Building Worker Power by Organizing Around (Re)Production in Portland's "Sustainable" Food Industry
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Unions Talk Tough at US Social Forum
Starbucks charged Chicago Couriers: doing Boycott Molson beer, IWW meets Bangladeshi again for firing IWW solidarity unionism support Alberta strike garment workers 5 6-7 9 11 INDUSTRIAL WORKER OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER O F T H E I N D U S T R I A L W O R K E R S O F T H E W O RLD August 2007 #1698 Vol. 104 No. 8 $1 / £1 / €1 Unions talk tough at US Social Forum By Jerry Mead-Lucero Big Labor’s involvement in the social nizers were forced to compromise with the ILO (International Labour Organi- “What is happening in America forum process, since the first few World police on a much less confrontational zation). In April, the ILO declared the to workers today is the result of a Social Forums in Porto Alegre, Brazil, route due to the opposition of much North Carolina ban on public sector thirty year sustained, intentional, has served as a way for the AFL-CIO and of Atlanta ’s business community. A collective bargaining a violation of strategic, assault on workers, unions, many of the union internationals to mix destination in the original plan was international labor standards and called our quality of life and our standard of and mingle with activists from a broad Grady Hospital, where the green-shirted for repeal of North Carolina General living. It has been a class war against range of social struggles. The same can members of Local 1644 had planned Statute 95-98, the basis of the ban. workers and it is time we engage that be said of the relatively impressive sup- to express their opposition to a recent Traditionally, social forum planners class war and fought back.” port given to the first USSF by organized decision by the Chamber of Commerce and participants will engage in a num- These words were met by a labor. -
1 Building Bridges: the Challenge of Organized
BUILDING BRIDGES: THE CHALLENGE OF ORGANIZED LABOR IN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR Robin D. G. Kelley New York University [email protected] What roles can labor unions play in transforming our inner cities and promo ting policies that might improve the overall condition of working people of color? What happens when union organizers extend their reach beyond the workplace to the needs of working-class communities? What has been the historical role of unions in the larger struggles of people of color, particularly black workers? These are crucial questions in an age when production has become less pivotal to working-class life. Increasingly, we've witnessed the export of whole production processes as corporations moved outside the country in order to take advantage of cheaper labor, relatively lower taxes, and a deregulated, frequently antiunion environment. And the labor force itself has changed. The old images of the American workingclass as white men residing in sooty industrial suburbs and smokestack districts are increasingly rare. The new service-based economy has produced a working class increasingly concentrated in the healthcare professions, educational institutions, office building maintenance, food processing, food services and various retail establishments. 1 In the world of manufacturing, sweatshops are coming back, particularly in the garment industry and electronics assembling plants, and homework is growing. These unions are also more likely to be brown and female than they have been in the past. While white male membership dropped from 55.8% in 1986 to 49.7% in 1995, women now make up 37 percent of organized labor's membership -- a higher percentage than at any time in the U.S. -
Walkouts Teach U.S. Labor a New Grammar for Struggle
Walkouts teach U.S. labor a new grammar for struggle This article will appear in the Summer 2018 issue of New Politics. Like the Arab Spring, the U.S. “education Spring,” was an explosive wave of protests. State-wide teacher walkouts seemed to arise out of nowhere, organized in Facebook groups, with demands for increased school funding and political voice for teachers. Though the walkouts confounded national media outlets, which had little idea how to explain or report on the movements, for parent and teacher activists who have been organizing against reforms in public education in the past four decades, the protests were both unexpected and understandable. What was surprising was their breadth of support (state-wide), their organizing strategy (Facebook), and their breathtakingly rapid spread. For most of the far-Right, the West Virginia, Oklahoma, Kentucky, Arizona, and North Carolina walkouts showed greedy public employees exploiting their job security to get pay and benefits better than hard-working taxpayers have. However, teachers won wide popular support, even from Republicans, forcing the media-savvier elements of the Right to alter their tone. The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) posted a blog with a sympathetic tone pushing the same stance. “While teachers are justly frustrated by take-home pay, their total compensation is typically a lot higher than many teachers realize. That’s because teacher retirement and health-care systems are much more expensive than those of the taxpayers who pay for them — whether those taxpayers work in the private or public sector.” Shedding crocodile teachers for teachers who are underpaid and retirees without adequate pensions, AEI rejects the idea more school funding would help. -
Living on the Edge: Delineating the Political Economy of Precarity In
