Université d'Ottawa University of Ottawa
Verse-Scraps on Attic Containers and the Practice of the au6Aiov:
The Material Evidence in its Literaw Context
Submitted by Peter J. Anderson (54302 1) O in partid fùif5ihent ofthe for Master of Arts, Classical Studies at the University of Ottawa, Canada. June, 1997. National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*u of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington OaawaON K1AON4 Ottawa ON KiA ON4 Canada Canada
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by ParJohn Anderson M.A. Thesis, Ciassicd Studies University of Ottawa.
Absitract:
The symposion is the most fiequently represented artistic theme on Athc red-figure containers of the Archaic perid Within this firndarnental thme lie several sub-themes, many of whkh we how fiom literary sources - of this period and later - to have beai the denning activities of the sympasion: wiue, entertainnient (dancing, music and song), conversation and Iast, but certainly not least, sex. One activity in parbcular portrayeci on these containers is the singing of a poen~a practice which won came to be knouia as singing the &OP, or 6 na+oivra Ori, a tenn which, it is argued, we can properly extend back to the Archaic perd. These visual representations of synpotic singing offer a valuable record of the public performance of poehy in
Archaic Greece, and ofEr a glirnpse into the mechanics of the practice of the QKOAiov. A srnail group of containers (numbering about fourteen) also record the song itself - at least in part - by meam of dipinto (or once, hcised) inscriptions; Mme of these verse-scraps have been paralleled to
Surviving poet- of the period. This thesis catalogues and examines these containers and their inscriptions as evidencq after exminiq in detail the suniving literary record, for the practice of the ~~Oiirov.Original solutions for previousl misunderstood verse-scraps are proposeù and Mo containers preserving verse-scraps are identifiai for the first time as records of b~oXa.
It is concluded that, while this smaii group of wnîainers ca~otbe enhrely representtaîive of the total body of surviving materiai evidence for the practice of the mOhou, there are striking padels between the artistic and Lit- records which cail for attention of a wider scope. Theognis, Elegies 533-34.
Frontspiece: Kyli. attributeù to the Foundry Painter, Toledo 64.126 (tondo). Table of Contents
Aclmowledgements A Note to the R&r
Introduction Previous scholarship Scope and purpose of present stu&
Literary Evidence Music and the banquet/sympsion Ancient testirnonia: m&ov Pindaros Anaxandrides Platon (Comicus) Aristophanes The Aitic Skolia Ancient EtymoIogies and ExpLanatio11~ Dïkaïarchos Arisîoxenos Athexlaios Plutarchos Scholium on Wasps 1222 Scholium on Wasps 1239 Conclusions
Material Evidence Amasis Painter Euphronios Epiktetos Kleophrades Oa&os Brygos Painter Foundry Painter muris "DOuris copy" Manner of Tarquinia Painter Unattniuted EEylix in Aihens
Table 2: Aacient Etymologies Appendix 1: The Daîes of the Scholia Appendix II: The Verse-Smps List of vases Plates 1 wish to thank Dr. Martin Kilmer. who fïrst turned my attention to the pfesewed verse-maps. and who by his example as a person, as a docror. and as a schohr offered me the opportuaity to do my best. Thanks also are due to Dr. E. Dickey for her many comments and suggestions. I would ahlike to thank my readers, Dr. E. Bloedow and Dr. I.C. Storey for their many commcnts. AU of the above saved me hm mauy mistakes and embarassments; I accept full responsiïility for those which remain. Above aii I wish to thank my wife Lisann Gurney Anderson for her deep love. understanding and support. as weil as many tedious hom of pmhding. This effort is dedicated to her. and to our son Christopher John, who make everj2hing worthwhile.
A Note to the Reader
The material evidence presenred on the Attic containers fas chronologically between the mid-6th and the mid-5th œntuies. taken hmthe red-figured Pioneers and their followers, who are otherwise known for their longer inscriptions. Ail verse-scraps accepted as skolio are from vases in the red-figured style. Following accepted convention, these containers are designateci as Archaic; this is, of course, a reference to style, not to the generaily recognized period dates. In any case, the dating of îhe materiai evidence is in many cases mer* an educated guess. 1 have followed Boardman's flomit dates for the individual artists. These may be found in the "List of Vases". In addition, the material evidence is presented in chronologicai order (as far as can be determineci). References to Sir J.D. Beazley's reference works UBV, ARP, Para, Ad4 as weil as other important works, for each vase may be found in situ, or in the "List of Vasesn. AJA American Jodof Archaeology AJP American louniaf of PhiIology AK Antike Kunst CQ Ciassid Quarteriy CVA Corps Varorurn Antiquorurn mc Echos du monde classique/Classical Views IG (=CIG) Corpus Insmptionurn Graecarum Jdl lahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen instituts JHS Jodof Hellenic Studies LP Lobel & Page (1955) PCG Poetae Comici Graeci PhfG Poetae Melici Graeci PP La Parola del Passato QWC Quaderni Urbïuati di Culhua classica RE Realencyclopiidie der classischen Altertumswissenschaften Rev- arch. Revue archéologique REG ~ev~edes Études RFIC RMsita di nlologia e di istnipone classica SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Grneclun Z4PA Transactions of the American Philologid Association ZPE Zeitschrift iùr Papyrologie und Epigraphik Ancient Authors
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The symposion is the most kquentiy represented scene on Attic black- and red-figured
containers of the Archaic period. Within thk firndamental artistic thme stand several sub-themes,
some ofwhich we know fiom literary sources to have been the definmg activities of the symposion:
conversation, entertainment (dancing, music and mg), wine and 1- but certainly not Ieast, sa.
One activity in particular represented on these containers is the singing of the skolion. A
symposiast, sometimes accompanied by an aulos-player, or by -if on the lyre, sings out a
match of song. A group of containers also record the Song, a. least in pmby means of dipinro
(or, once, inciseci) inscriptions; some of these verse-scraps have been paralleled to extant sympotic poetry of the pend.
The scarce remains of Archaic poetry record oniy one aspect of the expression of that poetry: the teS. But the fùii expression of poetry, arguably in any period but most especiaUy in
Archaic Athens, lies beyond the actuai words: the performance of poetry in Athens also included singing and often instnunentai accornpaniment. As Thomas recently wrote, "Uncovering the cùcum~fancesof a poetic performance, which becorne obscureci by the written texts alone, is not easy. But as Gentili has reminde-us, eariier Greek poetry was designed for a specinc occasion or type of occasion and a specific audience."' One such occasion of the performance of poetry was at the symposion; it is named m later sources as 6 QKO~OV.
' Thomas (1992). 119. Reizenstein's midy remallis the most complete and comprehensive shtdy conceming the
litefary evidence for the skolia, although he considered the skdion a genre separate fiom elegy.
Since that tune, scholars have reiied in large part on Reizenstein's work, and on the explanations of
the practice found in the ancient sources. interest in the pracfice has centrd almost exclusively
around the Attic skolia preserved in Athenaios XV.694, amund the literary remnants of other skolia, or around the etymology of the term. Seveqm, for example, exploreci the eîynology of the
term in connection with his \k.~Tk on Prdus' Chrestoma~hy,rernarking in passing on the
mechanics of the practice ody as a source for the etymology. Harvey treated the practice in a similar fashion while placing the so-called "genre" of the skoliun in its Iiterary context.
Admittedly, however, bis focus was restricted to an examination of the Alexandrian terms for
Greek poetry. It will become clear in this thesis that the term was rnuch broder in scope in earlier times. My's articie in RE attempts to explain the practice, agaiD based exclusively on the literary record. Lambin's recent book (1992) does go into some detail regarding the sources for the practice, but fails both to recognize the possibility of an evolution of the pnctice and to examine the material evidence. in recent times, interest in the etymology of the term has once more been revived - principdy by Teodorsson (1989) and Lambin (1993) - and once more the Somation for the mechanics of the practice provided by the ancient etymologists becurnes centrai to the arguments for the origin of the term, which invariably remain Uiconclusive. Smyth's short explmation (1963) is the most concise and reasoned examination of the evidence for the practice from the Literary sources, but necessacily glosses over the ùiconsistencies in the ancient sources.
The purpose of the present shidy is to go one step Mer, adbegm the process of examùiing the material evidence in the context of the iiterary evidence. The individuai pieces of the rnaterial evidence, for the mon p- were examineci eariier by
Hartwig (1893), as weii as by Beaziey in a senâ of articles in RA entitied 5ome Inscriptions on
Vases" dating fiom 1927 to 1960. Other authors have taken a passing interest in the individual
pieces due to their remarkable inscriptions. Herzog (19 12) included a brief discussion of the
individual inscriptions for the more weii laiown or recognized verse-scraps. In 1991 Csapo &
Milier attempted to compile a list of these containers and their versoscraps, but such a list cm
never be aitogether complete, and thein LW included ody as an appendix to the article. Indeed, this thesis does not itself pretend to be a complete collection. It is to my knowledge, however. the ody study which catalogues and discusses these containers in their proper Literary and sociai contexts. In addition, I have rai& merpossible examples of containers representing sqmpotic singing. in particdar the tondo scene by Epikîetos in Malibu (pp. 47-53, fig. 4.1).
This thesis is an attempt to clare the circw~l~tancesof the performance of the skolion in
Archaic Athens through an evaiuation of both the literary sources, in particular those which use the term skolion, and of the artistic record preserved on some containers. Due to the iimited scope of the thesis, I have restricted the artistic evidence to those containers which also preserve verse-scrap inscriptions in an effort to evaluate and compare not ody the mode of performance but also, as far as possible, the nature of the poetry performed. In this thesis 1 will evaluate and discuss the literary evidence for the practice of the skolion. 1 will also cataiogue d instances of containers preserving verse-scrap inscriptions which can be classified as skolia on Attic black- and red- figured containers of the Arcbaic and Early Classical periods (c. 600-450 B.C.). in addition to catdoguing these instances, 1 will examine and discuss the inscriptions and scenes in detail with reference to their Literary, sociai and artistic conte&. In general, 1 will msider a verse-scrap inscription a skolion if it is in a sympotic contexi - in regards to scene - and if the inscription is closely associated with a sefigure on the container. It may be necessaxy, however, to include verse-scrap inscriptions which, although not conneaed directly to a sympotic contaci, nevertheless sean to record a skvlion fragment.
The Literary Evidence
The pdceof singing at symposia is represented m mrent leveis of detail in several types of ancient sources. Most sources are removed in time hmthe Archaic period, but should not be disregarded on this account since there is nevertheless a shared cultural reIevance which is not lunited to chronologid segments dehd at a much later tirne. The does, howwer, offen witness the evo1ution of social practices (with the possible exception of religioUSIritual practices); later sources must be treated with mflicient critical thought.
The poeuc sources, valuable because they not ody provide a gluapse of the practice but also provide evidence of the poeûy itseIf: are in some ways more difndto interpw they provide a moment - a snap-shot - of the evenf but often neither a chronological sequence nor the full event. They do, however, ofEr evidence of the sort not easily extractesi fbm the descriptive sources: quite oftai there is mention of instruments used, or the mamer in which the siuging was accomplished (Le. suntono = hi&-pitched). Descriptive sources2 are ohthe most helpful in determiaing a sequence of events, since they usudy represent, by nature, a chronological sequence.
The descriptive sources, however, like the poetic sources, were writîen for &ers with a shared historical and culturai background and, accordingiy, ohomit information which wouid be helpfid for social historians today. Some of the Iunitations ùIberent in descriptive sources wiU becorne more apparent in the discussion surroundhg the etymo1ogists below. Other descriptive sources
------'The tem is adopted fiom Frye (199 1). Cf. his discussion in Chapter One "Secpence and Moden. might more properly be calleci narrative, since they describe a group of events, or situations, historical or otherwise; they were n* howwer, denin order to describe cr explain the practice of sioging at the symposion. Even so, these sources offa a giimpse into the cuituni life of ancient
Greece and, although they are removed in tirne, some of them substantdly, hm the Archaic period, do contain vaiuable information. The Literary sources discussed bebw are arrangeci accordhg to the two types mentioned above; the discussion is intended to be not comprehensive, but representative. Some sources, because of the informafion provided, will be discwed
Uidividually. It has proved more expedient to group others and to discw them coiidveiy.
Sin& at banquets was a tradition in Greece even fiom our eariiest Iiterary record.
Homer includes severai scenes of singing at banquets, ahhough these could not properly be ded syrnposia since eating and cirdang took place at the same the. Nevertheless, they do exhibit some of the same character as later symposia. The most appropriate example in the IZiud is at the end of the fkst book (I.601-604), where Apollon and the Mousai amuse the gods with song at their ber. The amoebaean nature of the singmg may, as Barker notes, be a distant ancestor of the singing describeci in the Hymn to Hermes mentioned below (p. 12, note 26) in co~ectionwith
"capping, but alteniately it may simply mean that the voices of the Musai answer (Le. echo)
Apollon's lyre.) The heroes, too, are often represented as musicians; but Barker des,'crnusical prowess, though rempiad as a genuine skill ..., is one that conflict with the character expcted of a warrior. Paris in particuiar is depicted as a litîle tm elegant and sophisticated for war ... The tnie piace of music, in the world of the heroes, is at the relaxation of a banquet ... 998
The Oessey also bas two passages which describe singing at a banquet; one describes the
Barker (19%), 24, n. 17. Barker (1983), 24. Suiton' banquet at Book 1.150fS the other the banqueî given by the Phaeaciaas for Odysseus at
Book WI.4OE Both involve musicians (&O&)?
The remains of Archaic poetry, piWy spane in many mys, do preserve glimpses Vit0 the performance of music at symposia. Many of these reférences are found in Theogis' Elegies, and the works of the Meiic pets6 The most representative group, as far as description of music at the banquet is concerneci, is the Theognidean EIegies. As West points ouf "Both the pipes and the lyre are mentioned as concornmitanu of the symposium, but where the elegist refers directty to bis own musical accompaniment, it is provided by a piper m. 941, 943, 1056).'" In faa both aulos and lyre are mentioned (cf. Theogn. 533-34). Pleasure and prak are the themes which are most directly comected to music in Theognis; solo singing with musical accompaniment is predominant.
Archaic petry provides many clues as to the nature of performance, but is fkquently obscure in tem of details.
The narrative sources of the £ifth and fourth centuries B.C. ahoffer information concerning music at the banquet. The tragedians ohrefer to banquet music,8 although there are
many ewmples of reference made to other types of music.g Banquet music in the tragedians is unequivdy associated with gaiety and joy, and ofta includes mention of the instniments used
(barbitos, arlos),as weii as the accouirements of the banquet (garhds, musicians, wine). There
Book LlSOff: Phemios wh is descn'bed at Book XXII.331 as Qarw,Book Vm.4Off: Demodokos, describeci at 1.43 as 8~îmaior&. Cf. for exampIe: Thgn 22-23, 211, 533-31, 790-9 1, 825, 939-941, 975-76, 993-96, 104142, 1055. 1365-66; Xenoph fil; Dionys. Eleg. 4. For the debate concerning the nature of the instnunental accompaniment of elegiac poems cf. West (1974), 13- 14; Campbeii (1964); bwie (1986). ' West (1974), 12. * Cf. Eur. Alc. 34 1-7; EUT.CF 488-93;EUT. Heracl. 674-96; Eur. Ph. 783-9 1; Eur. Rh. 360-5; Sopb Aj. 1192-1206. Barker (19&1), 62-92 whence aiso the references to banquet music. are no e.xamples of the music sung at the banqua, however, and, as so often with the narrative literary sources, the modem reader is lefl with oblique referaices to a practice weu undemaxi by the ancient audience for wfiich they were wrkten.
The cornedies of the late fifb and fourth centuries are much more informative and wiii, in large part, be examineci below in connection with theu scholia. But the important changes in the composition and performance of music which had corne about by that tirne must be taken into account (see discussion below). ûther narrative literaîure, too, can be informative in its own wav, although the inevitable gaps in our kuowledge of the cuiturai environment permit O* an imperfect understanding. For example, in Xenophon's Symposion (W. L), Socrates fi,restaUs a developing argument by leading the sympodiasts m a song:
speak, shaii we now rather also sing togetber?" And after speaking these words, he straighîaway began a song. Then they sang .. .
