital flooded into the Olympic-related urban development. Mega scale development projects were undertaken especially in the waterfront area. In the urban central area, gentrification, combined with privatization of public spaces, is rapidly remaking urban spaces. And poor people are now being displaced from the urban central spaces. In addition, policies aiming at oppressing political activism on the streets are being introduced in the name of ‘against disturbing the peace’. By exploring the case study of Tokyo, this paper aims at clarifying the political and economic character of gentrification led by mega-events. In particular, this paper will discuss three points. Firstly, I will present the geography of urban development especially of central area and waterfront area, and show how the urban spaces are restructured for hosting Olympic Game. Secondly, I will argue the political and ideological dimension of Olympic city, and show the fact that revanchism is becoming central to the urban policies under the Olympics regime. Thirdly, I will show how homeless people and activists resist against the violence of state-led gentrification.

7-1-2. The Winter Olympics and Rhetoric of Destroying the Nature – Examples of Sapporo and Pyeongchang Miyo Aramata (Meiji University), [email protected]

The number of participating countries for the Winter Olympic and Paralympic Games is half of that of Summer Games. The event is basically held for the global north in the sense that many Asian and African countries are excluded. In Asia, four cities or regions, Sapporo, Nagano, PyeongChang, and Beijing hosted or will host the Winter Olympic Games. This paper will compare the cases of Sapporo and PyeongChang. Each was the second Olympics for the country, and had a common problem: cutting trees in a protected natural forest. The selection for the host city of Sapporo was not the first time in 1972. In 1940, the city was going to hold it along with the Summer Games in Tokyo but cancelled it because of the war. The event in 1972 was 8 years from the Tokyo Summer Olympic Games and 2 years after the

international exhibition in Osaka, and the after-war ideology such as peace and recovery was still intense. Sapporo had also participated in the bidding for 1968, but lost to Grenoble. Cutting trees in National Park was not planned in the document of 1968, so it was not indispensable for the games. The Ministry of Health and Welfare, and Hokkaido Forestry Office did not allow it easily, but the demand of local government was so strong that the development started in 1968 under the condition of the restitution of the forest after the Games. Naturally, the recovery was impossible and the trace of the downhill courses is visible until now. The year 1968 was also the centenary of the commencement of Hokkaido, and ironically the government decided to preserve a different natural forest and built a memorial tower, which also concealed the meaning of the annexation of the Ainu (indigenous people) land. The situation of South Korea which held the Pyeongchang Olympics was very different from that of Japan on the way of developing in the 1970s. Not only in the meaning of economy but also democratization, South Korea shows a big presence in Asia now. The event in Gangwon- do, which symbolizes divide and reconciliation between North and South Korea, played for real a role of the place of political dialogue between these two countries. However, there was a huge controversy at citizen-level on cutting trees in natural forest here again. The destruction of nature for one-month event was not accepted in a sense of ordinary people of the country with small population in skiing. But, again, the demand of local government made it real. In the actual event, not many Asian people participated as athletes or spectators, so this problem could continue to Beijing. The natural forests in two countries had been, in both cases, nationally protected ones at least, but destroyed by globalized mega events. This means that to follow public culture of the global north may, even now, give rhetoric for development to Asian countries. And local agent utilizes these events with apparent deadlines loosening restrictions and making violence accepted, while promoting its economic activities.

7-1-3. The new 2020 Tokyo Olympics stadium and the Spatial Displacement Eun-Hye Kim (Hitotsubashi University), [email protected]

The new national stadium (Shin kokuritsu kyōgijō) is currently construction to rebuild to a large scale capacity of about 68,000 people (extendable 80,000 people) ahead of the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games. The old national stadium was the symbolic legacy of Japanese sports nationalism, where various events were held including Tokyo Olympics in 1964. The Japanese academia (architecture and history) and civil society were strongly opposed to the design of British-Iraqi architect Zaha Hadid, they submitted the request of the responsibilities for cost and harmony problems of the external environment in maturation period. However, the Japanese government has adopted the new wooden latticed stadium design of Japanese architect Kengo Kuma through the second design competitions and dismantled the old national Stadium on May

31, 2014. The homeless people in Meiji Park were evicted through the execution by administration on April 16, 2016, and the 230 households in the old Kasumigaoka Apartments, city-operated public housing complex, were displaced by TMG. Furthermore, the issues of deforestation and human rights violations of indigenous people in Sarawak Malaysia have also been raised in relation to the source of timber used in stadium construction. As the work on the schedule has been accelerated, the young employee of stadium construction in subcontracted companies suicided in March 2017, and his parents have applied for industrial accidents (overtime of 200 hours). This study defines the 2020 Tokyo Olympics as event-led gentrification and analyzes the aspects of the spatial change and displacement in the urban-core area of Tokyo.