Living on the Edge: Delineating the Political Economy of Precarity in Vancouver, Canada Robert Catherall School of Community and Regional Planning, University of British Columbia ABSTRACT Canadian cities are in the midst of a housing crisis, with Vancouver as their poster-child. The city’s over- inflated housing prices decoupled from wages in the early aughts, giving rise to a seller’s rental market and destabilizing employment. As neoliberal policies continue to erode the post-war welfare state, an increasing number of Canadians are living in precarious environments. This uncertainty is not just applicable to housing, however. Employment tenure has been on the decline, specifically since 2008, and better jobs—both in security and quality of work, with more equitable wages—are becoming less and less common. These elements of precarity are making decent work (as defined by the ILO), security of housing tenure, and a right to the city some of the most pressing issues at hand for Canadians. Using Vancouver as the principal case study, the political economy of precarity is examined through the various facets—including socio-cultural, economic, health, and legal—that are working to normalize this inequity. This paper proceeds to examine the standard employment relationship (SER) in a Canadian context through a critique of the neoliberal policies responsible for eroding the once widely-implemented SER is provided to conclude the systemic marginalization experienced by those in precarious and informal situations must be addressed via public policy instruments and community-based organization. INTRODUCTION While the sharing economy, such as shared housing provider Airbnb, or the gig economy associated with organizations like Uber, Lyft, TaskRabbit, and Fiverr, conjure images of affordable options for travellers, or employment opportunities during an economic downturn, they have simultaneously normalized housing crises and stagnating wages for those who live and work in urban centres. -
Confronting Precarity in the Warhol Economy: Notes from New York City
CONFRONTING PRECARITY IN THE WARHOL ECONOMY Notes from New York City Greig de Peuter (Received 9 June 2012; accepted 12 September 2012) Normative cultural economy discourse on New York City embraces the creative industries as engines of job creation but neglects the quality of employment within them. This article sets out to both illuminate the precarious conditions of nonstandard workers in New York’s vaunted creative sectors and identify emerging collective responses to precarity in this city. Three areas of labour activity are focused upon: fashion industry frictions, art world agitations, and independent worker initiatives. Under each of these headings, the article profiles two organizations that are variously exposing, resisting, and mitigating precarity among flexible labour forces in the arts, the media, cultural industries, and beyond. The discussion of these organizations is informed by interviews with some of their protagonists, by documents produced by the organizations, and/or by media coverage of them. Challenging the assumption that getting by in informal cultural labour markets obliges individual coping strategies, this article reveals scenes from a metropolitan laboratory of precarious labour politics. These initiatives are inklings of a recomposition of labour politics in which flexible workforces in creative industries are important participants. KEYWORDS: labour; precarity; unions; New York City; fashion; arts The Warhol Economy The 2012 edition of New York Fashion Week will inject $865 million into the city’s economy (Campbell 2012). Hundreds of galleries populate Manhattan’s Chelsea district – the geographic core of an art market currently enjoying a boom, or so suggests the $171.4 million profit of New York based art auctioneer Sotheby’s in 2011 (Boroff 2012). -
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS ABEYANCE – The placement of a pending grievance (or motion) by mutual agreement of the parties, outside the specified time limits until a later date when it may be taken up and processed. ACTION - Direct action occurs when any group of union members engage in an action, such as a protest, that directly exposes a problem, or a possible solution to a contractual and/or societal issue. Union members engage in such actions to spotlight an injustice with the goal of correcting it. It further mobilizes the membership to work in concerted fashion for their own good and improvement. ACCRETION – The addition or consolidation of new employees or a new bargaining unit to or with an existing bargaining unit. ACROSS THE BOARD INCREASE - A general wage increase that covers all the members of a bargaining unit, regardless of classification, grade or step level. Such an increase may be in terms of a percentage or dollar amount. ADMINISTRATIVE LAW JUDGE – An agent of the National Labor Relations Board or the public sector commission appointed to docket, hear, settle and decide unfair labor practice cases nationwide or statewide in the public sector. They also conduct and preside over formal hearings/trials on an unfair labor practice complaint or a representation case. AFL-CIO - The American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations is the national federation of unions in the United States. It is made up of fifty-six national and international unions, together representing more than 12 million active and retired workers. -
Introduction Darlington, RR
Introduction Darlington, RR Title Introduction Authors Darlington, RR Type Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17902/ Published Date 2008 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction Introduction During the first two decades of the twentieth century, amidst an extraordinary international upsurge in strike action, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism connected with and helped to produce mass workers’ movements in a number of different countries across the world. An increasing number of syndicalist unions, committed to destroying capitalism through direct industrial action and revolutionary trade union struggle, were to emerge as either existing unions were won over to syndicalist principles in whole or in part, or new alternative revolutionary unions and organizations were formed by dissidents who broke away from their mainstream reformist adversaries. This international movement experienced its greatest vitality in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War, from about 1910 until the early 1920s (although the movement in Spain crested later). Amongst the largest and most famous unions influenced by syndicalist ideas and practice were the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France, the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) in Spain, and the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) in Italy. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
The Struggles of Iregularly-Employed Workers in South Korea, 1999-20121