At the beginaing of this particular symposion, the guests had pourPd a libation and sung the paian.'O Severai facts can be gleaned from this passage: 1) the song (<;imi) was sung by all; 2) it was sung at the suggestion of a symposiast who was not the symposiarch or the host, but who nevertheles held a certain authority; 3) it must have been a song aii knew. We might also consider it possible that some types of song were us& as a kind of time-out, if needed, and perhaps that once such a song was suggested it was obligatory for ail to join in." Littie else is confinned
'O X Smp.2.1. PI. Smp. contains no mention of shging, rince the musicians were sent away. ''if Thgn. 1055: 'AM& Xpph mVmv &i Or; II A detailed monof all the evidence reférring to music at the banquet/symposion would be out of the question; the most important sources - the descriptive passages of the mologists and the narrative of the comic wnters - which use the term m6hov wiü be examinai cafefiilly. This bnef, and naessaniy superficial, nirvey of other literary refefences outlines the important position of music among the acàvities of the sympsiion. It is certain th.poetry of many different metres was composed to be sung at symposia it is eqdy certain thaf fiom its earliest appearance, the tenn skolion described a poem sung at a symposion. It foiiows that the former songs - whether in the dactyhc hexameter of the el=, or in any other rnetre of the extant sympotic poetry - could bear the general designation skolion," as weil as a designaiion dependent on some other criteria (such as me). It seems to me that to justify these obsemtions, I wiiI need to show the foilowing two statements to be me: firrf that fiom its eariiest use the word skdzon meant a song which was performed at (and possibly composeci for performance at) the symposiq ;nd, that it did not indicate one particular metre. l2 Sqth(1963). civ dram the samc conclusion; see also West (1987). 42. n 6. Young wornen, hostesses to many, handmaidens of Attxaction in wealthy Corinth, who burn the golden tears of khfhkincense, Men you soar in your thoughts To Aphrodite in the sky, the mother of loves. She gave to you, girls, withoui blame to pick the fbit of soft" youth in beds of desire. With compulsion ail is fhir . . . . (1-9) 13 Van Groningen (1960a), 37. Van Groningen's Pindare au banquet is a critical commentaty on Pindar's skolia. Although Turyn placed this poem with the encomia, he did fecognize that this is a skolion (1952), 327: "Carmen, ab ipso Pin- (cf: v. 11) et Atheaueo &LW appellaiun, ..." I4 Te.* strophe division and numbering taken fkom Van Groningen (1960a). 21-22. Translation îaken fiom Born (1965)' 388-90. " Cf Caaillus 80 where molli is used in a Smilar way. Perhaps here alço the image of a 'soAnessn is meant to convey an image of sensuousness and se.niality, although hopefiiUy in kinder spirit here than in Catuilus. dûru& in comedy, especiaüy when used of men, very often bas negative connotations. But 1 wonder what the masters of the Isthmus Wiil say of me, who have found Such a start to a honey-hearted [skoiion] To consort with consorting women, (13- 15) This poem was witîen for Xenophon of Corinth, who was ahpraised by Pindar on the occasion of his Olympic victones (OZ. 13) in the stade and the penîathlon in 442 B.C.; it must then date fiom soon after this victory, since the festvibes descni were organized as part of a vow in retm for success. An excerpt from the I&pi Iim+u of Chamdeon of Herakleon, who wote at the end of the fourth and eariy third centuries B.C., recorded by Athefliiios explairis Merthe context of this poem.'6 It describes a vow beiug dischargeci by Xenophon to Aphrodite in return for bis victory at the games, and was sung at the banqueet which foilowed the dces,both of which were a part of this vow. Van Gronigen outlines the action in this way: la fête a compris dax parîies, d'abord la partie strictement religieuse des actions de grâces et des sacrifices, A laquelie les femmes ont pris part en qualité d'hiérodules; ensuite une partie mondaine, comportant repas et beuverie, au cours de laquelle les hiérodules sont transformées en hétaïres. C'est dans cette seconde moitié que le scolie est à sa place." l6 FOK reasons of space, I will ody provide the dpart relevant to the skolion in par&icuiar:Wnpov 8 ~a;&w~IrapàC~8wiav~,iv~+~~~nmo~~~~~,ai'~~~~.roS Sm- m' &- qn'A&mi?hn QUYi&mw. A10rriFp gh. "H&m 8 mû &y. "Afterwards he even sang a skolion immediately after the sacrifice, in wbich he addressai the very be-g to the heîaïrai, who - when Xenophon was presented and the sacrifice coqlete - made covenant with Aphrodite. Then he spoke. Thus he began his song." '' Van Groningen (1960a), 21. In this conte* th- the word desigaates a banquet song (albeit at an aîypid banquet), written for a and mgsolo.19 Its thematic material is familiar and uncornplicateQ but specific to the The next occurrences of the word are found in the comedies. In Anaxandrides 17.1-6 (Kock) the parmitos pokes nin at a skolïon &y sung by another guest; fiom the description of the skolion we know that it is one of the so-called Aîtic Skoiia recorded in Athenaios XV.694C ff." nie hgment is fiom the play Treasure: PARASITOS: The one who çomposed this skolion, whoever he was, rightly put sound health as the first gdthing, but to be hamisorne second, and rich third, in this you see, he was mad! For weaith cornes after healtb, but the hamisorne man, '* There seems to be debate concerning whether Pindar and Xenophon were fiiends at this point Norwood claims that Pindar did not like Xenophon on the basis of 01. 13 and this poem Worwod, 1945, 20); Van Groningen (1960% 49) questions his concIusions. l9 see n, 6 above. PMG 890; Page Lists it as no. 7 of his Cannina conviviafia: t;u~cC;Yriv& &wmv th&; ûm+, ~&QWV E&Quàv7m~&,l &~U&w~iù~,l*ai+zEmpoy~p&iw&hu. Tok healthy is best for mortai men, second to have a beautifid nature, third to be rich and honest and fourth to be young with his fkiends." It is interesting that the fourth item is not mentioned by the pwasitos. It may not have been part of the skolion as Anawdrides knew it. (Or perhaps the purmitos had no fnends and didn't want to caU attention to the fact!) Again, this passage takes place at a banquet, apparedy a private symposion. The speaker of the passage is pokmg fiin a.the order of blessings Iisted by the composer of the skolion. The tone of this skolion is also light, despite its gnomic theme- Platon (Comicus) mentions the skolion as sornethiug sung at a vposion in fiag. 71 (PCG); this, too, is presewed by quotaton in Athenaios. Dates c. 4 10 B.C. have been suggested for the passage21,wIiich is part of a discussion betweetr two se~ants: the skolion sung; the korrabos apparatus has been taken out Some little chit's got the auloi and is piaying a Karian dirgez for the spposiasts, and 1 saw another with the trigononzl; she sang some Ionian song to it- The skolion in this passage seems to refer to a song sung by the syrnposiasts themselves, rather than the (paid?) entertahers/hetairdi.'J No derindication of the manner of performance is given. 'Ibe word UK&W is found in five of Nophanes' ~medies.~'ïhe scholia on these passages oEer much more information than the passages themselves, but because of the nature of " Geissler. 410400 B.C.; Giannini:410-405 B.C. The bt&j pGm was a kind of fimeral song. it hardly seems appropriate at a banquet, but perhaps it is part of the joke (Le. it was a really slow Party and needed to end - or get pumped up - or perhaps a remgood party, and the dos-player is anticipating how they will feel in the morning). A type of percussion instrument Lice the modem triangle. '' The first two hes mention four activities: the hbtion, drinking, the skolion and the konobos-game: the rest of the lines descrii the actions of two female entertainers (they seem to be distinguished fiom the symposiasts in Iine 13: m* q+). Another passage (N. 1365) and iîs important rbolium are discused below. The word skolion is not used there, although the passage is clearly talking about the practice. that information they are discussed below with the etymological sources. Whiie the word does appear in Ach. 532, Av. 1416 and Ra. 1302, no real infionnation is given; the passages fiom the twvo other cornedies, however, provide some of the key aidence for the practice, at least as it was at the time of Aristophanes. First is a passage fiom V. 1222-40, c. 422 B.C., which is the main source fôr the practice of "capping" which several of the etynologists seem to describe (see below pp. 30-3 l), and wvhich inspired the scholian on this passage to offer an ep~ologyof urc0hrov fkom (&)mmL6~= ficult (because "capping" was considerd by the scholiast to be dificuit). This %apping" was done by finishing a skolion which another had starkd, presumably, in keeping with the agonistic nature of Greek society, with a contribution supenor to that of the previous participants. îhe passage is quite long, and due to space, it may be beaer simply to describe the action. BdeIyHeon is aüempting to teach his fàîher PhiloMeon how to act at an "upperclass" symposion and how to take part in the "capping" of a skolion. PhilokIeon clearIy has other ideas on how to take his fuq and instead of finishing the verses "properly", he finisha them with coarse verses and ribaid commentç.x In addition to the practice of capphg, this passage also records evamples of skolia su% in quotation as well as by allusion, some of which were obviously well- known, and perhaps overused." The second passage, just one line, is fbm a kgment of a ccnnedy (fi. 235 K-A) placed by Kassel-Austin - foliowing Athenaios - in Duitales: This does not seem to be an undpractice; Barker (I9£U), 43 refen us to Hpn to Hennes 554, Ar. Lys. 1236-38 and Theoc. 5.80 ff which describes a singing contest of one-upmanship behveen Komatas and Lakon; for a similar eauamplecf. Theoc. 6. For an example of a singing challenge in the archaic period, cf. Thgn. 993-96. 27 Over-used cf, Ar. Nu. 1364. This fragment shows ody that the poems oftwo Archaic poets3 were mgas skolio at syrnposi? in the time of Adophanes. Aristoteles mentions Eunous skolia in his politic? and others are cited in the pseudo- Aristotelian Athenian ~onstitution.~~In their conte- however, they give no indication of the practice, but only the thematic xnaîend, which is decidediy politifal and democratic. This shodd corne as no surprise given the subject matter ofthe two works. The housskolja which AristoteIes mentions are part of the collection of "Amc SkoZia" preserved in Athenaios XV.694 ff. Of course, aot aii of the songs sung as skolia are recurded here, a point which van der Vak is quick to make," since we how of others from comedy, as ml1 as fiom the Amc containers and other sources. The "@titical"skolia, which probably &te, based on internai evidence, fiom the early 5th century B.c.,'~have rmived much attention. Of the other skdiu, however, seven have no di-g interd idodonwhich can be usai to &te them securely. These could be as late as Athenaios hiinseIf; although he certauily beiieves them to be of ancient ongin? Two of the ccskoZiu"have been attributed to Sirnonides and Alkaios, both of whom wrote in the late sixth .and early fifth centuries." R- showed that this collection "8 Cf, the scholium on Ar. Nu. 1364 where Simonides and Stesichoros are mentioned. Daifales is a lost play by Aristophanes, which won 2nd prke in 427 BC. The title seems to refer to a group of diners in honor of Herakles (I.C. Storey, pers comra), and so 1believe we can assume a sympotic context for the firagment. " A&. Pol. 1285.a37;Alc. fr. 160 which refen to the elected tyranny of Pitîacus. " Pr.-Aria Ath. Pol. 19.3.8 which bernoans the loss of good demmts a! Lip-drion; 20.5.3 which praises the anti-mt activities of Kedon. The fiequent political tone of the Attic Skolia, as weil as other skolia, has long ken noted. 32 Van der Va& ( 1974), 1. 33 Cktwald (1969), 1267 and especially 127. a 1 in which Ostwaid foilows Born (1961), 374-375 in dating these skolia "closer to the theof Marathon and Salamisw. Ath. Dipn. XV.693f Omp [&al mi ahri q8y &mi au1 à-1 b Van der Va& bas a fâr more satisktory division based on the order of the poems themselvesa: 1) praise for the gods (1 -4); 2) human aflàirs (5-9); 3) praise for hem of the past (10-1 6); 4) erotic themes (17-22). At this point, however, van der Vaik's orderly division breaks dowm somewhiit; 22-24 are placed together as skolia whkh celebrate Q/uo'tbloi Zdpe5 and 25 praises the -W. Neither of the divisions proposed by Giangrande and van der Vaik seems to be intended to match - nor do they - the divisions of perfofmance shown by our etymological sources, since tkq deai exclusiveiy with the skolia preserved in Athenaios W.694 ff. The etymologists f~mthe next, and the most informative, group of sources. Before disnissing them, however, it might be useful to s- the conclusions so k.From itç earIiest presexved use (442 BC) the word skolion designates a song which is sung at a symposion; this " Reitzenstein (1893), 13-24. But sureIy a poem wouid kgin its e.dence before king included in a songbk of famous skolia (it had to be 'not famous' at some point), and couid influence others as it became a single famous poern. " Lesky (1957). 174. * Born (1961), 375-97. 39 Giangrande ( l967), 104-6. Van der Valk (1971). 2-18. song was sung by symposiasts, probably solo7 and codd take up many different themes. in addition to singing a cuinplete poem, a symposiast rnight chalienge mother to finish a song - the "capping" mentioued in ANtophanes7 Waps 1222-40. Cleariy, there were fàmous skdiu from which a guest might choose to perfonn; on the other han& composition for a padcular symposion was not out of the question if a guest were accomplished; no particular metre is cwsistently associated with the tem. The word, then, appears to be simply a general designation for any song sung at a syrnposion by sympo~iasts~Discussing the fkquently imprecise tenninology of Archaic poetry, and the skolion in partidar, van Gronigen wïtes, "II est impossible de réduire en un qstéme sûict des appellations aux limites toujours flO'#antes. Tout ce qu'on peut afEmer c'est qu'une chanson ou une ode exécutée a un banquet est assez souvent appelée scolie, et que le contenu est tout aussi difErencié que l'était la convmation.'"' The use of the term in Literature before the etymologists - literature closest to the Archaic period - points toward a generai meanhg for the term: a sblion could designate any kind of song sung at a syrnposion; the term was not Limited to any one specifïc rnetre. Ancient Etymologies and Explanations The earliest extant ancient etymologies, by Dikaiarchos of Messana and Aristoxenos of Miletus, both of whom wrote in the fourth century B.C., form the core idonnation of the laîer ancient etymologies and e?cplanations of Artemon upud Athenaios, Plutarchos and other writea in addition to the descriptions of the pracbce by certain modem schoiars." For this reason, it seems most appropriate to begin with the most ancient passages, also the closest in time to ou.period of 41 Van Groningen ( l96Oa). 14- 15. Cf. for evample Harvey (1955), 162-163; Smyth (1963), civ, et al.; also Lambin's general discussion (1992). 2 19-223 and his recent article (1993), 32-37. study, and fiom there to move on to the more recent authors, especially since most of the later authors, ancient and modem, tend to combine the exfiest etymologies to form their qlanations. riiformation provided by these eady etpologies and expbations, coloured of course by the authors' historical contexts and those of their sources, wili be valuable when considered with the literary testirnonia to the tem skolion found in Archaic poetry and other genres, notably the comedy of Aristophanes, and the dusions to singing at the symposzon in extant synpotic poetq, both of which were discussed above. The exact etymology of the term tdho~is fàr fiom certain,43 and this discussion of die ancient etymologies is a an atternpt to correct the situation. These ancient discussions do contain usefüi information, however, and are in this respect important for the reconstruction of the practice. First, however, a cm?. The most mcienî etymologies, and thus to a certain extent the later explanarions - due to theû reliance on the eariier - are latgely, of course, an effort to determine the ongin and proper meaning of the term QKOAtov raîher than an aûempt to explain a practice. For this reason, it is probable that oniy those elements of the practice, as the writers Most recentiy Lambin (1 993) and Teodorsson (1 989). See also Reitzenstein (1 893) pp. 14, nül the most complete study published on the skolion, although he considers it a genre separate hmelegy; W. Aiy RE S.V. dm,COI, 56 1; A. Severyns (1934) pp. 837-831. Lambin's 1984 doctoral dissertation, unpublished, fbm l'Université de Lille (485 pp.) was titled Les Chansons de banquet en Grèce antique. The most recent studies suggest that the term, since posslile Greek origins are umatidiidory, may be of Lydian origin (as are many other musicaYpwtic tenns, cf. Teodorsson (1989), 132, n. 30). The couched banquet, id est a banquet for which the banqueters recliaed on couches, axtaidy seems to have entered Greece in the 7th and 6th Centuries hm the Greek east through contact with the Lydiaas (cf. J.-M. Dentzer, 1982 .) Most early composes of skolia were of Ionic Gr& origin (Terpander of Labos, Alcaeus of Mytilene, qrthermos of Teos, Aicman of Sardis). The Lydiaus seem to have had a practice similar to the skolion, at least in the sense that singing took place at a drinking party directiy after dinner (Lambin, 1993,36, although he cites no authority). Pindar (Ps. Plutarchos, De la musique 28) names Terpander the inventor of the skdion, and also places him in the conte- of a Lydian banquet (fi. 129 Tiuyn) «& &hmA& JaAClov Mfi70y b+t& aKoo~~'bg (ïi.3-4))) "at the dimer-parties of Lydia he heard the imitating plucked nota of the high pectis". Bu5 as Lambin and Teodo~sçonboth fkely admit. we are 1ikeIy never to vew this hypothesis since Little of the Lydian language SUrYiVes. (Lambin 1993, 37; Teodorsson 1989, 132) knew if which bear diredy on a proposeci etymology will be emphasized.* Monnation which would be relevant to us in an atternpt to reconstnicct a social practice might weU have been considered then to be extraneous and &levant, at Ieast for the purpose of establishing the origin of a tem. It is ewn possible that such information might have been considered a hindrance to the explanafion, if it pre~efltedcontradictions or ambiguities, and thus have been left out &ly. Dikaiarchos of Messana was a prolinc wnter and a pupil of Anstoteles, working in the fourth century B.C.; his works survive in hgmentary condition, howmer, oniy in testirnonia. Together with Aristoxenos' (see below), his is the eariiest extant discussion of the origin of the terrn and as such seems to form the bais for later discussions. He is extensively quoted by my ancient writers on a varie@ of subjects, but in parti& by Cicero, who considered hUn an exempIar of the n-t& (Mé of action), and contrastai Dikaiarchos with his omfiend Theophrastos whom he thought an exemplar of the 19~~prittKoç(contemplative life)." The scope of his writbgs is broad and varied, £tom a philosophical treatk on the sou1 (ne?; $q&) to works on divination and religious practice (Es T+viou ~azaSaa;~,Il& iy 'IXw &wiq, Hep; &d+v Q8opaC) to history (Biq 'w b y'), and many other genres bides. Interestùigly, he seems to have ~ntiena biography of ALkaios, one of the most famous hters of skolia. 44 For e.xampIe. the "crooked" (A&)course of the path of singing seen in most authors (SR below). " Cic. EpiR. ad Attinun II 16.3: nunc promis hoc staîui, ut quoniam tanta conîroversia est Dicaearcho familiari tuo cum Theophrasto amico men, ut iile tuus 7à1 ~rpami& Biov longe omnius anteponat, hic autem Gv OE~KOY,utxique a me mos gestus esse videatur. More relevant to u is his Hep; pucowr~&vQ.~&vwY: his etymology of the term is found quoted fiom this work in the scholium on Plato's Gorgicls 45 1E (whence Suda; Photios xv. UICOAOY).~~F. Wehrli's edition is the accepteci text for Dikaiarchos' writuigs: Concerning itiusicaf Contests, because there were three types of songs. One Sung by ail, one sung singiy in sequence, and one sung by the most knowledgeable in random order. It is caiied skolion, then, because of the order. Dikaiarchos outlines what appears to be a progression of mes of skolia; this progression alsc appears to be temporal (the temporal aspect is taken up more clearly in Athenaias' and Plutarchos' transmission of Dikaiarchos - see below). This division is not as narrow and dehed as Teocionson seems to The division comprises three parts: 1) songs mgby the group together, 2) songs simg by each member of the group in turq 3) songs sung by the most knowledgeable (or skiiied) in whatever order occurs. Teodorsson describes Dikaiarchos' division as one which mwsthe texm skolion to the point at which it comprises "only those songs which a guat performed while acwmpanying himseif with the lyre.'