THE POLITICS OF PRETTY:

How International Beauty Pageants Promote

Western Standards of Beauty in the Philippines

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

The Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science

Submitted by

Georgina Mia B. Gato

IV – BA Political Science

2015-00255

Submitted to

Prof. Jose Mari H. Lanuza

Thesis Adviser

May 2019 University of the Philippines Manila College of Arts and Sciences Department of Social Sciences

APPROVAL SHEET

This thesis entitled “THE POLITICS OF PRETTY: How International Beauty

Pageants Promote Western Standards of Beauty in the Philippines” presented by Ms.

Georgina Mia B. Gato in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of

Arts in Political Science under the Department of Social Sciences in University of the

Philippines Manila is hereby presented for approval.

Prof. Jose Mari H. Lanuza Prof. Jerome A. Ong Adviser Department Chair Political Science 198 Department of Social Sciences

2 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ...... 4

Acknowledgements ...... 5

Chapter I: Introduction ...... 7

Background of Study & Research Puzzle

Research Objectives & Problem Statement

Operationalization

Scope & Limitations

Significance of Study

Theoretical Framework (Foucault)

Woman as Nation Thesis

Conceptual Framework

Chapter II: Review of Related Literature ...... 21

Understanding Identity in a Postcolonial Framework

Transnational Influences & the Philippine Case

Interpreting Beauty Pageants

Chapter III: Methodology ...... 36

Study Design

Participant Selection & Sampling Mechanism

Data Processing & Analysis

Ethical Considerations

Work Schedule

3 Chapter IV: Data & Analysis ...... 53

Findings from Footages

Findings from the Field

Chapter V: Discussion, Conclusion, & Recommendations ...... 80

Appendices ...... 86

A: Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) Form

B: Coding Mechanism

C: Beauty Practice Depth Matrix

D: Media Footage Observations

E: Scoring Mechanism for Ideals

F: Instruments

Reference List ...... 103

4 ABSTRACT

This study aims to know how international beauty pageants propagate Western standards of beauty by looking into the case of the Philippines as a postcolonial country. At present, literature has shown that postcolonial national identity can be reflected on the body of women who stand as beauty pageant representatives in the international arena. Using the Foucauldian technologies of the self, production, sign systems, and power, the study will use a two-stage research design to demonstrate how Western ideals permeate Filipino culture through positive media exposure and the consequent adoption of beauty practices by individuals. The first stage deals with media observations while the second triangulates referent sources through interviews with (1) a Filipino historian, (2) beauty pageant contestants and trainees, and (3) pageant organizers and judges, as well as a focus group discussion with (4) pageant audience members.

By tracing the process of meaning-making and determining whether the motivations and standards for these pageants are Western or not, this study will be able to verify whether international beauty pageants function as Western conduits of beauty in the Philippines.

5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Firstly, I would like to thank my family for being my pillars of strength and support in my academic life. To my Mama & Papa, Jade and Jun Gato, thank you for working hard to support my education and providing for all my survival needs – kaartehan included. To my sister, Ate

Tricia, thank you for being my super supportive cheerleader who has always rooted for me and celebrated even my little victories in making and presenting this thesis. To the women who helped raise me: Ate Dai, Ate Mai-Mai, Ate Jen, Ate Jess, and Ate Jaja, thank you for looking after me in all of these years. To the dogs of the Gato family: Jake, Cake, Forrest, and Boots, thank you for providing me with little doses of happiness throughout this long period of academic struggle and being my favorite creatures to come home to every weekend. I love you all dearly.

I would also like to thank my friends who helped me throughout the periods of challenges and hardships that I encountered when I was working on this study. Most especially:

To Elaine Florendo, thank you for the times you procrastinated on your work to help me avoid procrastinating on mine. Thanks for being that mom friend who reminds me to get rest and maintain my sanity. Most of all, thank you for being my rock. You rock.

To Agot Recto, from helping me find research respondents to helping me find motivation to get through with the challenges I keep facing in my life, you have done so much for me.

Thank you for always being there whenever I needed someone, and for being a willing ear to listen. Here’s hoping we can continue to achieve all our dreams together. XOXO.

To Coola Fanega, thank you for your patience, time, and resourcefulness in helping me scrounge up references for my RRL. Thanks for being my hype man and for being the friend I

6 can always turn to when I need to freak out over stuff. I hope the universe rewards you for your kindness by making you win the lotto soon, hehe.

To Cleon Magayanes, thank you for being my last-minute mentor in times of thesis-and- postgrad-application panic. You helped me stick to my deadlines. I will never forget your wise words, for truly, “the best thesis is a done thesis,” indeed.

To Miguel Costa, thank you bff for believing in me and my topic and my “creative” title.

Thank you for making sure I eat and for inviting me to detox sessions and for keeping me in your life even after I left Med. You always helped me find the willpower I needed to get my work done in time for our next movie + meal (+ shopping!) sesh. I will always be grateful for you.

Special mentions as well to the OG imed English Channel (Maita, Nathan, Raffy, Miguel, and Alec), my fellow weeb friends (Anja Bea et al), and SHiT squad (Sam, Ven, Pam, Doreen,

Butch, and JM). Thanks for making my stay in UPM worthwhile.

Next, I would like to express my gratitude to my pretesters and respondents for their insightful contributions in the interviews and FGDs that have helped this research come to fruition.

I would also like to thank my research advisor, Prof. Jose Mari Lanuza, for guiding me throughout the entirety of my study and for pushing me to strive for greater heights in the academe and the pursuit for meaningful social and intellectual growth. And, of course, for treating us to Indonesian coffee during our workshops, as it really helped to fuel my brain for the creation of practically my entire Chapter IV.

Last but not the least, I would like to thank you, my readers, for opening your minds to see past the face value of what media presents to us and being willing to learn more about the themes that run in the undercurrents of our society in the postcolonial age.

7 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Background of Study and Research Puzzle

International beauty pageants have been around since the mid-twentieth century, with the

Miss World pageant being first established in 1951 and the launch of the Miss Universe pageant following immediately afterwards on the next year (Cohen, 2015). Cursory online searches show that Filipina beauty queen representatives have successfully obtained nineteen placements in

Miss World and twenty-two in Miss Universe. The Philippines has been a regular competitor in

Miss World since 1966, and an active player in Miss Universe since its founding, barring four occasions of absent participation.

Filipina beauty queens have extensive and exhaustive backgrounds in the pageant industry.

They work their way up the success ladder by first winning national beauty pageants such as the

Miss World Philippines and Binibining Pilipinas as rites of passage in order to be deemed qualified to represent the country on the international stage in Miss World and Miss Universe respectively. On the other hand, there are also beauty pageant training camps offered in specific schools around the country (Agence France-Presse, 2019). Training to take part in a beauty pageant also holds significant value to this study due to the fact that the filtering process of beauty pageant representation is not a neutral activity – it is a venue for discourse as cultures contest against one another in the pursuit of the crown. The mark of being chosen as the representative of a particular community gives value to the set of standards adhered to by the individual, and substantiates the claim that the those particular standards of beauty are superior in comparison to others and thus worthy of competing in public (King-O’Riain, 2008; Balogun,

8 2012). This then becomes the precedent for future selections and screenings: the standards attained and manifested by the chosen beauty representative serve as benchmarks for the next batch of beauty queen hopefuls (Nicholas, 2015).

Beauty pageants, thus, are highly politicized public spectacles that serve as arenas to showcase various community values and cultural understandings of femininity, sexuality, and beauty. In the case of international beauty pageants, countries take part in these pageants to domesticate their differences, elevate their status in the global community, and celebrate and project their identity (Cohen, 2015). Pageants transform the female individual into a beauty queen: a representative of her community, with her appearance as symbolic to her respective culture’s own set of values and ideals.

The body of a pageant contestant is utilized to represent a particular brand of feminine ideals and articulate conceptions of cultural distinctiveness in relation to her competitors

(Rondilla, 2012; Cohen, 2015). Thus the broad scope of international beauty pageant membership serves as a platform for different concepts of beauty to compete with one another.

However, the puzzle lies in reality, where it appears that these pageants only become international through the varying composition of participating countries. Numerous studies by scholars underscore the remaining specificity of racial overtones in beauty with regard to female sexuality in state ideologies, and an observable a tendency for mainstream pageants to reaffirm whiteness and dominant Western beliefs that undermine cultural goals of ethnic communities

(Lieu, 2000; Saraswati, 2011; Nichols, 2013). The illusion of multiculturalism and diversity that international pageant membership attempts to paint is sharply contrasted by the standards abided by beauty queen candidates sent by their countries – all of whom appear to echo the same homogenous notions of beauty and feminine ideals.

9 Research Objectives & Problem Statement

The primary purpose of my research is to explain how beauty pageants serve as tools to propagate Western constructions of beauty in postcolonial countries. Postcolonial societies are often more vulnerable to Western ideals because they experience disjunctive perceptual orientations. They subordinate their own values in favor of their colonizers’ ideologies in an attempt to reconcile the disjointedness that arises from their concurrent yet conflicting connections to the histories of both their ancestors and settlers (Mack, 2010; Simpson, James, &

Mack, 2011). Therefore, this research aspires to know the contours of this discourse and to expound on the effects of the remnants of Western imperialism on the idea of beauty.

In line with this, my study also aims to show the Western brand of beauty as perceived by us in the subaltern. Particularly, I seek to provide a definition of what Western ideals and constructions of beauty truly are, to determine the extent of similitude shared between Western constructions and Filipino perceptions regarding beauty, and lastly, to gauge the effectiveness of beauty pageant participants in influencing and shaping Philippine societal values on beauty and womanhood.

My research seeks to answer the main research question: How do international beauty pageants propagate Western constructions of beauty in the Philippines?

Subsumed under the nature of my general inquiry, I also wish to find answers to the following sub-questions throughout my study:

• What defines Western ideals and constructions of beauty?

• To what extent are Western ideals and constructions of beauty assimilated by the Filipinos’

ideals and perceptions of beauty?

10 • How effective are beauty pageants in influencing and shaping the values of Philippine

society?

Operationalization

For the sake of conceptual clarity, the following terms are operationalized:

In the second sub-question, [A] extent will be measured in terms of depth, as exhibited through the level of intensity of the beauty practices that interview and FGD respondents have used and/or are willing to use (See Appendix C) while [B] assimilation will pertain to the people’s admission and practice, as manifested by the frequency of observing and following beauty practices (e.g. how many times they employ skin whitening practices), particularly in the responses of the beauty pageant contestants and trainees.

Meanwhile, [C] effectiveness as mentioned in the third sub-question (i.e. “how effective

[…] in influencing”) will be measured in terms of the reach of active agents onto passive agents of the pageant industry on two levels. In doing so, I will first note the influence of Western standards on shaping judging criteria, and then keep track of the similarities between the standards upheld by beauty pageant organizers and audience members.

Scope & Limitations

My thesis tackles the topics of beauty, identity, cultural imperialism, and national representation by studying the case of the Philippines and its participation in international beauty pageants. In unraveling the character of the Philippines as a postcolonial nation, I will limit my research to its history under Spanish colonialism and American neocolonialism that led to the present day status of the nation and its people.

11 In studying participation in international beauty pageants, the study will be focused on beauty queens representing the Philippines in the Miss World and Miss Universe pageants from

2010 until 2018. These limitations are based on the fact that these are the top two oldest surviving beauty pageants of the world. Moreover, these two pageants hold significant positions in popular culture because of their high global visibility. Both pageants have drawn large television audiences; the Miss World pageant has over a hundred franchises around the globe while Miss Universe features contestants who each draw support from eighty-nine nations

(Cohen, 2015).

Narratives of Filipinas participating in national and local beauty pageants were included during the data-gathering process due to the fact that before Filipina beauty queens can proceed to the international stage, they are first subjected to preliminary screening processes undertaken in training schools as well as in national and local pageant competitions. In compliance with the academic calendar for the semester, the data-gathering processes will be conducted over a span of four months (December 2018 – March 2019) to allot enough time for data analysis (April

2019).

Due to financial constraints for travel expenses in gathering respondents for a focus group discussion (FGD), only the perceptions of the youth, particularly students aged 18-24 years old in UP Manila, will be measured for this study. FGD participants must be of the same age range as actual beauty pageant contestants to ensure comparability of their opinions in such that insights will not be overridden by other factors such as generation gap. The study is limited to

UP Manila as it would be impossible to gather all the names of residents in Manila from the city hall for sampling purposes, as most of those who fit the specified age category are not formally registered as legal citizens in the area but are instead usually students from other areas in the

12 Philippines who are merely renting living space in condominiums and dormitories. Furthermore, not all universities in the Manila area can disclose the names and identities of their students due to security purposes.

A major hurdle in this study is the lack of an explicit definition of a Filipino identity in terms of beauty standards. This can be overcome through the employment of ethnography as sensibility (Schatz, 2009) by applying content analysis on various historical accounts of grand ceremonies such as marriage and analyzing appearance, dress, accessories, and other technologies employed by people in early Philippine society in their efforts to present themselves as beautiful to the public eye. By saturating content to derive ethnographic experiences of

Filipino beauty from the past to the present, we can derive a claim on what comprises indigenous values in terms of beauty standards. However, the rigor of this method renders it unfeasible due to time constraints, since this study will only be conducted over the span of a single semester (i.e. five months). Instead, this study will cover a video analysis and key informant interview with a historian to provide a working definition on the Filipino standards of beauty. Another limitation then is that it is expected that these definitions of local, indigenous beauty standards will be based on Luzon-centric cultures, as these cultures have more capacity to dictate and propagate ideals across communities – compared to Visayan and Mindanaoan cultures which are often more isolated.

By including key informants and industry insiders in the scope of interviewees for my study, I will then be able to identify and determine the particular standards of beauty that are created and recreated by society and its practices. Meanwhile, limiting the insights to those in a small sample size – as obtained from the FGD to be conducted with the UPM students – will

13 help serve as an accurate and precise gauge of the extent of these standards’ ideological penetration towards the attitudes and mindsets of the Filipinos.

Significance of Study

Beauty pageants perform a dual role for they do not only serve as public spectacles for entertainment and profit, but also are in fact effective mediums that communicate politics, power, and projections of identity of communities and their people. This communication may occur through several factors that may be loosely defined as: the three P’s (i.e. politics, power, and projections of identity) that the contestant herself brings to the stage; the ways this presentation may clash or be in agreement with another contestant's as they present themselves to the judges and audience; and, complementarily, the way this clashing and agreement may occur backstage, most especially in the screening processes leading up to the broadcasted competition.

The concept of identity is a multifactorial one. One of the ways by which the complexity of the

Filipino identity can be unraveled is through understanding the manner by which the Philippine society’s knowledge of ideals such as beauty are constructed and influenced by social actors, processes, and even conditions of power.

Unpacking Western constructions of power can perform emancipatory functions for the

Filipino community, as this knowledge may lead the people toward reflection and action on how to better construct the meaning of their identity. By reassessing how their ideals of beauty and womanhood are shaped and influenced, Filipinos are able to identify the areas in which they are more vulnerable in expressing themselves. This vulnerability is observed in the susceptibility of their beliefs to be shaped by cultures other than their own. This study will then serve as the groundwork for the formulation of a stronger identity that reflects genuine Filipino values – one

14 that focuses on traits that are inherent in Philippine society and that do not rely on foreign influences, products, or methods of training to be achieved.