7-1-4. The Society of Spectacle in Shifting Geopolitical Economy of the Global East Hyun Bang Shin (London School of Economics and Political Science), [email protected]

Spectacular events and event-led developments are increasingly used as a strategy for urban development, aiming to raise host city's or host country’s reputation in the global economy. While the economic rationale is often pointed out as the main driver of urban spectacles in bids for building ‘cities for visitors and for investors’, spectacles also accompany political functions that create ‘pseudo-community’ (Guy Debord) to sustain the exploitative systems of accumulation and the legitimacy of the political regime. These discussions assume a certain role of the national state embedded in a particular configuration of the state-society relations. However, much less discussed is the extent to which the volatile geopolitical economic contexts condition the creation of pseudo-community by the nation state. In this paper, the author discusses how the conventionally understood purposes of mega-events as spectacular events get disrupted by shifting geopolitical economic conditions. While socio-spatial impacts resulting from hosting spectacular events are long-lasting, detrimental and irreversible, the changes to the geopolitical economy involving not only the host country but also neighbouring countries creates a schism through which the political rationales built on nationalistic and patriotic sentiments protrude strongly, overshadowing the usual socio-economic rationales that spectacular events tend to be associated with. The examples discussed here would include the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games and the 2018 PyeongChang Olympic Games as primary examples, while the implications of this study for the future events (2020 Tokyo Summer Olympic Games and the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games) may be addressed.

7-2. “Kim Jiyoung” in Academic Spaces: Uneven Gendered/Sexualized Development, Precarious Bodies, and the Question of ‘Alternative’ Geography [Roundtable Session]

Hyun-Chul Kim (University of Toronto), [email protected] Minji Gwon (Seoul National University), [email protected] Yeryun Hong (Seoul National University), [email protected]

Kim Jiyoung Born in 1982, a fiction book by Namju Cho(2016), describes Jiyoung’s mundane life, from losing her job after marriage and delivering a child to being mocked as a ‘Mamch'ung’1, and developing a mental health condition after her mockery. Although this book was told that it mainly considered the life of ‘average’ cis-gender hetero female, the trajectories of Jiyoung’s life still show the process of dehumanization, abandonment from the public sphere, and other toxic effects of disproportionate gendered hierarchy on her mental health. In this roundtable session, we invite numerous “Kim Jiyoung” in academic spaces from around the world to reflect our positionality within the day to day working of department life and academy. We focus on the fact that within geography departments of South Korea, only Ehwa Womans University has one occasional feminist geography course in their undergraduate level, while Seoul National University and Kyungpook National University have one graduate level course for gender geography. Moreover, there are no course for geographies of sexualities both in undergraduate and graduate level within geography department of South Korea. We consider this situation as an ‘uneven gendered/sexualized development’ of geography, and geographers from other societies may face similar circumstances. Therefore, we aim to share those different but similar experiences and ideas by discussing the topics below: 1) how the field of geography has dealt with the rise in popularity of multiple gendered/sexualized issues, including #metoo movements; 2) how the field of geography has been making efforts to accomplish spatial justice against uneven gendered/sexualized hierarchies; 3) how to situate our positionalities and detached/attached emotions in academic spaces, as a researcher, as a laborer, and as a political being. By doing so, we seek to challenge and re-appropriate the meaning of ‘spatial justice’, ‘alternative geography’ and ‘precarity’, not merely as a rhetorical sub-category of critical geography, but as crucially embedded concepts in our own bodies and the environment we inhibit.

1 Mamch'ung, refers ‘mom insect’, has been used in South Korea to describe the imaginary young mother who is living easily by her husband’s money without any labor. This word contains the devaluation of female bodies who are engaged in the social and material reproduction work and its spaces. Work Cited: Cho, N. (2016). Kim Jiyoung Born in 1982. Seoul: Minŭmsa (in Korean).