& This is, however, manifesty not the case. Dikaiarchos clearly describes the skdion in tenns of three classes; he does not mwthe definition in any way. In fàct, removing Teodorsson's incorrect attribution to Dikaiarchos himself '6 With minor aiteratious. The rholiast has omitîed orà +j~ and has 5 hj; in any case this does not affect the sense of the passage. Wehrli has aetedthe readings of Photios and Suda. " Wehrli (1 944)' 3 1, fr. 88. Teodorsson (1989)' 128. Teodorsson (1989)' 128. He has combineci the three souroes of Dikaiarchos' infoxmation without e.uamining each singly; unfortunately this has resulted in a fiindamental error: Teodorsson has included the mention of the iyre as apparentiy the sole accornpaniment for a mmikq in Dikaiarchos' etymotogy. of an addition by ~lutarchos~to ~ikaia&hos' etymology, the divisions codd hardly be any wider, that is songs sung by aü together and songs sung solo. The only combination omitted is songs suag by groups of two or more (but not aii). The coofusion arises, perhaps, from the Eict that the 1st division, songs sung by the most talented, supposedly gave the practice its name. Dikaiarchos, divisions reflect the purpose of this passage, which is to expiain the etymotogy of the term skolion. It is apparent in the iasî division; the rndkm~sing ;S &E a +I. The term skolion then (fiom mohk = crooked) arises fiom the c'crooked" path of the singing (&A T&mi&). The scholiast on Aristophanes7 CIoucis 1364 (fkg. 89, Wehrii) records additional information fiom Dikaiarchos, also fiom his lost work Ibp; ~WIK~V&y&vwv: common experience appears to aise for those tecounting whether with music or without music, holding something in a hand to compose a narration, For those singing at symposia according to a certain ancient tradition sing holding a twig of laure1 or me. Given the faa that al1 main sources for DDikaiardios (Suüa, Photios, Athenaios and Plvarchos) faithfully record the tbree divisions but that ody one mentions the lyre, we should place much Iess emphasis on this piece of information. Furthermore, as 1 wiîi show below, the aulos and the lyre both (although perhaps at different times andor with different types of petry) were used by the singes. Otrviousiy, a dmgcouid not accompany himself on the mrlos, and would neai an acçompanist, as might also a symposiast singing to the lyre. " Wehrli (l944), 3 1-32, h 89. Dikaiarchos knew of a performance tradition at the symposion in which a symposiast rrcounthg to music, and dso a symposiast who recounted somethiug without music," hdd a twig of laure1 or myrtie. The schoiiast is explaining Strepsiades' request at a paity which he is hostùig that his son sing somethuig with the IV. By this tirne, judguig fiom Pheidippides' response, singing at a symposiion has men out of fàshion with the younger generation, and Pheidippides' response is bath scomful and, in keeping wim his character, insolent. Instead of a Song then, Strepsiades demands that Pheidippides recite meAeschylos while holding a twig of myrtie. Even this is gauche for Pheidippides, and instead he recites some Euripides. While the use of the myde or laure1 twig appears in other ancient etymologies expressly in connection ~7ththe etymology of the term skolion (see below), the scholiast of Platon Gorgias 45 1E did not include Dikaiarchos' comment fiom the same work, lIIep; ~WIKGV~~Y&UWY, recorded in the schoIium on CIOUdF 1364. There seem to me to be at least two possible reasons: the scholiast on Platon Gorgias 45 1E was concemed with the etpology in particular and so did not inchde information not directly relevant to his purpose; or the passage witnessed in the scholiast on Cloua5 1364 does not refer to the skoiion, and so was ignored by the schoiiast on Platon. The former reason is the more compelling and the clearly wrong given our understanding of the nature of the skolion. Aithough îhe fint sentence surely reférs to a practice involving recitation and myrtle or laure1 twigs, and probably indicafes that this practice takes place at a symposion, since it is quoted in refmce to a sympotic context in Aristophanes' CZouds, it is the second sentence wtiich conthms inforniaton directly relevant to singing at the symposion before the time of Dikairehos. It is this Somation which is most important: that there was an anCient '' Wehrii (1941), 70, takes this to mean a rhapsodie performance (Tndessen redet D. hier im aügemeimn von der Sitte, etwas in kdennt halten, die sowohi fiir rhapsodiscfien wie gesungen Vortrag galt.), or as the passage on which the scholion commcnts indicates, "eine Rezitation aus Aischylosn (194)' 71. tradition (& nar\are mq TCZ&OCTE~) according to which those singings3 at the sympasion (tfbOms & tmpnwioY) did so holding a myrtie or Iaurel shoot (&v& ij The passage found in the scholiast on Aristophanes' CZouds does concern the sïnging of the skolion, but is not relevant to Dikaiarchos' etymology quoted in the scholiast on Platon Gorgias 45 1E; d was probably Iefi out for that reason. For Dikairachos, then, the skolion compriseci three of singing; d also involved, according to one aucient tradition, the use of myrtie or Iaurel tMgs by the singers. Recitation might also occur at the symposian, but the period in dchthis occurred is not cornpletely clear (but dates at Ieast fiom the time of Aristophanes). music and then came to the Lyceum to study under Aristoteles. He seems to have been somewhat of a maverick, but talented: he is notorious for passing on scandaious anecdotes about Pythagoras (fiag. 25). Aristoxenos' etymology is also found in the scholium on Plaîo's Gorgias 45 1E (=Suda; Photios S.V. QK&OV), frag. 125 Wehrli; he indicates thaî the tenn derives fiom the crooked course of sin& arouud the tables at wedding banquets : the skolion ... as [write] Aristoxenos and Phyllis the scholar, because at marnages, wiih many klinai drawn up around one table, they sang maxhm and love-songs in bigh-pitched scales holding the myrtfe twig 53 The passage can be understood in two ways: 1) both rÊciters and singers held something in their han4 and the singers held a twig, or 2) both reciters and singers held a hig whiie perfonning. one &er the other in order. The route was crooked buseof the arrangement of the Mnai around the polygonal rooms - both for this reason and because the celebrarions themseives became clowded The soogs aiso were ded not because of the mode of composition, but because of the crooked (dKOhlaU) passing on of the myrtte twig in this marner. Making w mention of divisions by number of singers or by skiil, as did Dikaiarchos, Aristoxenos mentions a Mion - of sorts - by type of soug: they sang y~hptqirai ipor~~ti&nova. Furthemore, they sang these holding the rnyrtle twigs Gtupp;vcY). The crooked path of the myrtfe twigY as it wound h way around the many Pliw in the overcrowded nxnn is the characteristic of the practice which gives the term its name. For Aristoxenos the term has its ongin in the context of a wedding banquet. The conditions placed by Aristoxenos on the practice denve, as aiso in the case of Dikaiarchos, fiom his purpose: to explain the origin of the term m0hrov as UK&~ (crooked) because of the path of the siuging. The overcrowding of the kIiM is the main &or in the crooked path; this overcrowding fin& its cause in the wedding banquet. This is a case, perhaps, as I alluded above, in which a writer selected information which would support his etynology or e?rp~~onand excluded or disguised information which rnight hinder it. Obviously the s-g of the skoiion took place at hesother than the wedding banquet; the symposion and not the wedding banqyet was the occasion for the skolion. The wedding banquet fir Aristoxenos, however, explains the overcrowding, which in tum gives the terni its name. The wedding banquet, thedore, becorna the exclusive venue for the "crookedn song. This condition is patentiy incorrect, since the skolion in every other source belongs to the qmposion - whatever the occasion. if the wedding banquet involved a sympasion-like aspect, the singing of the skdion may Y Of twigs. The first part of the passage has the plural -k whiïe the key part mentions only one myrtle twig iwpp;vrK). The fht occwrence should pmbably be taken as mention of multiple occasions (ie. twigs used one-at-a-time on many occasions) since m.twigs in use at the same tirne would defeat the crookd path of the singing. very well have ben practiced; but it codd not have been the ody venue. Its name (for Aristoxenos) came 60m the path ofthe shging on the most distinctive occasion of its use. Two pieces of information given, however, are not essential to this purpose. Fithe guests sang, as 1 have already rnentioned, 7ykKsi &WM& &va. These themes (gnomic and erotic) were a large part of sympotic poe$ry (for example the elegiac poetry of the Theognidea wvhch was certainly intended for the çymposionS5). The seconci, and more important, piece of information is found in the recapitulation 06 &à. njv +&av O&, &à. T+ puppk ~KO~&Y 6ih. The music for the song @&XOIGCL) does not give the term its name. This information recurs in Athenaios and Plutarchos, as well as the other sources, and discussion arises m the later authors as to the composition of the melodies for &lia in addition to discussion of the skalia themselves. The etymologies of both Dikaiarchoç and Aristoxenos rdect their purpose: to explain the ongin of the term skoh and, more accurateiy, to explain why it seems to derive fiom the adjective rnohrk. Both agree that it is the path of the (solo) smging which gives the term its me. While Dikaiarchos creates divisions based on the number of singers and how talented a singer might bey Arisîoxenos does not create any divisions (unless one were to consider the gnomic and erotic sangs a division by subjedtheme). Moreover, Aristoxenos denves the name fkom the particulariiy convoluted path of the myrtie twig at a crowded wedding banquet, while Dikaiarchos makes no mention of contexts more specinc than the symposion. Both mention the use of myrtie îsvigs by the singers; Dikaiarchos also mentions the use of Iaurel. Aristoxenos claims thai the passage of the twig between singers gave the term its name because it rendered a crooked order of singing; similarly Dikaiarchos, although he States ody that it was the order of the siaging and does not make reference to the use of myrtle or laure1 in this manner. In the final analysis, the NO do not share much common information, but ttiq do admit a cornmon conclusion - which reveais an important piece of iaformation - conceming the origin of the temi: the "crooked" (u~oAik)order of the solo-singing. Athenaios, writhg in the 1st cenqA.D., presewes an important dection of &lia in his Deipnosophzsrai (XV.694c-696a), some clearly dathg fiom the 6th century B.C. Many Merent tync metres are represented, and severai themes; these have been discussed, bnefly, above. Athenaios' explanation of the practice pdesthis collection: They are called skolia not because of the mode of the melody, namely that it is "cmdreâ* - for they say lbat [rangs] in da& mode?? are crooked; rather there were tbree lrinnn of songs, as Artemon of Kassandreia states in the second [book] of The Use of Books, amongst which are tfiose sung at parties. Of these types the first was îhat which it was customary for dl to sing. The second type was one which al1 sang, certainiy, mertheles according to a cértain path in sucfessioa The third had iîs ordering amongst ail, aithough not ail participated, "PI. R. 398.E.9-10: ~9~T~&~i~~i~m~&cisÇcoviii~;(iq 'Id,aà'O;;.xiriiMma Neither Aristoxenos nor Athenaios write that the meIodia were not crooked, only that the path of the melody did not give the term its name. In facS Aristosenos and Athenaios in particular imply quite the opposite to the marner in which tbis statement bas been understood by some, aamely that the melodies were simple;" the melodies were, or at least could be, "slack" (se- note 56), but the paih of the singing was the reason for the name. Athenaios then goes on to quote Artemon of Kassandreia, whose source was surely Dikaiarchos given the exact correspondence of the divisions to his OWQ.'~ Fifit al1 sang together, then ail sang, but singly in succession, aod fïnaiiy the most talented sang, wherever they happened to be. This nnal group gave the pracîiçe its name. Atfienaios mentions, as does Aristoxenos, that the songs considerd best were pomic or didactic. The temporal progression implied in Dikaiarchos is emphasized in Athenaios' record of Artexnon's work and the essentiais of Dikaiarchos' explanation remain clear in the tripartite division of singers. Athenaios has certainly read Dikaiarchos, although through his own direct source, Artemon of Kaçsandreia (see note 58), and has probably had access to Aristoxenos' views on the skolion. He bas added to the meat of Dikaiarchos' elyrnology Aristoxenos' comment, or one with the same content, conceming the music of the skolia. " cf Lambin (1993), 34-35. " Reizenstein (1893), 1-2 et passim. In partidar, see p. 1, "Die EMimng Dikaiarchs ... Liegt uns bekanntlich in einem Aumg des Arternon bei Athenaios XV 694A vor" and p. 9 where he dis the passage "das D ikaiarc h-Excerpt A~~Mo~s". Plutarchos also repeats Dikaiarchos' triple division in his Quaestiones CotwMaIes 6 15B, and like Aristoxenos and Atheaaios mentons the mamer of musicai composition of the skolia: So then îhey say that the skolia are not a kind of song composed in an obscure mamer, but ttiat fïrst ali sang a song for the god together, sonnding the paean in one voice, second when a myrtle twig which 1 think they ded aisakos because one sang af€er receiving it, was handed over in order to eacb; after this the lyre was brought around, and a trained player took it, and tuning it sang; since the untrained refiised it was dedskolion because it was not common nor easy. Others ';av that the metwig did not travel in order, but that it was passed to each f?om Hine to khe; for the f3st singer passed it to the first on the second kline, and this man to the second on the third couch, thereupon the second man ikwise to the second man. It was nameci skolion aiso, it seems, because of the intricate and twisted nature of the path [of singing]. He seans to imply that the songs were not îhe sort which were ch& nem>daythat is they were not obscure or indistinct. But what is his purpose in mentionhg the merof composition in this way (bis vocabulary is markedly dinerent kmthat of Aristoxenos and Athenaios who both use the word +iîa)? The context of the passage provides the answer. Plutarchos has been discussing the suitability of philosophy as a conversational topic at berparties; he reccmmendç it, but stresses the need to retain a level at which all can join in (KOWV;~). This thme of a cornmon Ievel in any activity, so that dl can enjoy themselves, ocarrs often in this context in the Quaestiones ~orwivia~e?~,and he carries the ideal into the singing of the skoli~.~'- is used here by Plutarchos more as an expression of the proper kind of skolia to sing (Le. not obscure and thus accesible to aii) and nok as in Aristoxenos and Athaiaios, in contrast to the explaaation of the origin of the tenn through the path of the singing. Moreover, tk& is not intended to mean musicaiiy ciiflicuit, although it does seern to mean difficult to understand. The statement of musical difiiculty is expresseci cteariy in pj SIOU. The direct statement of the musical diff?cuIty of at least some skolia is found here in Plutmhos for the nrst time, although it has been implied in the the sources above (1.e. only the very talented or trahed participated in the third kind of skolion6'). Reitzenstein believed that Plutarchos' source for this etym01ogy was Didymos Chaicenteros, a Heilenistic writer? This is not an improbable suggestion, but impossible to prove (or disprove). Mention of Didymos' etpoIogies is found in Etp. Mag. 718.35: m&& 1à. wltdll~f Ah& &N ar&poy irqmbyicy & 7' ~~XWICUC~Y.It appean that Did-' three books addresseci the different etymological explanations of certain terrns associated with the symposion. ïhey do not survive, even in quotaîion, and cannot be used as evidence. 59 For example, at 614DdlSA Plutarchos explains the need for keeping the topics of philosophical discussion rather simple (+5.ipjm1~ t;r+pcy) and the problems familiar (AraIoL npoShl?jF,ctsa) so that less intelied symposiasts rnight not be discouraged hmparticipating (615D). if not, "0;- riir; q~nr~l.iiçmrvwuiag -4 KIù Kctah;&lmu 6 Arthrmg" (6 l5A). Just as the wine is shared by ail, so tm shodd the conversation (6 ME). " Teodo~sson(1989. 132) has also noticed this emphasis. Although the &&on of the he iype to owmkrn~might only refiect a desire for good siaging. The ciifference between the quality of a trained voice and an untrained, but nevertheless good, voice Y considerable. 6' ReizenSfein (1 893). 8f., 12f.. 39; followed by Aky RE S. v. &ou col. 56 1. Although the etymology of the terrn skolion is not essentiai to this study, a mention of the Wculv of sblia must include a discussion, however 1Mited, of the demation of the term UN&& = cbdifficult? Severyns suggests a deridon fiom &(-)QKo~*ch was put forward by Dikaiarchos and w&h ody Plutarchos has reported correctiy; Dikaiatchos and Aristoxenos both revised this etymology." But, as Tedomon points out, this pcesupposition is unacceptable, particularly sina this derivation is compIetely uattested More the schoiium on Wasps 1222, wbich mentions it ody in corneciion with the particth pdce of "capping" (supra)." Furthemore, Dikaiarchos argues for a derivation from UKO~~.Teadorsson dismisses the argument of Seveqns on these grounds; he also considers Plutarchos' report of Dikaiarchos' But how did it corne about that Plutatcti. at the end of his accurate report of Dicaearchus* description of the sympotic songs, suddenly stated the etymology &w = %+ [sic], which was aiien to him? It appears that the answer is rather easy. Lf we adyse the clause ox&& chquidq r0 Clnj mrdv akû pq& &&IV we observe thaî only p+ &i?tov refers exclusively to that etpologr, d p+ 6 applies equaiiy weil to the etymology BA rrjv dàvà~~ + Gpq, i.e. that of Dicaearchus. The phrase & Imks like an addition. Pluîarch's conten indiCates tbat it probably is." Tdorsson's solufion, while hgenious, facPs the same diEcuity as Severyns': the fact ranains tbat the scholium on Wasps 1222 is the earliest6' mention of the &fEcuIty hoh hi^ rather than hok)of the skolion preserved in any form, and must then form the basis for any conclusion. Severyns forms a conclusion bas& on a conjecturai source by Dikaiarchos which contmdicîs the preserved writings of the same author on the same subject; any position based on such aidence is " Severym (1934). 837-41 TeOdorson (1989). 129-30 Teodorsçon (1989). 130. It is very difficult to date the schoiiasts' work, since they appear to fhil into three strata: the Helienistic scholars who estabkhed tex& the scho1ars of the first centunes AD. who wrote commentanes using the work of the earlier scholars to some extent, and then the final Byzantine redactors. But the earfiest schoIars are quoted extensive@,and it seems safer to assume that unattributeû observations are rnuch Iess likely to corne fiom them but rather hmthe later commentators or the final redactors. the rnyrtle twig. Plutarchos has added mention of the lyre to a tradition which did not previously mention specific musicai instruments at ali. The scholium to Aristophanes' Wmps 1222: the etym01ogical suggestion of which has already been discussed m detail, presents a certain eiement of the skolion which seems at first to be at odds with the established division of Dikaiarchos: So that skolia might be well e..iained: it was the ancient custom for guests to sing in order foilowing the first, if he should interrupt the Song, For in fàct the one nrst holding the laure1 or myrtie sang a song of Simonides or Stesichoros as far as he wished, and after this gave it to whom he wished, not as the physicai order muid dictate. And the one who received hmthe first [singer] recited what foilowed, and he then' passed it on to whornewr he wisheci Thdore because aii sang and recited the Song unexpectedy, it was dedskolia, because of the difsdty (hidw). The scholiast to this passage refèrs to a practice of "capping" songs. A singer, who held a myde or laure1 twïg, would sing a song to a point of his own choosing, and then hand the hvig to a feiiow symposiast of his choice; this person wodd then have to cornph the song or choose another, if the first song was finished. It seems fiom the passage which the scholiasî is nrplainingm that this would ohhave humotuous dîs. Because of the diflïcuity (m;bKbhrq) of this practice, it was -- - 69 See n. 67. 'O An observation wbich is borne out aiso. as Barker (1984, 43) points out in the Homenc ffvmn to Hennes and at Thwr, 5.80 ff, esp. L 16-23. called m0iLov. Rather than posing a problm in qard to Dikaiarchos' divisions, 1 believe that this particular practice is a cornponent of, or a development fiom, Dikaiarchos' third division We have here, as in Dikaiarchos, a practce in which al1 participate," a solo singer holding a myrtie or laure1 twiRR and an irregular path of singing. This is the first example of an eîymology in which the derivation from h&q is proposeci. As we have seen in the discussion around the eqlanation of Plutarchos, it is highly specifxc to this one division of skdion. Based on the evidence available, it is not likely to have existed eartier tban this scholium, although the notion may very weU have been carried through fiom Plutarchos' discussion of the third division of skolia. nie scholium on Arisîophanes Waps 123 97)also echoes PIutarchos ' etymologies: They say that it was the custom for one who mmot bear to sing at qmpsia to hold a twig of laure1 or myrtle and sing to that. Others say that drinking songs were caiied skalia for the opposite reasoa For it was necessary that these be simple and easy, since they were mg - %der the iafluencen. This is wrong: unfavorable associatr OIlS becorne more fiworable, not the reverse. But because the Iyre was pas& on to the symposiasts not in geopphicai order, but in another fashion, [the soags] were called skolia on açcount of the mked path of the lyre. 71 Or at the very Ieast, ail who chose to participate on each occasion. 72 A praaice which Dikaiarchos descriibes in the schoiium on Ar. Nu. 1365 (see above). The possibility of recitation king included in such a practice (dead of singing) should not be discounted, although the meaning of A+rv here is far hmsecure. See n. 67. The schoiiast hmprovides three pieces of information: some singers, less confident in their ability, held a myrtle or hure1 twig, perhaps as a sort of woq-bead;" the songs were diflicult, although the schoiiast's feason seans based on opinion more tban anythuig else; the order of sin- was designateci by the crooked passage of the lyre. The scholiast here rejects the derivation of UKOAI~= diffidt emphahcally. and tums to Plut.osYfkt etymolog- the term derives fiom the "crooked" path of the smging (although here it is the lyre which detemines the order, and not as in Plutarchos the tsvig) amongst the smpposiacits. The scholiast must be derring to the third division of Dikaiarchos, which has been adopted by ail subsequent ancient sources, since he distinguishes between the passage of the lyre in order (&A2&) - the second division of Dikaiarchos - and the crooked passage (njv m&h x~pido&v) of the Ip which seems to correspond with the third division of Dikaiarchos. To sum up. the infofmation provideci by an examination of the etymological sources proves valuable for a reco~lst~ctionof the practice. The divisions of Dikaiarchos seem to be accepted, if not dways outlined m fu4 by the aajority of later writers, and are not expressly coxitradicted by his contemporary Aristoxenos. Both Aristoxenos and Dikaiarchos mention the use of a twig of myrtle (or laurel) to designate the singer, for ARstoxenos it was the passage of this twig in an inegular order around the symposiasts thszt gave the temn its naine, whde Dikaiarchos only remarks on the crooked paîh, but does not provide a reason." This mohrk = crodred etymology is continueci by most writers, although the Iater ones seem to be less saîkfïed with this explanaiion, and turn towards etymologies based on the diflïcdty of the song or the singing. It is possibIe that -- - - 74 This possibility was niggested by Dr. E. Dickcy in discussion conceming this passage. " Aithough the mention of the twig appears in a dinerent passage in the scholia. These two scholia may have taken information hmone passage in which Dikaiarchos links the crooked path with the passage of the twig. recitation @arakar~lo~e'~)while holding a myrtie or laurel twig might have been nurnbered among the actiMties at symposia, and t is plausible from other evidence that this recitation, as also the singing while holding a twig, m some circumstances, took the form of "capping" at least hmthe the of Aristophanes; cleariy the agonistic nature of Greek society (at any period) would support the possibility of cornpetitive performance which might give rise to such a practice. Our eariiest sources do not mention an instrument characteristic of the skolion of the third type, but the lyre soon appears in later sources as the preférred instnunent. This may give an indication of the time hdperiod to which the later writers were addressing th& explanations, since the aulos rvas the eariiest preferred instrument according to the witness of extant sympotic poetry and other relevant Iiterary sources, but then feil out of use in the Classical period. The evideace of the containers, however, shows both in use accompanying singers at ypsia. We cannot aiways be certain to which tune fiame Fvriters are refeming in their descriptions. Obviously, Aristoxmos and Dikaiarchos are closesi to the Archaic penod, and might have a better understanding of the earIier practices. But neither states clearIy that th& explanalions r& exclusively to the earkr periods - although Dikaiarchos' comment as recorded in the scholium on Clou& 1364 may very weU refer srclusively to an eariier period, at least in part - and later Wnters combine and revise the explanations with abandon, without any regard to historicd conte&." This inevitably results in a cdsedpicture of a practice, a picture compileci over several centuries and which may have Iittle to do with the actual practice in the Archaic penod. However, the information which is most secure because it is accepteci by most of the ancient sources, and by aIi of the important ones, 9 aiso the infomation which cornes fiom the or an elrplanation of the te- see West (1992). JO. 77 Unfortunately, this is also seen in some modern discussions of the etymoiogy of the term, notabIy Lambin (1993) and Tdorsson (1989). Lambin (1992), 222-223 neglects the possbilty of an evolution in the practice. sources closest in tirne to the Archaic period: there was a division in the mannet of performance; solo singers (of the second and third divisions) might hold a laurel or myrtIe twig; it was the order of the singers in the third division - erratic because not aii participatexi and marked by the passage of the twig or a lyre -which gave the tenn ir name. The conclusions reached conceming the practice of the skofion on the basis of the information contained in the ~ologicaIsources, if not in the etymologies themselves, are not in conflict with the conclusions reached on the basis of the evidence provided by the literary testirnonia for the term and the remains of pmknom to have been sung at symposia. The general nature of the term already noticed in the brary souces is borne out by the triple division of the etymologists, a division which admits the possibiIity of performance solo or mm (se above p. 18 E). This tendency of the terni to bclude any genre of poem smg at symposia is further reinforcd by the varied metres of the poems aWynamed skolia, and of the poems which are probably also skolia. The triple division may in fact reflect several modes of performance, all of which are dedskolia (since they are sung at the symposion)). The fïrst division probably includes choral poems, paiaas, spondeia (Iibation hynms); the second involves solo-singing which proceeds in a deterrnined order, while the third prubabIy includes original solo compositions, or performances of works by the great pets, sung by the most skilled without a determineci order. The infodon provided by the etymological sources is ranarkably consistent, except for ~lutarchos." If we examine the raaainmg evidence for the pdceof the skolion - the evidence from the containers - we will be one step closer to a fuller understandhg of the practice. 