Theoretical Framework

Constructivism states that humans create meanings via cultural and social communities of discourse, in which knowledge operates as an aggregation of continuously evolving, developing, and subjective explanations by individuals about their world (Fosnot,

2013). Human thought can be influenced by symbolic representations: they serve as constructive acts that prescribe a particular form of knowledge and manner of interpretation to the public

(Zehfuss, 2002). While the general principles of Constructivism held true for Foucault, he posits a more specific approach to the analysis and construction of meanings by stating that all such forms of knowledge are composed, organized, and socially fabricated under conditions of power.

Foucault’s discussions have brought to the forefront the relationships of power and identity. His idea of political subjectivation is equivalent to the project of ethopoiesis, or the formation of the subject (Nilsson & Wallenstein, 2013). Foucault’s choice of words in using the term “subject” holds dual meanings: firstly, it denotes that an individual is subjugated by another entity via means of control and dependence, secondly, it connotes that an individual is tied to his/her own identity by a conscience or self-knowledge (1982). The human subject to Foucault holds value not only in relations of production and of signification, but also in power. He attacks a form of subjectivist power, the biopower, as it applies itself to intermediate everyday life.

Biopower categorizes individuals by “marking their own individualities with attachments of power to one’s own identity,” while at the same time “imposing a law of truth” onto them that they must recognize and which others are led to recognize in them (Foucault, 1982).

15 Moreover, Foucault provides an important illustration that sheds light on the relations among biopower, racism, and colonialism. He brings to attention that there exists a distinction or hierarchy within the biological continuum of human races, where certain races are described as good and others are contrastingly defined as inferior. Foucault refers to a racist discourse which aims to uphold the supremacy of an allegedly superior race (Medina, 2011). Thus, racism as an element of biopower serves to splinter populations into groups of varying recognitions of identities, as well as impose a “law of truth” in terms of a constructed hierarchy that allows power to subdivide the species it controls.

The main assertion of this research is that colonialism has long-standing repercussions in shaping the identity of a country (Saraswati, 2011). Taken in the context of the Philippines, the propagation of Western ideals takes root in its colonial experience under Spain and most especially under the United States of America. The formation of pro-Western ideals in the

Philippines is then manifest in the prevalence of English in its education system and society’s obsessive consumption of skin-whitening goods. This fits perfectly with Foucault’s definition of state racism as a biopower, wherein Filipinos have been socially normalized to turn against their own selves by discriminating the elements that comprise their own indigenous identities and patronizing products (in this case, beauty queen candidates as products of the nation) that conceal their native appearances.

To Foucault, biopolitics – the exercise of biopower – can be approached as the

“hermeneutics of the self.” Foucault recognizes that the notion of the self historically develops through experiences that allow change, and thus the self is understood to be shaped through a set of social practices. He focuses on historicizing phenomena and understanding the role that social

16 functions such as economics, technology, politics, and sociology can serve as conditions of formation in the context of practices (1976).

In The Technologies of the Self, Foucault identifies four kinds of technologies that are interwoven as they formulate ways by which an individual produces his/her own conception of an identity and thereby comes to understand his/her self: production, sign systems, power, and self. These four technologies hardly operate independent of one another. However, among the four, the technologies of production and sign systems are more clearly linked to linguistics, whereas technologies of power and of self have greater connections when conceptualized in terms of existing relationships between organized social and institutional practices and behaviors of individuals (Foucault, 1988; Campbell-Thomson, 2011). In order to gain a clearer understanding of these concepts, allow me to describe each of these briefly.

Technologies of production focus on how humans understand themselves by producing, manipulating, and transforming artifacts. Technologies of sign systems focus on how symbols and significations are used by society as channels to construct knowledge and meanings.

Technologies of power (or domination) shape behaviors such that individuals are objectivized in order for them to work towards certain goals, particularly by looking into how practices are proposed, suggested and imposed on an individual by his/her culture, society and/or social group.

Technologies of the self lead individuals to develop aspects of themselves through specific techniques of self-formation. Such techniques focus on the agency of individuals as they, either by their own means or with the help of others, employ a certain number of operations on their bodies and souls in order achieve a certain state of wisdom, happiness, purity, perfection, and other such similar values.

17 These conceptualizations on constructions of knowledge and the technologies of power will be tested as to whether or not they can explain the phenomenon of postcolonial countries propagating and aligning to Western standards of beauty in their choice of representatives for international beauty pageants. Structures, knowledge networks, and social and cultural institutions embody and produce structural environments that shape people’s lives and guide the mindsets, behavior, and preferences of individuals (Foucault, 1988; Foucault, 1988, as cited by

Campbell-Thomson, 2011). Going back to Foucault’s definition of the self as developed by change and shaped by social practices, these key terms shall be redefined in the postcolonial context of this research such that “change” will pertain to the changes in mindset and preference brought about by colonial experiences, and “social practices” shall encompass those social practices being exhibited and enacted by beauty pageants and their contestants.

Woman as Nation Thesis

Roces (2005) claims that women came to have a less significant status as bearers and wearers of national tradition, as opposed to their male counterparts in postcolonial Filipino society. In contrast, Balogun (2012) puts forward the Woman as Nation thesis, which asserts that women are instrumental to national identity formation as cultural bearers of tradition and symbols of progress and modernity. Pageants such as Miss World introduce transnational norms and standards by consolidating classed and racialized standards of beauty as viewers are asked to

“identify with” their representative (Hoad, 2004). As beauty contestants represent a particular set of standards, they essentially choose which standard or facet of femininity they want to represent to further their appeal to a wider range of audiences. Viewers then come to identify with a certain contestant based on the appeal or success of the latter’s portrayal of the chosen standards. Thus,

18 pageant participants perform dual roles depending on the situational contexts of their target audiences: creating a unifying vision of national femininity when staging local and domestic beauty pageants, and conveying a more cosmopolitan vision of femininity when winners are sent as representatives in the international arena (Balogun, 2012).

This is an extension of power and politics in the realm of beauty pageants, and it is achieved through the “body-self” of the women as political actors, whose experiences link their bodies to being symbols of representation and objects of social control (Oster Beal, 2013;

Madsen, 2005; Alexander, 2004; Conway & Spillman, 2007). This can then be integrated with the four Foucauldian technologies: symbolic representations can be manifested through the technologies of production and sign systems, whereas technologies of power and of the self are connected to the women’s statuses as conceptualized objects of social control.

Conceptual Framework

The underlying premise of Michel Foucault’s writings is that conditions of power construct knowledge and knowledge, in turn, reproduces power. The knowledge that will be discussed in this study refers to the beliefs and practices that Filipino society upholds in relation to standards of beauty and ideal femininity, whereas power is understood in three ways: (1) domination of the Western power over the colonized country; (2) the clout vested in the beauty queen as an individual representative of her country; and (3) the influence that beauty pageants, as a televised public spectacle, can have in portraying and projecting specific ideals towards audiences. To visualize this more clearly and more coherently, we align the study to the

Foucauldian theory by the use of a model:

19

Figure 1. Conceptual Framework

This model is an original framework inspired by the Foucauldian theory of technologies of the self (1976; 1988) and Balogun’s Woman as Nation thesis (2012). It shows how beauty pageants, as the independent variable, employ four various technologies in order to shape social conceptions of beauty, which is the dependent variable. Given that the societies under study are postcolonial nations, the experience of colonialism operates as the antecedent variable in this research.

Drawing on Foucault’s theories of subjectivity and power-knowledge, this paper conceptualizes beauty pageant representatives from postcolonial countries as operant subjects under the technologies of the self in such that pageant contestants firstly are driven to pursue

Western-oriented constructions of knowledge regarding ideal beauty (Power A). This drive under the technologies of the self is manifested in the specific practices undertaken by beauty pageant contestants and trainees in preparation for the pageant competition. They then undergo procedures via technologies of production and sign systems through which they propagate a particular brand of knowledge that further empowers Western ideals by aligning to pro-Western

20 standards in competing as beauty queens (Power B). Afterwards, they employ technologies of power in reproducing knowledge of the pro-Western conception of beauty as their performance is publicized through media (Power C). Through their representation, beauty queens convey a message towards their audiences regarding what particular beauty standards are the ideal; these depictions operate as technologies of power in such that they lead the people (be it audience members or future batches of beauty hopefuls) to encounter and accept their portrayed definition of beauty. As audiences witness the successes of these beauty queens, they replicate and fortify past constructions of knowledge in technologies of the self, which is based on the belief that

Western standards are superior in determining ideals of beauty.

The consumption of such content serves as a socialization process of media shaping the ideal. Socialization is the manner of shaping individuals’ views, norms, and values – and in this case media becomes an agent of such by allowing for observational learning to occur as it encodes behavioural scripts and cognitions as a result of observing the behaviour enacted by others (Bandura, 1977; Genner & Süss, 2017). Thus, when audiences witness the success of these winners, they become inspired to pursue, emulate, and achieve the same standards that the winners set as the bar; such notions then become their reference points when they train or work towards making themselves more "beautiful."

21 CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Understanding Identity in a Postcolonial Framework

National Identity

Identity is the backbone of a nation (Gelişli, 2014). National identity denotes a collective cognizance among a group of people who identify themselves as members of a particular, unified community (David & Bar-Tal, 2009). Constructivist notions of identity state that national identities are outcomes of the continued social construction of identity since nations are able to operate as modern collectives of imagination and cultural invention (Brubaker, 2004). Since formulations of knowledge are based on how people make sense of societal occurrences through culture and context, social processes and symbolic representations influence human thought, by becoming constructive and evolutionary acts that prescribe particular meanings and interpretations of the world (Kim, 2001; Young & Collin, 2004; Fosnot, 2013; Zehfuss, 2002).

Given the pivotal role that ideas and experiences play in influencing mass perceptions of identity, it is important to establish the extent that other forces – in particular, the Western cultures – are capable of constructing, persuading, and manipulating the people to hold onto a uniform sense of national awareness, the latter essentially being the mass perceptions of identity of a singular body of people.

Literature conducted by social science scholars have identified four basic factors of national identity: belief structure, the facilitation of cultural involvement and cohesion by religion or supernational beliefs; cultural similarity, the cultural uniqueness ascribed to a given society; national heritage, the importance of historical figures and events; and racial unity, the

22 idea of a “common origin” or in a melding of several distinct peoples into a single new consciousness (Herskovits, 1948; Huntington, 1996; Gelişli, 2014; Keillor & Hult, 1999;

Leibold, 2006). Despite clear distinctions between statehood and nationhood, membership to a particular country is also another factor. This area has been surprisingly neglected until recently, when scholars İnaç and Ünal (2013), asserted that the experiences of one’s country has significant influence in the adoption, reinforcement, and weakening of one’s identity. By employing an aggregation of these indicators, the community projects a certain image they wish be seen and accepted as by other publics, thereby enabling the people to outline their existences and substantiate their sense of belongingness (Tural, 1994, as cited by Gelişli, 2014).

These determinants of national identity are not static and do not exist in a vacuum. Rather, they are continuously shaped and transformed by real-world stimuli, whether internal or external to the social system in question. For societies that encounter external stimuli – in this case, processes of colonization – the process of shaping and transforming national identity is pulled in two directions: the indigenous and the foreign. It may be the case that one may strongly identify with the same symbolic and material items of nationhood and yet fail to express the same degree of approval in prizing national values above values of others (Bankoff & Weekley, 2002). Thus the influence of colonialism cannot be disregarded.

Cultural Imperialism and Postcolonial Concepts

Colonialism is defined as the forceful establishment of colonies as a means of exploiting and governing indigenous inhabitants of occupied lands (Bohemer, 2005; Bouzerouata & Sayah,

2015). Meanwhile, imperialism focuses on manipulating another country’s politics and economy, sans the establishment of physical settlements (Bouzerouata & Sayah, 2015). Imperialism and

23 colonial domination affect the world through globalization and the enforcement of hegemony

(Burney, 2007). One major example of imperialism that is largely influential in the modern era is that of cultural imperialism. Cultural imperialism pertains to the oppressive imposition of values from one culture to another (Brooks, 2006). As society enters modernity, the world’s dominating stratum is attracted, pressured, forced and sometimes bribed into manipulating social institutions to emulate and endorse the ideals and configurations of the world system’s dominating centre

(Schiller, 1975). A summation of methods are employed such that the dominant group’s culture is imposed onto a non-dominant community by extending the former’s clout, control, and authority in order to transform or replace the latter’s cultural facets (Schiller, 1975; Tobin, 2016).

In postcolonial studies, the colonists’ notion of the Self is perceived as the dominating culture while its binary opposition is characterized by the colonized subject’s identity as the non- dominant community known as the Other (Said, 1978, as cited by Ghaforian, Moosavinia, &

Niazi, 2011). Fanon (2008) explains this phenomenon in how the definition of humanity changed into simply being equivalent to being white since the moment colonization occurred: as the colonizers spread their culture, describing whites as good and blacks as bad to colonized nations, non-white children who were exposed to this type of value system learn to see themselves as inferior and consider whiteness as a prevailing norm (Johansson, 2017).

Cultural imperialism is more than a solitary attempt to project power and control by a certain country; rather, it is the symbolic struggle for independence faced by former colonies after the defeat of old empires in WWII. Postcolonial states, even after gaining formal independence, now face the problem of nation-building amidst the legacy of colonial racialization that continues to constitute contemporary identity politics; beyond the white- nonwhite divide is the question of national belonging, which not only pits whites and nonwhites

24 against one another but also leads to the formulations of alliances and opposition groups within the same society (Gunew, 2004; Goh, 2008). In their nascence, postcolonial states seek to overcome these internal cultural tensions by endorsing only one particular brand of national consciousness, consequently reducing the many other conceptions of national consciousness held onto by parochial ethnicities and minority groups (Chatterjee, 1993; Goh, 2008). Over time, the postcolonial society begins to experience a disconnect in perceptual orientation by being connected to radically conflicting stories of both their ancestors’ history and that of their colonizers, which it then attempts to reconcile by subordinating its own stories in favour of its settlers’ ideologies (Mack, 2010; Simpson, James, & Mack, 2011). As this stretches on to the modern era, Burney (2007) underscores that the legacies of imperialism and colonialism continue to be embodied in globalization, as it is reflected in the prevalence of the Western powers in domains of economy (i.e. mass production), communications (i.e. mass communications), and technology (i.e. mass consumption).

Cultural imperialism thrives on a systematic marginalization of the role of the state by capitalizing on how audiences construct their own cultural frameworks and identities using media artefacts (Burney, 2007; Sparks, 2012). Media, power, and hegemony import the cultural dominance of the colonizer entity into a particular community and thus allow cultural imperialism to control the Other. The hegemony of the fundamental social group is created by the prevalence of a single combination of ideologies which advantageously spreads itself throughout society; given that media serves as a hidden structure of power, it allows postcolonial hegemony to be achieved the moment colonized peoples are convinced to consent to their domination and accept the colonizer or hegemon as their superior (Gramsci, 1971; Gramsci,

1930, as cited by Burney, 2007).

25 Transnational Influence and the Philippine Case

Colonial Experience and Colonial Mentality

Philippine history is greatly defined by the periods it underwent Western colonial rule, particularly when it suffered domination first by the Spanish for three hundred and thirty-three years since 1521, then by the Americans from the years 1898 to 1946 (Abelmann, David, &

Okazaki, 2008). Colonialism exhibits long-term sociocultural consequences such as colonial mentality – a trait linked to the “internalized oppression" of Filipinos whenever they express their admirations for the West at the cost of internalizing inferiority in their own identities

(Ferrera, 2011). It focuses on the ways Filipinos seek to imitate Spanish and American cultural capitals of values, aesthetic, and mannerisms over time (Saraswati, 2001; Coo, 2014). This imitation results in a socially institutionalized reward system that derives benefits through a system of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) utilized for social mobility.

