2000 Report of the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation Year 2000 Reportof the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation

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YEAR 2000 REPORTOF THE HARRY FRANK GUGGENHEIM FOUNDATION

RESEARCH FOR UNDERSTANDING AND REDUCING VIOLENCE, AGGRESSION, AND DOMINANCE YEAR 2000 REPORT OF THE HARRY FRANK GUGGENHEIM FOUNDATION YEAR 2000 REPORTOF THE HARRY FRANK GUGGENHEIM FOUNDATION

RESEARCH FOR UNDERSTANDING AND REDUCING

VIOLENCE, AGGRESSION, AND DOMINANCE cover: The warrior Sindhu Ragini. 1680. CONTENTS

FOREWORD 1

PRESIDENT’S STATEMENT 5

COMMON SENSE ABOUT VIOLENCE: WHY RESEARCH? 9

GRANTS AND DISSERTATION AWARDS 22

PROGRAM ACTIVITIES 26

HOW TO APPLY 35

RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS 42

DIRECTORS, OFFICERS, AND STAFF 48

FINANCIAL DATA 55

FOREWORD

Of utmost significance since our last report was the sale in 1998 of Daniel Island, which our founder and benefactor, Harry Frank Guggenheim, left to the foundation at his death in 1971. Located between the Cooper and Wando Rivers, which flow into the Charleston harbor, the 4,500-acre island is within the city limits and is to be developed by the buyer in tasteful fashion. Proceeds from the sale have strengthened our financial status and resulted in a more predictable source of funding for our grant program. We now expect to be capable of providing a minimum one-in-ten success ratio for applications, maintaining high standards yet giving promising proposals an appropriate opportunity. It is noteworthy that Jim Hester, our president, has now provided the foundation with extraordinary leadership for ten years. During his administration the focus of our programming has sharpened, staff morale and performance have been unexcelled, and the stature of our endeavor, due to his high expectations, is recognized in the field. Our board has been strengthened immeasurably in recent years by the addition of Dana Draper, Howard Graves, Donald Hood, Lewis Lapham, Gillian Lindt, and Tania McCleery. Joan Van de Maele, Bill Baker, Donald Griffin, and William Westmoreland, I am delighted to report, have assumed the status of Lifetime Director, a position we reserve to honor directors retired from active service to the board. Sadly, I must report the deaths of George Fountaine, Harry Guggenheim's indispensable administrative assistant and foundation executive director for 26 years, and Floyd Rafliff, who served with great distinction as our president from 1983 to 1989. We are profoundly grateful for their dedicated and unstinting service to the foundation.

Peter Lawson-Johnston Chairman of the Board

1 From the seemingly trivial scuffling of young boys to the gravely consequential use of high- technology weapons, the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation considers all forms of aggression and violence to be within its purview.

Images transmitted by “smart bomb” approaching target during 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia PRESIDENT’S STATEMENT

The Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation makes grants to support research projects, primarily in the sciences and social sciences, that promise to increase understanding of violence, aggression, and dominance and the problems these cause in the modern world. Our mission was defined by the founder, Harry Frank Guggenheim. Towards the end of his life and long career as a philanthropist supporting projects in aviation and rocketry, medicine, architecture, and the arts, Mr. Guggenheim initiated discussions with friends and professional consultants about an appropriate and mean- ingful legacy, and when he died in 1971, leaving a substantial bequest to the foundation, grant-making had begun and a mission was in place that continues to guide our work. Mr. Guggenheim decided early on that his foundation would encourage scholarship rather than support direct responses to social problems, noting that creative research in other fields had dramatically changed the way we live, such as advances in medicine, agriculture, transportation, and industry. Professor Paul Fitts, an early advisor, wrote to him, "The successes that man has achieved in other scientific areas offer hope...that he can look forward to comparable successes in social and behavioral science." (Had this exchange happened today we are sure these gentlemen would have acknowledged the contribution of women to these labors of men, and we understand a spirit of inclusiveness in their deliberations that their language may not appear to match.) Likewise, our specific interests and research priorities have varied over the years as particular scholarly directions have appeared to be more fruitful than others and as particular problems relating to violence have engaged our attention and the world's; but our grant-making continues to respond to Mr. Guggenheim's challenge: "Undoubtedly the improvement of man's relation to man will require much original thought and many years of research. I believe that is a job which deserves support." Professor Fitts advised him that such a program requires coordinated, sustained support for research efforts, and "continuing interaction, intellectual criticism, cross-disciplinary stimulation and exchange of ideas between empirical scientists, theorists, and informed laymen." This report describes how we have pursued these goals in the period 1996-1999. We still rely on our grantees and other scholars working in the areas in which we fund for advice in determining future directions. Some of