78 Remarkably consistent in terms of division of performance and mention of the passage of a twig of myde or laurel; Plutarchos adds mention of the lyre and a merdescription of the passing of the myrtie twig in the mnd division which, although it did not follow a strict ''geographicai'' order, was nevertheIess a determined order. Materid Evidence from the Containers Amasis Painter, Tripod Pvris on Aegina A bladc figure tripod-pyxh by the Amasis Painter found at the Sanctuw of Aphaia on Aegina (figs. 1.1- 1.4) preserves a remarkable long inscription. The container and its inscriptions have been thoroughly discussed by Martha Ohly-Dumm in Appendix Four of Bothmer's The Ammis Painter und hzs World; only the long inscription, which Ohiy-Dumm daignates a skolion, will be discussed in detail here. Although the pyxis is fiagmentary, the three scenes, one on each kg, include a weaith of inscriptions, mostiy names, but also including an early example of "kalos" and a longer inscription ELIOXOhENKADWOMHONO~iAVTOXII WON.The length of the inscription, as also the type of container, is unusual for the Amasis ~ainter? It dates 6om c. 540 BC. While the inscription itselfappem on Ohly-Dumm7sside A, a burgeuning battle between Kyknos and Ares on the one hand and Herakles and Athena on the other (Zeus appears to be aîîempting to mediate), it "in chamter belongs with the lovescenes on cYm(fig- 1.4), courthg between youths (andfor men?). The inscription itseif runs orthograde down the height ofthe pycis ieg, behind Ares, in two lines; the beginning of the first tur~~sharply downward - after beginnurg on the horizontal - before the final sigma of ELIOZ (see fig. 1.1). There is an interpoint afkr MHONOZ and before AVTOZ indicating, writes Ohly-Dumm, the end of a verse." The second iine of the verse begins halfway up the pyxis kg. Agam, it travels downnr;irds, but finishes boustrophedon because of the placement of Ares' kg. Ohly-Dumm outlines two possible ways of reading the verses. One, which she rejects, would begùi the verse after the interpoint, to return to the ht (outside) line to complete it, rnalang the verse as a d~olea Major Asclepiad: AVTOX 1 llAhM 1 KALON 1 ELIOZ 1 OUEN 1 IW 1 ET0 1 MHONOZ The sun itself ami 1 alone lmow the beautifid boy7'.'- However, she prefea the verses to be nad as they were written; in this case the inscription wouid be the eqd of one iine and the beginning of anothera3: ELIOS 1 OUEN 1 KAI 1 EO1 MHONOZ II AWCE 1 IMAA 1 KALON "Helios knows and 1 alone II the beautifid boy he hunseif has"." She has assumeci that the interpuna marks a verse division and that, accordhgly9the rnetre - for the tn>o partial lines - wouid remain a Major Asclepiad, based on the observation that severai of the Atiic skolia found in Athenaios' cohcction are in tbat mmand that the 1Bia taken in reverse order fom a complete Major ~scle~iad.~~But we have already seen that for the skoIia9metre is quite variable and should not be considerd a determining chamcteristic of the "genre". Ohly-Dumm disntsses the differaice in meanhg of the two readings: The underlying thought is different in the two cases. In the fïrst the lover is conceaihg the name of his beloved, known only to the Me and omniscient sunlight The reason for concealment is probably wony lest others should go courting the loved boy. That at least is the thought in an epigram ascnIbed to Plato ifnth. Pal. 7.100). In the other reading the name of the "pais kalos" and a descriptive epithet for Helios may have corne at the beginning of the fh line. In that case the poem is in praise of a kloved whom no one eise knows how to appreciate, a common conceit in erotic epigrams [examples - " Ohly-Dumm (1985). 237. 83 Oh&-Dumm (1985), 237. " Ohly-Dumm (1985). 238. " Ohly-Dumm (1985), 238. Many skoiia in the same collection, howwer, are in dinerent mem. Ohly-DwILm (1985), 238. Either reading is thematicaliy consistent with rnuch of sympatic poetry. Whiie the order of the inscription (Le- as it is written on the pyxis-kg) must be correct," the qlanation of ordering of the lines preferred by Ohly-Dumm is inconsistent with the apparent fbnctioa of the verse-scrap skolia examiLled in this thesis: as we shaii see, ali verse-scrap skolia begin a iine from the veq beghhg, perhaps as a title, or as a mnemonic device for performance. Essurely must be the case here also, if it is a skolion; the inscription begins at the begimiing of a verse, not in the middle. But how to explain the interpoint? And what is the metre? The length of the inscription is remarkable for the Amasis Painter (who confines kif eisewhere to name-labels and his potter's signa~ue)and may indicate that it was commissioned by a client for a special occasion., or even that the painter or potter or both (or the painter/potter - one person!) acted as dedicator, the entire work rnay possibly - given the hdsite - have been comrnissioned as an offe~gat the san- The unusual shape of the cotxtainer and its unique (for Amasis) inscription support this supposition. The interpunct then, rather than marking the end of a verse, as Ohly-Du.is coavinced," Mght have been added by the Arnasis Painter to mark a separation of Line found in the origiaal copy provided by the commissioning cfient; Amasis Painter, running out of space on a very smail area (the pyxk is only 7.3 an in height, with the length of the concave field about 10.1 cm.?, continueci the verse without separahg the lines as they had been on the origrnal, because he saw that there would not be room for the entire second " Although there is a case of the second Line of a pot Mption written ''aboven the nrst in a similar firshion on a kaniharos by Neadchos in the National Museum Akropolis coiiection (NM Akr. 6 1 1; ABV 82.1; my fig. 1.5). But in this case it is very clear how the two lines are meant to be taken, eqeciaï@ since the break ocnus around an elision of the epsilon in ME gd the eaugrnent of the aorist ErPAOZEN. Amasis himself has written a potter's signature in a similar ivay on at least two olpai, one in Paris (Musée du Louvre, F30; ABV 152.29; my fig. 1.6), the other in Wiirzburg (Martin von Wagner Museum, L332; ABV 152.30; my fig. 1.7). Ohly-Dm (1985), 238. " Ohly-Dumm (1985). 238. line between the first and the figure of Ares. In facS another attempt to accommodate the Iength of the inscription to such a smaii writing surface was made at the very beghmbg of the inscription wah the placement of ELIOS (see above p. 36). Taken this way the inscription is a continuous thought and makes more sense thaa Ohly-hunm's prefèrred "sptit9*readùig. The AVTOZ, if it is the intensive, probably modiEies ET0 rather than ELIOS, judging nom its pIacement in the heTin which case the line should read: "Helios knows, and 1 myself doue, a beautifid boy". This option marks clearly and emphatidly the thought containeci in the iines, that the speaker done - among mortals - 'Imo~vs"the beautifid boy. But there is another way to read the inscription, and another possible reason for the presence of the interpunct. AVTOS might also represent (EL. ~rown?: Welios knows, and 1 alone liknvise, a beautifùi boy". Read in this way as an adverb, AVTOZ more strongiy ernphasizes the erotic theme of the inscription, setting the lover on a par with the god in howledge of the bel~ved.~'Although the interpunct may not serve any purpose at dl, in teeof Line or verse division," 1 suggest that it does serve to separate AVTOZ, the adverb, fiom MHONOZ - but not hmthe rest of the line - in an attempt to highlight its fiindon as adverb in the sentence, so that it not be understood to agm with ETO. Forced by the assumptim that the Luies are metrical and that the interpunct marks a verse division, Ohiy-Dumm had to specuiate the missing verb in her second line, "bas" (see above), in order to make sense of the inscription as it is Wfitten. But the inscription should be read continuously and as ifit were complete, with AVTOZ adverbial (and the - -- - . .- 90 apud Uamerwahr (1990), 36, no. 152. '' Cf. APL 7.100. 92 Threatte (1980), 76-80, 4.012 discusses the use of interpunas in private archaic te.-. Although the division of stichoi is one of the uses of the interpunct on stone inscriptions, Threatte remarks that "the various vase-painters are quite inconsistent in ushg them [interpuncts], sometimes piacing : or i between their meand hiemin their signatures and sometimes not (e.g. Sophilos, Kleitias, Exekias, Eucheiros, Xenokles, etc.), and it seems îikely that the &ect may sometimes have been decorative." (80, no. 6) An interpunct is used on side C simply to divide KALOC fiom the word in hntof it. interpunct used to make its function more cld3); read in this way it has a sense comptete, and vev clear, in itself. The lines considered in this way are not metrical, and should therefiore not be considered a &lion verse-scrap. Rather, and more reasonably, the inscription utas included on a container - the shape and long inscription are very unusuai for the Amasis Painter - which was made to be offered at the ~mctuary.~The coincidence of the division of the lines of the inscription into parts of bvo Asclepiadian Iines may indicate that these words did in fhct come fiom a poem. But the inscription on this container found at the Sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina does not record a skilion per se; rather, it records a love inscription - which may be paris of two lines of a poem - included on a sacreci offéring. Perhaps the one who offéred it thought his love might be sanaified, or ensured of success, in this way. Certaidy, as a dedicated offerhg it, and its inscriqtion, would be on display for ail to see. Eup bronios. Cd--Krater in Munich, Antikensammiuopen 8935: AR4 1619,1705.3 bis; Para 322. Euphronios, a red figure painter active in the Iate sixth century weU-known for his longer iascription~,~~provides two more verse scrap inscriptions from skolia, one on a hgmentaq caiyx-krater and the other on a neck amphora. In addition to noûng the relative fkpency of longer inscriptions on Euphronios' wodc, Immerwahr also remarks that Eupbronios rarely uses 93 Unfortunately, 1 have not been able to hda parade1 use of the interpunct to support this claim. 94 M. Kilmer (pers. couun.). '' Psykter, Leningrad 644;cup, London E4 1; neck amphorés, Louvre G107. herwahr (1992. 50) notes that longer inscriptions continue to occur in the works of painters dtedwith Euphronios' pottery, although many works by other Pioneers also have longer inscriptions. "noasaise" inscriptions.% There seems to be an evolution in the lettering on Euphronios' works, fiom small and untidy on eady containers to iarger and firm in his middle period then, in the last decade, becoming smaller and less ne&? Finally, Euphronios seerns dways to express gdte comaants (and occasionaiiy expresses single consonants in a geminate form). A good example of this geminate consonant is found in the fïrst verse-scrap by Euphnios. Fragmentaxy remaius of a symposion scene (fis.2.1-2.3) were first published and discussed by E. Vemeule in 1965;~' this red-figure caiy?c-krater, dated to the late sixth century, was attributed to Euphronios by RE. kht~r." Sides A and B are separated by a complex of palmettes which was, presumably, above one of the missing handes. Around the artenor of the rirn nuis a me..palmette pattern between two wide reserved bands. What is left of Side B (fig. 2.2) portrays a near complete youth, naked but wreaîhed witti a garland, a stand with ladles and a lamp with two Barnes, the upper portion of a dinos and stand, into which the.right arm of another person dips a trefoil oinochoe; a lyre above this. The youth, in motion towards the dinos, is himing to look ba& right ami raised back and slightly up. An inscription LEA IW>LOZ~~begins behind his head, just under the lower fe~ervedband. Five figures, aU named in inscriptions (reserved) occupy the larger xene on Side A (fig. 2.1): hmleft to ight Tho(u)demos (the top of the black haired head), Melas (a blond man reclining cm a kline), Suko (a blond woman playing a diaulos), a blond young man m mi la os)'^', and a bearded man (Ekphantides). % Only once on the reverse of the neck of the volute krater, Arezzo 1165 (fmmerwahr, 1992,s1). He does admit, however. that he knows "the inscriptions oniy kmplate 62 in Fürtwangler-Reichhoid." (1992, 55, n. 33) 97 immerwahr (1992), 51-52. Vermeule (1965), 34-39. " Vermeule (l965), 34; ARP 1619. 'O0 This is a cornmon Wsname at this the, and in the work of the Pioneers particularly. 'O' Perhaps even the painter Smikros, who appean to have a connedon with Euphronios. 1 should be qui& to point out that attri'buting names, unsupported by a pamnymic or demotic identifer, found on fi& containers to historical people is largely an exercise in hnq, in regard to the name Smikros, which could be as much a nickname as snything else, Boardman (1975, 30) States that it is common. The Thoudernos gazes sûaight out at the viewer f?om behind his kyLy sharing a kline with Thoudanos is Melas, doappears to have turned his head toward the sound of singing, and is Liscening with right hand raised as though about to cup his ear. The younger nian Smfeaches out with his right hand towards the aulist Suko, while the older Ekphantides sings, head up, right arm and hand ~vrappalover and around b; ail three men visible are garianded in red. Suko, who is wearing a meander pattern headband, play the dioulos with head siightiy raiseci and @ers in the typicd position for aulistdm Ekphantides sings a skolion, OIïOMONE-{PAN) "O Apoiioq both you and the blessed ...,"'m which anerges fiom his mouth retrograde (and so to the left). Although Vermeule has read rE (for TE), Beaziey in Paral@ome~reads TE,'^ and is followed by H. Imrnerwahr, who mernotes that the Ionic gamma "probably does not appear so ear~~".'~~ berwahr's own reservations shouid be noted, however how widespread the use of the Ionic gamma ivas before its officiai introduction in 403/2 B.C. is not and the Ionic gamma is found on early gmffh in the Agora wtiich may, or rnay nok have beai denby an then ni an.'^' Kilmer also expresseci his reservations conamhg the Ionic gamma to me, and stated Werthat pp -- -- name Smikos appean on one of Smikros' own starnnoi (Bmnels, Musées Royaux A 717. ARP 20.1). my fig. 2.4, designating a young miin singing accompanied by a diûulos-playing woman. It also appears on a vase near Euphronios (Louvre G 107), and someone of îhis uame is designateci hlos on another (New York, 2 1.88.174 where he is coupleci with MEMNON) by Oltos. lm In fâci, this is the same floger position used for kottabos-tbrowers on many vases. Athenaios (XV.667a) preserves a snall excerpt hmAnîiphanes' 'A&olhqg rd: &î K~~KNSY bamVAo~of' 1~ wwKsi tv;) &* hm* -y "one must 'crab' one's hgers like an auiist, pour in a littie wine, not too much; then you thmw it". 'O3 Beazley completes the he&dh UÉ .rr a'p&&w Mô *O Apollon, 1 make reverence to you and the blesseà ..." (ARP p. 16 19); Vermede suggests several other optiom (1%5,38-39). lmPara 322. 'O5 Unmerwahf (199û), 64. EIllILlerwahr (1990), 179. 'O7 Immerwahr (1990), i8O. The graffiti are Agom P IO5 1 1 and Agora P26 179, both hmthe early fifth he would not expect isolated Ionic letters in an inscription othenvise purely ~ttic.'" nie consensus, then, is tbat this is probably too early for an lonic gamma, and certainly an wilikely occurrence in this particular inscription; the reading should be left as nad by Be.a.de. Venes addressed to various gods, Apollon arnong thein,'" begin the coliections of skolia found m Athaiaios, as weU as the TheogniCIPIyl elegies; Apollon is certainly not an inappropriate addressee if ody because he himseif was a bancpet perfonner with the Muses in the ~liad."~We must not assume hmthk, as do van der Valk (1974, pp.1-Z), Harvey (1955, p. 162) et uL, tbat skdion sessions strictiy foiiowed (tempody) the order of the divisions found in Dikaiarchos. A skolion wîth mention of,or even addresseci to, a gai or goddess, need not always corne oniy at the beginning of the s~iposion,although such a skolion probably accompanied the inaugural libation.'" Verses addressed to Apollon are found elsewhere in poaris intended for, or at the base minimum niitable for, the symposion, and Euphronios' snaîch of verse may echo a similar sentiment to that qressed in Theognis 759b-761 : But Apollon, muse our tongues and mincis; may the phominr, besides, and also the aulos sound a holy song. '" M. Kilmer, pers. comm '" The fim hymn in both collections is to Apollon (probably as the god of the lyre. Le. music): Thgn 1- 10 (aIthough some editors split this group at verse 5 into two hymns); Athenaios XV.694a The ordering of material in collections was, of course, arbitrary at some point Barker (19û4, 50) suggests that the Theognidean collection was put together as a sort of song-book for symposia; Reitzenstein et al. have argued tbat the coUectioc in Athenaios had a similar existence More king included in the Dipnosophistae (see discussion above p. 14- 15). 'Io n. 1.60 1404. "' There is plentiful evidence for this practice in the fifth cenrury (e.g. Ar. Y. 1208-SO), especiaüy in the Svmposia of Plato and Xenophon; d. also Thga 762. Some of the "hymns" which begin the collations of Theognis and Athenaios XV.695 may have been liiation songs. The verse-scrap recorded by Euphronios does not match any verses in su~vingliterature,"2 and so the speculaation as to its nature could be endless. Clearly, however, it is a skolion, addressed to Apollon, suag by one person to the accompanirnent of the dos; the inscription begins a line in a skolion, pehps a phdacean."3 Since none of the others present appear to participate it is not a collective song/hymn, which Dikaiarchos later classed as the division. 1 would suggest that this verse-scrap is an example of the third division of Dikaiarchos, the solo song siinp by a d~,nameci here as Ekphantides. Euphronios, Neck Amphora in Paris, Louvre G30: ARP 15.9,1619; Para 322: Add 152. An inscription on an amphora by Euphronios in the Louvre, G30 (figs. 3.1-3.2) reads MAMEKtSnOTEO. men paralleled to a fhgment of Sappho (hg. 36 LP), KM no&:@ ~&i+ "1 yeam for and seek ...", this inscription presents some probIems of orthography. The inscription is found on the neck of the amphora; t represents a young man, using the bottom edge of the scene itseif as his kline, playing a six-stringed bnrbitos as he sings."" Gadanded and wearing a Woa,he is leaning back onto a bolster dehis head, sIightiy tiIted back to sing, is wreathed by the helical inscription. On the other side ofthe scene is writtm AEAîPûZ KUOZ, retrograde. The inscription itseif is retrograde, retaining both direction and spiral ground line as it wreathes the singer's head. There can be Mequestion that this versescrap reflects the same lu Although Vermeule points our (1965, 39. n. 24) both the Brygos frr. in Paris (Cab. Med 546; see below) and ErVmn,fag 544.28 = PMG 465 (which hints at dh&v ixpinning a verse by Anakreon). Vermeule (1 965). 38-39 where she also diswses severai other options. 'lJ Six is not an musual number of strings for a barbitos. although seven is more unial (about haif of the representatïons on pottery; see Maas & Snyder (1989), chapter 5). The number of strings could possi'bly have ranged fiam five to eight. The barbitos is associateci in fiterature £hmearliest mention (Alkaios, frag. D12.4) with drinking parties and the komos. This association is codïmed in the large number of senes pairing the barbitos with scenes of symposia, komoi, and general reveiüng. thought as in the Sappho fiagmenf and the attrib~tion"~has not met with strong re~istance."~The nature of.npotic poe$ry certainly aiiowed latitude in composition, a custom discussed above; the singer is, perhaps, imitating Sappho rather tban reproducing the originaI performance (assuming that Our su~vingliterary version is the more a~thentic)."~The orthography of the inscription, however, is decidely odd, and led immenniahr to describe it as "badiy misw-ritten"."' But Euphronios, whose significance in temis of long inscriptions has been noted already, is usually quite ~vithinthe nom orthographicaily qxakhg, and in fact ofkm anticipates later Attïc orthography by expressing the gemiaate lambâa (see precechg example). Furthemore, as Perpillou points out, the inscription is so carefûiiy laid out, and the letters so neatiy hmthat mere care1essness in writing is ahost certainly not an option."g If the 'incorrect' fonns are due neither to Euphronios' error, nor to carelesmess on his part, how then to explain the strange forms? Perpiiiou addresses this question in a recent ariicle. He begins by questionhg the criteria by which we designate a form c'normai", and XI correct. Far fiom questionhg the existence, or validity of such a nom, however, he simply raises the possibility of a variety of nom: Mais dans cet examen phonétique B base phonologique, certains usages graphiques anciens non liés au discours public de la cité ou à la dlébration des morts, usages personnels ou d'un milieu artisanal, notamment dans ces documents autographes que sont les inscriptions peintes sur vases, sont assez généralement mis au compte d'un «i.nsufEcient knowiedge of orthographie nom. Mais de queue norme s'agit-il? De l'emploi le plus pertinent et le plus précis '" The attribution was first suggested by F. Shdniczka, Jd 2, (1887), 162. Il6 Hartwig (I893), 255, n. 1; Herzog (1912), 18, but he accepts the posslbility oniy because he can think of no other: "Das scheint mir sehr ~11wahrScheinlich,aber ich finde keine andere brauchbare L6mgm. "'Could it be that the imitator, ifthis suggestion is correct, wished to express a siightiy different emotion by the dinerent order? Instead of 'I yeam afler [what is lost] and seek it' (that is '1 desire something I had and Iost, and seek aer it'), does the reversed order imply something else: '1 am seeking and I crave [sornethingl' (that is, '1 am seeking something which 1 do not have, and crave if)? Il8 Immenvahr, (1990), 63. Perpiiiou (1992), 558 phonétiquement de la totalité d'un aiphabet de 21 signes (sans w, ni 5; ni $), norme qui est donc plutôt un voeu de iinguiste comblé par l'existence d'un registre de notations riches, qu'un critère objectü de pertinence suffisante.'" The thnist of Perpiiiou's argument is that the strange forms are due to a phonetic rendexing of the verse, pewsan attempt to introduce a regional accent.12' Perpillou maks two suggestions for the saange form MAME. The fmt, which he seems to endorse, but for which he gives no evidence, is that the verse may have been intendeci to represent a Boiotian dialect; the a and O contracted to make O. This "barbarisme" raises phonetic or morphological questions, but none conceming the paiater's graphic cornpetence.'- The second, which he rejects but which does raise questions concerning the painter's cornpetence, is that Euphnios negIected to include the o. Perpiilou also alludes to the f%nt possibilityi in derence to the nnat vowel, that this inscription may be an earIy example of the change fiom lail to le! in Attic Greek. The appearance of ~a for ~a;is easier for Perpiiiou to justify: nich an alteration appears eight tirnes in examples collecteci by ~eodo~sson,~~and is explained by Perpillou as a prduct of "la langue parlée". Perpillou cites several examples of crasis hmwhich the word m may have been extracted and corne into common use. IIOTEO is explaineci by Perpiiiou as a deaspiration, that is r for B. He cites SA. Teodorsson's midy The Phonemic Sysiem of the Anie Dialeet 100-300 B.C. (1974) *ch iists 18 ''O Perpillou (1992). 