This cultural capital as defined by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1986) is a social space that enacts conflicts of power, interacts with economic capital (i.e. wealth), and produces and transmits mechanisms for social stratification across generations. Among the three forms it may take, the embodied state – where cultural capital exists in long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body – is most relevant to this study, as such dispositions one holds about his/her mind and body can reflect colonial mentality. There remains a continued Americanization of the

Philippines, which serves to reinforce colonial mentality and cultural capital via a systematic indoctrination of American culture and lifestyle practices via education, culture, and media among successive generations of Filipinos (David & Okazaki, 2006; Encanto, 2004).

26 Language

Decades of colonization have given rise to a Philippine society that has long placed foreign languages on a pedestal. While Spanish came to be regarded as a language of the elite due to the limited scope of educational facilities made accessible to only five percent of the indigenous population, English operated as a social stratifier by gaining ascendancy through the expanded public school system of Americans (Bernardo, 2004; Tupas, 2003). A common outlook of scholars (Rafael, 2015; Tinio, 1980, as cited by Bolton & Bautista, 2004) views the greatest setback of the Philippines not its colonial past per se, but rather, its education system and development of a consciousness rooted in, and heavily reliant on, a foreign colonial language.

Philippine education systems grounded on English as their medium of instruction spell doom for the native culture of Filipinos by promoting colonial mentality and the colonial-imperialist agenda by configuring Filipino minds to think in accordance to American plans (Corpuz, 1970, as cited by Bernardo, 2004; Tinio, 1980, as cited by Bolton & Bautista, 2004; Rafael, 2015). To this day, uneven educational provisions, cultural practice, and competence in English continue to exacerbate the difference and distinction between the Filipino elite and the Filipino masses

(Canieso-Doronilla, 1998, as cited by Tupas, 2003).

Since there is inequality rooted in cultural capital (which is in return rooted in exposure to

Western cultural content), there is also inequality in social and symbolic capital (how society views and values you). A person’s social location and access to power affects one’s capacity to reinforce racist and colonized projects, and vice versa: the more you internalize Western culture, the higher your sociocultural compatibility in a postcolonial culture becomes, thus ensuring higher social security (Simpson, James, & Mack, 2011). This makes Western cultural content easier to market, especially in a third world setting like the Philippines.

27 Aesthetic as a Feature of Colonialism

The Value of Beauty

While there have been no specific studies providing precise accounts on a Filipino-centric definition of beauty, numerous publications underscore the value systems of Filipinos as expressed in the binaries of features classified between what is the ideal and what is not

(Rondilla, 2012; Coo, 2014; David, 2006; Encanto, 2004; Ferrera, 2011). In light of the Western prevalence over colonized peoples in globalization, Filipino perceptions of beauty manifest detriments to the natives and their identity (Burney, 2007). Representations of the colonized are painted with undertones of racism – displaying contempt, derision, or aggression based on physical differences; an example of this is the infamous racial slur term, “nigger,” which was adopted from the way American soldiers often referred to their dark-skinned Filipino counterparts (Todorov, 1986; Go, 2004).

In the Filipino construction of a skin color-based social hierarchy, beauty standards are set in favor of Westerners by placing a premium on whiter complexions (Rondilla, 2012; Coo,

2014). People branded as members of the unfavorable social category (i.e. dark-skinned) commonly seek out means of altering their traits, consequently “selling out” or “whitewashing” their identities, in order to detach themselves from such categorizations (Goffman, 1959; Steele,

2010). By this token, they employ defensive othering tactics (Schawlbe et al., 2000) in such that they present themselves as exceptions to the prevailing stereotype, i.e. the colonized Other, by aligning themselves with the dominant racial or ethnic group, i.e. the colonizer Self (Eisen,

Takasaki, & Tagayuna, 2015).

Philippine society came to highly regard their colonizers’ sharp and fair features by ascribing these traits as indicants of aristocracy and desirability as early as the 19th century. This

28 is due to the fact that Spain instilled in its colonies the notion that color determined not only one’s racial classification, but also one’s political and economic position in the social hierarchy

(Diokno, 1998, as cited by Coo, 2014). In a study by Schroeder (1905), a photograph of dark- skinned natives in traditional attire was met with scandal and regarded as “ghastly” by audiences whereas the same race attained positive and romantic classifications such as “nice” and “modest” when portrayed as lighter-skinned men and women clad in Spanish upper-class attire (Go, 2004).

This form of developed preference can also be attributed the Filipinos’ frequent exposure, acquaintance, and indoctrination by Spain via religious artworks and processions of Catholicism that depict desirable, beautiful entities such as the cherubim as “white and blonde” (Barrantes,

1876, as cited by Coo, 2014).

Clothing

Clothing is another way by which foreign standards have hijacked expressions of national identity. The inherent tension between the opposing identities reflected by the Western and

Filipino forms of dress underscores the political value of clothing since sartorial developments are depictions of linkages between modernity and imperialism (Roces, 2005; Molony, 2007).

The symbolic values of dress go beyond personal expression, for it also defines the social and gendered constructions of citizenship by serving as a means to distinguish oneself as a member of a particular group (Molony, 2007). The colonial perception that American culture and fashion is more modern and ideal than Filipino is reflected in Roces’ statement that “the modern Filipino was attired in an Americana” (2005). Fashion goes hand-in-hand with wish fulfillment, for the imitation of a certain culture’s style of dress allows one to express admiration for, as well as assert his/her socio-political identification with, the aforementioned culture (Marasigan, 2009;

29 Aris, 2007). For Fillipinos, national dress served to “repackage” women: in the time of American colonization, traditional attires fitted modern women into subjugated narratives by portraying them as subjects of margnalization and disempowerment, leading women of the present era to prefer using the Western dress, which was perceived to reflect efficiency and professionalism, over the Filipino dress in order to be taken seriously by the public (Roces, 2009; Taylor, 2008).

This enables forms of dress to be employed as a means to negotiate shifts in control over the power to define, possess, produce, purchase, and adjust identities (Aris, 2007; Rovine, 2009).

Such power is clearly demonstrated in how colonial subjects adopt Western-style clothing to mark their level of advancement – they depict the abandonment of “traditional attire” as an achievement, thereby further enforcing colonial hierarchies (Rovine, 2009).

Ethnic cultural costumes at international events non-verbally represent diversity and the value of tradition as well as communicate the power and excellence of a national culture at the world level (Denissa & Piliang, 2016). However, in the case of pageants, symbols and costume traditions were treated as mere styles of “cultural authenticity” whose local elements were easily adopted, discarded, and appropriated for the sake of modernizing images and emblems of nation- building (Nelson, 1999; Shackt, 2005). These shifts in pageant fashion has hybridized the traditional dress to showcase a mix of indigenous local and foreign Western styles, flattening the perceived cultural authenticity of beauty queens who wear them so that their presented identities become more palatable for the tastes of international audiences (Shackt, 2005; Kite, 2014).

Marketing Western Superiority

Women are objectified by classifications of beauty, which translate into a form of capital and operate as potent political acts that exhibit unequal distributions of power (Saraswati, 2011).

30 On the aspect of skin color alone, it is clear that business marketing strategies cater to promoting

Western ideals through cosmetic advertisements. Through the phenomenon of “commodity racism,” darker skin has been attributed to undesirable characteristics such as low income and inferior social status, while commodity spectacles marketed whiteness as a superior trait that can be possessed by anyone who can pay for it, thereby further bolstering the white population’s economic, cultural, and political domination (Singson, 2017). Media representations of beauty further entrench hierarchies among Filipina women by inspiring desires to have lighter and fairer skin, encouraging them to achieve localized reproductions of whiteness through skin toning practices that serve as modalities for beautification and consequently, social mobility (Rondilla,

2012; Asante, 2016; Singson, 2017).

However, the marketing process is more than just sales: it also entails the selection, creation, framing, and valuing of the product. To illustrate, the Vaseline brand once offered a

Facebook application that instantly edited users’ profile photos by dragging a line across their face to “enhance” their features and present them as having achieved visibly lighter skin tones, thereby framing whiteness to be a superior and more positive trait in comparison to darker, tanned complexions (Goldschneider, 2012; Dahl, Eagle, & Low, 2014).

These studies have established that Western ideals are now preferred and continuously produced and reproduced, thus creating supply. As such, it follows that this needs an exhibition for it to be marketed, thus creating demand. This where beauty pageants come in – they serve as vehicles for the formation of a comprehensive message on beauty, and by extension, a piece of national identity (Lieu, 2000; Kite, 2004; Balogun, 2012; King-O’Riain, 2007).

31 Interpreting Beauty Pageants

In the context of postcolonial states, literature interprets beauty pageants as identity- forming sources of non-indigenous values. One approach is the Woman as Nation thesis, in which bodily practices and markers of beauty queens function as vehicles of representation and reproduction of the national collective identity (King-O’Riain, 2007; Balogun, 2012). The successes attributed to the crown, alongside the bolstered prolificacy of her public exposure in news and media, serve as rewards for a beauty queen’s adherence to a prescribed set of standards as they perpetuate the notion that those standards alone remain to be the ideal (Nicholas, 2015).

The successful beauty queen becomes a guide for contest organizers in the formulation and/or revision of judging criteria and rules of eligibility for the next season of the pageant, as well as a source of inspiration for beauty queen hopefuls (King-O’Riain, 2007; Nicholas, 2015).

Another approach leans more toward media and communication theories, and states that media can be a projector of ideals through publicly staged events which, in operating as “sites of commodification and consumption,” repeatedly depict a nation’s women as abiding by a particular set of ideal standards in order to be competitive in relation to other nations (Rondilla,

2012; King-O’Riain, 2007; Asante, 2016; Mattersson & Pettersson, 2007). In formulating their judging criteria, pageant organizers distinguish local-based desirability versus their main quest of finding a candidate who would satisfy internationally defined notions of attractiveness and thus be capable of representing the nation in a competition on the global stage (Balogun, 2012).

What is clear from the literature is that beauty pageants are interpreted as tools for a global creation of definition of beauty, sometimes at the expense of indigenous aesthetic values.

32 Beauty Pageants and the Propagation of Global Standards

Beauty contests are cultural practices that stage complex struggles over power and representation (Lieu, 2000). Through representation, global beauty queens produce culture and help to renegotiate positions of marginal nations in a global economy (Parameswaran, 2004).

However, these identities are contingent and constituted within, not outside of, representation.

Contrary to the notion that the participation of representatives of various ethnic backgrounds serve as reflections of multiculturalism, scholars argue that beauty pageants in fact operate within an environment dominated by Western hegemonies and supremacy (Khiun, Manokara,

T’a’at, 2016; Kite, 2014). The presence of non-white contestants alone does not obscure nor erase the racist histories and foundations of pageants, since women with lighter skin were considered more attractive and thus shown to be able to achieve more success (Lieu, 2000;

Saraswati, 2011). The performativity of international beauty contests presents a selective adoption of Western-cultivated ideals by non-West countries through their representatives’ apparel in donning Western-styled props and costumes, language in using English and adopting

Westernized names, and routines in performing modified versions of national dances (Kite,

2014; Besnier, 2002, as cited by Hansen, 2004).

Literature on beauty politics has given great attention to the value of pro-Western features in gauging the aesthetic value of beauty pageant participants (De Casanova, 2004;

Nichols, 2013; Saraswati, 2011; Lieu, 2000; Hansen, 2004). De Casanova (2004) identifies racist idealizations of the female body as operating under two competing prototypes of beauty: the white and the local, with the former trumping the latter. Studies on Latin American beauty pageants such as those in Venezuela revealed that successful beauty queens were depicted to have typically Western-Caucasian features, while beauty workers who underwent training for

33 these pageants were groomed to project their national identities as instrumental models of success for younger generations to aspire towards “morally superior” white ideals of beauty (De

Casanova, 2004; Nichols, 2013).

The beauty of indigenous women is presented as the exotic Other that is viewed as a

“jumble of foreignness” from the point of view of the West (Shohat & Stam, 1994; Armstrong,

1993; Boyle, 2015; Khittel, 2001). These cultural stereotypes are further reinforced through television, films, and other media resources (Said, 1979). Through their association as the colonized Other, such women are robbed of their individual and national identities because their performances are serve solely as erotic fictions that explicitly function as emphasized amusements and spectacles to be consumed at the pleasure of the Western viewer (Boyle, 2015).

Meanwhile, within their own communities, dark-skinned indigenous women are given opportunities to participate in pageants as the public adores them for their “exotic” appearances, and yet they never manage to win a place in major-scale departmental or national galleries of beauty queens (Khittel, 2001).

On the other hand, mechanics in Chinese beauty pageants exhibited opposite preferences.

Local ideals of the Chinese such as being “delicate and soft” were more successful in beauty pageants compared to the “fit and toned” ideals of the West (Zhang, 2013). Zhang explains that since the annual winners of Miss World China would represent the country and vie for the global title of Miss World, judges primarily aim to find a national representative who typified Eastern beauty ideals whilst standing to be competitive among Western beauties (2013).

Other scholars argue that beauty queens seek to strike a balance in achieving a national image whilst coping with the globalized standard of beauty, operating as publicly profiled hybrids who navigate the boundaries between modernity and tradition in representing their

34 nations while achieving international success (Parameswaran, 2004; Kite, 2014). Even so,

Parameswaran’s study on Indian beauty queens found that the shaping of global standards and idolization of hybridized norms allowed beauty pageants to serve as media narratives that revise and still reinforce Euroamerican hegemony (Hall, 1996, as cited by Parameswaran, 2004). In effect, beauty queens portray differences to make them appear authentic enough, but are in reality flattened so that their identities are made more intelligible and digestible for the palates of international audiences (Kite, 2014).

It is important to note that not all winners who achieve success by exemplifying hybridized ideals garner wholly positive reception from their audiences, such as in the case of

Ariana Miyamoto – the first black biracial crown holder of the Miss Universe Japan pageant in

2015 who received criticism from the public for her not being fully Japanese (Wang, 2015).

Even so, the victory of her non-stereotypical depiction conveyed a message that beauty queens not only serve to merely reproduce gendered norms of their nation, but can also take part in creating more diverse ideals for women (Johansson, 2017).

Based on the above studies, there is a clear divergence in the affinity of Western standards of beauty between Indian and Latin American countries on one hand and China on another. Given that the former nations have a history of colonialism while the latter has not, it seems that there is an unexplored pattern here that would be worth undertaking in this thesis. The

Woman As Nation thesis espoused by social science scholars has shed light on how women’s bodies operate as demarcations of political power through media exposure and representation of collective and national identities (Madsen, 2005; Rondilla, 2012; King-O’Riain, 2007; Asante,

2016; Parameswaran, 2004; Oster Beal, 2013). However, these studies do not give ample attention on the vital role that a country’s experiences (İnaç & Ünal, 2013) play in the

35 formulation of a national identity that the beauty queens seek to project. This study will therefore attempt to bridge that gap by articulating the connection of the Woman As Nation thesis to the postcolonial context of the Philippine case.