7-3. Geopolitical Change and Consequences

7-3-1. Political Geographical Reconfiguration of Socio-Technical System Theory : An Example of the Impact of North Korea Light-water Reactors (LWR) Construction Support Project on South-North Korea's Energy System Boah Lee (Seoul National University), [email protected]

In just over a year or so from 2017 to 2018, the situation on the Korean Peninsula experienced dramatic changes in the fear of a nuclear war, turning into a mode of reconciliation and cooperation between the two Koreas. Two inter-Korean summits were held, and the top leaders of the South and the North crossed each other's military boundaries, and even South Korea's president Moon Jae-in gave speeches in front of 150,000 North Koreans. However, it is not the first time to see such a scene on the Korean Peninsula. In the past, if Pyongyang froze its nuclear facilities and are globally verified, South Korea and the international community, including the United States, have decided to support the construction of light-water reactors (LWR) with low potential for nuclear weapons. In fact, the construction project progressed to 34.5% of the total construction rate. This is a project to support the construction of LWR through the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO). While this project was driven by a very political decision, the stakeholders connected to it during the first proposed, negotiated, contracted, and actual construction of the project were more diverse and number-wise. This study explores how the fate of the North Korea LWR construction project, which was a geopolitical issue, affected the South and North Korean energy systems. Energy is a traditional 'geopolitical' issue, and it is still a 'security' issue with global influence. However, when academic and policy groups that claim or analyze the so-called "energy transition" deal with energy, this political geographic approach has been very limited or has been portrayed as the "background" of the transition process. First, researchers advocating and advancing the theory of Socio-Technical System(STS) have taken the approach to analyse the economic, social and cultural relationships associated with them around technology. And did not take into account the autonomy of the economy-society-cultural relationship or politics, nor did the actor 's involvement in it as a major issue. Thus, for example, the climate change treaty has been treated as the 'macro environment' of the transition of STS. Second, the exchange of STS theory and geography began to be achieved at the level of regional or city role emphasis, and introduction of geographical analysis and attempted grafting have only recently begun. Moreover, attempts to understand STS through traditional geopolitical approaches or political geographic approaches are seldom found. The former (STS theory) reminds us of the fallacy of the past when political economics overemphasized economic (capital) power over the social system, ignoring the autonomy of the political sector. In the latter case, the lack of understanding of STS, which appears differentiated or nested across regions, hinders the development of the social technology system theory itself. Therefore, this study attempts to reconstruct the theory of STS in the political geography through the case of North Korea LWR construction support project. This is expected to provide important insights into how the rapidly changing inter-Korean relations will interact with the transition of the Korean Peninsula's energy system.

7-3-2. Geopolitics of the Developmental Urbanism and the Mobilisation of the University in East Asia Do Young Oh (London School of Economics and Political Science), [email protected]

This paper aims to conceptualise the university as a multi-scalar actor and show how the university has been mobilised by the East Asian developmental state in the urbanisation process. It also aims to show how such strategy has often failed due to the geopolitics surrounding East Asia. To do so, this paper utilise the cases from Korea and Singapore focusing on dependence on the imperial powers and the end of the Cold War. The Cold War was a critical factor for the developmental state to achieve rapid economic growth (Glassman and Choi, 2014; Woo-Cumings, 1998), but it is also directly related to the urban development process in Korea and Singapore as argued by Doucette and Park (2017). In Singapore, the withdrawal of the British military forces was a major challenge for the state because it accounted for a large portion of the national economy. The sudden withdrawal threatened to create a crisis in the country, and the Vietnam War was an effective alternative for the Singaporean economy. The removal of the British military forces also resulted in concern about the land: they occupied one-tenth of the national territory. Then, the state utilised the national university for the urban and economic development of the country by locating it in a former military base in the 1970s. Such influence is still observed in Korea in the 2000s. The September 11 attacks in the US in 2001 eventually resulted in the restructuring of US military bases in Korea. Because these bases had been there over several decades, the relocation of military bases was a potential threat to the local economy of the municipalities where these bases were located. The countermeasure undertaken was similar to the one undertaken in Singapore in the 1970s, but the results were different. The central government allowed private universities to be located in the former military bases and adjacent areas, but only a few universities participated in the policy. The main reason for the failure was due to the conflict of interest among the different government bodies. These cases show that geopolitics in East Asia has been influential in the urban and regional development process since the colonial era, and the university can be a lens to understanding these processes.

7-3-3. Material nations: Geopolitics of Everyday Practices in the Postwar Japan Masato Mori (Mie University), [email protected]

This paper examines geopolitics of everyday practices in domestic space in the post war Japan, focusing upon a materialising process of ideology which mould people’s emotion such as love, respect and hate. In so doing, this paper employs qualitative methods, discourse analysis of advertisements of commodities in particular. Totally opposite to wartime fascist ideology, Japan

installed ideologies of “freedom” and democracy from USA during the period of occupation under the US control, and was received as a member of the Western block in the cold war tension. In the geopolitical economy, things played significant roles to materialise the ideologies: US jeeps were symbol of American justice; house electrical appliances were symbols of American rationality and democracy. Everyday consuming practices of commodities at home were connected with western blocks ideology. Japanese nations respected US material culture on the one hand, and hated them as violent occupiers. National sense of hate was not against US occupation army soldiers directly, but against female prostitutes whose business were around US bases.