557-58. Quotation apparentiy fbm Teodonson (1 974). 12' PerpiUou (1992). 557. This is a pomiility which is supported both by other examples on nd-figured containers of the same period (see below, p. 74, n. 223) and by examples in Ar. 77z. (the Scythian archer). More relevant is the example of the Boiotian in Ar. Ach. 86W, dthough the prese~edwritten representation of similar sounds hmboth sourcs rnay Mer. '" I'm not sure that a lack of lexical evidence in Attic Greek would dimunt the possi'bility that the form might be Attic anyway (which 1 th& Perpiiiou does on 558: "A-ta, par la même don[Le. regional dialect], commis un bart>ansme morphologique ou lexical *+ dans LUIverbe que de tout façon l'usage attique ignore complètement?"). Until a few years ago, "gotta" for "got ton or "got an would not have ben found in a respectable book, except perhaps as colIoquial speech: now however it is in the Orj6rd- Duden Gennan-English, Ehglish German Dictionav (1990). Teodorsson (l974), 99-100. examples of such a deaspidon. Only five of these 18 are dated before the 480s B.C.; ail are names on Aîîic vasd4 Six more are deaspiration of ~dbefore a rough breathing. The rest are also proper names. On one example (Teodonson (1974)- 124.14 = IG d 10226,l) the writer wrrected his mistake. PerpiUou does not offer a complete expianation of his suggestion that the inscription may refiect Boeotian regionai pronunciation. However, the suggestion does have some merit, and the possibilky at least withstands smtiny, with some quaiifïcation. The contraction of a and O suggested by Perpilfou is e?ctremely unlikely. In Iact, such a contraction invariably is rendereci tG in d dialects,lY which wddmake it MOME. It is fàr more iikely that the artist has negiected to write the O, whether by design (in which case no stidktory reason can be given) or by accident. E for AI does not appear with any regdarity More c. A.D. 125 and is Limited b&re this time to examples in public te'rts involving e& for dernotics ending in a&.'" The only examples on Attic vases fisted by Threatte involve the name 'A~~(M)&Jv,"~ and Teodorsson only lists two exampies before c. 400 B.C., one of which is a proper name, Atm&(o>~q;the other is the uiscription in question. However, 7 (represented here corredy for its time by E) fiom ai is cornmon in the Boeotian dialect, except in the earliest inscriptions,"' and Perpiiiou's suggestion might in î& case be valid. The explaaation of KA for IWI offered by Perpillou seems unnecessarily compiicated. Tedorsson records 14 examples down to 480/70 B.C. of A for all on Attic vases; perhaps the fonn was read back fim these sorts of examples, raîher than fiom mis. But Threatte, GAI, 15 .O 11, p. 269: ''Rare cases of A for ad-C arnong dipinti and @tti are due to careIess incomplete rendering of dipthongs: e.g. v& for vatxi on a bf '" Tedorsson (1974), 132, iX1-5: hmwasl,Cw, ZG-, Evn'p%, fitnb~. Buck (1955). 37. Cf. ais0 Threatte (1980). 414, 32.00: In verb fom all the contractions normal in Attic have been compkted before the time of the earliest te.-. Threatte (1980). 294-95, 15.0 13. '" Threatte, (1980), 296 med, 15.0 13. '" Buck (1955). 30. vase of Neandros." If this inscription were a consistent representation of the Boeotian didect, we wodd expect KE = roj for m',especiaiiy since this same substitution (for fiaal ar) appean to be in ewidence in the first word. We have aiready seen that r for 0 is quite cornon in this period, but almost entirely in proper names (since a huge percentage of words on pots are proper names). 'Ihreatîe writes, %at nûTE0 is for ... on a lost rf. vase seems d~ubtfid."'~ But deaspirations of the other voiceless stops are fiequent (for example, see below Florence 3949, p. 63) in some artists, and bring to mind the pronunciaiion of the Sqzhian archer in Aristophanes' ~hesmo~ho~azousai.'~ The suggestion mat this inscription seeks to Rpresent - successfùiiy or not - the accent of another dialect, perhaps Boeotian, seems to be supported by the avaiiable evidence. Evcept for the umMitten o of &w (*ch I take as an oversight) and the a for in rm, the inscription taken this way is consistent. No other eqlanation has been forthcoming for the straDge forms, and it seems a modern conceit to label such an inscription "miswntten" denour comprehension (or lack thereof) - especidly in the case of a painter like Euphronios svho is ohenvise precise - is probably due more to an imperfxt understanding. The skolion verse-scrap preserved on this amphora is not a quodon fkom an extant Sapphic poem, although it does express a closely related thought with simiiar vocabulary. Again, however, the extant literary tradition, even if it were complete, wodd ody be a =rd of one performance in what was surely a long string of performances both by the author and by her circle and her imitators. This verse-scrap rnay be the prduct of one of those imitators. 'g Threatte (1980). 453.38.0 12(b). Cf. Threane (1980), 152-55. 38.012: esp. 453. Epiktetos, Kvlix in MaIibu. Gettv Museum S.80.AE.252; Para 329.83 ter (ex Bareiss). Epiktetos was a painter active from the late sixth ceatury to the very early nAh century. A younger coatemporary of Oltos, and of Andokides (for whom he painted a dyx-krater"'). Epiktetos worked near the end of the pend of the Pioneen maidy in red-figure technique but aiso on bilingual cups, which are among his eariiest work. For Boardman "Es black figure shows a weness and a discipluie which kvpractitioners of the old technique could dlmuster; his red figure an exquisite baiance of line and detaii, with restrained use of colour and pattern."'" Epildetos siped his name as painter fkquently, and his inscriptions are mostiy of this sort, in addition to potta's signatures and kdos names; his later vases show name inscriptions (i-e. without kolos), and epoiesen and egraphsen mithout expressesi subjects. There are few long inscriptions connected with ~~ildetos.'~~ A tondo scene in the J. Paul Getty Museum, previously in the possession of Walter Bareiss, portrays a baiding bearded symposiast playhg the chelys-lyre and siogiag (fig. 4.1). He is seated on a kZzne, his back resting +mi a boister; his himation covers his legs. The inscription emerges fhm his mouth orthopde EVOEOZEN. These letters have been previously mistaken either as a misspelt epoiesen or as a noasense inscription.1Y In facf Epiktetos, who is generally a neat and precise letter-writer. has recorded here a skdion verse-scrap: EVOI 1 EO2 1 EN. Aithough there is only one way to divide the inscription into word units sensibIy. there are severai ways to interpret each word. The possibilities are outlined in the tabIe beIow: ''' Villa Giulia, hmCerveteri, ARP77.90. '32 Boardman (1975). 58. Immerwahr (1990). 62. '3.1 Immerwahr (1WO), 62. Table 1: Possiiilities of hterpretation: Maiibu S.80.AE.252 In many of the representations of singen and their songs (the ioscriptions) on containers, the Ietters emerge nom the close vicinity of the singer's mouth in the direction the singer is hcing. That is, if the singer fàces le& the letters emerge retrograde; if righf they are orthograde. This vase by Epiktetos, as do ail others e&ed in this thesis, demonstrates this convention: the Ietters are orhograde. and foilow closely the Line of the tondo border, a simple raerved band. The fim four letters, which are placed hieen the singer's head and the Ieft (closest) am of the seven- string& chelys-lye. form EVOI = Noî. the bacchanalian shout. Not inappropriate in the context of a symposion, the use of this exclamation is firther reinforced in the smeby the appearance of the singer, the singer bas a distinctly satyr-Like appearance, aithough he is cleady a man since he lacks satyr m. This resemblance becornes especidy clear whm Epiktetos' hurnan faces are comparai with his satyr fàces. This fixe seems a hybrid of the two hds, with hwnan ears but a distinctive satyr nosei3' and a MI beard; many of Epiktetos' satyrs are aiso bald in the same way as this particular figure.'" The existence of the iota may have been disp~ted,'~'but it is quite certainly 13' A rounded nose, slightly uphtmed (what wouid today be ded a 'mub-nose', 1 Ihink) with a prominent nose ndge indentation. Epiktetos' 'human' noses have a straighkr, almost flat, nose ndge and tend to be quite long hmthe top of the nose ndge to the tip of the nose, which, although slightly rounded, muid never be calleci "snub". Cf. figs. 4.2-4.5. '% Although cf. London E37. Could this be the same man? This is, of course, typical male pattern baldness. '" Beaziey, Para 329.83 ter does not read it; Immerwahr (1990,62) seems to impiy that be does when he States that it may be a rniswritten epoiesen (e.g. epoiegsen = epoiesen). The second Ietter is dehitely not a pi. there, painted just under the crossbar of the lyre. Of course, 1 have not handled the vase, but the markhg under the crossbar is cetainly not a spaii (cf. the srnail spail immediately to the left of the iota), and has the same colour as the rest of the lenaing (which seans to be applied red), rather than the lighter colour of the unslipped clay. Kilmer, who has bandleci the vase, confkns the iota. Epiktetos may have preferred not to separate the iota of EVOI fiom the rest of the letten, in order that the word might be more recopkble. The last txvo letters, EN, form the last word, 7jY = 3rd person singular imperfkct active, or present subjmctive, of sum. or ;iv = (é)&, or men &. The midde word, EOS, must be the kg. to the phrase, since, as 1 stated above, it influences the the reading of EN. If the inscription is read as it was writkn, a smoath breathing might be understood, that is ;I& (or Atîic = dawn), and we have a mention of the moming: "Euoi! Dawn wvas. .." or "Euoi! ! If &wn ...". Dawn (Eos) is çeen occasiunally in archaic poetry; it is most fiequent in the paeûy of Sappho where it is of course in its Ionic fom, &&5.138 However, it is aiways accompanied by the epithet Sdkbg,and usually appears at the end of a he, after the appropriate epic epithet; it is thus unIikeIy to be Dawn in the nominative here. It rnay bey however, that EO2 represents the contractai fonn of the singular genitive 40% which can mean "at dam7',or "in the early moming".'" In this case the verse might mean: Tuoi! ! If at dam .. . ~9140 (ZEN is the conditional) or 'Zuoi!! At dam he/she/it was 2.O for the suprious dipthong OV is standard in this period on vases and in other, more formal, inscriptions on stone."' On the other 138 Mima 12.3,10; vid Ibyc. 289; Sappk 103.13, 104(a)l, 123, 157;Anacreont. 55.20. '39 See Threatte (1980), 350-SL,21.011 for O = OV. '" iiv, if used as a conditional, would nylistically be more appropriately placed at the beginning of the conditional clause (unies preceded by an adverbial modifier Like see below), even in verse, and would usuaily be foilowed by ài (d.Thgn 35, 186, 211, 509, 929, etc ...) I suspect that dninkemess might affect style (it certainly affects mine, verbai and othenvise), but dntnkemess at symposia was not obligatory - although tipsiness might have kn- and was not likely at the time of composition or rehearsal of a skolion or at the comrnissioning of a vase. '" See the discussion in Threatte (1980). 238-4 1, 13.00-13.0 1. han& EOZ might represent Éq= "untii", with the unial rough breathing marker hem omitted. Sporadic omission of H = [hl is not rare in Aîtic script,'" (cf. above, the tripod-pyxis of Arnasis already e'ramined, ELIOX) and there are examples in the inscriptions of painters contanporary, or very near contanporq, with Epiktetos. For example, Euphronios writes (ARP15.6) V#ZEilVLE and OItos (ARP53.1) ELENE.'" Concerning the omission of heta, Threatte des: The sporadic omission of H = [b] in texts in Attic scripts probably indicates that the (hl in Attic was ody gently sounded; Iater orthographie practiœ does not support the view that Attic becarne p~ilotic'~so early. The increase in the number of cases which avoid H = [hl after 450 and the appearance of a few te.* in Attic script which avoid it altogether might be in part due to increasing familiarity with the Ionic writing system.'" There are no longer inscriptions of Epiktetos with which this inscription can be cornpar* Epiktetos' use of heta in other inscriptions, aii proper names, does not necessady exclude the possibiMy of the omission of hem here. The possibilities of hrpretation, then, are EOS = fi,Zw (Cdawn''or GÛg '%î da\.d' or EOX = gW 'ûnîil"; EN might be + ''he/she/it was" or + = &U "if" or S "in". The reading of EOZ = Ijo* is possible, and the form is seen ohin epic and prose.'" EOI: = & is equaliy possible, if we assume an ommed heta EN could be any one of the three possibilities outlined above (Table 1). -- '42 See the discussion in Threatte (1980). 493-506,JS.O 1ff. 'j3 More e.xamples are discussed in Immerwahr (I990), 14243. He links this trend to the Ionic influence, which may also be seen in (iiv (an Ionic and early Attic contraction ofCoiv, Smyth (1981), $2283). Psilosis (JIXclwr~)is properfy a grammatical tenn for the substitution of a tenuis (K.TA),or in this case the non-aspirated vowel, for an aspirate. lJ5Threatte (1980), 494. lJ6Cf. L23S.v. *. The relative paucity of long inscriptions for Epiibetos, aithough no painter cm rdybe eonsidered to have many, makes iî difncuit to assess the nibject matter and Inters in cornparison with other Epiktetan inscriptions. In partinilar, it would be very us@ to compare Epiktetos' use of hota in words other tban proper uameslq with the inscription found in this tondo. Likewise, the lack of a possible paralle1 Erom the Survivbg &rature renders a definitive interpretation impossible. However, the inscription read EVOI 1 EOZ 1 EN "&î - 6& +" seems most attractive to me, in which case it rnight mean "Euoi! At dawn he was ...", since it forms the fht elements of an iarnbic trimeter - a conmion metre in comedy (where &î is also fou~d'~)and also in the surviving satyr play of ~o~hokla'"(a genre wbich the appearance of the singer might bring to mind) . Kleo~hrades,Calyx-Krater in Cownha~enNational Museum inv. 13365; ARP 185.32; Para 340; Add 187. The fiagmentary laater by the Kleophrades ~airner''' in the National Museum, Copenhagen (inv. 13365), which appears to picture Anakreon and his boon cumpanions at a gmposion and komos, preserves several inscriptions, one of which, it has been suggested, is a skolion verse-scrap (figs. 5.1-5.5). Enough of Side B remains to idente the activity of the scene, at least; side A, on which the inscription in question is painted, is sommvhat better preserved. Side B (fig. 5.1) shows a komos. A popular topic on vases of this period, this scene is most remarkable for its apparent portrayai of the poet Anakreon in Rornos with his boon '" Hipporchos is a favourite hfosname of Epiktetos; Epiktetos also painted for Hisychlos Potter. 1.18 Ar. Lys. 1294; Th. 993; Ec. 1 18 1. Cf also West (1982), 88-90. '" Sophocles, Ichneutae. Amiiuted by Curtius, in whose collection the fragments had ben kfo~the mmto Copenhagen, and by Beaziey. ARC' 185.32. companions. The lowest rana8iing fr;isment of the scene figures the feet and legs of four komasts alki king to the right. On the fàr ieA ail that remaius of one of the four is the very bottom of the sole of the fonvard foot. Of the next figure slight- more rernains: the front - to the top of the ankie - of the back foot, the front foot and its kg to the kuee, and the bottom part of a chiton. This lower body appears to belong to the figure playhg a ?fiw-stringed lyre, held at an agie of about 450 ,1st on the upper ann of which is painted mSPE[. . . in applied red.'n The musician holds p1ectm.m at the ready in his right band, while he damps the third string nom the top with his thumb and forefinger.'" Between his chest and the lyre remains one letîer in applied red, A[. . . The inscription on the lyre ami mut have read ANAKPEON (or perhaps ANIUCPEONTOY "Anakreon's [lyre]"'?); the other inscription may possibly have read ANAKPEON also. Between the second and third komasts bangs a basket, the e'ctreme bottom of which remains; Weysuggests that the basket is niçpended fiom the ~yre.'~*Of the third komast nom the left both legs to the hees remain, as weli as the drapery of his chiton; only the end (or beginning, see my note 176) of his name remains . . .]Z.The finai figure strides quickly fornard (or perhaps is skipping), his back kg lifted up and back so that it would appear that his foot (hidden behind the drapery of the third komast), does not touch the ground. Only a d podon of this third komast's leg and a curve of the chiron remain. Another group of fhgmeats - which lmmerwahr notes have been joined to the palmette group at the right of the scene - preserves the right shoulder and head of this komast (fig. 5.4). He is a blond-bearded man carsring a parasol. Draped around his shoulders is a vine garland. He wears the sakkos and earrings hch, together wïth the parasol, connect this scene with a series of scenes on mi-fi& vases portraying "' This is quite norrnai, although in some komos scenes the bmbitos is tipped even merto 60-90' hm the verticai (Maas & Snyder, 1989, 122). "'Beazley, MY' 185.32. '" This action is explaineci by Maas & Snyder (1989), 122. IY SeMng both as owner-inscription on the Lyre. and as identification of the figure as Anakreon himself. There is nifficient room on the arm for aU of the leners (see the hypothesized reçoastruction, plate XII). Weonand his boon cornpanions dressed in luxurious and exotic clothes.lM His head is thrown wildly back, and eyes wide he sings 1000. These are not lettefi, but a conventid rendering of the sounds of music".'" In facS as Kilmer niggested to me, iO is a perfectly acceptable Bacchic e~clamation'~found in dramatic and lyric pmty'" It is used with other interjectionsyand in partidar with W. In Sophocles' OC at 1.224 we have io i; O - wbich wodd be writien Iûûû in Amc script at the tirne of this vase. This inscription is not musicai notation, but an excIamative cry, a bacchic shout. lM Side A (figs. 5.2-5.3) shows a symposion scene, perhaps one just More or just afkr the komos on side B. For the hgments on this side also preserve the head of a symposiast wearing a sukkos, and the legs of another symposiast wearing a chiton identical to those of side B. Unfortunattely, nothing but the sakkos remains. 'TI s'ensuit de la position du kékryphalos que ce persounage tournait la tête vers la droite, regardam en bas."16' On the waU above this symposiw who would appear to be the focus of the scene (he seems pretty much rnidway between the two palmette groups) bang a food basket and a skyphos. To his right stands a flute-girl, fàcing ri& h& modestly covered with a foid of her himation, but wearing a very transparent chiton ~vhich leaves litile to the VnagUiaton. A ffagmentary retmgde inscription ... IE.AE~'"which - - "'Carkey & Beaziey II (1954), 57. ls6 See Kurtz & Boardman (1986). 15' Immerwahr (1965), 152, where he =fers us to E. P6biman.u (1960)- Griechische Musiyi.agmenfe (ErIanger Beimge 8)- 84, nos. 1 and m and Graef-Langlotz, Die ant. Vasen v.d Akrop. 2, no. 546, which shows a series of N's. lS8 pers. cornm. As a bacchic shout it is found in Eur. Ba. 578 "i& bn. Is9 Ws.v.iC;, 847, col. 1. '" Another figure named ALKAIOZ sings something similar on a kalaihoid vasê in Munich: 0000. Perhaps then this is a series: & tG 6 & but the portrayai of Aîkaios does not lead me to interpret this as a bacchic shout - he looks far too somber. Perhaps it is a cry of dim. On the other han& it may simply be a representation of soumi 16' Johansen (CVA Denmark 8), 259. '" berwahr (1965). 153; BeazIcy read the inscription BEVE; but there is no name recordeci by Osborne ending with these letters in Attica (vol. II) or the Islands (vol. 1). 2lpu&$q (ZTPTBEAE) is the ody name possible (again according to Osborne). It is only Attic, found keetimes, twice in the fourth Imrnenvahr places 'tertidy and upward to the right of the bit of design to the nght of the lqk" but which Johansni claims "était placée verticalement à droite de la joueuse d'aulosn,'" rnust be a name label for the fanale auüst. On her nght a symposiast seems to have reched ne- to the palmette group, the rightmost figure in the scene. AU that rwains are the tips of the hgers of his ?lefi band which support a huge Type C kyliu, only haüof \.chsurvives. On this half is pahted AIPE, starting fiom the visible handie (the left), orthograde. We should accept the suggestion of M.-L. Buhl maitirneci by Immenvahr thaî a chi be supplieci at the beginning of the word, making it the common greebing found on cups: -7- or m'..la A longer inscription seerns to be needed to match the enornous s~eoffthe since the break in the fragment occurs at least at the stem, the inscription, perbaps portrayed as circiing the mp completely (this would expiain the missing chi), may men have been pi- ai nkt or some similar grectmg found on many of the Little Master CU~S.'~' What appean to be the tip of a bent elbow, perhaps bent in the posture of so~g'~~(since he smto be accompanied by the flute-girl), probably belmging to the same figure, remaias on the next joined fhgnent which, because of the palmette, rnust finish this scene on the nght. A lost fkag~nent'~~shows a rear view ofa Mine which is supposed to belong to this symposiast. The tops of the post-legs, a striped cushion and the fol& of a himation are preserved This -mposiast ------œntury BC (IG 11' 12672; p.]lk 50; 121; cf Ath. 594a: Lie~)-Another posibiiiîy, if the suggested mding of B is wrong is Wq,a particularly appropriate "nom de guerre" to my mind for a flute-girl, which is found on Gr&-Langiotz 1 2742 as KALE. '" Immerwahr (1965), 153: Johansen (CE4 DeDaimark 8), 259. The photographs do not help at aü since, as Johansen writes, the inscription letters "subsistent en haut peintes en rouge fortement décoloré sur le fond noir." (CVA denmark 8, 259) Surely Johnnsen, who probably handled the piece himself, must be correct; Immerwahr based his obsemtions on photographs pmvided by the National Museum in Copenhagen and on the older ones of the German Archedogicd Institute in Rome. Kit is adjacent to the flute-girl, it is probably the end of her name. '" Immawahr (1965), 154. For emnple, XAPE ZV is found on the tondo of London E41 (ARP 58.5 1) attnied to Oltos (or perhaps early Euphronios, cf. Irnmerwahr (l990), 6 1, no. 337). '" Aithough hmerwahr ([oc. cit.) does mention the pobsibiIity of w Above this kline is the inscription . . .]ENIFZ retrograde; IrnmenMhr remarks that 'T&v;B~ and [5tJde [KAIEV~~','~~he dimisses as unlikely. Rattier, he suggests that this inscription is a snatch of song. Confinhg himself to the Theognidean collection, he cites a possible pdel for the rdgnmk nor my enemies, who abuse me in speech. But 1 moum Iovely youth, which is leaving me, and 1 bewail the approaching pain of old age. He codyrejects several other options for both m~k and b;?son the grounds that the placement of the word should be as close to the begixming of the iine as possible, since, in all likelihood, the inscription is inteaded as the titie of a song.In This is a probabie conclusion, and '" See below p. 60. nn. 185-86. Immerwahr (l965), 153. ""RC/~ 185.32. "' See Immerwahr ( 1965). 153. one which is borne out by the other examples of skolia verse-scraps disnissed in this thesis. 1 do not believe, however, tbat this inxription is a verse-scrap. As Immenivahr suggested, the verse-scrap inscriptions seem to be intended to bring a poem to mind by quo~gthe first words, tbat is, the titie of the poem.'" The 0th- attributable vene- scraps do in fàct record the first words (whether a variant readïng or not) of a pa*cular poem fiom the vel first word. This example, however, does not if l[mmemahr's suggested atiribution be accepteci; it records the second word of the heO@. This single word done could not have been enough of a clue to the viewer as to the particular song intended, since, as heruabr has pointed out already,lTJ occurs 3 times at least in nieognis alme,'" without mention of other poets. Imrnerwahr notes that "the number of letters misshg at the beginning is uncertain, since the spacing was no doubt irregular, with the begùining &en more c~osel~";'~~men so, there wouid not be enough space for more than a few Ietters, unless they were placed very closely. But the placement of the e.xk@ lettas does not support this possibility: they are quite widely spaced, if somewht irregularly. The inscription must have started somewhere within the missing fiagrnent between the E to the lefi and the skyphos to the right; the skyphos, the food basket and the large kyliv occupy the rest of the sme at the level of the inscription, making it ualikely that an inscription could have conhued there at one the, and has now Med or been rubbed off. In addition, for ail of the verse-scrap skolia preserved on containers an effort had been made on the part of the painter to attach the Ietten visually to a singer such that the letten seem to be issuing fiom or about his mouth. This is probably not the case here, since -judging the posture of the '" A long tradition in amiquity. '73 Irnmerwahr (1965). 