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"OH CANADA— OH BRITISH COLUMBIA" A Review Essay By Norman J. Ruff Thirty Million Musketeers: One Canada, For All Canadians Gordon Gibson Toronto: Key Porter-Fraser Institute, 1995. 242 pp. $19.95 paper. Ottawa and the Outer Provinces: The Challenge of Regional Distribution in Canada Stephen G. Tomblin Toronto: Lorimer, 1995. 214 pp. $19.95 paper. The Institutionalized Cabinet: Governing the Western Provinces Christopher Dunn Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 1995. xiv, 333 pp. $44.95 cloth. RITISH COLUMBIAN views on of contemporary social and political Confederation have typically forces and their policy consequences. B made Easterners uneasy. Lester Though at times he raises more questions Pearson was not alone when he ad­ than (as he repeatedly admits) "can be mitted that he would have to think answered in this book," Gibson's re­ two or three times before deciding flections on contemporary social issues whether to take W.A.C. Bennett's draw the reader deep into the public views seriously. The vacuum that has policy dialogue and inform his policy emerged in the post-1992 brooding imperatives for a more secure future. over the future of Canadian feder­ Gibson argues that, while most alism has, however, created a public Canadians have become security audience more attentive to voices conscious conservatives, Quebecers have other than those legitimated in Ottawa. given greater priority to personal and Former BC Liberal party leader cultural identity and are more open to Gordon Gibson Jr. is one of the more state intervention. Gibson adds that new prominent voices that have helped fill Canadians (with their increasing num­ that vacuum. His commentaries carry bers and their concentration in Toronto, arresting ideas about the dynamics of Vancouver, and Montreal) comprise a Canadian federalism and its future third, more future-orientated group, options. In Thirty Million Musketeers who care little for Canadian history and Gibson provides a highly eclectic but who are eager to improve their position conspicuously well informed overview rather than to conserve what they have. BC STUDIES, no. 114, Sumer 1997 05 86 BC STUDIES This growth in social diversity, along government representatives. British with differing goals, makes federalism Columbia could take control of its fishery and increased decentralization more and possibly turn it over to a govern­ necessary than ever. ment quango, run in part by industry Gibson's writing constructs an irre­ interests. Ottawa would vacate "Indian" sistible sense of reasonableness around affairs and "make Natives ordinary what he portrays as inevitable trends. Canadians in law." And so on. Gibson Many of his prescriptions for federal/ adroitly raises one policy issue after provincial relations are also in tune with another and shapes them into his directions currently being pursued by "Canadian solution." Ottawa and the premiers, who are look­ Gibson's preference for the private sec­ ing for ways to decentralize and yet to tor is linked to his reading of Canadian maintain a sense of national purpose cultural attitudes. The title of the book (i.e., in the country's social programs). was derived from former Newfoundland Gibson's outlook is also informed by a premier Clyde Wells's comment that more contested perspective — one that Canadians were, like Alexander Dumas's views politics as a marketplace in which three musketeers, bound by the senti­ voters are characterized as "customers" ment "All for one and one for All." of the state. His view that Canada is Gibson argues that this common bond on an inevitable path to political decentra­ has gone and that the dominant culture lization is shaped by his preference for is now more individualistic. His diag­ the private sector. Gibson begins with nosis and prescriptions to "save Canada" the assumption that privatization will be make this not just another book on the encouraged and that the "private Constitution, but a fundamental re­ marketplace is better developed and thinking of the role of the Canadian more efficient than the political market­ state. This book is a salutary reminder place. Thus, anything that can be moved that re-inventing Canadian federalism there should be moved there. What we will be more than a matter of inter­ deal with in the political marketplace governmental relations and that more is is what is left." at issue here than the province of Québec. Gibson's formulae for rearranging Stephen Tomblin, in Ottawa and powers would significantly decrease the the Outer Provices: The Challenge of current responsibilities and policy in­ Regional Distribution in Canada, cursions of the federal government and shares Gibson's diagnosis of the give the provinces more control in areas Canadian predicament: the