7-3-4. Geopolitical Landscapes, Urban Aspirations: The Legal Geography of US (De)Militarization and Local Growth in South Korea Bridget Martin (University of California, Berkeley), [email protected]

Following a pair of agreements in 2002 and 2004, the US and South Korea began undertaking a massive spatial reorganization of US Forces Korea military bases, withdrawing from some areas and consolidating and expanding in others. This presentation examines the complex, overlapping legal geographies of regulation and deregulation in South Korea’s US military towns and cities, showing how the seemingly opposite processes of militarization and demilitarization are both entangled with the reproduction of capitalist spatial hierarchies and with particular local government urban aspirations. Since the early 2000s, the primary way through which the South Korean central government has provided collective compensation to cities and towns hosting undesirable US military installations (e.g. bases and training areas) has been through local development inducement policies. Mostly guided by a set of “special acts” that supersede other laws, through an ongoing series of amendments, development in current and former US installation areas is increasingly proceeding similarly to those of the country's free economic zones. Corporate interests and local growth coalitions benefit from a combination of deregulation and state infrastructure subsidization, while military lands themselves are often left abandoned, neglected, and polluted, and surrounding communities ignored and even displaced. These development inducement policies, which treat the complex, multi-dimensional problem of militarism as a solvable problem of development, not only reproduces development disparities. By enrolling local governments and growth coalitions in the pro-development solution, also deflects and disables a more radical politics of peace among those people most affected by the US presence in the country. Focusing on North Gyeonggi Province (north of Seoul) and Pyeongtaek (south of Seoul), the presentation asks how the idea of the country's “geopolitical landscape” might be reconsidered within the context of this emergent legal geography of spatially selective development inducement.

7-4. Development and Well-being

7-4-1. The Impact of Social Trust on Socialization of Care: Focusing on Seoul Gahwan Yoo (Ewha Womans University), [email protected]

The recent increase in dual-income households has made it common for women, who have traditionally been caring workers in the family, to work outside. However, as the aging population accelerates, there is a situation of double care that requires caregivers for elderly and also children. As the double burden of wage labor and care continues, the socialization of care in Korea is now an important issue. However, the reality is that parents are still not free from the double burden of childcare and parental care, and that even the form of child care passed on to grandparents is becoming more common. In response to this situation, this study aims to find out how recognition and utilization of each service that meets the social agenda of care relate to the level of social trust. This study figures out how family trust, neighborhood trust, and public institution trust level affect the utilization rates of child care and parental care services in each region, and will propose the tasks required for socialization of care. In other words, this study is intended to explore the impact of social trust level in each part of Seoul on the possibility of socializing care. This research model is intended to clarify care through child care and parental care, and to consider the level of trust divided by trust in the general population, neighborhood trust, and public institution trust. Therefore, the research questions in this study are as follows.

H1) Does the level of trust in general people affect the utilization of child care services? H2) Does the level of trust in the neighborhood affect the utilization of child care services? H3) Does the level of trust of public institutions affect the utilization of child care services? H4) Does the level of trust in general people affect the utilization of care services for the elderly? H5) Does the level of trust in the neighborhood affect the utilization of care services for the elderly? H6) Does the level of trust of public institutions affect the utilization of care services for the elderly? This study will use the survey data for the 2012 Seoul Survey and the 2015 Seoul Welfare Survey. The Seoul Survey measures the social confidence of general population, neighbors and public institutions on five levels of likert scale. This trust corresponds to social capital, which was noted in the prior study as significant differences between communities. Therefore, this study generates variables that incorporate social confidence levels by region. Utilization rates of child care services and parental care services are measured according to the Seoul Welfare Survey. Using the Hierarchical Linear Model(HLM), this study will measure the impact of regional characteristics in each district of Seoul on personal utilization. Each regional trust level will also be visualized via GIS to show the level of trust in each region. These analyses can suggest improvements to the care support policy in Seoul.