153. '" ImmeTwabr's suggestion (1965. 153-5-2) that the attribution thematicaily matches the scene should be pointed out. But as we have seen mon of the Theognidean collection was probably intended to be sung at ~mposia. Immerwahr (1965). 153. singer to be "standard" because of the position of the bait elbow - the position of the mouth wouid likely have been close on the crook of the elbow, and would thedore rquke the inscription to take a sharp right angle ~umdownwards; this dctsMer the space adable for letters. The other inscriptions on the black ground are similarly painted in red ami, with the exception of the musical imitation/notation mgby the parasol carrier on side B, seem to be remnants of names (the A of Anakreon; the ': which seems to be iabeling the third komast; the . . .] BEAE which seerns be labeling the fiute-girl); d of these are probably vertical upwards - on the anaiogy of BEAE and the A of what must be XNAKPEON - labeling standing fim. The . . .]ENIEZ, rather than part of a skoh, is more likely a label for the seated siaging symposiast, perfiaps even w]ENIEZ: as Beazley origidiy suggested, which needed to be written on a horizontai plane, since, its subject raised fiom the gound and crowded onto a khe with another symposiast, it would not fit into the scene verticaiiy. If the inscription is mnstructed KL]ENZES, it is the Ionicized form of the Attic name Khf~kwritten in Attic le#ers. The last vowel, E for efa, is very common on Aüic vases of this tirne, and poses no problem. E is also used at this the to represent the spwious dipthong ~1.'~ Thus we have an Ionic name-iabeI, speiled in Atîic letters. At least IWO 0thIonicized options are possible: Mw;iK (MENIEZ), and (+zENES).'" Of these two Zcvry "foreigner", ''~5 Of course a single sigma -which oui be orthogmde or retrograde - could be the stan of a name or the iast letter of the extremely common ...O2 nominative masculine ending making that inscription a vertical downward "' Cf. Threatte (i980), 29930 1, 16.0 1. "'Zan): (or raîher +ZENIEZ) is found in Athens in the thùd centuxy BC (ib 11' 6û42), and %VI- c. 405-400 BC (of the Cholleidai IG d 4548); Zrwq is found twiœ in Athens in the fifth cenhq BC (ib P 1040,5; of the trih Erechtheis in 459 BC IG I3 1147,72 X(a)&rg) and once in PCG 4. 298, fi. 361. Mvk(MENEZ) is found in Athens in the fourth cenniry BC (IG IIZ 1952 and SEG XV 129.5 1). Sec Osborne & Byrne (1 994). S. v. although it is a late narne (4th and 3rd B.C., but see n. 172, +PENIOX) in inscriptions, fits the context of the scene best. This interpretation of the inscription ]ENlEZ satisfies the observations aiready made conceming the verse-scrap skolici examiaed, me1y tbat they ail bgin a verse fiom the first word, probably as a titie. It also is consistent, as fàr as ive can deternine because of the hgmentaxy nature of the dyx-krater, with the other insm*ptionson the container itseIf which aii seem to be name labels. Furthermore it suits the context of the scena on the vase. Anakreon was Ionic bimseif, and his style of dress decidm eastem; by labeling the reclining -nposiast "foreigner" with the Ionic version of his name, if he !vas Amc, in Attic script, the artist reüiforces the non-Attic nahire of Anahon and his circle. Onesimos, Kvlix in Munich, Antikensammlun~en2636; ARP317.16; Add 106. A cup by Onesimos in Munich preserves aaother verse-scrap skolion (fig. 6). A youthful symposiast, reclining but with legs tucked in" on a patierned boister sings KIALOPEL He and his aulos-playing companion are seaîed on the lower border of the scene on Side B. Betwem km, and to each side, bang baskets, each wIth five tasseis. The singing youth draped careiessly with his himation is holding a laure1 twig between the thumb and fo-er of hiç right hanci, in much the same way as the symposiast on FIorence 3949 (that is, with the tip pointed back and the branch nearly horizontal, see fig. 8.1). His left hand is wraised, as if to provide emphasis, or perhaps balance; it is not resting on his left kg. He gazes straight abead, his head more or less level (not tilted back). His companion, the musician, is covered somewhat more discreetly by his own himation, and is piayiag a diaulos with apparent gusto.l" Both are garlanded with laurel. IT9 lacobsthal disnisses Lhis pose in detail (1912.44-5 1). '" The angle of the pair of ouloi is quite wide. Similarily on British Museum, GR 1895.5.13.1 by the Foundry Painter (fig. IO. 1). Although the insciption UALOZIEI, KCL& ~7 "you are"' beautiful" is quite common on vases of this paiod, and hquently seems to be a comment on a figure in the sme (in the same maMer as some kalos-names), this fiagrnent is cleariy intended to be undersîd as song or, perhaps, recitation. It werges fiom the youth's mouth retrograde, apparently following the line of his upper arrn to the up-furneci forearm, and then continuing aiong the same trajectory on the other side. The presaice of the myrte twig may indicate that this is an example of the "capping skolion, but it is impossible a demonstrate such a clairn conclusively. In any case, the &-ce of "capping" before Aristophanes *innot be proved with any degree of certaintv, and it may be tbat the myrtle îwig was ahused in other circuinstances (see discussion above). Brv~osPainter. Frr. in Paris. Cabinet de Médailles 546; ARP 247,23; Para 365; Add 225. Three -en& of a symposion scene by the Brygos painter preserve another skolion, which brings to mind the skolion inscription of the fkgmentary caiyx-krater by Euphrouios. Beazley places these three fr;rgments @) wiîh three others (a),also in the Cabinet des Médailles, Paris, under "Cup 1" (probably a type ~'4in his article "Brygan Syrnposia" in the Festschrift for D.M.~obinson.'~~ Group r shows two revellen, reclïn.ing on separate kiinui.'u The lehost, a youth, has turoed back to look at his neighbour, bands lifteci in fiont of his chest; his mouth is open, as if in -h. He reclina, or perbaps is ~erm-seated,'~~on a stnped and nbbed bolster. His neighbour to 18' Epic and Ionic 2 sg. eipi am,W S. v. r&, '= E3eaziey (1953). 76. '" Beazley (1953). 74. 184 A kïine pstseparates the two symposiasts. He seems to rest his lef€ arm on whst may be his knee (a sxnaü romded line close to the edge of the fragment). if that were so, it might e.uplain the alrnost frontal aspect of his upper body. Similar scrni- seated positions are found on other vases. 61 Jacobsthal(1912), 49-52. our rigbt is holding out a large Type C cup in his left hand. He aIso seems to be semi-seated, or at least reclining with his legs tucked up under him.'% On the wall betckeen them hangs a sheathed stvurd, with a baidnc drawn in applied red. Group 6 (fig. 7.1), on which is presewed the skalion fFdsment, ais0 shows two symposiasts. Only the Ieft shoulder and part of the neck of the Iehost symposiast has nwived; this symposiast (a youth?) also leam on a striped and nibed bolster, but one which has a slightly different piping decoration. On the WU between him and the singer hangs a shield with a raven device? from which also hangs a pair of greaves. The upper torso, right arm and head are ail tbat nmain of this partinilar symposiast, just enough to recognize the usual singing position. His arm seems to be wrapped completely around bis head, and his finaers crade his head fiom behind. From his open lips corne the letiers: oIIoLoN.'~~ij,h~ "O Apollo". Unlike some other inscriptions (BM 95.10-27.2, Munich 2646), the letters are painted continuous over the arm itseE rather ttian king split by the crook of the eIbow. The crasis of 3 and an initiai a is not an unusual one.lg8 UnIike the innovative geminate lambda of the fht example hmEuphronios, there is a slngle lambda here; the single lambda is an acceptable Iate archaic convention.'" It rnay be that these fragments record the same skolion (a hpm in praise of Apollo); t may, however, be equally the case that this is another skohn entirely. 186 The end of his bent knee neariy touches the pst of the next kline. This is auother common position, cf. Jacobsthai (1912) loc.cit. For types of kiinai in vase-painting see Boardman in Mmy(1990), 122- 13 1. Usually there was a post at one end of the Mine which was higher than the other. The symposiast wouid recline on this higher post, often with a bolster for cornfort. London E68 (my figs. 8.2-8.3)pottrays this type of kline cleariy. la7 Not OIIOLnN (with an omega) as reported in Csapo & Miller (199I), 38 1, n. 7. 188 For examples cf. Beaziey (1953), 75, n. 6. The crasis WnoMov is seen on=, but in a variant mding (hf in A. A. 1073 "OrroMov, &raAh"). Some of the eariiest e.uamples of crasis with di are found in Anacr. 2.1 (&IN&) and Alc. fk. 72 Lobel (m. But see IULLIZTO on London E68 (fig. 7.2). Brvpos Painter. Kvlk in Florence. Mwoarcheolonico Nazionde 3949: AR I3'16.90. Another red-figureci cup (fig. 8. l), aîîributed to the Brygos Painter by HarhvigIgo,datable to the eariy fifth centurv, preserves the inscription mLEKM, (& K& ''love and...". A youthful garlanded symposiast reciines on a khe, leaning on his l& elbow on a striped and ribbed boister, his elbow is wrapped in a fold of his dotted himation. In his l& haad he holds a black skyphos, wIiiie in his outstretched right hand he holds, between thumb and forefinger, a hvig of mynle. The branch is tilted back towards the singer, and extends slightly hto the meander border.lgl Between the singer's hand and his head, which is tilted ba& runs the inscription hmed on the bottom by his ami, and on the top by the twig. Beneaîh the kline sits a pair of boots, while a wallang stick leans against the border, on îhe wd hangs a food basket. The Brvgos painter commoniy uses pi to represent what would nody, in Attic Greek, be a phi. Carnbitogiou desmuch of this particuiar use of the pi on another cup by Brygos (London E68, figs. 8.2-8.3) in an effort to determine the origin of the Brygos Painter, supposing that this speliing is a phonetic clue'": The speiiing of our artist's name and the use of PI instead of PM in the names inScni on the London cup point toma non Greek origin of Brygos and suggest to me that the potter and painter were one and the same person, an émigré iiving in Aîhens rather than an Athenian by birth.'" Hartwig (1893). 320. 191 The meander pattern appears to have been sîarted at a point very close to where the kline touches the border on the right: the pattern at that point had to be completed with an irreguiar addition. 1 92 He follows a suggestion made by Kretschrner (81, para. 48) tbai ùiis lack of aspiration is reminiscent of the Scythian archer in Ar. Th. This archer, however, consistently mispronounces aspirates. 1 93 Cambitoglou (1 968). i 1. CambitogIou counters a suggestion made to him by ~mmerwahr'~that the Painter has used the un- aspirated form on London E68 in order to suggest the dninkeneess of the spposiast, by cody pointing out that the Uiscnption in question (TïILII1OZ) is in in likelihood a label and not speech. But in ansver to herwahr's fiuther observation that other aspirates are used codyby the Brygos Painter (for example HWEP . 2, ANAFQMA+E, AZTVANA+S, and particdarly the satyr LEOXZ on the exterior of London E65), Cambitogiou rashly comments: "1s not such inconsistai- of pronunciation and spelling however characteristic of a foreigner?"lg5 in fàct, the Brygos Painter seems to consistaitiy represent initial and intervdcphi with the letter pi.'% This pecuiiarity of spelling might be understood as a type of foreign accent on the part of the painter, but only tmder the very specific cirmcaof a niune-iabeI or words attached by one particular painter to one particular figure. The meaniag of the inscription itseifis clear, however: "Love and ...". This is clearly an exhortatory skolion of the sort observed by Giaagrande (lus A); siMlar commands are "spoken"'* by rnany Litîle Master cups. Another '%ommand" inscription is found on a cup by OItos in Madrid (Madrid 11267), IIINEKrUSV, "you drink tao" which is spoken by a woman to her aulos-pfayins cornpanion, aiso a woman.'" '" Cambitoglou (1968), 11, a 37. '" Cambitoglou (1 968). 1 1. 1% Cf. the labels (not love-names; Cambitogiou (1968). 11) IIILON, AIïIILOL, MKûIlLE on the e-xterior of London E68 (figs. 8.2-8.3). '" That is, dipinto on the rim or foot of the cup in the form of a comausually of the sort p'w - m'a, "Hi! Have a snort!" (looseiy translateci). '" Although tempted, 1 cannot include Madrid 11267 among the skoliu. despite the presence of a musician, since the position of the speaker is not at al1 that of a singer, and since the inscription makes much more sense as a spoken phrase (the speaker extends a cup to her mate with her left hand - her right holds her own cup). The presence of the laure1 branch, based on the conclusions reached fiorn our literary sowces, rnight indicate that this is an example of "capping"; the singer in this scene may soon pass the hvig on to a fellow spposiast. There is, however, Little evidence to prove this suggestion in the scene @k~viseabove, the cup by Onesimus) shce no other symposiasts are figured, although that does not exclude their "presence" in the mind of the painter and of his "reader". It may be that the singer holds the myrtle twig, as suggdby Dickey in derence to the SchoIium on Wasps 1239, for seW-assurance. 1 have asseriexi ttiat this symposiast is a singer because of the position of his head: it is in the already Warpose seen on other vases. The nght axm cannot cradle the head, since it is occupied with the laure1 branch. It is possibIe that this symposiast is chanting (see the scholium on Clouds 1364, above pp. 19-21) a form of &onmince ded prakztaloge. The sinQing pose elevates this performance from simple reciting to dmûng. The metre (bu - , perhaps part of an iambic tetrameter or trimeter) supports this suggestion, since, as West states, parakataloge is associated with Ionian imbus through its supposed inventor, ~rchilochos.lg9 Foundrv Pahter. Kvü. in London. British Museum GR 1895.5-13.1; ARP 405.2; Para 370 and 371; Add 232. A cup by the Fomdry Painter (figs. 10.1-10.3) in the British Museum preserves inscriptions which could allow for a wider interpretation of the comrnon kalos inscriptions on ce& containers. This blk portrays the preparation for a komos on the exterior, and what may weli be a rehearsal for this scene in the tondo. The tondo scene (fig. 1O. 1) comprises two figures, a man, seated, and a youth, standing. The V-shape composition of the tondo is cornmon to the Brygos Painter and his Circle. The Ig9 West (1992). 40. bearded man sits in a ves, relaxci posture - Ieft hee diawn up, cfasped by his hands - and leans slightiy bachds, his head tilted and mouth open. Between his le& kg and bis right ami leans his smooth waIking stick. A iiimation is draped carelessly over his lap; his hair is bound in a red fiiiet. The youth leans on his lmobbed wallOng stick. Himationed dm, he tm wears a red fiilet. He wears boots. The yodis playing the diaulos with apparent gusto, head back slightIy, uziioi spread wide. His cheeks, unrestncted by phorbeia, are pu€Féd out. Baveen them on the wali hangs a food basket, perhaps a sign tbat they are preparing to head out to dinner. Just above the level of the man's mouth is the inscription HO ILUZ KALOZ? which may be an iarnbic metron. Dyni Williams has aiready noted tbat "he may be supposed to be ~ingin~".~This scene may weii presewe the practice session for a skolion (for this is likely not a symposion scene itself since the man is seated on a stooi rather than recliniag) which reaches full expression on the exterior. Side A (fig. 10.2) portrays the begrnning of a komos. A himationed reveller (IargeIy rnissing) is stepping through an open doorway led by a naked figure crouchmg, and leaning on a stick.201Wer has identifieci this figure as a female and describes the activity of the fhgnentary scene: Ln the London cup WC have the female figure substantially complete: she ben& to our ri@ knees benf right fit a littie forward of leR, with part of her weight resting on a long staff. Note the woman's hand on her right hee to help her keep balance. Her partner cornes up fiom bewhis CI& open, probably held back with both arms. We see his right knee, shin and fmt, and his advancd left leg: of the foot, only the tips of the toes remain The male's genitals would be too Williams CV.4 Great Brirain 17, ( 1993), 64. 'O1 Kilmer (1993). 37 parallcls the use of the stafT in this erotic scene to another erotic scene in a rondo by the Boot Painter (his R8 14: my fig. 10.4) where a staff is also riseci, apparently for balance. high, and too far back, for actual copulation; but it is evidentiy about to happenm Kilmer compares the door in this scene Nah one in his R954 (London F65; my fig. 10.5) nating, "it is worth recalling the doonvay in R95 J* as a comrnoa element if not a strict par al le^.''^^ hide the houx7a flute case and food basket haog on the wd. A youth, to the le& leam on his knobbed waiking stick as he plays his dimrlos; a ?manlyouth, largely missing, leans on his hobbed waikins stick in the doorway. Along the rim of the kyky starhg from between the youth's auloi, is the inscription H0iNA.E ?KaLOZ. The ''tmjectory" of this inscription is impossible to deîennine since a large part of it is misshg. But it does not appear fkom the rwainùig letters that these words were comected to a singer (i-e.the man in the dmrway). Four figures occupy the space on side B (fig. 10.3); the two statiomy figures, a youth wreatbed in ivy leaning on his wallcing stick, modestiy covered in his himation, and a diaulos playing man wreathed in laurel. A smaii portion of a fdbasket may be seen on the ri& the food basket shows us that the figures are dlindoors. A naked woman wielding kmtala dances next to another man. He, with himation draped over his head, dances ah, leaning bachwds, right leg bent and left leg slightiy liAed fiom the ground. He too is wreathed in laurel. In his Ieft hand he balances a large skyphos; his right hand hoids a smooth walking stick. He bears a remadcable resembiauce to the seated figure in the tondo? From his mouth al- corne the words Kilmer (1993), 37. an Kilmer (1993), 37. He also directs us to discussions of the symbolism of doors in Keuls (1985). but cautions against the too large scope of Keds' identifications. zw In facf all three scenes may k a progression in tirne hmthe tondo. to side B. to side 4 and we might assume identity. The man and youth in the tondo are practicing for the upcoming symposion. Side B shows dancing and singing before the kunros and side A the beghning of the komos. The possiiility of a chronological progression of events on sides B and A is heightened when we eauaminethe figures. Four on both sides, they also appear to be the same people. The men on side B are missing on side except for their feet The youth, garlanded in ivy on both sides. stands in the same position on both sides (between the aulos case and the food basket). The damer has aquired a waiking stick and now leads the HO TWIL. 1 KAL[OS, ortbograde, broken by both an aulos case haaging on the waiI and the righimost figure's head. This scene seans to portray the performance of the skolion seen in the tondo, apecially if we assume identity betwem the figures (see a. 204). We have on the tondo, then, and on side B, an example of a skolion verse-scrap O rra% K*. Along with KALOXEI on the cup by Onesmios in Munich and two othersg5, this cup represents an inscription cornmon on contaulers of this pend in an musuai way; the praise of a outh is accentuated by song. Douris, Kvlu: in Munich, Antikensammluneen 2646; AR4 437.128.1653: Pma 375; Add -239. In the tondo of a lqdk by Douris da@ to c. 470/60 B.c." (fig. 1 1) a Wded symposiast, in the near-canonid sinm'np pose, wearing a himation and a turban-like head-wrap, gazes towards the ceilhg as he sings out a snatch of song. He reclines on a kline, supported by his left arm, his chest fiouiai, while his head, in profile, is tilted slightiy back so that his beard is nearly horizontal. Part of his btion appears to be folded up and in use as additionai support beîween his back and the striped and tasseled boher. The singer abholds a stemless kylix (Type C) in his lefi hand. A young man accompanies the singer on the diaulos, without phorbe&, cheeks puffed and rounded. Unshod, he also wears a himation, with the end draped up and over his left shoulder as if in a formai stance. Between the singer's kline and the aulist stands a table, beneaih which is a pair of boots. A knobbed walking stick leans aganst the side of the stopt meander border, and a spotied diailos case, complete with mouthpiece holder, haogs behind the stick nom a way on side A. As weU as a temporal progression, there may weii k a spatiai progression, shown by the aulos case and the food basket: the scene has shif&edtowards the door. 'O5 Phintias, kyfi,~m., Athens Akropolis Museum 837. ARP 25.3 OIIMKALE. Epiktetos, kyli. London British Muscm E37,ARP 72.17 HIIiIIAPi+lO KAL. 'O6 Hamdorf ( 1975). 56. peg in the dl. The scene itself seans well-planned, with a ground line cutting a sectant across the bottom interior portion of the border. Despite the carefûl planning of the scene, the painter has lengthened the singer's legs quite out of proportion with the rest of his body (equestrian sports wodd not be an option for this man); in a certain sense, however, this lengthenhg does cornpiete the scene on the horizontal plane, by leavhg no empty space on the khe. The inscription is retrograde, emerglig fiom the reclining singer's mouth in a siight curve over the exîended auloi: OV AVNMOV "où &va+' 06". The fkî two letters are separated fiom the rest by their placement between mouth and bent elbow; this treatment of the negative où is also seen on the "Douris c~py?'blk in the British Museum (see bdow). The m&g of the inscription is not ha.to decipher: %O, 1 ~ot";the repeated negative provides emphasis. The metre is probabfy dactylic h-eter, and this match of verse may be part of an efegiac couplet. nie presence of the aulist reinforces this suggestion, since most modem scholars, with the exception of D. A. Campbell, agree that the aulos was used to accompany elegiac verse. This inscription has ken paralleleci by Schulze to Tàeognis 695:" I cannot provide for yoy my heart, every suitable thing. Courage! You are not alone in loving gorgeous thmgs. H&g, howeveq paired this inscription, more appropriateiy I thuik, with Theognis 9391% for last night I went on komas. --- 31' W. Schulze. review of P. Kretschmer (1896). Die grie~hischen Vaseninschr$en ihrer Spmche noch untersucht in Gdttingische Gelehrte .4nzeîgen, 237. Citation apud Csapo & Miller (1 99 1), 3 82. '@08g (1893). 258. This attribution is more appropriate, aithough both couplets are equally iikely material for sympotic poetry, since the elements of the scene rnay add significantly to the apparent subject of îhe couple& the boots and the wakng stick (and ais0 the diaulos), while common additions to scenes of symposia, are hpdyfound in bmos scenes also; they rdthe komos past and anticipate the one to corne. Douris may have indudeci them in order to enhance the theme of the verse. They are certainly indications that this symposiast is a guest, and wilI be ~vallcinghome. The verse-scrap records the first words of a poem. "Douris copvn, Kylix in London, British Museum 95.10-27.2. A red-figured stemless cup provides another verse-scrap, inscribed after fXng, which has been paralieled to a skolion tiagment of ~ra.rilla.