country of concurrent jurisdiction. Since Unem­ must deal with a decline in Ottawa's ployment Insurance (UI) is a social power and a rise in increasingly safety net program, for example, Gibson powerful marketplace forces. Like proposes that it be transferred to the Gibson, Tomblin would also redesign provinces. At present, he argues> UI has the country, but what he considers become a device for transferring money necessary "for holding the country from Ontario and the West to the less together" walks a more well-trodden prosperous provinces and that, if we pathway. Tomblin is attuned to the want to do this, then we should to it formidable obstacles to regional in a more straightforward manner. integration. The rules of the game and The maintenance of internal national the existing power structure reinforce policy interests and standards would fall territorial competition among the to a federal council made up of provincial provinces, but Tomblin asks us to Book Reviews 8j consider regional integration as a tion of Canada is no longer merely an means of restraining increased gov­ amusing novelty, and the concept of a ernment independence in the West, of Pacific Northwest Cascadia has reducing the costs of government, and started to give some tangible expres­ of assisting in "solving the regional sion to British Columbia's "north- disparity problem" in the Atlantic south pull." region. In exploring this, he provides Tomblin's account identifies the a valuable regional perspective on the personal leadership styles of Atlantic history of national development and Western premiers and their policies, their contradictions, and the defence of provincial interests against attempts at integration among gov­ outsiders as primary factors in the re­ ernments in the Atlantic and the gional integration debate. Chris Prairie/Western regions as well as an Dunn, in The Institutionalized exploration of BC's disinterest in Cabinet: Governing the Western regional cooperation. Provinces, provides an additional per­ Tomblin refers to "the movement" spective on the dynamics of provincial but one would be hard pressed to find government-building in his exami­ any new-found momentum towards nation of the way that Western pro­ regional integration within either vincial premiers have organized the Canadian periphery, despite the fed­ structures and processes of cabinet eral Liberal party embracing the government. Albertan officials unfor­ concept in the celebrated 1993 Red tunately proved uncooperative, and we Book. There is an unresolved tension are denied their insights, but post- in the book between a predilection for Second World War Saskatchewan, regional integration and a sensitivity Manitoba, and British Columbia are to the political reality of achieving it. well served by Dunn's comprehensive Although Tomblin asserts the research. Based on 200 interviews, he necessity for a "pan-Atlantic Canadian painstakingly reconstructs the evo­ vision," he cautions that it must lution of the cabinet structure and recognize territorial considerations. executive decision processes in these British Columbia has always looked three provinces through to the 1980s. more towards its Pacific rather than Twenty years ago, Paul Tennant towards its Prairie neighbours, and captured the essence of British this fact is explored in detail. The Columbia's pre-1975 experience in the ghosts of McBride, Pattullo, and concept of the "unaided" cabinet. W.A.C. Bennett haunt Tomblin's Dunn refines its components, con­ analysis of BC's isolationalism and trasts their tendencies to those in defensive province-building expan­ Stefan Dupré's "institutionalized" sionism. His explanations of BC's po­ cabinet model, and attempts to ac­ sition are too convincing to lead one count for the growth and persistence to expect any road-to-Damascus con­ of institutionalization. The one con­ version to Western integration. Also, stant difference between the two mo­ the increasing economic and political dels is that, in the "institutionalized" self-confidence of the 1990s has pro­ form of cabinet committees and bably heightened British Columbia's central staff agencies, the premier is sense of detachment from all nine of not only a chooser of cabinet col­ its Canadian neighbours. Bennett's leagues, but also an "architect" of twenty-year-old five-region concep­ cabinet structure (being part of a 88 BC STUDIES "persistent search to make decision the way to a new destination." More making more manageable" recent times and new policy agendas Dunn argues that a mixture of three have nurtured new policy structures factors •— ideology (particularly in and processes, since, for example, the path-breaking Saskatchewan), prag­ Harcourt government produced a matism, and historical precedents
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