36 CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Recognizing that women’s bodies have the capacity to represent, communicate, and shape identity through the Woman as Nation thesis, this study explored the possible technologies that are employed in constructing the meaning of what makes an ideal “Filipina beauty.” This study took into consideration the salience of Western preferences in beauty standards, as shaped by Western powers, in postcolonial countries such as the Philippines. A Foucauldian perspective of analysis (1988), in relation to the Woman as Nation thesis, has broken down how women representatives of nations employ technologies of the self to showcase ideals that adhere to a particular set of standards for success in international beauty pageants. To recall, technologies of the self are employed through four mechanisms: (1) in technologies of production, where objects are manufactured and manipulated (e.g. costumes); (2) in technologies of sign systems, where symbols are employed to convey meaning (e.g. language); (3) in technologies of power, where individual behaviors are shaped to work towards particular aspirations (e.g. shaping of ideals); and (4) in technologies of the self, where humans focus on developing aspects of themselves either through their own efforts or with the help of others and a certain number of operations

(e.g. employment of beauty practices) (Foucault, 1988).

The focus of this research had been Filipina beauty contestants in major international beauty pageants – particularly those who represented the Philippines in the Miss World and Miss

Universe pageants from the years 2010 to 2018. These two pageants were chosen on the bases of their long-running reputations as the world’s oldest surviving international beauty pageants, as well as of their wide reach in viewership. The study was conducted within Metro Manila through

37 a mix of both on-site and online interactions with active and passive agents in the beauty pageant industry serving as participants for interview in the study. Active agents are comprised of the beauty pageant contestants, trainees, judges, and pageant organizing committee members. On the other hand, passive agents are the viewers of Miss World and Miss Universe.

The following sections tackle the chosen modes for data retrieval, the value underlying the selection of these particular methods, the mechanism for recruiting participants, and lastly, the list of basic and necessary ethical concerns to be considered in the conduct of this research.

Study Design

This thesis sought to cross-examine the meaning of Filipina beauty as constructed by

Western-oriented standards endorsed by beauty pageants through a two-stage research design that is purely qualitative in nature. Qualitative methods such as key informant interviews (KIIs), in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions (FGDs) were employed due to the fact that this research undertook an interpretive premise, and such methods helped provide a deeper understanding as to how the meaning of beauty, a highly subjective notion, is constructed by individuals from active and passive agents of the beauty pageant industry. Interviews conducted with key informants and industry insiders therefore operated as my meter stick for determining the standards of beauty, while insights obtained from FGD conducted with the youth served as the gauge for measuring the ideological penetration of these aforementioned standards. All instruments used for questioning in the inreviews and FGD can be found in Appendix F.

In the first phase, observations were gathered from media footage of Filipina beauties.

Meanwhile, the second phase entailed a triangulation of referent sources – the historians (group

0), the beauty pageant contestants (group 1), the organizers and/or judges (group 2), and beauty

38 pageant audiences (group 3). Data sets from groups (1) to (3) provided descriptions on what comprises the image of ideal beauty from the points of view of active and passive agents of the beauty pageant industry, while data from group (0) provided the baseline of an explicitly and exclusively native Filipino definition of beauty. Narratives obtained from the research participants in groups (1) and (2) via the use of semi-structured in-depth interviews, while focus group discussions employing photo-elicitation in the case of group (3) helped serve as a comprehensive gauge of perceptions of beauty held onto by Filipino society. The quota of research participants per referent group were: one respondent for group (0), three for group (1), two for group (2), and six for group (3).

Data retrieved from the second phase underwent Foucauldian discourse analysis in order to determine the meaning of beauty as construed and constructed by these groups. We were then able to paint a clear and coherent picture of Filipina beauty, as well as the extent of Western influence in the formulation of these standards, by finding the overlaps in the responses from the four triangulated groups.

Key Informant Interview (KII)

The Key Informant Interview (KII) is a qualitative and exhaustive form of interview conducted with select individuals known as “informants,” who are chosen on the basis of their having first-hand or expert knowledge about a particular topic of interest (Macfarlan, 2014).

These informants are often professionals, specialists, experts, or major decision-makers (in the case of policy-making studies) in the field, thus making KIIs especially advantageous in such that they provide a thorough account of descriptive reports, allow for clarity of ideas and information, enable researchers to explore unanticipated concepts, and possibly extract analytical

39 insights that explain underlying motivations, attitudes, and perceptions regarding the issue at hand (University of Washington, n.d., Kumar, 1989). The number of study questions employed in KIIS are often kept to a minimum – usually fewer than five – since these are often more loosely structured to allow a free flow of ideas and information (Kumar, 1989; Macfarlan, 2014).

In this regard, I therefore conducted a KII with an expert regarding ethnic beauty standards and practices employed by Philippine society in the past. In selecting participants for my KII, the conditions for such had been that the informant must be a holder of a postgraduate degree in fields of study that were related to my topic (e.g. history, anthropology, sociology, etc.) and be a professional working in either a museum or in the academe. Accounts of beauty provided in this KII complemented the initial source of observations and perspectives (i.e. the

Philippine episode of 100 Years of Beauty by Cut on Youtube) and shed light on the technologies of the self that were employed by pre-16th Century Filipinos, thereby formulating a solid baseline definition of what comprises indigenous Filipino beauty.

Media Observation

Observations from media that depict and showcase Filipina beauty were tackled in the first phase of the research. Media was thus defined as material that is produced and disseminated through television broadcasts and the internet. This covered an episode on the Philippines from the Youtube visual anthropology series, 100 Years of Beauty by Cut, as well as footage focusing on Philippine beauty pageant representatives from the Miss Universe and Miss World pageants broadcasted from the years 2010 until 2018. Footage referred to here covered only official material broadcasted by the Miss Universe and Miss World pageants, specifically the coverage of the pageant competition and photos of the beauty contestants that are posted on their respective

40 websites. This was to ensure that the data gathered from the footage to be analyzed are those that are sole productions of the beauty pageant industry themselves, and not material that was influenced by external sources such as news channels, talk shows, and the like which may have provided additional interpretations, colors, or biases in describing and depicting the beauty of pageant participants.

The forms of Philippine beauty as exhibited in the 100 Years of Beauty video served to

"ground" the topic on Filipina beauty by operating as the baseline of comparison for the standards of beauty exhibited in the aforementioned pageants. Given that beauty and aesthetic are visual concepts, it would have been difficult to analyze these concepts without translating them into a language workable for academic study. By putting the graphical into words, one provided "fuel" for the discourse to later on occur.

Each set of observations obtained from the media footages of the pageants and 100 Years of Beauty video were jotted down in a table with columns labelled with the applicable technologies of the self, and with one row assigned to each beauty representative. It is important to note that in analysing the 100 Years of Beauty video, only the physical aspects of beauty were the main focus of this data point. This included facial features as well as clothing, body markings, and accessories. Findings from this video were then compared to the appearances of the Filipina representatives in the Miss Universe and Miss World pageants. External factors to perceptions of beauty such as language used in the pageants as well as side comments given by hosts) were also noted and analysed alongside findings from the key informant interview conducted with the historian and the semi-structured interviews with pageant judges and /or organizers.

41 Semi-Structured In-Depth Interviews to Obtain Narratives as Ethnographic Sensibilities

In anthropology and social history, narratives pertain to the entire life story and experiences woven together by people to impose discourse on events such that bodies of knowledge provided by narrative histories are distilled by experiences and are born out of testing systems that produce meanings (Riessman, 2008; White, 2009). This is the basis as to how and why historical studies employ narratives in research because they serve as forms of representation. McNamee (2004) clarifies this by explaining that narratives provide “truths” or stories that legitimize particular sets of beliefs, activities, or situations. Through the narratives obtained in these in-depth interviews, I could therefore extract data that exhibits ethnography as a sensibility (Schatz, 2009). Ethnography is the writing of people, of society, and of culture; it focuses on the interpretation, understanding, and representation by observing the lives of people within a particular community under a cultural lens (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008; Sangasubana,

2011). Contrary to popular belief, one can provide “thick” descriptions without the use of fieldwork in the form of an ethnographic sensibility, wherein one understands the sense of the ethnographic through the lived expectations, complexities, contradictions, possibilities, and ground of any given cultural group (McGranahan, 2014).

Owing to the aforementioned, I extracted narratives by conducting in-depth interviews with active agents in the beauty pageant industry. In doing so, I took into account the experiences lived both on stage and behind the scenes. I anticipated that the thick descriptions provided by the data would help uncover the exact definition of “ideal standards” that beauty pageant participants are made to work towards by covering the kinds of training regimens that they undertook to achieve such ideals. I thus interviewed women who have trained and participated in

42 beauty pageant contests, as well as interviewed the judges and/or members who were part of the organizing committee.

Given that individuals are central units of information, conducting in-depth interviews helped provide detailed information on these people’s thoughts and behaviors based on their perspectives, experiences, and feelings that arise from their involvement with pageants (Boyce &

Neale, 2006; Rivas & Gibson-Light, 2016; Wallace Foundation, 2009). This was a crucial step in my study for the responses obtained by participants would lead us to discover the standards of beauty being upheld in the pageant screening and judging processes, as well as the representative standards of beauty that contestants and trainees are constantly seeking to create and recreate within the competition.

Photo Elicitation via Focus Group Discussion

A focus group discussion (FGD) is a data collection technique commonly employed in qualitative research that allows investigators to obtain an in-depth understanding of issues by soliciting shared narratives of respondents while at the same factoring in differences in terms of the individuals’ experiences, opinions and worldviews (Derrick, Mukherjee, Nyumba, & Wilson,

2018; Angehrn & van Eeuwijk, 2017). In the conduct of the FGD, both verbal and non-verbal

(e.g. actions, mannerisms, and behaviour) data were noted in the discussion. These were obtained through recording, note-taking, and participant observation (Stewart, Shamdasani, & Rook,

2007).

Meanwhile, photo elicitation is an emerging qualitative research tool that generates verbal discussion by using one or more visual images in an interview then extracting comments from participants on the visual images presented (Thomas, 2009; Bigante, 2010; Fanning, 2011). The

43 photographs used in this method can either be from the participant or be sourced externally, such as from the researcher or from third parties (Rose, 2007). After all, the utilized photos are not necessarily the focus of the study; rather, they serve merely as departure points to help the researcher understand participant perceptions (Adams, Forin, & Hatten, 2013).

Photo elicitation accelerates participation by providing structured, focused and more expansive interviews, as well as propagating more interactive and public discussions in group settings (Collier, 1957). This procedure requires cognitive processing to determine embedded meanings, since the use of visual images evokes deeper parts of human consciousness to elicit responses to symbolic representations in photographs (Zaltman, 2003; Glaw, Hazelton, Inder,

Kable, 2017). Its merit lies in how it discovers different layers of meaning whilst guiding both the researcher and participants to move towards a common understanding (Harper, 2002; Glaw et al, 2017).

In light of these, I conducted an FGD with audience members of beauty pageants. It is understood that even if one did not regularly watch or follow the developments in broadcasts of the Miss Universe or Miss World pageants, it cannot be avoided that one still remained a passive agent of the beauty pageant industry since the salience of media advertisements in print, on the internet, and in posters and billboards put up in public spaces exposes the individual to images of the beauty pageant representatives.

The FGD sought to obtain a concrete picture of formulated standards of beauty of beauty pageant audiences; questions revolved around the participants’ definitions of beauty, descriptions of Filipina and Western notions of beauty, and insights on standards of beauty projected by

Filipina beauty pageant representatives. Perceptions of beauty that were cited by FGD participants but not specifically borne out of beauty pageants per se was still incorporated into

44 the thick data obtained herein, given that beauty pageants served to both produce and reproduce or reinforce standards of beauty to be accepted by the community at large (King-O’Riain, 2007;

Balogun, 2012; Mattsson & Pettersson, 2007).

Photo elicitation was employed as respondents were shown images of Filipina winners from the Miss World and Miss Universe pageants from 2010 until 2018, and then promptly asked about what kind of beauty standards they believe were expressed by the beauty contestants, as well as why they believe they were able to achieve success by upholding such standards. This type of inquiry was enhanced through a facilitated debate, in which photos of other non- traditional winners from the pageants were also presented for comparison. This helped to standardize the process of eliciting insights, by providing photos as a universal starting point for participants to derive their comments and observations from, rather then having to work with multiple insights derived from varying ideas of imagined physical features. Moreover, this helps provide a neutral baseline for all insights to come from; the photos ensure that participants do not enter the discussion already predisposed or framed in a particular state of mind, as merely relying on my descriptions of the physical features of beauty queens may already condition them to think or perceive candidates in a certain way and thereby already influence or colour the way that they will generate responses for the FGD.

Through the method of photo elicitation, the main insight obtained was based on how people consciously and subconsciously judge a person’s beauty through their appearance. This was then augmented by judgements of beauty imparted in the FGD about the overall performance of candidates as participants shared their comments and opinions of pageant contestants they have watched in media before. Providing an avenue for discourse through a group discussion then allowed me to determine whether one’s particular subjective descriptions

45 can become objective through the confirmation and consensus of opinions from among other members in the FGD. In addition to this, it also allowed for greater articulation of insights, as some members help supplement or pinpoint the specific physical features that others would observe but struggle to find the right words to describe as.

Participant Selection and Sampling Mechanism

In selecting participants who underwent interview for my study, I employed snowball and purposive methods of non-probability sampling for the first (beauty contestants/trainees) and second (pageant judges/organizers) groups respectively. Snowball sampling, also known as chain-referral sampling, is a link-tracing method that takes of advantage of social networks of identified respondents, thereby offering a continuously growing set of potential contacts for a researcher to easily access (Atkinson & Flint, 2001). I therefore sourced my participants among beauty pageant contestants and trainees via referrals of members within their network. Thus, snowballing not only expedited the data-gathering process, but also ensure the authenticity and legitimacy of the participant’s role in connection to the topic at hand – the pageant industry.

Meanwhile, purposive sampling is a commonly employed strategy in qualitative research, especially in the case of interviews, for it deliberately filters participants on the basis of their satisfaction of a particular list of characteristics in accordance to the needs of the study and the analysis developed therein (More, 2004). Thus, my criterion for selecting participants in the referent group (2) had been on the grounds of whether or not they have experience in organizing or judging a beauty pageant; whereas my criteria for selecting informants in my KIIs for group

(0) was that they must hold a postgraduate degree majoring in fields of study such as history, sociology, anthropology, and the like, and that they must work either in museums or in the

46 academe. Through this strategy, I was able to ensure that individuals who were experienced, proficient, and knowledgeable on a specific field of interest were sought out as key informants in order to provide information-rich data for my study (Alkassim, Etikan, & Musa, 2016).

Participants for the FGD will be members of the youth, with access (either direct or indirect) to beauty pageants through media, and who were aged 18-24 years old and studying in

UP Manila. The FGD comprised of six individuals, as the ideal size of FGDs on non-commercial topics is recommended to range from five to eight participants (Morgan, 1996). The study was limited to UP Manila in order to ensure that a random selection can occur, for a record of names was accessed from the UP Manila Student Body Facebook group – each name from the list was then given a numerical value attributed to it. The series of values was encoded into an online research random sampling service hosted by the website http://www.randomizer.org, where I ran the randomization scheme to pre-select the sample for this study.

Data Processing & Analysis

The main software to be used in this thesis had been otranscribe.com and Microsoft Office

Word (MS Word). I first used otranscribe.com to transcribe the data obtained from the interviews and FGD, which were then be periodically saved as a word document file through MS Word; these transcriptions underwent manual coding that would serve as analytical guideposts to facilitate an easier execution of the Foucauldian Discourse Analysis.