~The cup (London, British Museum 95.1- 27.12), which fkst registered m the British Museum, London in October of 1895 and labeled ''an ancient imitation, in style and subject, of the work of ~uris""~and its inscriptions in particular have been most recently disaisseci by Csapo and Miller. The cup has, however, been a subject of debaîe for some the. The modem consensus concerning its pke of xnanufkcture çeems to point to ~ttica."' The cup itself has been stylistically date.to ca. 470-60 B.c."' The symposion provides the thematic material for the nip's scenes. The tondo (fig. 12. l), a close-up scene, porûays two bearded male symposiasts wearing himations - the singer's himation is worn over the left shoulder - who are sharing a kline. The kline itseif is covered with " Cf. PMG 754 (Praxiiia 8); Jacobnhal (1912), 62-3 foiiowing Wiamowitz; Hartwig (1893). 255; Herzog (1912), 18-19. ''O British Museum Registfy for October 27, 1895 apud Crapo & Miller (1991),368. "' Csapo & MiUer (1 99 1), 369. "'Jacobsthai in Gdiîingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 1933:lO; Luilies .& 657: Weber "Ein Gastmahl in Theben?" G-mnasiu 9 1:485; PM,Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen, Munich 1923, II, p. 714. haec uestis priscis hominum uariata figuis heroum mira mesindicat arte.'l3 This çoverlet, decorated with the oiden shapes of men, with wondrous art told of the glorious deeds of hm. One man is singing, while the other accompanies him on the dioulos."' At first glance, the singer adopts what appears to be the classic pose: right arm draped around head (or supporthg head) while leaning on the Ieft, chin raised with the mouth open to sing. This singer, however, has raiseci his arm, not to support the head, but to drape it across his forehead. 1 can see no other reason for this motion except for ciramatic effecf if this was the exact pose on the unlmown original."' He hoIds an unidentifiable object (possibly a fmtless container, or more EeIy krotala). The position of the aulist seems to convey an image of recbah; he does not seem to be supporteci by an-irng, however, and playhg the dimrlos in mid-situp wodd be a feat unparalleled in rny experien~e."~The tondo scene is fiameci by a reserved band. "3 Catullu~a.50-5 1. 214 Aithough only one pipe can be seen, the existence of the other is evident Mmthe fkct that the aulin's other arm (the right) is raised, Le. to play the second pipe. Also they are always pfaved as a pair. 'lS Of course, there is no way to k cenain whether or not the copy is exact, but it wodd k hard to lïnd a good reason why the copyist wouid change the pose in tbis way (unless the original were damaged in that speciûc ara so that the placement of the ann in hntof or behind the head should have been uncertain). AU of the scenes 1have seen with singers in a similar pose show the arm behind the haci, and 1hnd it hard to imagine that the copyist had seen no other e.yamples of a singer in this position. 1 suggest, then, that the position of the am in this way is intentional (either on the part of the copyist or "Douris") and may be considerd a dramatic detail. In a modern conta ?bis gesture might indicate weariness or emotion (Le. a "swoon"); in an archaic, probably Attic, context, however, the meaning of the gesture mnnot be deteRnined. '16 '16 I did try this position with the modem recorder (which is comiderably easier to play tban the diados, a double reeded instrument which geaerates a geat deai of back pressure) and found that my abiiity to breathe in was severely hindered due to the flex of the abdominai muscles, because the ability of the diaphragm to expand was cestricte& Even if one could draw enough breath More tightening the abdominal muscles, there wodd be no way to draw more breath without relaxhg again. He does not appear to be leaning on his fellow-symposiast's knm. which extend behind ùis back Side A (fig. 12.2) is another syrnposim-scene, with three symposiasts each reclining on his own kiirte. Under or rather in front of each khe stands a table. From right to left, a shield, a turtle sheii barbitos, a CfOSSed-sticks(??) and a fdbasket bang on the wall. The symposiast on the right is preparing to throw a kotfabos-toss. The middle syrnposiasf wearing a peaked Sqthian cap, swivels back to the kottabos-thrower and extends his right am toward htn. The last symposiast on Side A is dri.gfiom a kyL\ fice fiontai. ALI wear himations On Side B (fig. 12.3) three more synposiasts recline sin& on khi; =ch tvears a himati~n.~"On the far right stands a large amphora, decorated uith a figured scene; hanging above it is an oinochoe. We see the bearded symposiast on the right fiom bebhd,'18 as he turns slightly to face the middle symposiast. He extends a mug towards the 1- as he engages m conversation (see beIow). The midde symposiast, afso bearded, has tunieci back to fàce the speaker, and appears to be restlig his nght hdon his onm Ieft sho~lder,"~as the two look directly at each other. In fiont ofhis kline stands a dtable upon which rests a blix. The third ~mposiast,an unbearded youth, reclines deRining his barbitos. On the wall, above him and to the ieft, hangs a shield. A young, long-haid, naked attendant approacha fiom the fàr Ieft with a ladle in his hanci Around both sides runs a thin reserved band on top, and a thick band on bottom, upon which rest the klinui. *" The two rightmost symposiasts wear their himations over the left shoulder, while the leftmost symposiast does not. '18 AS Csapo & Miller point out (199 1, 369, n. 13), and also Jacobsthal (1912. 57-58), lhis is a pose with which Douris e,uperimentecL Cf. lacobsthai's Abb. 78 (1912, Sn,London E49 and Abb. 79, (19 12, 58) fiom Fiorence. As he points out (1912, 61) the man on the cup hmFlorence dso wears a "skytùwhe Mutze", as do other symposiasts on Attic vases. This iype of headress is ~liimedthe kidaris (cf. Miller, 199 1). 219 Capo & Milier note (1991, 372. n. 29) that, according to T.J. McNiven, such gesnires are rare in Attic vase painting, and many of the e.xampIes are in conversation scenes. Post-firing inscriptions are found in the tondo and on both sides; the tondo inscription is of the most interest - it has been atîributed to a hgment of Pm& (PMG 754, but sides A and B need to be discussed aiso. F& however, the archaic nature and the authentic* of the inscriptions need to be addressed, since their value as evidence for a skolion frclgment of the pend might be seriously undennineci if they were a late addition. However, Jacobsthal supports, albeit indirectly, the possibility that the sMon Sragment might still be valuable as evidence of an archaic poem (id est Pra.dk's or near her): "Die Paroinia der hdhwaren auch 422 noch en vogue: ... àas im Symposion der Wespen gesungen wird, iv mg I&XE@A(~K46- imeorv;oy (schol. vesp. 1239). Freilich ob nun unser Paroinios das Hephaistion als pmvilleischen Mustervers briagt, wirklich von PraviUa stammt, kt sehr fhgiich. Denn die Authen- dieses Buches ward schon von der aiexandrinischen Grammatik mit Recht bez~eifet.'~Although the inscription may have been added at some point later than the archaic period,-' the text may very wzii have beea an archaic skolion; this Inscription on a kyik in archaic style dated to about 470-60 B.C. may still offèr as much information as a c'wmpletely archaic" container. Side A, as 1 have already mentioned, has a symposiast about to amplete a kottabos-throw. As on several other vases," the thrower pronomces a toast to his lover, or desired lover, just More completing the toss. The inscription on this cup nins retrograde away fiom the thrower's 00 Jacobsthai (1912). 63. But, assuming the antiquity of the inscriptions as shown by Csapo & Miiier (1991), this vase does demonstrate at least the possi'bility that Pradla was the author. t21 M. Kilmer mentioned (pers. comm) that antiquarian detail is not cornmon on the containers, aithough it cm be seen on sculptwe. That is, it is not iikely that a Hellenistic owner added these inscriptions to make it look "more archaic". The provenience is unknom if known, it might clear up this problem if the context was early. "A psykter by Euphronios, Leningrad 644 (St 16701, Ca. 520 B.C.; a hydria by Phintias, Munich 242 1. Ca. 520; a cup (Proto-Panaetian Grou.), Munich 2636, Ca. 50B.C.; a stamnos by the Copenhagen Painter, Louvre G 114, Ca. 480 B.C. Interestingly, the first three are in saxes of women at qvmposia, whiie the last is of Dionysos, Herakles and a satyr. This vase is the ody one listeci by Csapo & Miller (1991, 373) which records a love-toast hma man, although there many scenes of men throwing the kortabos on other vases. The praaice is weii known among men in literary sources (see Jahn, 1867). mouth, and then orthograde back again (that is in hemthe tikp men) TOI II h&t". The mi is imrnediaîely -le, and is similar to other toasts found on Attic red- fi& containers," but the second word is not. Csapo & MUer suggest tbat the word continues the thought started by the speaker of TOI, despite the distance and reversed direction of the letters (i-e. bowtropheâon as on side B). They propose a solution to the proble~z?4suggesting that another letter was inscribeci More the alpha: A recent cleaning of the cup ... has removeci m&rn mer-painting of the damaged surface e'ctending below the hat wearer's eye hmthe hat's iappet to his upraised right hand This I9th~ntu-yrestoration, visi'ble on ail the published photographs ..., concealed the pmsibility of a lacuaa in the te.* for if the inscn'ber began his text in the usual fashion by placing the initial letter as close as possible to the speaker's mouth, the break destroyed every trace of it As in the tondo, there is ample space for an incised letter between the &ce and am of the speaker. One should not hesitate to supply a lambda, the only letter which can offer a saîisfactory reading of the inscription: [AIAXETI, dative of the Athenian masculine name Laches and a kalos-name which appears six thes on vessels by and in the merof the Antiphon Painter (ca. 500-480 B.c.)~ Leningrad 644: TINTANAEAATAZZQ JIAEMPB (mmgrade) lam throwing this latax (aine lees) for you, Leagros" (TIN is possl'ble abbreviation for mt pronominal; M. mer, pers. mm); Munich 2421: ZOITENAI EVBWEI (orthograde) "[I îi~row]this [IatmJ for you, EuthymideSn; Munich 2636: TOITEN The inscription on side B seems to be a conversation between the two symposiasts @,ATIN II ALE0M:AVTX "&&A& &". It also is boustrophedon, which, as Csapo & Miller point out, is very rare in this period, have Men out of use near the end of the s~uthcentury," although there are examples in the first quarter of the fiAh century B.C. in which orthogmie and retrograde forms appear on the same scene, most commonly to clarify attribution of a name to a figure or speech to a speaker; this is the case here. ïhe inscription has bew variouly understmd as the beginnuig of a song-fiagrnent (skdion)" or as part of a conversati~n.~It is, of course, very tempting to regard ttiis inscription as another example of the skdion on an Atîic (to aii intents and purposes) container. The evidence, however, points the other way. First, the poses of the symposiasts connectai with the inscription do not match the standard position of singers (such as the singer in the tondo scene); this fkct by bel£, however, would not discount the possibiiity, since variations are evident on other containers. Second, the symposiast(s) who @(s) it does(do) not seem as much cunnected with the lyre player visualiy as to each other. Furthemore the rightmost Csapo & Miller offer the example of the satyr on the Lowre G 114 as a parailel. The satyr is clariQhg Dionysos' toast. if Dionysos is toasting Herakles, the aame might be meant as a rude nicknsme (ÀU- as the nidmame of pederasts, LU S.V. AU- vi.) perhaps in refèrence to Ioiaos, Hylas or Eurystheos; the completion of the toast could also be to Lukos, one of the sons of Pandion, who was a guest of Herakies when he murdered his children (the satyr's completion may thus be in bad taste); Lykos is aIso casudy connectai to Dionysos through the story of Dirce, Antiope and her sons Amphion and Zethus. In auy case, 1am at a los to provide a reason, hmthe edant îiterary tradition, for why the satyr completes the toast with the name Lykos. If no reason can be found, it might den,however slightiy, the parailel drawn by Csapo & Miller. LVKûC is also a common kalos-name on black- and red-figured \.ases (Beazley, ARC"' 1595-96). It is also a common Attic name, as well as a ammon Mas-name for Onesimos (and near Onesirnos), Antiphon (and in the merof Antiphon), a ai (sec ARPpp- 1595-96). The name dso appean as an athlete's name on a caiyx-krater by Euphronios (Berlin 2 180; ARP 13.1). " Csapo & Miller (1991). 372, n 30. d. Threatte (1980). 52-57, 3.01. -8 Jacobsthai (19 12). 62: Herzog (19 12). 20; Campbell (I964), 66. Wilamowitz (1966). 121: Csapo & Milier (199 1). 372. symposiast's stance (holduig his own shoulder) is seen in conve~tionscenes." Fourth, but perhaps Ieast important, is the possible parallel to extant literature. The possibdities put fonvard by Csapo & ill le?' for verse paraiiels are not -ry, particulariy since the verb +W is not present in them. The suggestion of Immerwahr (Csapo & Miller, loccit) that the hgment introduces a story is far more satisfLing., as is the supporting example provided by Csapo & ~iller.~'None of the three reasans outiined above would, taken aione, necessarily discount the possibdity that this is a skoiion hgment. With these reservahons in mind, however, 1 do not think that the scene conveys an impression of singïng. In addition to these points, the youth on the left is not piaying the barbition, but rather is hrning itu3 Another possibility anses if WE consider this inscription with the tondo inscription: this inscription acts as emphasis for the tondo inscription; the two symposiasts speak the sentence at the sarne tirne. The skolian found in the tondo issues fiom the mouth of a symposiast in a variant of the standard singing position. The inscription nins retrograde (with onhograde letterslu) fiom the singers mouth: O AWTEC0VPIAOX ''is &à + 8vpiw. The O, placed separatdy in the space made by the crook of the singer's ann, senires the inscription fïrrniy to the mouth. ïhe inscription could iveil be a variation on Pmx& 8 (PMG754), which survives fiom Hephaistion 43: the windows at the head and what's beneath ------"T.I. McNwen clpud Csapo & Millet (1991). 372, n. 29. The "gesture is comparatively rare ... mïy of the e.uamples ... are in conversation scenes." "' Csapo 8 Miîler (1991). 372, n. 32. =' Luc. Fug. 1.1: mhi bru.ntkp ... "'cf. Maas & Snyder (1989), 123: The method of tuning the barbitos was the same as for the lyra, with the left hand in playhg position to test the pitch by plucking the strings and the right hand at the crossbar to adjust the individual koliopes." Although only the E is absolute for direction. Sigma. generally senleci by this date, can RüI vary in its direction. Although Page prints the plural, he does fecognize the singuiar as a variant readingy stating at the same the thai the plural for a six@= would be very abnomial. Herzog certainly considers that the kyk bears a mer whess, stating7 "Mir scheint fiir die &e Zeit der dichterische Plural weniger passend, ich m6chte daher die Lesart der Schale vomehen, die natiiriich am der atîischen Farbung in die lyrischdorische Koine à& + (S?;hzuriickiiberseta werden ~uss-''~~The change to the singuiar does not affea the elegiac metre of the Pm& fFagment. There is no reason, especiaily den the oral nature of qmpotic p0etx-y is taken into acmmt, that the two readmgs rnay not be the "same*' paan. if we recognize7 as we shouid, that much poetry at this tune is occasion specinc, it is not hard to imagine a situation in which a singer adapts a song to rnake it more relevant to his situation. Perhaps this singer is indicating that the yomg maiden is looking in through one wmdow only, his own. Pure speculation of course, but quite probable nonetheless. The verse-scrap taken in this way records the fkst words of a pm. If we admit spenilation as to the possibilities of attribution and interprehtion as weli as the probabilities, I wodd like to suggest my own? The idea of whe (intoxication) as the enhancer of all human characteistics, and as a means by which people entered into deeper knowledge of each other, either as fiends or as acquaintaaces, is seen in many anCient writers, even as far back as Homer (Odyssey .UV,464 E; xxi, 35 f), Theognis (499-500), Aiscipios a@ Athenaios (10.427f), Platon (Laws 649DdjOB). The idea has achieved a certain notoriety in modern times through the Latin phrase in Mno ventas, a notion origdly seen in Alkaios 243 LP, =' Herzog (19 12), 19. 236 At one other suggestion has alreacty ken made, as have a number of possible parallels. Cf. Aiy (1954) RE s-v. huilla, cols. 176445 çonnecting the fragment to a skolion in Athenaios XV.697b-c: 1 do not hdthe argument persuasive. Cf. Herzog (1912), 18-20 for paraiiels. and die ~aroemiogra~hers." Plutarchos, in his Moraka (P.C. m. 645 A<) outlines this id- and provides an intereshg quotaîion which may offer an aitemate possibility for the inscription in the tondo of BM 95.1-27.12. He criticizes Aisopos for trying to discover other ~dows(+ 8vp&g) through *ch (&' &Y) one Mght disceni another's minsi, when wine offers the best: my, gdman, do you seek those windows, through which one discern the thought of another? For wine teveals us and bares us, not allowing us to keep control, but nùning our crafted hgeand our pretence, drawing us furthest away hm out custom as hm our training. The window, then, of the inscription may r&r to wine, a niitably appropriate topos for sympotic poetryt which is the window to the characîer and thoughts of another. Side B may, with its inscription, support such a suggestion; this may be stretchg the evidence. But although the notion of wine Linked to truth is old, the association of wine as a window to the sou1 motbe shown to exist before Plutarcha, except perhaps through refereflce by PIutarchos to Aisopos. Taken this way, then, ahhough it may -ch the evidence tm fàr, the verse-scrap skolion depicts the beKinning of a poan connedng wine and tme knowledge of others. Manner of the Tarauinia Painter, Frr. in Rome. Vüla Giuüa 50329; ARP 872.26. A small fIagment (fig. 13) nom a rhtyon, or perhaps a kantharo~,~~depicts the upper torso and head of a singer in the ciassic pose. The singer is heaviiy bearded and has hair on his 237 Cod. Bodeliano 75 1; Diogenes MI, 28; Ph. 32 1. )8ey (1954). 190. chest. Beaziey attributes this fiagrnent to the Tarquinia ~ainter.~~Concerning the inscription on the fragment, WMAIEM[OI, m; noi *O; "for you and me", Beazley writes: Cuftrera, who published the fiagrneni, does not mention the inscription although the first three letiers, LOI, are plainly vinîle even in the reproduction I have never seen the fragment, but Dr. Christopher Clainnont bas kindly examineci it for me, and he reports the letters as LlOIKAIEM *, retrograde. This cannot be anything but mi mi soi, whether the painter wrote anything Mer, or, as is iikely enough, stopped at this point2* Beazley pdeIs the words, which are a complete dacty~,~'to Theognis 1055: But Iet us end this conversation; moremer play the aulos for me, and we will both temember the Muses. For they gave these very lovely giAs for you and me to have. We care for those around us. Later (1957) he reports that Miss Mabel Lang suggests Mimnerrnus 8: a+h &m&m mi Ka; iqi, mhw Birmrh=rw. let there be tniîh for you and me, the most righteous possession of aU. Either çuits the symposion thematically, and both were probably sung in this context. While the verse-scrap is not the first part of either passage as recorded, it is nevertheless the first part of a line in both, and in this respect may serve a similar hction. If the verse-swap skolion is fiom one 239 ibidem. ibidem. "' The lut1 in hiatus before another vowel is shon. of these passages, then, it seeks not ody to bring the poem to minci, but also to emphasize the partnership, or shared qerience7 of the two people (i.e. you and I). AU other verse-scraps e;uamined in this hais, however7 sean to begin a poan hmthe first words of the first he. Ori this analogy, ZOKAIEMOI may remrd the beginnhg of the first heof another poem, which does not othenvise survive. Unattributed, Kvlix in Athens, National Museum 1357. An uaattnbuted mp in the National Museum at Athens (figs. 14-1014.2) provida another example of a skolion *ch is offaS if not aIways, compared with Theognis 1363. Although the cup is unamibuted, its tondo scene (1 have not seen the exterior) seems to me to be ~~y~an.~''* The skolion is found in the tondo scene, in which a bearded adult male wearing a dotted hMation recIines on a kiine, the legs of which are not pictured, against a striped and ribbed bolster. His head is tiited back to sin& kard pointed sharply up, while he reaches dom wiîh his right hand to stroke a hare, which makes sense as a love gift for the boy rnentimed in his song. In his left hand he holds a pair of krota~a;~~his left ami cmks a fold of bis himaiion. The inclusion of the motion to stroke the hare in what is otherwise a standard smging position bas created a problem of '" Although 1am ceirainly very inwcperienced as tu as attnionis concemeci, thm are, I tbhk, several good reasons to support this suggestion, In tem of technical details, note in patticular the shape of the eyes, the smooth rounded stroke of the eyebrow as weîî as the rounded nose and flat forehead Several details speak agahst an attribution to Brygos himeIf, however: there is no meander border, single figure composition is rare in tondo scenes by Brygos Painter (he ptefers a V composition in tondo scenes, d. Beazley (1953, 78); Brygos Painter seems to enjoy detail in Minai, and usualiy includes at Ieast the leg posts, but not dways; the singer has no 'extra' body hair (but not every man by the Brygos Painter does); also the wreath is not of the type commoniy painted by the Bwgos Painter. The subject (a singer at the symposion) is certainly common enough in rnost wo~ops,but this scene portrays a sense of rnovement or action which is characteristic of the Brygos Painter and his circle; the painter has decided to make his figure dynamic, fluid In addition, the tondo scene is almost a "close-upn, another fiequent tendency of these painters. The details are aiso worth mentioning: the hare, the dotted himation, the striped and n'bbed bolster, the food basket. The cup shouid, then, be dated to the 1st quarter of the 5th century B.C. '43 A cornmon percussion inNument (&in to the castanets), kromIa were anociated with Dionysos and Cybele but can also have an erotic connecîion, Barker (19W.76, a 89). composition for the painter, at least hma modern point of view The movement of the arm dovm to touch the hare has resuited in what seans to be a coliapsed shoulder. It seems clear that the painter considerd both actions to be essentiai to the scene (he couid have merely represented a hare undemeath the kfine vithout physical co~ectionto the singer) and so did what was necessary to represent both. Both actions are intended, perhaps, to impress a boy, the object of his dktion, or perhaps to dernonstrate to others bis anenion for the boy? The skolion inscription, Nhich Lissarague describes as, "emerg[ing] fiom the figure's mouth and follow[ingJ the meofthe tondo, as ifto fli the whole space with ~ound,''~'describes the love object: a boy (but see my n. 244). The lettering is quite neaf proceeding from the singer's mouth in an arc, above the food basket and dong the edge of the reserved border. The pi is squat;'% the two ornzcrom (the first of course is long, an ornega) are aimost mangular - the second is almost identicai to its neighbouring delta. The Iambcias are upnght (in relation to the arc of the wnting), but the two arms are aimost the same length; a doubled long consonant is not uncommon in this perd and the Brygos Painter doubles lambah in KALLISTO on London, British Museum E68 (fig. 7.2) although he does not double the pi ia IULIIJOZ (ahmg)in the same tondo. The sigma is orthograde in what seems othenvise a retrograde inscription, but this is not uncornmon in this period. This îhgment is identifieci with Theognis 1365: 'nnaiawv idmwnavrov O most beautifiil and most channing of al1 the boys 'u Of course. the inscription could indicate ihat the person for whom the verse is intended could be a girl. since there is no way to distinguïsh a Iong E (fea vocative) hma short (masc. vocative) in this period, But this is uniikely, not because of the metre (the long hnal vowef of the ferninine vocative would complete the third dactylic fmt), but because of the presence of the hare, a sure indication of a homosemai relationship (see Dover (1989), 92-93; Kher(1993), 14,96). '"Lissarague (1990), 132 '* Perhaps berwahr's type 5 with a sbonened stem. It is very tempting to say that we bave here a record of extant sympotic Iiterature in performance at an archaic symposion. 