7-4-2. From Plausible Governance to Responsible Government in Urban Regeneration as Community Welfare Young A Lee (Daegu University), [email protected]

There are diverse perspectives on urban regeneration. In a critical perspective, urban regeneration could be one of the neoliberal spatial strategies in the post-industrial society. In the perspective, urban regeneration policy tends to be market-oriented and cause gentrification. Urban regeneration policy could be implemented in order to raise the exchange value of deprived areas. Meanwhile, there is a behavioral perspective in which residents and civic organizations are emphasized as main actors to play a key role in governance for urban regeneration and prevent from gentrification. The concept such as self-help, empowerment and social capital are highlighted in the perspective. While both perspectives presume the limited power of government, institutional approach focuses on historical and social context (locale) in the change of urban regeneration policy. In this perspective, government could be relatively autonomous to find the path of urban regeneration and allocate resources. This paper also view the role of government to directly provide resources for deprived people rather than to build photocopied governance. This paper aims to find out the misled paths in urban regeneration policy in Korea which have caused plausible governance and gentrification in deprived urban areas. By analyzing the main values pursed in urban regeneration and the regeneration projects implemented since 2007, this paper proposes that government concentrate on community welfare as substantive contents of urban regeneration in order not to make residents excluded and evicted from their living area.

7-4-3. The Housing Safety as Bulwark Against Gentrification in Japan's Vulnerable Inner Cities Toshio Mizuuchi (Osaka City University), [email protected] Geerhardt Kornatowski (Kyushu University), [email protected] Johannes Kiener (Osaka City University), [email protected] Takuma Matsuo (Osaka City University)

Through the Homeless Self-dependency Law (2002, extended in 2017), the Needy Persons Self-dependency Law (2015) and Housing Safety Net Law (revised in 2017), Japan’s housing safety-net has legally been strengthened a great deal. Also during the 2000s, housing allowance allocations have become more accessible through locally improved revisions to the bureaucratic management regulations on the Livelihood Assistance Act. This immensely helped numerous ex-homeless persons attain housing. The actual relating housing resources exist in the form of transitory housing, such as lodging houses, cheap flophouses, various self-dependency facilities, worker dormitories (combination of work and housing) and welfare apartments (including care services). These are all managed by the voluntary organization (non-profit) sector

and have been crucial for the further development of Japan’s urban service hubs for the vulnerable. These resources have been created out of vacant houses/buildings concentrating in vulnerable inner-city-areas, thereby also revitalizing certain parts in these areas through the use of legal safety net funding. For this presentation, I want to challenge this kind of revitalization as some kind of gentrification process, and, on the contrary, approach them as bulwarks against gentrification. As Japan now is gradually opening its doors to unskilled foreign labor, these transitory housing facilities (which have actually become a form of social housing including care services) will become even more of an important housing resource. By including the concept of 暫住 temporary residing, 暫居 temporary living, in contrast to the common concept of 定住 settling in the fixed housing, I seek to politicize this form of housing net.

7-4-4. Commercial gentrification by accommodation industry in inner city of Tokyo Tamura Fuminori (Seoul National University), [email protected]

Commercial gentrification drastically changes the characteristics and functions of urban area. Due to the rapidly growing number of inbound tourists (i.e., foreign visitors to Japan), accommodation demands in the inner city of Tokyo have been sharply increasing in recent years. In 2016, statistics of the occupancy rate of accommodations and the number of foreign tourists show the highest figures ever, it is estimated that this tendency will be continued until the Tokyo Olympic Games in 2020. In this sense, the pressure of construction of accommodations is currently increasing in the inner city. However, various institutional obstacles including building restrictions to acquisition of large land, which hinder construction of hotels. Bakuro-Yokoyama area is the representative example area in the inner city of Tokyo. In the past, wholesale business such as clothing industry concentrated in this area. However, since the beginning of the 2000s, retail shops --- convenience stores and food services --- have replaced the existing function of this area, and hotel business such as ‘hostels’ and ‘short term lodgings(e.g. Airbnb)’ run by young business people have begun to flourish. In this study, these young business people defined as ‘regional developers’. This presentation introduces the historical background and the current situation of commercial gentrification in inner city of Tokyo, and provides the process of commercial gentrification conducted by young business people defined as ‘regional developers’. Finally, this presentation reveals the relationship between geographical changes induced by regional developers and the wholesale industry and retailers.

| map & floor plan

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Lobby Registration / Information Desk Seongsan Hall Keynote Speech I, II (17th Floor) Sky Lounge Dinner E1-9 동편복지관 Cafeteria Lunch (2nd floor) E1-3 교수학습지원관 Room 1111 Sessions (1st floor) Room 1112 W2-3 평생교육관 Room 202 Sessions (2nd floor) Room 203

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ESCALATOR 1F GATE 3 GATE 1 GATE 2

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ESCALATOR

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Hotel EXCO GATE 3

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