Foucauldian Discourse Analysis

Discourses are variable frames that enable people to weave beliefs, dialogue, and action together in order to provide meaning for a particular purpose at a particular time (Young &

47 Collin, 2004). Foucauldian Discourse analysis seeks to understand how society is being shaped, constructed, and influenced by language – all of which inevitably expose the dynamics of existing power relationships in a society (Given, 2008). Language is a demonstration of power, for it can be operationalized as an expression of the effects various sources of power impose onto the social world by producing and reproducing individualities and subjectivities as used in discourse (Foucault, 1971; Given, 2008). Knowledge, power, and discourse are tied together through the connection of the emergence and boundaries of phenomena to historical contexts

(Foucault, 1990).

By the same token, the generated codes for my data analysis were based off the major themes of the study alongside the framework’s Foucauldian technologies of the self. Thus, the four major categorizations for the data codes were the technologies of power, sign systems, production, and the self. (See Appendix B).

In my textual analysis of the media observations from the first phase of research, I applied Hawkins’ (2009) method of discourse analysis such that my data underwent a holistic grading procedure: I interpreted and assessed the overall quality of the whole texts (i.e. the discourses obtained from the media footages) by scoring them vis-à-vis the formulated criteria for Western and Filipino beauty standards, based on the insights garnered from my KII with the

Philippine historian.

Taken altogether, the findings from the second phase of the research (i.e. interviews and

FGD with the four referent data groups) was then analyzed alongside the observations yielded from the first phase of the research to address the primary research question of how international beauty pageants propagate Western constructions of beauty. Through the insights and narratives obtained in the interviews and FGD, I sought to trace the process of emerging and reinforced

48 beauty standards as manifested in the four different technologies of the pageant and assessed whether these were more Filipino or Western in nature.

Analyzing the responses of the groups against one another served to tackle the specific sub-questions of this study: the FGD with group (3) provided an explicit definition of Western ideals and constructions of beauty; interviews with group (1) were then assessed in light of the findings from the FGD of group (3) to determine the extent of assimilation of Western ideals and constructions of beauty by Filipinos; whereas interviews with group (2) showcased how exactly standards are set in beauty pageants, and this was then evaluated alongside the findings from the

FGD with group (3) to gauge the effectiveness of utilizing beauty pageants as tools to influence and shape the values of Philippine society. The account of beauty provided by the historian of group (0) served merely to contribute in formulating the baseline definition of Filipino beauty, which the responses provided by the other groups were compared against.

49 Ethical Considerations

As a social researcher carrying out this study, I complied with five major ethical responsibilities towards my subject participants: voluntary participation, informed consent, anonymity and confidentiality, no harm, and privacy (Faas, 2015). Prior to conducting the interviews and focus group discussions in the second phase of my research, I provided each respondent with an informed consent form (Appendix A). This was given on the day of the interviews and FGD immediately before conducting the activity, signed as proof that they had agreed to participate in this study on their own volition. Before handing out this form, I gave an in-depth discussion on what my study is about so that prospective participants would be fully informed in making their decision. Participants were also be given the right to decline giving an answer to any of the questions in the interview or FGD, or may even withdraw from taking part in the study altogether even after having signed the consent form. Such actions were not be used against them; nor were participants coerced through force, bribery, or other similar unethical means in an attempt to secure their participation.

All data obtained herein were regarded with strict confidentiality, the identities of the respondents remained respected, and all personal information was secured for the participants’ protection. At the beginning of every interview and FGD, respondents were given an opportunity to employ anonymity through the use of an alias of their choice. Once the interviews had been transcribed, a copy of the transcriptions was sent to the respondents to give them an opportunity to check and determine the accuracy of representation of their thoughts, as well as to possibly revise or even augment supplementary details if they felt the need to add explanations to their initial responses.

50 Hard copies of collected data (e.g. transcripts) were stored in a locked cabinet while soft copies shall be stored in a password-protected computer. To ensure that their identities remained untraceable, raw files of data sources obtained in the field such as original sound recordings of interviews and FGDs were deleted from the memory storages in all devices (e.g. phone, laptop, etc.) used in this study immediately after the data provided by those exchanges had all been processed and interpreted through discourse analysis.

Benefits for Respondents

Tokens were gifted to participants at the end of the interviews and FGD as a show of gratitude for their contributions. I also provided my respondents with my contact details given the possibility that they may change their minds and decide to opt out of being part of the study and thus request for their responses to be withdrawn, or if they have any other questions that they would also like to ask in relation to the topic. I also offered to furnish them with a copy of my final thesis to allow them to see how their ideas have been represented, and how their responses had contributed to my study.

Work Schedule

Data gathering was conducted over a span of five months. The month of December of 2018 was dedicated to watching as well as jotting down observations of the 100 Years of Beauty video and media footage of the Miss World and Miss Universe pageants.

Afterwards, January and February were reserved for conducting semi-structured in-depth interviews to obtain ethnographic sensibilities from the active agents of the beauty pageant

51 industry. At this period, transcribing semi-structured in-depth interviews was also done at the second half of each month.

Next, the first quarter of March of 2019 was spent organizing and facilitating the focus group discussion that employed photo elicitation, as well as for carrying out the KII. Afterwards,

I spent the remainder of the month transcribing and coding said FGD and historian interview. It is important to note that the key informant interview (KII) with the historian expert was done after I had completed jotting down media observations and conducting fieldwork interviews and

FGDs with pageant agents, to avoid colouring, framing, or introducing bias in the initial data- gathering process.

Lastly, April 2019 was allocated solely to conducting a Foucauldian Discourse Analysis of the data collected. For easier visualization of my working schedule, a timetable is shown on the succeeding page:

52

DEC ‘18 JAN ‘19 FEB ‘19 MAR‘19 APR ‘19

Weeks 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4

Observation in Media

Key Informant Interview

(Historian)

Semi-Structured

In-Depth Interviews

(Contestants/Trainees)

Semi-Structured

In-Depth Interviews

(Organizers/Judges)

Photo Elicitation via FGD

Transcribing

Coding

Foucauldian Discourse

Analysis

Figure 2. Timetable for Research Work Schedule

53 CHAPTER IV

DATA & ANALYSIS

Findings from Footages

The success of the beauty representatives in employing Western or Filipino ideals were assessed via scoring my observations from media footages (See Appendix D) vis-à-vis the criteria provided by my historian interview (See Appendix E). These criteria helped me to see if those who scored higher in showcasing Western ideals ranked higher in the competition than those who showcased more Filipino features.

Note that the technologies of the self will not be tackled here, as beauty practices are not clearly manifested during pageant broadcasts. Instead, this will be tackled in the fieldwork data.

T. Production T. Sign Systems T. Power (Attire) (Language) (Success in Rank) 2010 Czarina Gatbonton 0 0 No significant rank

2011 Gwendoline Ruais 1 1 Top 2

2012 Queenerich Rehman 0 1 Top 15

2013 Megan Young* 0 1 Winner

2014 Valerie Weigmann* 0 1 Top 25

2015 Hillarie Parungao 1 1 Top 10

2016 Catriona Gray* 1 1 Top 5

2017 Laura Lehmann* 1 1 Top 40

2018 Katarina Rodriguez* 0 1 No significant rank

*mestiza candidate

Figure 3. Foucauldian Technologies in Filipina Candidates of Miss World.

54 T. Production T. Sign Systems T. Power (Attire) (Language) (Success in Rank) 2010 Venus Raj 1 1 Top 5

2011 Shamcey Supsup 1 1 Top 4

2012 Janine Tugonon 0 1 Top 2

2013 Ariella Arida 1 1 Top 4

2014 Mary Jean Lastimosa 1 1 Top 10

2015 Pia Wurtzbach* 1 1 Winner

2016 Maxine Medina 1 1 Top 6

2017 Rachel Peters* 1 1 Top 10

2018 Catriona Gray* 0 1 Winner

*mestiza candidate

Figure 4. Foucauldian Technologies in Filipina Candidates of Miss Universe.

A third of the candidates in Miss Universe and more than half of those in Miss World are mestizas (women of mixed Western-Filipino race, as marked by asterisks), including all beauty queen champions. To add, Hoad’s analysis of more than 50 seasons of the Miss World competition reveals that despite how many of the Miss World queens fall into other racial classifications, “culturally sanctioned current white ideals” still prevailed such that Miss World winners would all appear to be thin, tall, light complected, and had non-nappy hair. (2004).

Nearly all Filipina contestants opted to speak in English, signifying the dominance of Western standards in the technologies of sign systems. In fact, this strong preference for Western languages was well demonstrated by Ms. Medina (See Appendix D). She was offered the services of an interpreter, yet insisted on using English during the Q&A despite demonstrating a

55 poor mastery of it. Meanwhile, in the technologies of production, there is a significant occurrence of candidates employing attires or costumes that cater to Western standards (See

Appendices D & E). National costumes of beauty contestants, especially in Miss Universe, were often form-fitting Filipiniana dresses fashioned in the Maria Clara style that was introduced by the Spaniards (Appendix D). One exceptional case had been that of Ms. Gray when she competed in Miss Universe 2018, where she had a patterned skin-tone bodysuit to create the illusion of tattoos all around her body, a clear demonstration of an indigenous Filipino beauty practice (See 100 Years of Beauty - 1910 observation in Appendix D; Scoring Mechanism of

Ideals in Appendix E).

Winning candidates exhibited adherence to Western standards in at least one of the

Foucauldian technologies. Majority of the Filipina beauty representatives who adhered to

Western standards in both technologies of production and sign systems were observed to rank within the Top 10. The only candidate who exhibited predominantly Filipino characteristics in both technologies of production and sign systems was unsuccessful in the technologies of power, as she was not able to significantly earn a place in the Miss World competition. Thus, these results show the dominance of Western ideals such that international beauty pageants favour and attribute greater success to candidates the more Western their appearances and performances appear to be.

56 Findings from the Field

On Sounding Beautiful

The dominance of Western forces is clearly manifested in the Foucauldian technologies of sign systems. According to Hanna, a regular competitor in national beauty pageants who is currently aspiring to compete internationally, she often opts to answer in English to ensure that she will have more people – both for the judges and audience members – understand her at once.

When I answer sa Q&A, I usually answer in English. […] I want na

when I speak, medyo marami ang makakaintindi. Para my words don’t just,

like, come out from my mouth na wala lang. I want yung words ko ay

makaimpact sa ibang tao. […] As you can see internationally, whether we

like it or not, mas mag-edge pag marunong ka na mag-English. Kasi more

people will really understand you and mas hahangaan ka nila if it came from

you mismo. […] There’s an impact if it comes from the translator at kapag

nanggaling mismo doon sa candidate.

[When I answer in the Q&A, I usually answer in English. I want that

when I speak, a lot of people will be able to understand. This is so that my

words don't just, like, come out from my mouth like it was nothing. I want my

words leave an impact on other people. As you can see internationally,

whether we like it or not, knowing how to speak English gives you an edge.

Because more people will really understand you and you will be more

admired if it came from you yourself. There's an impact if it comes from the

translator and if it comes from the candidate herself.]

– Hanna, Pageant Judge & Beauty Contestant

57 It is clear that despite the availability and permissibility of using live translators during

Q&A segments of the competition, Filipina beauty queens remain insistent on speaking English throughout the competition. Findings from the respondents revealed that the use of the English language is generally met with more positive regard, compared to the use of Filipino or Tagalog, as English is deemed to be more impressive from the point of view of the judges.

Talaga namang impressive ang English. It's very impressive naman,

lahat tayong mga Filipino...kung may mag-English doon diyan sa kanto,

mapapatingin ka, diba? […] Okay lang ang Tagalog, although mas maganda

ang English, kaya lang depende sa content pa rin, and depende how you

communicate while you're answering the question.

[It is true that speaking English is impressive. It’s very impressive to all

of us Filipinos…if someone spoke English at a random alley or corner, you

tend to look, right? Speaking Tagalog is fine, although English is more

beautiful, but of course it still depends on the content, and it depends on how

you communicate while you’re answering the question.]

– K. Harley, Pageant Judge & Organizer

Despite the fact that judges are expected to be more concerned with the content of what a contestant has to say in evaluating and scoring their responses in the Q&A portion of the competition, pageant judge respondents admit that proficiency in the English language is still perceived to be better and thus often has a positive impact in the overall assessment of a beauty contestant’s performance. In addition to projecting a picture of femininity and elegance, beauty queens are expected to maintain a high intellectual standard which is tested through the Q&A portion of the pageant competition. These standards are measured not only by the candidates’

58 ability to answer questions correctly question correctly, but also by their ability to “speak well,” which is defined as having both a clear accent and correct English grammar (Balogun, 2012).

I’ve judged with other people ah, and na-feel ko na... there’s this one

pageant na I didn’t like the answer of the girl. As in, na-feel ko na for me,

sobrang “Ohmygosh girl! How could you say that to the people?!” Basta,

may sinabi siyang ano…but she’s so good in speaking in English. She was so

fluent, she said it properly, and like yung judge na katabi….like, yung other

judges were so impressed. Na parang porket she just spoke in English,

parang they didn’t think of ano ba talaga yung laman ng sinabi niya. Usually,

parang sa iba nakaka-affect sa kanila.

[I’ve judged with other people, and I felt that… there’s this one pageant

where I didn’t like the answer of the girl. As in, I felt that for me, all I could

think was “Ohmygosh girl! How could you say that to the people?!” She said

something that… but she’s so good in speaking in English. She was so fluent,

she said it properly, and the judge that was beside me… like, the other judges

were so impressed. It was like just because she spoke in English, it was like

they didn’t think of what was the content of what she was saying. Usually,

it’s like [speaking English] leaves an impression on them.]

– Hanna, Pageant Judge & Beauty Contestant

This impact does not only refer to a candidate’s success in terms of creating a good first impression towards the judges. The bias carries over to public perceptions from the perspective of pageant audiences. K. Harley, a pageant judge and organizer, explains the foreseeable impact of English usage on the generation of audience support for candidates.

59 Pilipino lang naman ang may issue sa ganyan eh. Tayong mga Filipinos

ang may issue sa beauty pageant na may translator...parang iniisip nila

agad, “Bobo!” Di naman yun totoo, kahit kanino tayo magtanong. […] Sa

Philippines, issue yun. Although marami na ang nagpapakaplastic na

sumagot na, “Okay lang yun, pati naman yung ibang mga bansa gumagamit

noon,” pero aminin natin, sanay tayo na ang representative natin ay using

the international language.

[Only Filipinos have that kind of issue. We Filipinos are the ones with an

issue on beauty pageants wherein if there is a translator... it's as if they, [the

audience] immediately think/assume, "Stupid!" This is not even true, no

matter who you ask. [...] In the Philippines, this is an issue. Although many

act shallow and answer, "That's fine, even [contestants from] other countries

use those [translators]," but we should admit, we are used to our

representatives using the international language.]

– K. Harley, Pageant Judge & Organizer

As Balogun (2012) points out, articulateness is linked to one’s ability to portray a nation. In relation to this, K. Harley’s use of “natin” in the quote above connotes a collective idea of a unified Filipino community expressing support for the English language. It indicates the presence of a preconceived bias of the Filipino people – that the society, as a whole, equates a candidate’s intelligence and intellectual abilities solely with her proficiency in English.

K. Harley’s forecasted knowledge was later confirmed in the FGD, as one pageant audience member remarks that the use of English has now become an unnecessary point of pride in the Philippines. Other participants augment to this by pointing out the excessive triviality of

60 the Filipino audiences’ obsession with English mastery, such as by focusing more on one’s pronunciation and grammar rather than the main point of one’s message.