1 think tbat this temptation is honest enough (if there is nich a thing as an honest temptation): given the relative scarcity of both vases and syrnpotic poeûy, and despite the fkct that most sympotic poetry may never have been recorded in Wnting, anything that matches from both source areas is immediately, it seans to me, considerai one a match of the other (and ohthe artistic a copy of, or dependent on, the literary). Often, once the 'batch" is made, the search for altedves ceases, as in the case of the Douris copy in London, in my opinion. Admittedy howeve, in this case, the exact coincidence of words and their order, as weU as a poetic theme supportai by the artistic therne, is considerable. Although a complete fine wvouid make an attniution even more secure, 1 beiieve that îhis verse-scrap can pIausibly be identifieci with Theognis 1365. The rnetre would fit this identification, since the verse-scrap records an elegiac he(Le. dac@dic h-eter) to a fèminine caesura. The verse-scrap skolion records the first words of a poem, as a title in order to brkg the poan to minci, or perhaps as a memonic aid." '."Dover (1989). 10, thinkS tbat this phrase is used here as a poetic ciiche. Conclusions which can be dram conceming the praaice of the skolion hmthe evidence of the Amc red-figured containers fidl into two general spheres. One deals uith the visual aspects of the evidence as it relates to the physicd activity of perfomiance. The other deais with the text as evidence in kif for the poetry perfomed, and collateraly as evidence for odity (as visual evidence for the public performance of poetry) and the use of writing on containers in this predominantly oral pend But first the use of the km skolion as a description for the activity of sympotic performance depicted on the containers must be addresseci. The Literary evidence is clear in its application of the te- if not entirely c1ear in the description of the activity nor its etymology: &ou is used of sppotic song. The eartiesî preserved use of the term is c. 42 B.C., twenty to forty years after the buk of the visual evidaice. Provided we recognke the firndamental (and earliest) definition of the term as 4 &&j, we are justifieci in appI*g this word to the scenes on the containers and to the verse-scraps. The visual evidence for the physicai activity of singing at symposia derived f?om the painted containers is ncher in many ways than the textuai aidence on the containers, if only because it is - accordhg to its own nature - complete. Of course, this nature admits only a single image, fiom in time and space. But for this very feason, the artkt must portray an action clearly for it to have any devance to his viewers. Although we may lack a certain social and historical context necessary for a fidi understanding of a scene, we can shül ohperceive the action. For example, it is evident tbat there is a posture associated with sympotic singing. Singing usuaIiy took place on kliM as the singer reciined, either with back resting on head-pst and bolster, or with bis weight on his left elbow; on one occasion (Munich 2636) the singer is semi- seated, while on another (London GR 1895.5-1 3.1, tondo) he is depicted seated (but curiously stiil reclining), apparently in &earsal for perfomiance. La aii instances e&ed in this thesis, the head is tilted back, to a lesser or greater degree, and the mouth is op. If the singer is not playing an imtmment himseif (lyre or krotala), or does not hold a myrtle tivig, his right amis used as if to cdehis head wvhiie suigùig and his Iefi arm is used to support hirnself in the reciining position. A singer accompying himself on the lyre invariably reches with his back on a bolster. Whiie the literary sources do not describe the posture of singers, the use of lyre and auloi, as weli as krotuta and other instruments, is wefl attesteci there as it is aiso here on the containers. Although the exercise of attributkg verse-scraps is not hfàhble, inscriptions which cannot be matched to the Surviving Literary tradition probably record - on the analogy of the atfributable versescraps - the first words of the fint line of a poem. If these attributions are corree the texhtal variations preserved by the verse-scrap skolia raise bteresting quedons conceming the nature of the perfomance of po-. Are these verse-scraps vaxiaîions eff' by the Momer on the container (who probably was not the composer)? Or are they a 'ber" reading of the poem as it riras performed on any one occasion by the original composer? In some sense, the point is moot since in either case we still have two readings, neither of &ch can be shom conclusively to be more accurate, and both of which are equaily valid as records of a performance of poetry at a symposion. Gentili disnisses the difficulties which arise in textual cnticism in cases where the "workn bas passed through a period of oral transmission, as these examples of sympatic poetxy nirely clid,% concluding that ''the chapter on the ecdotics of the oral tua bas yet to be written ... A cornprehensive theory must, however, be based on a typology of oral te- which takes full account Gentili (1988), 226-233. Partidarly interesting is his discussion of the notion of a linguistic (or sgiistic) diqstem, "the system of variants which characterizes an individual witness to the tradition of a particular text as a direct ezcpression of the culture and taste of the period." (1988, 23 1) 1 might (very humbly) add that this diasystem will aiso be a direct e.xpression of the culture and taste of an individual performer, and his audience too, within a culture. of the different ways in which a partidar composition can be oral and of the different levels - cdtivated and popular - on which orality may ~perate.''~~1 suggest tbat these preserved verse- scraps do offerevidenceyhowever limited, for variations in performance of some sympotic poet-, the remainuig inscriptions, UllilftTibutable, offer evidence for synpotic poetry which has not survived. What purpose, then, do the inscriptions have other than decoration? Although the laigth of the inscriptions is ohrestricted to several syliables, no inscription ends in the rnidde of a word. Furthennore, it is very like1y that these inscriptions ail represent the nnt words of fkt lines of poems. Both of these points lead me to consider that these inscriptions are in fact ''tities" of and to suggest the possibility that they were comMssioned aRer performance as a sort of mernorial gift?' This observation is borne out to some extent by the work of Thomas who observes that although one of the earliest uses of writùig was to record verse, this does not meaa that ds intent was to fix a text forever?' "Indeed, comparative evidence tends to suggest tbat the impetus for writing down poeûy almost aiways cornes fiom outside, not nom the poet hirnsel~"~~~ The inscriptions thanselves presuppose no more than a phonetic hteracy? - -.-- 2'9 Gentiii (1988), 232. 'M An example hmanîiquity is the Pmer (the nrst word of poem 2 - poem 1 W dedicatory) of Catullus, quoted ûy Mart iv.lS.13: "sic forsau tener ausus est Catuiius 1 magno mittere Passerem Maroniw. In a more modern context, the psalter uses the Eirst words of each psalm as title. Another possibility is tbat the work was aimmissioned befoe performance, and tbat the inscription would have acted as a reminder for performance. But while the first words might be a mnemonic device intended to trigger the test of the son& the placement of the ovenvhelming majority of these inscriptions at the bottom of the kyli. (in the tondo) might render such a firnction pmblematic. 1 hdit hard to accept that an individual performer would need such a mnemonic device to remember a short poern. s2 Thomas (1992), 48. 253 Thomas (1992). 48. In n 56, Thomas quotes West (1990) stating that even the Greeks themsehes thought Homer recited whiie others wrote it down. 'H See discussion in Thomas (1992), 92, where she bomthe term hma midy of the 'Literaq" of the Middle Ages by P. Saenger: "the possession of enough reading ability to puzzle out the syilables aloud in order to learn a tefi by heart, or to say prayers aloui, but not to read silently with immediate comprehension." To sum up, the practice of s~npoticsinging as it is represenîed on this kted selection of Archaic Atîic red-figured containers is restricted to solo-singers who accompany thernselves with lyre or krofala, or who are accompanied by another musician on the diaulos. Both the lyre and diaulos are instruments of choice for these solo-singers. There is a basic posture associateci with syrnpotic snlp;ng, aithough variations in this basic posture are possible when ceRain s@g aids, an instnunen& for example, or a myrtle hg, are held/used by the singer. 'The poems sung by the soloists vary in metricai structure, as far as can be detennined fiom the fkw syilables which rernain; the thexnatic material also varies. These inscriptions may have bem cummissioned as mernorials for particular peifomiances. Some of these inscriptions are attributable to Surviving qmpotic iiterahire and may represent an occasion of performance separate fiom perfomiance(s) by the original composer, as such they are evidence for the oral aspect of mmpotic poet-. The rwainiag inscriptions, which amot be satisfkctorily athibuted, remind us, perhaps, of the extent of sympotic poetry wfiich does not survive. The scope of the evidence fiom the contaiwn exmineci in this thesis, limited to containers with inscriptions, does not permit wide generalitations conceming the divisions of siriging described in the wological sources. By establisbing the presence of a verse-scrap inscription as the main criterion for the admission of a container in this study, 1 iinknowmgly aam>wed the field of evidence nom which 1might draw conclusions, since each cf the verse-scraps I have accepted as skolia is sung by a solo performer. In this respect this study may have been 5wed; there may be scenes of group singing, for arampfe, on containers without venexrap inscriptions. However, although 1 may not be able to draw general conclusions concerning divisions of performaflce, I can conclude that the examples examimi here - important and prominent because of their iascnptions - ail portray solo-singing (uith the possible exception of the ~LYby the Foundry Painter) by men only. Where the scene is complete (i-e. not fhgxnentary) the singer is always accompanied by an instrument, whether by himseff on the lyre or botaIa or by another on the dioulo~.~nie single exception to this deis the kyliv by the Brygos Painter in Florence (3949); here the youth - head tilted siightly back in posture - vocdk to a myrtie twig. It rnay be, since the= is no other musician present in the scene, nor any item which might somehow indicate the presence of another musician, that the young man is recitinglchanting (perhaps antiphonaliy to his auloi), a practice known as par~htalo~e.~The use of the myde twig here, and in the scene on the lqlk by Onesimod in Munich, mi@ be taken as an indication of the practice of "capping" described in the scholium to Aristophanes' Clouds 1364, one of whose characteristics was the passing of a myde twig; but the visual evidence cannot be considered conclusive in support of this suggestion because of the "snap-shot" nature of the scenes on the containers. The limitai nature of the evidence does not permit us to evaluate the divisions of performance describeci by Dikaiarchos and accepted by most later etymologists; nevertheless it seems clear to me - because the inscriptions are exclusive to sol~singing- that solo-sh@g \vas the most distingwshed mode of performance. In this way, the etymologists' ovenvhelming claim that the practice denves its aame fiom the path of solesinging (irrespective of the object which marks that passage) receives some measure of support. The maxmer of performance repfesented on the containers, quite apart nom any divisions of performance7 seems to match the Literary sources: both lyre and diaulos are useû, as well as percussion instruments (the krotala, for example); both female musicians (Munich 8935) and male "' If the remainder of the h. by the Brygos Painter (Cab.Méci 546) and the h.in the Marner of the Tarquinia Painter WUa Giulia 50329) should tuni up, 1 expect that they also would portray musicians accompaqing the singers, probably on the diaulos. West (1992), 40. musicians (Munich 2636; London GR 18% .5-l3.l; Munich 2646; London 95.1-27.2) accompany the singer when he does not accompw himse& the siaging &es place within the immediate context of the sympusion. In addition, the metrical and thematic diversity evident in the iiterary sources is borne out, as far as can be determineci, by the verse-scrap inscriptions preserved on the containers. DifFerent manuscripts provide variant nadings; these containers may bave other variant readings. This selection of evidence nom the containers, Iunited by the demands of the thesis, is not SuffiCient to draw any hard and fast conclusions concerning the practice of the skolion in Archaic Athens. Supplemented, homever, by the literary sources wriîîea by authors rernoved to a lesser or greater degree from the Archaic pend, this d assortment of containers - singlesi out because of their verse inscriptions - does paint a pichire, howwer h;w. of this -npotic pfactice. CIearly, an indepth and comprehençive study of the visuaI evidence is needed in order to trace the development, and probable evolution, of the practice of sin& at the symposion. "Music, intonation, modes of performance, are exactiy the elemaiîs which are barely rrcorded by our kvritten sources. But some indications are there, and though it requires mevivid imagination to envisage the pedofmance of Gr& poetry, it is perbaps, as Herington has recently said, one of the rnost urgent tasks of ail for the student of Greek poet~~."" Music and intonation are aImost certainly irrevocably lost; but the large body of visual evidence provided by Aîtïc containers preserves the mode of performance, and demands closer attention. Thomas (1992). 117; Herington (1985). 50. TABLE 2: Ancient Etymologies (continuedl Plutrirciios. ri1 A.D. - rKoAiov = crooked. in rcfcrciice io - tlircc divisions: one siing by al1 (pnim). one sung in scqiience holding a (I)ircrestioîtes ilic patli of siiigiiig (3rd typc) eitlicr iiiyrtle twig. one siing by the iraiiied to the lyrc: ('on i)ii)inlm)6 1 SB by passirig tlic riiyrtlc lwig or (lie - tlic songs arc riol obscurc. i.e, tliq are popular songs; lyrc, iiol to tlic itiodc of the iitclody - tlicrc ttiay Iiave bec11 an ordcr in wliicli the lwig was passed basai on coucli (oc NU& &Y njç pAtmo,icy T&TW): posit ioiis. - CK&V = dificult, in rcferciice to tlic tliird type sincc only tlic trairicd took parîicipaied. Scholiutii IY(tsp.r 1 222 (1 B.C. - - dhov = dinicult. in rcfercnce to - holdisg a rnyrtle or laure1 tivig a singer ivoiild si~iga Song, stop tvlien lie 1 A.D,) the practicc of "cappiiig" Iines. tvishcd. and pass tlic brandi on: the recipieiit of the brancli would have Io firiisti tlic soiig. Scliolium J~'IISP.F 1239 (1 B.L. - - VKOAIOV= cmokcd. in rcfercnce to - voutlimiioti took place whilc holding a niyrtle or laure1 lwvig, for tliose less l A.D.) tlic path of singiiig (3rd typc) confidcnt: dcicrtiiincd by tlic pi~tlior tlio lyrc. - implication tliîit tlic soiigs wcre not aisy; - tiie passage of tlic Igg gave the term its name. t Tlierc nrc many liilcr relerenccs to Ilic etymology ol tlic tcrm. but tlicse repeat the suggcslions round in the passages above. and add no new infomiition. I Iiwe clioscn passages wliicli botli ccprcsent the entirc body oièvidcncc and present the most importarit sources of information conceming the practice. APPENDIX 1: The Dates of the Schoiia The commentaries on Aristophanes passed through several stags of composition, editing, additions and recension. Accordingly, dates for individual passages fiom the scholia which do not include refemce to a parti& commntator wiU be inconclusive. Enough is knop however, about the genesis and development of the cornmentaries, and about çome of the ancient scholars who contributeci to what remains for us today, that generai dates may be proposed. The commentaries probably carne about through the work of Euphronios or Kallistratos based on the siightly earlier work of other Aiexandrian scholars in the second half of the third century B.C., among hem Kallimachos, Eratosthenes, and Aristophanes of Byzantium. Aristophanes succeeded Eratodenes as head of the Alexandrian Librafy, c. 200 B.C.; it is he who is credited with a critical texi of Aristophanes' works. Afler ttrese îsvo conunentators came AnStarchos of Samothrace (b. 2 15 B.C.), and a short succession of other schoiars. But it was Didynos, who lived about the time of the end of the Roman Republic, who produced the fht variomm cornmentary on Aristophanes. Our knowledge of the eariier commentators depends largely on his compilation. Symmachos, dose dates are not howg but whom Dunbar places c. 100 A.D.,'compiled the second varionim commentary. Dunbar supposes his work to be largely a repetition of Didymes', where Syrnmachos agrees, but occasionally he takes an independent view, ''usualiy with a better idea, although once pertiaps w~ongl~".'A third and anonymous editor of ' Dunbar (1994), p. JO. 'Dunbar (lgg~),p. 41. the commentaries produceci an edition some four hundred years afkr ~idynos.'This editor seerns to have had access to Symmachos, but not to Didynos or earlier scholars." But as White writes: Even with so much detennined. however, it is not now possiile to assign any comiderabie number of the extant scholia specitidy to their sources, a riisahiiity that was shared by the anonymous editor . . . These sources were not named in it e~ceptfor special fea~~ns;"~ The anonymous edaor probably did not contribute to die schoha, ex- in his capacity as editor, to rem or reject mated6 We can place the various stages of the development of the scholia into three tirne penods, in oniy two of which are the editions expanded: the original schoiars of the Heiienistic pend, and the vartorum editors of the Late Republic (Didymes) and Earty Empire (Symmachos). For the purposes of this thesis I have considered any scholium in which no specific source is named as dependem on, and therefore datable to, Symmachos or Didymos through Symmachos. 3 White (1971), p. M. 'White (1974), Lwii. * White (1974), hi..-Lm. White (1974), La. APPENDIX 11: The Verse-Scraos I have included below my own hand-drawn facsimilies of the verse-scrap inscriptions which for one reason or another, are not readdy visible on the plates. Fig 2.1: Munich. AntiiceSammtunpen 8935. Fia 4.1: Maiibu, J. Paul Ckttv Museum S -8SAE.252. Fig 5.2: Copedwen, Nat. Museum inv. 13365. Fin 12.1 : London British Museum 95.10-27.2. Fie. 13: Rome. ViGiulia 50329 (k.1. "31~~ 7 List of Vases Museum references are made by city, und abbreviated musaun Mme if necessary. * designates a container wi-tha possible skolion verse-scmp. fie imrnediate source for illustrations is listed dong with standard references (0 Sir J.D. Bemley 's rejérence mteria2s: refreence zs also made to H. hmemahr 's Ateic Script. under the format with the mmber. AZZ &es are B. C. unless othenvrse noted Amasis Painter (c 560-5 15) l.I-l--l* AS 152. 1.1 a€ter Ohly-Dumm (1985) fig A. p. z,1.2-l.4 akrfigs., p. 238. 1.5 Athens. NM Akr. 61 1 .4BF 82.1. Mer Bothmer ( lY85), fig. 22. 1.6 Paris, Louvre F30 .UV 152.29. Mer Bothmer (1985), cat. 27. 1.7 Würzburg, M. von Wagner ABC.' 152.30- Afier Bothmer (1985), cat, 28. Museum L332 Munich, Antikdungen ARP^ 1619, 1705.3 bir, Para 322. a 363. 8935 Supplemenhrm L-mkis Graecis 3 17. 2.1-2.2 after 8 (196S), 2.3 &er -4RFPArchaic. Paris, Lom G30 ARP 15.9, 1619: Para 322; 4dd 187. & 360. 3.1 after& 8, p. 13, fig. 5, 3.2 (drawing) &et Lissarague (1990),p. 133, fig. 103. BNssels,Mu&sRoyâu~A717 ARV?20.1; Pma322; Add74. @-W. mer ARëK4rchaic fig. 32.2. Malibu S.82.AE.252 Para 3 29.83 ter, e.u Bareiss. AS 350. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins ARP 75.56. AfterARFKRrchaicfig.69 University Copenhagen, Nat Museum 119 AR 75.59. MerAWK4rchoic fi& 74. London,BritishMuseumE35 ARp74.38. AfterM4rchaicfig.73. London, British Museum E 137 ARP 78.95. Mer ARFKArchaic fg. 78. Copenhagen, Nat Museum iw. ARP185.32; Pmo 340; Add 187. & 488. 13365 Mer Denmark CK4 8, pli. 332-333. Munich, Antikesammlluagen .4R Y-' 3 17-16: Md 106. & 502. 2636 Fragments in Paris, Cabinet cies ARd 372.26: Pm365; Add 225. 7.1 after Médialles 546 Beazley ( 1 Y 53), fig. 4.; drawing after Lissarague (1990). p. 130, fig. 100. London, British Museum E68 ARP 371.24. 1649; Para 365,367: Add 111. & 548. AAer Great Britain CFA 17 (Londoa, British Museum 9), pl. 58(b) Florence, Museo Archeologico ARP' 376.90. .s549. ARer Italy C'K4 30 di Firenze 3949 (Florence, Muse0 Archeologico 3), pl. Y 1.1 LondoqBntishMiwnmE68 .4R~371.24,16+9;Para365.367;Add111.& 548. After Great Britain CP2i 17 (London. British Museum 9), pi. 58(b). 10.1-10.3* London, British Museum GR .Mb2 405.2; Para 370 and 371: Md232. 10.1 1895.5-13.1, hmVulci. afier pl. 70(b), 10 -2after pi. 71 .(a), 10.3 afier pl. 71 (W. Munic4AntikeSammlungen ~~~437.128,1623;Prna375;Add239.-~ 2646 532. 11.1 (drawing) aAerHamdorf(1975), p. 56. Mali'bu, Getty Museum After Kilmer (1993),fig. R8 14*. 83.AE-321 Lon- British Museum F65 ARP11% (Dinos Painter, no. 35); Add 165. Mer Kilmer (1 993), fig. 954' Manner of the Tarquieia Painter (c. 47560) Fragment in Rome, Vùla Gnilia ARP872.26. ARer AL4 58 (1954) pl. 3 1, fig. 5. 50329 14.1-14.2' Athens, Nation.Museum 1357 14.1 photograph courtesy of W. Kilmer, 14.2 drawing after Lissarague (1990), p. 132, fig. 102. PLATE 1 Fimire 1.1 : Aegina, Leg A. PLATE Ii Fisures 1 2- 1.4: Aegina. Legs A-C (fiom lefi to right ) PLATE itI Athens NM Akr. Fimire 1.6; Paris, Louvre F30. (I$#t) PLATE IV 1.7; Wiirzburg, M. von Wagner Museum L 332. PLATE V Qure 2.1 : Munich, Antikensarnrnlungen 893 5, side A (top). Firmre 2.2; Munich., Antikensammlungen 8935, side B (bortom). PLATE VI &re 2.3; Munich, Antiken- sammlungen 8935, detail side A (1 efi ). Fimire 2.4: BrusseIs, Musees Royaux A 717 (rïght). PLATE VII mre3.1 -3.2: Park, Louvre G30, side A and drawing. PLATE VI11 Figure 4.1 : Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum S.82.AE.252 PLATE lx &re 4.2: Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University (top left). mre4.3 ; Copenhagen, National Museum 1 19 (top nght). bre4.4; London, British Museum E35 (bottom). PLATE X Eigure 4.5: London, British Mu- seum E 137 (top left) Fimire 5.1 ; Copenhagen, National Museum, inv. 13365, detail side A (top right). Eigures 5 -2-5.3: Copenhagen, Na- tional Museum, inv. 13365, detail side B (left, 5.2; below, 5.3). PLATE XI bre5.4; Copenhagen, National Museum, inv. 13365, detail side A (lefi). mre 5.5: Copenhagen, National Museum, inv. 13365, detail side A (bottom). PLATE XII Qpre 5.5; Copenhagen, National Museum, inv. 13365, detail side A (possible reconstruction). PLATE XIII Ure 6; Munich, Antikensammlungen 2636 (above). &ure 7.1 : Paris, Cabinet des Medailles 546 h. (right); drawing (below). PLATE XTV Fim Brit i tondc PLATE XV Eigure 8.2-8.3; London, British Museum E68 (side A, top; side B, bottom). PLATJC XVI XVI I Qgge 10.1; London, British Museum GR 1 895.5- 13.1, tondo. PLATE XWI Figure 10.2- 10.3; London, British Museum GR 1895.5-13.1, (side 4 top; side B, bottom). PLATE XIX 2 Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum, 83 AE.321 (above). bre1 OS; London, British Museum F65 (below PLATE XX Figure 1 1 : Munich, Antikensadungen 2646. PLATE XXI Fimire 12.1; London, British Museum 95. IO- 27.2, tondo (above). mre 12.3: London, British Museum 95.10- 27.2, side B (above). PLATE XXII Fiaure 13 : Rome, Villa Giulia 50329 fi. (top left). Fimre 14.2; Athens, National Museum 13 57, drawing (top right). &ure 14.1 : Athens, National Museum 1357 (bottom)