1 The Struggles of Iregularly-Employed Workers in South Korea, 1999-20121 Jennifer Jihye Chun Department of Sociology University of Toronto [email protected] November 25, 2013 In December 1999, two years after the South Korean government accepted a $58.4 billion bailout package from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), President Kim Dae-Jung announced that the nation’s currency crisis was officially over. The South Korean government’s aggressive measures to stabilize financial markets, which included drastic efforts to reduce labor costs, dismantle employment security, and legalize indirect forms of dispatch or temporary employment, contributed to the fastest recovery of a single country after the 1997 Asian Debt Crisis, restoring annual GDP growth rates to pre-crisis levels.2 While the business community praised such efforts for helping debt-ridden banks and companies survive the crisis, labor unions and other proponents of social and economic justice virulently condemned the government’s neoliberal policy agenda for subjecting workers to deepening inequality and injustice. Despite differing opinions on the impact of government austerity measures, both sides agree that the “post-IMF” era is synonymous with a new world of work. Employment precarity – that is, the vulnerability of workers to an array of cost-cutting employer practices that depress wage standards, working conditions and job and income security – is a defining feature of the 21st century South Korean economy. The majority of jobs in the labor market consist of informal and precarious jobs that provide minimal, if any, legal protection against unjust and discriminatory employment practices. Informally- and precariously- employed workers also face numerous barriers to challenging deteriorating working conditions and heightened employer abuses through the conventional repertoire of unionism: strikes, collective bargaining and union agreements. -
Baltimore Jimmy John's Workers Announce IWW Membership
OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER oF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD INDUSTRIALSeptember 2014 #1767 Vol. 111 No. 6 $2/ £2/ €2 WORKER Fighting Patriarchy In Lessons From A Review: Case Studies John Reed’s First The One Big Union Certified Nursing Of Worker Labor Love: The IWW 3 Assistant 6 Self-Organization 8 11 Baltimore Jimmy John’s Workers Announce IWW Membership By the IWW Jimmy John’s We need a union to secure fair pay, guar- Workers Union anteed hours, and paid sick days, because On Saturday, Aug. 9, workers at the those things are basic human rights. We Jimmy John’s franchise sandwich shop will not be taken advantage of, and we’ll in Baltimore announced their member- keep fighting for [it] as long as it takes.” ship in the IWW Jimmy John’s Workers “The owners think of us as machines. Union (JJWU) and asked management to And that’s exactly how they treat us—as recognize their union and negotiate. This machines that turn bread and lettuce into decision, prompted by the actions of Mike money for them,” said Pratt Street driver Gillett and Danny Dolch, owners of the and IWW member Brendan Camiel. “So it Jimmy John’s franchise, targeted workers shouldn’t surprise us that they don’t think for their desire to have a fairer workplace. we need wages we can live on, or even basic Workers and supporters leafleted the respect. Why should they care about the Pratt Street location and presented their money and time we spend maintaining demands, declaring their membership in our bikes and our bodies for them, or the the JJWU. -
Beyond Immigrant Ethnic Politics? Organizational Innovation, Collaboration and Competition in the Los Angeles Immigrant Rights Movement (1980-2015) Gnes, D
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Beyond immigrant ethnic politics? Organizational innovation, collaboration and competition in the Los Angeles immigrant rights movement (1980-2015) Gnes, D. Publication date 2018 Document Version Other version License Other Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Gnes, D. (2018). Beyond immigrant ethnic politics? Organizational innovation, collaboration and competition in the Los Angeles immigrant rights movement (1980-2015). General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:29 Sep 2021 CHAPTER 6.161 BEYOND THE LOS ANGELES MODEL? UNDERSTANDING THE EVOLUTION OF IMMIGRANT WORKER ORGANIZATIONS THROUGH A HYBRID RESOURCE-BASED MODEL Abstract This paper offers a starting point to explain the emergence, consolidation, and fragmentation of the Los Angeles immigrant workers rights movement over the last three decades. -
Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under a Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations*
Industrial Relations Law Journal VOLUME 6 1984 NUMBER 4 Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under A Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations* William J. Guzickt This Article examines the recent growth of agreements, negotiated between employers and unions, which provide that an employer shall re- main neutral when unions seek to organize non-unionfacilities andsubsid- iariesowned by the employer. After analyzing the causes of recent decline in union membership, the author argues that this decline has spurredthe growth of neutrality agreements. Such agreements are not violative of the National Labor Relations Act nor of employer free speech rights, but rather are legally binding and may be enforced by arbitrationand injunc- tion. Neutralityagreements are therefore an appropriateextension of col- lective bargaining and can contribute to an emerging attitude of cooperation between labor and management. INTRODUCTION Over the next generation, I predict, society's greatest opportunities will lie in tapping human inclinations toward collaboration and compro- mise rather than stirring our proclivities for competition and rivalry. If lawyers are not leaders in marshaling cooperation and designing mech- anisms which allow it to flourish, they will not be at the center of the most creative social experiments of our time.' President Derek C. Bok Harvard University March, 1983 * The author wishes to thank Professor Paul C. Weiler, Harvard Law School, for his assistance in the preparation of this Article. t Law Clerk to the Honorable Roszel C. Thomsen, United States District Judge for the District of Maryland. A.B., A.M., Economics, Brown University, 1980; J.D., Harvard Law School, 1983. 1. The President's Report 1981-1982, Harvard University 19 (Mar.