Some people actually don't, like, listen to the answer. They actually pay

attention to the grammar. […] Si Shamcey Supsup! Yeah, diba, may ginamit

siya doon about changing your religion. Tas ang ganda ng sagot niya, kasi

parang, she wouldn't change her religion pero yung mga napansin ng mga

Filipino ay yung paggamit niya ng ‘she’ when she pertained to her partner.

Diba? Yun yung big issue nila doon. And I'm like, “B*tch, are we really

talking about grammar right now?”

[Some people actually don't, like, listen to the answer. They actually pay

attention to the grammar. […] Shamcey Supsup! She spoke about changing

your religion and her answer was really nice because it was about how she

wouldn’t change her religion, but what Filipinos noticed was her use of “she”

when she pertained to her partner. That was their big issue with it. And I’m

like, “B*tch, are we really talking about grammar right now?”]

– Rebecca, Pageant Audience

This brings us back to K. Harley’s words – that Filipinos are used to having representatives using the international language. Filipino audiences tend to be more critical of a beauty contestant’s mastery of the English language because of their frequent exposure to Filipina beauty queens who, over the many years of participating and competing in international beauty pageants, are shown to be fluent English speakers. Rebecca’s sentiments therefore reflect how pageant audiences are predisposed to support what the pageant industry has conditioned them to enjoy.

61 On Being Unique

For many beauty pageant contestants, the use of national costumes can serve as a means of standing out. One significant data point obtained from judges revealed that national costumes have no direct or immediate bearing on a contestant’s score to obtain the crown, but do help in terms of how candidates will present themselves and earn presentation points.

Ang dami namang nananalo na ‘Best in National Costume’ pero hindi

naman sila nabibigyan ng slot or spot sa Top 10 even though nanalo ang

national costume nila. Actually, it's more of the presentation and some

success in a way na makilala sila. Because they carried the national costume

na sikat or trending. Like, for example, dati yung Myanmar nagdala yata

ng...nagdala ng templo...nagdala ng temple. Minsan ano lang naman yan eh,

the comments...yun yung nagpapasikat sa kanila. Pero there's no bearing at

all. […] It's just part of your presentation.

[So many girls win ‘Best in National Costume’ but aren’t even given a

slot or spot in the Top 10. Actually it’s more of the presentation and some

success in a way that they can be more well-known. Because they carried a

famous or trending national costume. Like, for example, the candidate from

Myanmar brought a temple prop. Sometimes, it’s also just the comments that

make them more popular. But there’s no bearing at all. […] It’s just part of

your presentation.]

– K. Harley, Pageant Judge & Organizer

Despite their positions as being active members of the pageant industry, the experiences of beauty contestants actually reflect a lack of agency when it comes to making major decisions

62 in style, especially when it comes to the matter of wearing and presenting national costumes.

Recalling her experience in the competition, Denika, a beauty contestant, stated, “I didn’t choose

[what I would wear]. It’s a theme that I have to follow.” Thus, external forces such as the organizing committee or even a contestant’s training coaches and managers impose particular standards onto them by requiring their attires to comply with a particular, pre-assigned theme.

In addition to this, from the point of view of the contestants, even if they do not know whether or not it is an actual custom or attire used by their communities, they are given these kinds of costumes and accessories to parade around in during the contest, with the instruction that they must bank on the “unique” appeal of these manipulated objects through talent showcases like dances in order to make themselves look more exotic and appeal to the senses of the judges.

I don’t even know if it’s an actual custom or if it was just something they

made me do because it was very stand out. They made me dance on broken

glass. So I wore a very ethnic Igorot costume then I danced on broken glass,

but I’ve never heard of that being done in the Philippines honestly. People

don't usually dance on broken glass. I think that what I wore also was exotic

because it was very tribal-looking. Like, I was wearing this… there was just a

piece of cloth in front of me and a piece of cloth hiding my butt so there. […]

I feel like they just make the contestants who train with them do it because it

makes us look so exotic and it attracts so many eyes to us which is kind of

sad because – I don’t know – but it’s like when we are represented abroad, we

are just represented as this exotic species and there’s nothing really that is

very Filipino that speaks to me in any of the things that our Miss Universe

63 contestants show abroad. […] I think I also had a gown that had the

Philippine national flag then… But the rest of my outfits – like, for the

activities – you had to wear the same outfits with the other people. […]

Although I won the best…the Best Wardrobe in the competition so I guess

they really liked what I wore – the exotic Filipina outfits, they really liked it.

– Stacy, Beauty Contestant

The case of Stacy illustrates how the perceivably “exotic Filipina” characteristics of one’s outfit choices can result in a contestant’s presentational success, as she had been warmly received by the panel and this led her to win the award for the Best Wardrobe category in the competition. As Huggan (2001) explains, “exoticism describes a particular mode of aesthetic perception – one which renders people, objects and places strange even as it domesticates them.”

The term “exotic” directly connects the imagined subject “I” (i.e. the judges) to the object of a

“foreign exotic other” (i.e. the pageant contestant) by allowing the former to appropriate the latter through a verbally designated dichotomy of “us” versus “them” (Thiercy, 2009).

An important feature to note here is the concept of appropriation of cultures. As a beauty pageant contestant, Stacy had applied and entered into the competition as the beauty pageant representative from a local community in Laguna, but seeing as how she was competing internationally, she was made to use the more popular or seemingly-exotic Igorot fashion to boost her social capital and marketability value in the competition despite her lack of definite

Igorot roots, heritage, or blood.

Stacy was packaged to the judges as an “exotic Other,” whose aesthetic is romanticized as she, in her Igorot-styled costume, becomes associated with perceptions of novelty and fascination from the point of view of the West, thus making her stand out from the rest of her

64 competitors (Berdychevsky, 2015). If the broken glass dance had indeed been a real ritual in

Igorot culture, cultural appropriation would be evident in how such a tradition, which would often be considered as sacred to the Igorot people’s beliefs, has been commodified for the pageant and rendered as a simple means of entertainment for the judges and audiences merely because of the “exotic” aesthetic it provides. Thus, in the Foucauldian technologies of production, it is shown that what is national in ethnic cultures is appropriated within the beauty pageant by deliberate, tactical, and strategic attire choices in order to appear more unique and fascinating, thereby catering to the appeals of the Western gaze.

On Representation

Yun nga, when you choose to be a beauty queen, you’re already a public

figure. […] You’ll always be identified sa nation or sa place na nirerepresent

mo.

[That's the thing, when you choose to be a beauty queen, you're already a

public figure. [...] You'll always be identified with the nation or place that

you're representing.]

-Hanna, Pageant Judge & Beauty Contestant

Hanna’s words encapsulate the very idea of Balogun’s Woman as Nation thesis (2012).

Thus, it is often a curious case whenever countries send out beauty pageant representatives who are of mixed race to compete on the international stage. However, even curiouser still is that in the case of the Philippines, the selection and preference towards selecting mixed race beauty contestants has been so common that it is in fact now considered to be an undeniable norm. Even

65 within the Philippine beauty pageant industry, active agents acknowledge the prevalence of half-

Western or mixed-heritage (mestiza) women in the field.

Usually, if like…usually kasi basta may parent sila na Filipino, go na.

Even if they didn’t live here for so long, okay basta may blood na Filipino

they allow the candidate to join and represent the country. […] Sometimes

medyo nakakahurt din sa amin na for the Filipinas talaga na, you know,

we’re pure, tapos sila[ng mga mestiza] yung sometimes na-nonotice lang ng

media. Usually kasi ganun eh. Kapag let’s say in a pageant…I swear ah,

kapag local talaga, ganito ang nangyayari. Kapang media exposure pa lang,

before coronation night, [ang mga mestizas] ang pinapansin kasi sila…they

are the ones who look different. And some people kasi, yung mga fans, ah

porket iba yung itsura, they feel na ok ito na talaga yung mananalo. But in

terms of winning, not all of them really win. Most of them don’t even reach

the top – Top 10, top 15…it’s just that the amount of support they get from

people, medyo marami. Because they look different from all the other

candidates.

[Usually, if like... because usually for as long as they have one parent

who is Filipino, it's a go. Even if they didn't live here for so long, it's fine as

long as they have Filipino blood, they allow the candidate to join and

represent the country. [...] Sometimes it kind of also hurts us who are really

Filipinas, you know, we're pure, and then [the mestizas] are sometimes the

only ones noticed by the media. Usually that is the case. Whenever, let's say

in a pageant... I swear, if they are local, this is what happens. From just the

66 media exposure, before coronation night, [the mestizas] are those that get

noticed because they... they are the ones who look different. And some

people, the fans, they think that just because they look different, they feel that

they will really be the ones to win. But in terms of winning, not all of them

really win. Most of them don't even reach the top – Top 10, Top 15... it's just

that the amount of support they get from people, is sort of a lot. Because they

look different from all the other candidates.]

- Hanna, Pageant Judge & Beauty Contestant

It is puzzling that those who are of pure Filipina blood are deemed lesser than candidates who are of mixed race. The possession of hybridized features – despite straying from the nation’s original vision of inherent or native beauty – is considered to be an asset rather than a liability in the perspective of Filipina beauty contestants. In a similar study, Balogun (2012) revealed that the main objective for beauty contestants in international pageants was to have enough ‘ethnic color’ to represent their respective nations, but not stand out as entirely ‘ethnic’ and uncosmopolitan that they would no longer appear “to belong” on the global stage. Popular media relies on the appeal of beauty queens as hybrid citizens, by constructing their identities as women who “embrace the global” while preserving their inner native selves (Parameswaran, 2004).

Denika, a pageant contestant, states that the industry tends to choose ‘impure’ Filipina beauty candidates because it results in them appearing more exotic and that translates to having an edge over the rest of their international competitors. Once again, these insights bring us back to the concept of exoticism – pageant candidates’ exotic appearances heightens their allure and fascination from the perspective of Western judges and audiences. Filipino audiences also echoed biased sentiments towards mestiza beauty queens, reflecting a positive inclination

67 towards Western standards in the Foucauldian technologies of power. As one FGD participant explains, our society is predisposed to liking mestiza candidates simply because a Filipina’s physical features are heightened when she has foreign influences in her blood.

On Shaping Standards

For the technologies of power, we can see that there is a clear progression in how standards formed, shaped, and transmitted amongst the active and passive members of the pageant industry. According to K. Harley, the success of Western candidates connotes a more superior set of characteristics or features, and thus these standards consequently shape the

Philippine pageant industry by serving as a guideline or basis for Filipina beauty contestants.

Because of the influence of other nations. What else pa tayo...hindi

Latina look, pero bakit wala tayong ginagawa? Feeling ko naging inspiration

nila is yung naging success ng ibang countries, especially sa South America,

lagi sila...lagi sila ang pasok [sa finals/semi-finals] at yun na yung naging

inspiration ng mga Asians. Sila na ang gaganda nila, magpapagawa

pa...what else pa tayo, diba? […] Don't think this is a discrimination sa sarili

kong lahi. Kaya lang, siyempre, if you're gonna look at the other

candidates...makikita mo talaga na parang...naglalakad pa lang

sila...makikita mo pa lang, especially the first impression, matatakot ka agad

eh. Maputi, matangkad...alam mo yun? Yun yung impression na nakikita

namin lagi...pag ibang lahi, maganda talaga. Pero pag Pinoy, it's always

kulang...it's always one of those girls. Pero recently, because of the strong

personality and skills we invested after how many years...it started nung 2013

after Venus Raj...nag-set tayo ng standard, kasi napag-aralan talaga ng mga

68 Pilipino paano talaga lumaban sa mga Latina na napakagaganda...na

crowning material talaga. Tayong mga...tayong mga Asian talaga ay suntok

sa buwan na para bang let's just wait if our luck is there for us.

[Because of the influence of other nations. What more for us who don’t

look Latina but aren’t doing anything? I feel that Asians derive their

inspiration from the success of other countries, especially those in South

America, because they always make it in [to the finals/semi-finals]. They’re

already so beautiful, but they still undergo procedures…what more for us,

right? Don’t think this is a discrimination against my own race. It’s just that,

of course, if you’re gonna look the other candidates, you can really see [that]

even when they’re just walking, especially the first impression, and you’ll get

intimidated. They’re white, tall…you know what I mean? That’s the

impression we always see, that when they’re of another race, they’re

beautiful. But for Filipinos, it’s always lacking…it’s always one of those

girls. But recently, because of the strong personality and skills we invested

[in] after how many years…it started in 2013 after Venus Raj…we set a

standard because we Filipinos were able to study how beautiful Latinas who

are crowning material really compete. For us Asians, it’s usually just a shot in

the dark…like let’s just wait if our luck is there for us.]

- K. Harley, Pageant Judge & Organizer

Audience members, in turn, internalize these standards that beauty pageants contestants aspire and project onstage. Such Western-oriented beauty standards as promoted by these pageants are in fact simple and formulaic. Findings from the FGD reveal that audience members

69 have noticed that Miss Universe winners tend to follow a certain template – which FGD participants have termed as the “Victoria’s Secret model formula.” They remarked that pageant candidates all looked the same throughout the years, therefore reinforcing the belief that beauty pageants prescribe a particular set of features towards society for individuals to be accepted as beautiful. As a similar study by De La Cruz (2018) reports, contestants tend to be seen as thin, lighter skinned, and fairly tall, among other ideals like having bigger eyes.

Standards that beauty pageants implicitly impose often set the bar for the next batch of beauty representatives, thus, this creates a feedback mechanism for beauty pageants to “direct” or shape the ideals of the masses. The normative capabilities of the beauty pageants, as an institution, in dictating beauty standards within society is reflected in the dialogue between audience respondents:

REBECCA: Actually, wait lang, kasi ano...sa..sa mga pageants mo makikita

what's going to be next. Diba? Like, for example, you remember how...sino

ba...how, when Venus Raj...the first time Venus Raj won, she was the first na

sunod-sunod na; siya ang first na maitim na nanalo. Tapos sino ang sumunod

sa kanya? Si Janine, si Shamcey...diba? Puro morena na ang sumunod sa

kanya until si Pia, diba, na Tisay, so Tisay na ulit ang lumaban. I think that

like...it sets, you know, a trend of some sort...like, kung sino...whoever wins a

pageant...

CATRIUNYA BAE: Siya na ang mag-didictate ng winners...

REBECCA: Parang siya na ang magiging bagong standard, which is very

evident in Miss Universe.

70 [REBECCA: Actually, hold on, because... in the pageants you can see what's

going to be next. Right? Like, for example, you remember how... who was

it?.. how, when Venus Raj... the first time Venus Raj won, she was the first

morena (dark-skinned) that was consistently winning first [place]. And then

who followed her? Janine, Shamcey... right? All that followed her were all

morena until Pia, right, that's light-skinned, so light-skinned people were the

ones competing again. I think that like, it sets, you know, a trend of some

sort... like, whoever wins a pageant

CATRIUNYA BAE: She is the one who dictates the winners

REBECCA: It's like she is the one who becomes the new standard, which is

very evident in Miss Universe.]

In addition to these, it was shown through photo elicitation that there was a stark difference in the reception of Filipino audiences towards the beauty standards presented by Western and Asian beauty queens. A study by Delfinado (2015) observes that Filipina beauty queens are oftentimes women who look good based on the Western lens but do not genuinely represent the entire

Filipino community. The cultural legacy of colonialism in the Philippines is exhibited by the fact that many biracial or multiracial women who possess characteristics fitting the mold created by

Westerners “are the ones who have the power, fame, influence and wealth in the Filipino society” (Delfinado, 2015).

I guess we're so used to like...Western people winning beauty pageants

so like, we've come to...like...associate with them...with, you know, how well a

beauty queen should look like. So we were more critical with the Asian ones.

We don't usually see Asians winning pageants. […] So, uhm, I think the only

71 thing to say is that if the standard is Westernized, then it's easier for them to

like, work on themselves, and get these features that are deemed to be

beautiful. […] Parang they have a headstart. Like, if you have a standard,

Filipinas have to, like, work double-time if gusto nila ma-achieve yung

standards na yun 'cause, like, sobrang layo ng features and it's weird that we

have those standards. So, like, it forces or coerces women to like, make

or...yeah, like make big changes with how they, let's say, look.

[I guess we're so used to like...Western people winning beauty pageants

so like, we've come to...like...associate with them...with, you know, how well

a beauty queen should look like. So we were more critical with the Asian

ones. We don't usually see Asians winning pageants. […] So, uhm, I think the

only thing to say is that if the standard is Westernized, then it's easier for

them to like, work on themselves, and get these features that are deemed to be

beautiful. […] It's like they have a headstart. Like, if you have a standard,

Filipinas have to like, work double-time if they want to achieve those

standards because, like, their features are so different and it's weird that we

have those standards. So, like, it forces or coerces women to like, make or,

yeah, like make big changes with how they, let's say, look.]

– Dods, Pageant Audience

Regardless of whether or not these agents had actively or passively chosen these types of ideals, it is clear here that members of the pageant industry are aware of their positions in power as dictators of meaning – and that this meaning that they dictate revolves largely around colonial values, or ultimately Western standards.

72 On Pursuing the Ideal

Among active agents in the pageant industry, beauty contestants had admitted to employing a vast number of beauty practices in the pursuit of their ideals. In fact, the extent to which beauty contestants engage in beauty practices to adhere to these ideals range from a large variety of basic workouts and skincare or make-up routines to employing the use of slimming teas, body enhancers, or even plastic surgeries.

In their testimonies, Mary and K. Harley touched on the phenomenon of plastic surgery and mentioned a number of frequently employed cosmetic procedures. As a beauty contestant,

Mary expressed a willingness to make adjustments for her nose, as her peers often teased her for its wide appearance. Their blasé and nonchalant manner of approaching the topic indicated these are all in fact common practices of contestants to remain competitive in the world of pageantry.

Well, ginagawa...normal naman yun sa mga pageants. Yung ilong, baba,

breast...mga jawline, hair extensions ngayon...that is normal now. Di na siya

tulad dati na parang ano, ‘Retokada! Ay, di na pwede manalo iyan kasi di

totoo.’ […] Yung mga co-competitors nila. Makikita nila ang gaganda na,

nagpaparetoke pa. […] May rhinoplasty: yung dagdag ng bridge tapos cut ng

width. So yung sa chin naman, nagpapadagdag dito. Yung breast, papalaki.

Minsan, dati, dadagdag ng panga; minsan, nagpa-botox, additional cheeks,

or kung minsan, liposuction sa cheeks. […] Turn-off siya. Pero, reality. It's

part of it.

[Well, it's being done... it's normal in pageants. The nose, chin, breast...

the jawline, hair extensions these days... that is normal now. It is not like

before wherein, "Retouched! Oh, [she] cannot win anymore because she is

73 fake." [...] Their co-competitors. They can see that they are so beautiful

already, yet they underwent plastic surgery. [...] They had rhinoplasty: where

they add to the bridge [of the nose] then cut the width. And for the chin, they

add to it. For the breasts, they make them bigger. Sometimes, before, they add

to the jaw; sometimes, they use botox, additional cheeks, or sometimes,

liposuction on the cheeks. [...] It's a turn-off. But, it's reality. It's part of it.]

– K. Harley, Pageant Judge & Organizer

For Asian communities, plastic surgery has been a commonly emerging trend especially when it comes to altering one’s nose and/or chest. However, going beyond the fact that many Filipina beauty queens engage in surgery, what is crucial to note here is what exactly they are altering themselves – their face and body structures – to look like. Countries alter their individual standards of beauty to match international beauty ideals,” wherein the latter is defined as being taller and looking more Western (De La Cruz, 2018; King-O’Riain, 2008). Plastic surgery procedures undergone by beauty queens in the Philippines (as well as in other Asian countries) often mimic the “white look” because of the wide influence of Caucasian features and how they have been normalized to set the standard for beauty around the world (Luo, 2012).

Plastic surgery commodifies women’s bodies by transforming one’s physical features into products that can be altered (Battistoni, 2013). Luo’s study (2012) augments to this argument by stating that the normalized engagement in plastic surgery has redefined society’s standards of beauty and has inscribed “those standards onto the defective ‘natural’ bodies of women who failed toresemble…the norm.” Battistoni expounds on this phenomenon, explaining that women who do not resemble Western beauty consider themselves to be unbeautiful,

74 promptly labelling their bodies to be failures, and thus attempt to ‘repair’ themselves by undergoing plastic surgery (2013).

In other cases, the use of cosmetic procedures becomes part of the filtering process and serves as a requisite to qualify for participation in beauty schools and pageant training camps.

This is because upon deciding to seriously pursue the crown in their careers, beauty contestants mostly enroll in professional training and thus choose to enter into training camps, beauty schools, or talent agencies. However, despite the preferences of pageant contestants in pursuing their personal ideals of beauty, the individual agency of these contestants becomes limited as beauty standards can become imposed onto them by external factors such as authoritative entities within institutions of the pageant industry.

I’ve been encouraged…like, there’s this beauty camp na I really wanted

to join; this camp kasi talaga it trains our Miss Universe Philippines – some

of the winners talaga. And when I was planning to join, they asked me if I

wanted a nose job. And I didn’t want to, because I don’t support it 100%.

Things can change from now but as of now, yun yung stand ko. So I don’t

really support it. That’s why I didn’t push through with joining that camp.

[I've been encouraged... like, there's this beauty camp that I really wanted

to join; because this camp, really, it trains our Miss Universe Philippines --

some of the winners for sure. And when I was planning to join, they asked me

if I wanted a nose job. And I didn't want to, because I don't support it 100%.

Things can change from now but as of now, that's my stand. So I don't really

support it. That's why I didn't push through with joining that camp.]

- Hanna, Pageant Judge & Beauty Contestant

75 Beauty contestants also expressed a great amount of willingness to modify their hairstyles. Some have already admitted to having undergone both short-term styling (i.e. using hair curlers) and permanent styling procedures such as dyeing and re-bonding their hair. It was also observed that these hair modifications leaned more towards pursuing Western-oriented standards, as beauty contestants often preferred to color their hair in light or ombre shades of brown because they say it plays a significant role in complementing the rest of their features for the competition. One contestant, Stacy, shares she originally had curly hair growing up but was forced to re-bond it because of negative criticisms she received in the past. She later received compliments for her straight hair when she visited Spain, and felt really beautiful by the time she returned back home to the Philippines – reflecting how Filipino ideals echo Western (in this case, Spanish) standards.

Meanwhile, for skin, it was interesting to find that pageant contestants look only towards short-term modifications such as make-up, rather than relying on beauty practices that result in long-lasting changes. Moreover, they focused on enhancing their skin in terms of freshness rather than engaging in skin-whitening practices.

In fact, when it comes to the matter of short-term physical beauty practices, Denika shared that she focuses on using make-up and styling herself in a manner that “enhances” her appearance. She describes these enhanced features as having a sharper nose or wider and bigger eyes – physical traits that are often more associated with people of Western or Caucasian descent

(Appendix E). However, she admits that while the manner of how she applied her make-up and contour for the pageant does not exactly show her real features, she asserts that it still makes her feel and look "better" in the public eye.

In accordance with the matrix provided in Appendix C, it can therefore be said that with the exception of skin-centric practices (limited only to make-up and thus only scoring 1),

76 beauty contestants often express a willingness – most especially if they are not presented with financial constraints – to engage in extreme behaviors (a perfect score of 3) when engaging in beauty practices to “enhance” or modify their faces, hairstyles, and body figures to conform to more Western standards.

Moving beyond the physical beauty standards, there are other forms of lessons and ideals that are imparted in beauty pageant training campaigns. Stacy admits that she does not remember acknowledging anything local in her training. Instead, she underwent Western-based etiquette and public speaking lessons to boost her socialization skills and improve her presentation points in the competition. She explained that she was taught Western standards for the competition simply because the judges would be Western, and thus candidates must please these judges in their Western ways.

The ideals of active pageant agents that translate into the technologies of the self eventually carry over to society. This may be direct, by inspiring or triggering feelings of dissatisfaction within an individual to lead them to want to alter or change their features after comparing themselves to beauty representatives in pageants, or it may be indirect, through the projection of ideals via peers or parents who have acquired standards of beauty from the media beforehand (De La Cruz, 2018). In the FGD, participants tackled how Western standards permeated the manner by which general society goes about in conducting their beauty practices.

The case of make-up was raised as an example, for despite the large variety of face shapes around the world, everyone still adheres to the same methods of contouring because these had been the standards set by the West. Participants also observed that others opt to undergo straightening procedures even at the expense of damaging their natural hair because they feel they are being shamed for having curly hair.

77 A stronger testament to the efficacy of beauty pageants in shaping ideals can be observed in Rebecca’s experience. In the FGD, she narrated an anecdote about a time when she was a little girl, that because of the kinds of features presented to her by these beauty queens, she also started to mimic that in her own make-up and beauty practices.

I think all the little girls, like start somewhere. Like, when you start to

idolize someone from a beauty pageant, like...talaga, you'll start to change

yourself. Like, may time, noong...when I was a little girl, yeah...like, they were

all — I forgot who the winner was back then — pero parang I saw her brows

were like super arched so I changed my...I shaved my brows. Like, yeah. Tas

noong...noong us sina Shamcey, that's when I started to lose weight, ganun.

Like, ganun. I think everyone, like, really starts...especially those girls who

don't know what they want yet. Especially those na immature pa enough to

know na parang , ‘Oh, this is me.’ Who knows how to...who does not

necessarily know how to embrace their indviduality. Especially yung girls na

nanonood lang, kasi maraming ganyan lalo na sa Pilipinas na manonood

lang ng TV. Feeling ko malaking bagay yung effect ng Miss Universe, na

parang we want to be like this. Kasi ako din, nag-start din akong ganyan. My

make-up when I started doing make-up in high school, like I really did the

button nose. Like, I would contour a circle at the tip of my nose. Tas yung

cheekbones ko, I would...like...do this arch thing para like you know, mas

soft, mag-pop yung cheekbones mo and stuff like that. […] Marami pa rin

ngayon, especially those..yun nga. Kahit yung mga gay friends ko, maraming

78 nag-wi-wig. Diba it's so weird? Because they want to be like them, marami

talaga sila, yun.

[I think all the little girls, like, start somewhere. Like, when you start to

idolize someone from a beauty pageant, like...you'll really start to change

yourself. Like, there was a time...when I was a little girl, yeah...like, they

were all — I forgot who the winner was back then — but it was like I saw her

brows were like super arched so I changed my...I shaved my brows. Like,

yeah. And then, when it was... Shamcey, that's when I started to lose weight.

Like that. I think everyone, like, really starts...especially those girls who don't

know what they want yet. Especially those who are still immature and don’t

have what it takes to know that, “Oh, this is me.” Who knows how to...who

does not necessarily know how to embrace their indviduality. Especially the

girls who are just watching, because there are a lot of them in the Philippines,

who just watch on TV. I feel that Miss Universe has a huge impact, that it’s

like we want to be like this. Because I also started that way. My make-up

when I started doing make-up in high school, like, I really did the button

nose. Like, I would contour a circle at the tip of my nose. And then for my

cheekbones, I would...like...do this arch thing so that, like, you know, it’d be

softer, your cheekbones would pop, and stuff like that. […] There’s still a lot

right now, especially those kinds of cases. Even for my gay friends, a lot of

them use wigs. Isn’t it so weird? Because they want to be like them. There’s

really a lot of cases like that.]

– Rebecca, Pageant Audience

79 CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

In this study, Western ideals and constructions of beauty were defined as standards based on or influenced by Spanish or American cultures. In the Foucauldian technologies, these

Western standards are exhibited by the use of English or Spanish languages, as opposed to

Tagalog or other Filipino dialects (i.e. Technology of Sign Systems); the use of heels and gowns that highlight feminine features or have distinct cuts like the butterfly sleeves which distinguish a particular style of dress from the Spanish colonial period, as opposed to the use of clothing with traditional prints and patterns or emphasizing on jewelry embellishments (i.e. Technology of

Production); and the styling of a candidate’s physical features to show straighter hair, thinner bodies, whiter skin, taller noses, and bigger eyes, as opposed to them maintaining their naturally curly or wavy hair, darker tanned skin, flat noses, and smaller eyes (i.e. Technology of the Self).

So how exactly do international beauty pageants propagate Western standards of beauty?

My study presents a two-point conclusion. Firstly: international beauty pageants are able to promote Western standards of beauty because they are able to successfully manifest that through the four different Foucauldian technologies of the self. Particularly, active agents in the beauty pageant industry like pageant contestants demonstrate Western-oriented ideals in the technology of sign systems via their use of English, as it is perceived as the “international language” and serves to not only ensure greater understanding between contestants, judges, and audiences, but also helps boost a candidate’s performance because of its positive regard from judges and audiences who perceive the use of English as an impressive demonstration of intelligence. In the technology of production, Westernized or culturally appropriated forms of dresses and accessories are prescribed through themes set by pageant organizers and/or deliberate and

80 tactical stylistic choices in wardrobe decisions by a candidate’s coaches or managers to package beauty contestants as “exotic” entities, thereby eliciting feelings of novelty in an attempt to appeal to the Western gaze of international judges. In the technology of power, the increased media projections of success and preference for women showcasing Western standards are manifested in terms of the high competition rankings of mestiza candidates. Lastly, in the technology of the self, pageant agents exhibit the adherence of Western-oriented beauty practices through their engagements in plastic surgery and uniform approach when it comes to applying contouring in make-up.

Beauty pageants are considerably effective in influencing and shaping the values of

Philippine society for they serve as a means of carrying over and reinforcing Western beauty standards. There is an outward direction of Western influences as it is cultivated within the pageant industry – this is done through a vast array of means, from the prescription of

Westernized or exotically appropriated themes within the competition, to the indoctrination of

Western ideals as taught by pageant training schools to the currently competing beauty pageant contestants, as well as the next batch of pageant contestant hopefuls – and later on projected to the public eye through glamorous performances in media. The extent that Western ideals and constructions of beauty are assimilated by the Filipinos’ ideals and perceptions of beauty is then shown in how Filipino audiences are not only predisposed to generating greater support for candidates who exhibit fluency in English, but they also come to idolize these women and employ a vast array of beauty practices in the hopes of likening themselves to the same standards that are presented by beauty queens.

81 Secondly: because of this, our representatives are not actually representing our nation as native Filipinos but rather, a distorted, hybridized, or appropriated version of "the Filipino" as dictated by colonial forces. In light of the Women as Nation thesis, it can then be said that

Filipina beauty queens are representatives only of an imagined or fictionalized nation for the

Philippines, adjusting to the Western gaze. By understanding this process of meaning-making and reassessing how one’s ideals of beauty and womanhood are shaped and influenced,

Philippine society is now further enabled and empowered in how it can craft its own idea of national identity.

While some scholars might contest this thesis by raising the idea of essentialism in the definition of national identity, I posit that the approach taken by this study assuages such qualms in its discussion on the concept of hybridized beauty. This research acknowledges that the defintion of beauty in relation to national identity is not always presented in a clear cut binary of

Western-only or Filipino-only ideals that are in a constant clash or battle to best one another.

Rather, the pageant industry acknowledges and even avidly expresses a certain partiality or preference towards hybridized presentations and representations of beauty. Footages showed that a great number of Filipina beauty queens sent to international pageants such as Miss World or

Miss Universe had been of mixed race, with these mestizas also achieving high rankings and success in their respective competitions. Fieldwork interviews also revealed that there existed great acceptance and even greater intensity of support among pageant agents for mestiza or mixed-race Filipina beauty queens. These findings were then further complemented by literature from Balogun (2012) and Parameswaran (2004), which explained that the primary objective of women beauty contestants was not to serve as sole vessels of ethnic representation, but instead to project a hybridized ideal of having “enough ‘ethnic colour’ to represent their respective nations

82 while at the same time acknowledging the need to introduce or promote an image of themselves containing Western influences to maintain their public appeal and appear as worthy of

“belonging” on the international stage.

The dominant influence of Western standards of beauty in a non-Western nation is manifest in how winning Filipina beauty pageant candidates all exhibited adherence to Western standards in at least one category of the Foucauldian technologies of the self. A major trend that was observed among the Miss World and Miss Universe pageants from 2010-2018 that for

Filipina beauty queens, the greater their adherence to Western beauty ideals, the higher their rank within the competition. While it is undeniable that there are candidates who had used exoticized features to appeal to the Western gaze, this exoticization only applies to one category (i.e.

Technology of Production), while the dominance of Western-oriented beauty standards still prevails in the other Foucauldian technologies. Moreover, this exoticization occurs by celebrating “native” characteristics that although may be viewed as commonplace for us

Filipinos, are highlighted in a manner considered as fascinating under the Western lens. In fact, this exoticization is only made acceptable when native traits in one category are juxtaposed with

Western standards as shown in other technologies to create an overall hybridized form of beauty.

When candidates do not exemplify traditional Western standards of beauty at all, they are highly unlikely to succeed in their quest for the crown, or even secure so much as a spot within the Top

10. This was demonstrated in the case of Ms. Gatbonton who solely exhibited Filipino beauty ideals in all observable Foucauldian technologies (i.e. Technologies of Production, Sign

Systems, and Power) throughout the entire Miss World pageant, and this resulted in her loss as she was unable to significantly rank in the competition.

83 Through the Foucauldian technologies, I have pinpointed the key areas by which the

Filipino identity has become vulnerable in its self-expression, most especially in the manner by which it has been presented by Filipino women representatives in international beauty pageants.

Thus, I recommend that we work together as a society to reformulate and reclaim our identity, by employing the four Foucauldian technologies in crafting a more genuine Philippine identity that holds true to our own native and indigenous culture. Pageant organizers and judges ought to be more circumspect in setting themes that pay respect to traditional native styles of international pageant contestants, without the risk of appropriating their cultures; meanwhile, pageant contestants and beauty camp coaches should work towards modifying beauty & training practices such that they work towards celebrating and showcasing inherently beautiful traits of typical Filipinas, rather than aspiring to emulate the standards of Western beauty icons, in order to project a more genuine image of Filipina beauty for audiences to better appreciate and resonate with. A major example of reformulating and reclaiming such Filipino identity is clear in the case of the Foucauldian technology of sign systems: if we are to eliminate the stigma against employing translators and normalize the practice of speaking in Filipino/Tagalog, or even the use of local dialects (e.g. Ilocano, Bisaya, etc.), for pageant contestants during Q&A segments, then we can help lessen the English bias within the pageant industry.

For further studies, I recommend looking into the mediated nature of the beauty pageant and investigating whether or not beauty pageant broadcasts lead to amplified messages and strengthened or enhanced adherence to ideals. Future researchers may attempt to explore further the effects of the Foucauldian technologies in the meaning-making process, and determine if the knowledge created and transmitted among beauty pageant institutions and audience members of

84 society is stronger than the knowledge created and transmitted among the colonizers and the general populace of colonized societies.

Alternatively, researchers may also attempt to conduct studies on process-tracing and apply the framework in the context of other postcolonial nations, to see the similarities and differences in how different postcolonial countries manifest, adhere, or pursue colonial beauty standards and ideals.

85 APPENDIX A

Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) Form

I volunteer to participate in a research project conducted by Ms. Georgina Mia B. Gato from the

University of the Philippines Manila. I understand that the project is designed to gather information about the instrumentality of international beauty pageants in promoting Western standards of beauty in the Philippines. I will be one of approximately 12 people being interviewed for this research.

1. I acknowledge that the nature of this study does not inflict any physical, social, financial, economical, and any other such similar forms of harm, nor does it pose any threat of potential harm towards the subjects as a result of their participation. My participation in this project is therefore voluntary. I understand that I will not be paid for my participation. I may withdraw and discontinue participation at any time without penalty. If I decline to participate or withdraw from the study, no one from my community will be told.

2. I understand that most interviewees will find the discussion interesting and thought-provoking.

If, however, I feel uncomfortable in any way during the interview session, I have the right to decline to answer any question or to end the interview.

3. Participation involves being interviewed by researchers from the University of the Philippines

Manila. The interview will last approximately 30-45 minutes. Notes will be written during the interview. An audio tape of the interview and subsequent dialogue will be made strictly for

86 analysis purposes only, and will not be released to the public. If I do not want to be taped, I will not be able to participate in the study.

4. I understand that the researcher will not identify me by name in any reports using information obtained from this interview without my permission, and that my confidentiality as a participant in this study will remain secure. Subsequent uses of records and data will be subject to standard data use policies which protect the anonymity of individuals and institutions.

5. Producers, managers, and other supervisors from the industry will neither be present at the interview nor have access to raw notes or transcripts. This precaution will prevent my individual comments from having any negative repercussions.

6. I have read and understood the explanation provided to me. I have had all my questions answered to my satisfaction, and I voluntarily agree to participate in this study.

7. I have been given a copy of this consent form.

______My Signature Date

______My Printed Name Signature of the Investigator

For further information, please contact: Georgina Mia B. Gato 09478930392

87 APPENDIX B

Coding Mechanism

The table below provides a list of the codes that were employed in data analysis.

TECHNOLOGY OF SIGN SYSTEMS (TSS) English (SSe) Tagalog (SSt) Language (SSl) Translator (SSt) TECHNOLOGY OF PRODUCTION (TP) Dress (Pd) Hair (Ph) Jewelry (Pj) Headdress (Phd) Headpiece (Php) Accessories (Pa) Costume (Pc) Props (Pp) TECHNOLOGY OF POWER (TPW) Win (Ww) Winner (Wwr) Victory (Wv) Rank (Wr) Success (Ws) Project (Wpr) Image (Wi) Place (Wpl) Crown (Wc) TECHNOLOGY OF THE SELF (TSF) Looks (Flk) Appearance (Fap) Proportions (Fpr) Face (Ff) Body (Fby) Skin (Fsk) Skin Color (Fskc) Nose (Fn) Eyes (Fe)

88 Height (Fht) Training (Ft) Surgery (Fsurg) Beauty Practice (Fbp) Workout (Fwo) Jaw (Fj) Brows (Fbw) Make-up (Fmu) Contour (Fc) Enhancement (Feh)

89 APPENDIX C

Beauty Practice Depth Matrix

Beauty practices were scored in order to determine the depth of the respondents’ willingness to pursue their “ideal” standard of beauty. In this matrix, beauty practices are ranked on three major levels per category (with levels being ordered such that 0 is the lowest and 3 is the highest). The formulation of this matrix was based on the beauty practices studied in the works of Yi (2015), Flores (2015), and Foo (2010). Through this scoring mechanism, I was able to determine the extent of assimilation of Western beauty standards in light of Foucault’s technologies of the self (1976).

Skin Hair

0 NONE 0 NONE

1 Make-up (e.g. powder, cream, foundation) 1 Mild Styling (e.g Washable Dye, Flat Iron)

Moderate Styling (e.g. Highlights, 2 Whitening Soaps & Lotions 2 Relaxing)

Permanent Styling (e.g. Dyeing/Bleaching, 3 Glutathione Injections 3 Re-bonding)

Face Body

0 NONE 0 NONE

1 Make-up (e.g. Eyeliner, Mascara, Contour) 1 Fashion (e.g. Western style dresses)

Devices (e.g. Colored Contacts, Eyelid 2 2 Devices (e.g. Shapewear, High Heels) Tape, Nose Clips)

3 Surgery (e.g. Nose Lifts, Double Eyelids) 3 Surgery (e.g. Breast Implants)

90 APPENDIX D: Media Footage Observations

91 92

93 94 95 96 APPENDIX E

Scoring Mechanism for Ideals

In an interview with historian Ms. Nina Ynion, a scoring mechanism was created to help determine whether beauty standards reflected by Filipina representatives in the international beauty pageant competitions of Miss Universe and Miss World manifested more Filipino or more Western ideals within each respective Foucauldian technology:

Filipino (0) Western (1)

Sign Systems Uses Tagalog Uses English or Spanish

Focuses on Embellishing One’s Self Focuses on Wearing Clothes that

Production with Jewelry (Gold, Crystals); Uses Highlights One’s Feminine Features;

Printed or Patterned Clothes Uses Heels

Curly/Wavy Hair; Embraced Having Straighter Hair; Thinner Bodies;

Self Darker or Morena Skin; Pango Whiter Skin; Tall, Sharp Nose;

(Wide, Flat) Nose; Smaller Eyes Bigger Eyes

Power (Serves as an Evaluation of the Success of Standards Upheld)

97 APPENDIX F

Instruments

The following questions were employed for the interviews and focus group discussion.

These questions were drafted as guided by my study’s research question and framework, though

I was partly inspired by the substantive value of the questions employed in studies on body image and beauty perceptions by Grose (2009), Thompson and Hammond (2003), and Jurdi and

Smith (2018). In ensuring coherence in the main ideas among the four questionnaires, I focused on the overlaps in definitions provided by the four data groups on what did and did not comprise the standard of beauty in terms of Filipino and Western ideals respectively. The flow of the questions provided in the interviews and FGD are structured such that they begin with painting the bigger picture of defining beauty and the general pageant industry, before concentrating on the details of the individuals’ pageant experiences. By beginning with this foundation of the how and the why, it then became easier to dissect the personal opinions and viewpoints provided by each different individual.

Within a fortnight before going into the field, all instruments underwent pre-testing on samples with similar characteristics to confirm whether or not the phrasing and arrangement of questions were capable of yielding ideal results in line with the objectives of this study.

98 Semi-Structured Interview Questions

Pageant Judge/Organizing Committee Member

1. What is beauty in the pageant industry and how is it achieved?

2. Please walk me through the process. How do beauty pageants operate? From the

screening to the crowning.

3. What makes a beauty queen?

a. What are the major criteria for beauty pageants?

i. In judging/screening contestants for beauty pageants, which of those

features do you value the most?

ii. How do you determine the scoring system per criterion?

b. What do you look for in a winning contestant?

4. How do you determine if a candidate is fit to compete and represent her community?

a. What makes a Filipino contestant truly Filipino?

b. What makes a Filipino contestant beautiful?

5. What do you believe sets a Filipina beauty queen apart from her competitors?

a. In terms of her physical assets?

b. In terms of her other defining characteristics?

6. Among the various pageants that you have judged/organized, were there any particular

candidates who stood out?

a. Who?

b. In what way?

99 Pageant Contestant/Trainee

1. What is beauty in the pageant industry and how is it achieved?

2. Please walk me through the process. How do beauty pageants operate? From the

screening to the crowning.

3. Since when did you decide to pursue being a beauty queen?

4. Do you have any idols in the pageant industry that serve as your inspiration…

a. In international beauty pageants?

b. In national/local beauty pageants?

c. Who do you idolize more? Why?

d. What are the things you can do that will help you feel closer to that ideal image?

5. How do you train/prepare for beauty pageants?

a. What specific beauty practices do you employ, if any?

b. Why are they necessary?

6. What is the average day of a beauty queen/contestant like?

7. What is the hardest part of the competition?

8. Describe yourself.

a. (Ask the contestant whether she thinks such traits listed therein are more Filipino

or Western and why).

b. What physical feature/s do you have that you believe makes/you beautiful?

c. What physical features would you like to change in yourself to make you more

beautiful?

d. What makes others beautiful?

9. How would you describe…

100 a. The average Filipino woman?

- What are her physical features?

- What are her non-physical characteristics?

b. The ideal Filipino woman?

- What are her physical features?

- What are her non-physical characteristics?

10. How do you feel representing your nation in the competition?

a. In what ways do you think are you able to represent your nation?

b. Are there any qualities you may lack but you believe you must have in order to

fully represent your nation?

Key Informant - Historian

1. Prior to Spanish colonization, how did early (pre-16th Century) Filipino society perceive

beauty among women?

a. How would you describe the Filipino woman at this time?

b. What were the desired or sought-out traits at this time?

c. What types of beauty practices were employed?

2. During the period that the Philippines underwent colonial experiences under the

Spaniards and Americans, how did Filipino society perceive beauty among women?

a. How would you describe the Filipino woman at this time?

b. What were the desired or sought-out traits at this time?

c. What types of beauty practices were employed?

101 3. Have colonization efforts of the Spaniards and/or Americans changed local perceptions

of beauty?

a. How so?

b. Are these ideas still prevalent today?

4. Do you believe that beauty standards in the Philippines have shifted?

a. If so, can you identify what led these standards of beauty to begin to change?

b. If not, what allowed those standards to persist?

5. If you were to create a set of criteria for beauty in line with the standards upheld by early

Filipino society prior to colonization, what would the main indicators of beauty (for

women) be?

6. If you were to create a set of criteria for beauty in line with the standards upheld by the

Western colonizers (e.g. Spain, America), what would the main indicators of beauty (for

women) be?

7. What is the role of pageants in shaping or influencing the standards of beauty upheld by

Filipino society?

8. Do you believe there is a difference between the standards of beauty celebrated in

historical pageants (e.g. Santacruzan) as opposed to those upheld in modern pageants

(e.g. Miss Universe, Miss World)?

102 Focus Group Discussion Flow

1. What is beauty for you?

a. What makes a Filipina beauty and what are the standards for it?

b. What makes a Western beauty and what are the standards for it?

c. How do you differentiate definitions of beauty in Filipina and Western contexts?

2. How often do you watch/follow beauty pageants?

a. Do you have other friends or family members who also watch beauty pageants?

b. Are you familiar with the Miss Universe or Miss World pageants in particular?

c. Were there any particular candidates whom you found beautiful in those pageants?

i. Who?

ii. In what way?

3. (Show pictures of Filipina and non-traditional pageant winners from Miss World and Miss

Universe and have then debate on the beauty standards exhibited in the photos presented.)

a. What makes these women beautiful?

b. What, if any, will make them more beautiful?

4. (Based on the flow of conversation initiated by 3a and 3b), what makes you think so?

a. Identify whether those “ideals” come from external sources or from beauty pageants

alone.

b. Determine whether the beauty pageants serve as a root or a reinforcement of those

standards.

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