3 them replied to a question we posed to them in 1998: "Where is the great- est weakness in the scholarly community's understanding of violence and aggression?" One respondent argued against a premature press for practical policy remedies at the expense of understanding the diversity of types, origins, and meanings of violence and the long-term accumulation of knowledge. Another suggested that priority is often given to the search for causes of violence at the neglect of its contexts, and another urged a better integration of individual aspects of violence with the social contexts in which it appears. A focus on illegal acts by individuals, another claimed, prevents scholars from seeing symbolic and structural violence in everyday life and acknowledging types of violence that are socially permitted. Similar concerns were repeated in response to our question, "What is the most serious omission in undergraduate education regarding violence and aggression?" Students, they said, learn about contemporary acts of violence in their own countries but are ignorant of history and other cultures. They are taught to think of violence as deviance, not part of "the normative fabric of social life," as one respondent put it. Several scholars urged that students be encouraged to consider the "violence within themselves," meaning behaviors they may take for granted as well as violence they have experienced, and one suggested that privileged college students might have a "blind spot" when it comes to a true understanding of violence in the lives of people less privileged. Another respondent suggested clarifying the distinction between aggression as a biologically grounded behavior and violence as a social construction while teaching about both domains. This would distinguish, for example, between angry retaliation and imprisonment as a social system. Many people referred to a failure of integration of knowledge across disciplines. These responses were helpful as we pursued one of our special projects, the development of an introductory curriculum for violence studies (see p. XX for more about that), and have also provided food for our ongoing thoughts about where original thinking is to be discovered and how we should conceive of priorities to guide our grant-making decisions. The foundation encourages the study of urgent problems of violence and aggression in the modern world by anthropologists, criminologists, psychologists, and sociologists but also supports related research projects in neuroscience, genetics, animal behavior, and history that illuminate modern human problems. Grants have been given to study aspects of violence related to youth, family relationships, crime, biology, group conflict, political violence in war and terrorism, as well as peace and the control of

4 aggression. Problems related to violence and aggression are prominent among issues mentioned by policymakers and the public as the most important challenges to civil life today. Less agreement pertains when discussion turns to "solutions" to these problems. Harry Guggenheim was convinced that effective policy actions must rest on a firmer body of knowledge about the problems involved, and that new, original ideas about interventions will only come from an informed, objective consideration of violence and aggression as they affect human relationships and organizations. Our grants give scholars the support they need to experiment with ideas, collect data, or study historical records first-hand, and to think about what they learn. We expect that a sustained program of support over many years will yield understandings on which wise public policy and private decision- making can be based. The foundation is fortunate in the quality of its two program officers. Our senior program officer, Karen Colvard, has served the foundation since 1978 and has become extremely well informed on issues in violence research and scholars who study them. She is frequently consulted on mat- ters of public policy. She is largely responsible for the contents of this report. She is ably assisted by program officer Joel Wallman, who joined us in 1991, and who is also highly knowledgeable about research on violence. His contribution to this report includes the provocative essay, "Common Sense about Violence." It is a great pleasure for me to work with two such able scholars in the fulfilment of the foundation's mission.

James M. Hester President

Common Sense about Violence: Why Research?

Joel Wallman

One of the fringe benefits of working at the hfg is that people one meets from outside of the “violence world” find it interesting to learn of a foundation dedicated exclusively to research on violence and aggression and often are mildly envious of what sounds like—and is—a fascinating job. Some, however, are less curious about the work of the foundation than they are surprised at the notion that human violence really warrants scholarly research. The nature of the problem, its forms and frequencies, are self-evident to them, and its causes and cures, I have been told, are, if not equally apparent, then at least readily ascertained through common sense. You don’t have to be a social scientist, in other words, to know where violence comes from and what should be done about it. Let me concede at the outset of this essay that common sense is a mar- velous thing. It allows us to muddle through life with a measure of understanding and to get through most days without committing errors so grave that we can’t easily recover. There is even something to be said for our common-sense explanations of human affairs, from face-to-face interactions to international relations. Here, for example, are some observations about the scope of violence, its origins, and its amelioration with which, I think, most Americans endowed with a modicum of intelligence and fair- ly attuned to current events would agree:

Despite the downturn in violent crime over the past few years, serious violence has been increasing in recent decades and is becoming more random in nature—the average person, and not just residents of our beleaguered inner cities, now has a realistic basis for concern about becoming the victim of a violent crime. The recent school shootings in rural and suburban areas by children as young as eleven are dramatic examples of the spread of violence—to our schools, by very young perpetrators, and with that most dangerous of firearms, the assault weapon. We are not helpless, of course. If we are to make sure that the current drop in violence is more than a temporary lull, we need to

7 increase our crime-control efforts, and at both ends of the policy spectrum—prevention as well as punishment. By way of prevention, we should see to it that young people are equipped with the social skills and psychological traits that reduce the likelihood of their engaging in violence. This means that violence-prevention curricula, now present in many schools, should be instituted in every school in the country. In addition, teachers and parents should endeavor to raise the self-esteem of our children to counter the sense of personal inadequacy that so commonly under- lies acts of violence. Communities with disproportionate rates of violence are communities in which residents have come to condone, or at least tolerate, antisocial behavior rather than condemning it. Some sort of moral rejuvenation is called for in such neighborhoods. We know as well that fatherless families, the scourge of our inner cities, are major contributors to juvenile delinquency and thus adult criminality—a child from such a family is much more likely to get into trouble than his neighbor who lives with both parents. Encouraging dual parenting in such communities would yield substantial benefit to society at large through reduced criminality in the long term. At the same time, young citizens must learn that committing a serious crime risks a serious punishment rather than a slap on the wrist. If people are going to be deterred from continued offending, their experience with the penal system should be, to put it plainly, unpleasant. And, to increase the probability that one who commits a crime will be processed by the criminal-justice system, we should raise the likelihood of his capture by putting more police on the street. This would reduce the time between a call to police and the arrival of officers. In addition, officers should not be hesitant to make arrests for minor law-breaking, so-called quality-of-life offenses. Of course, violence doesn’t occur only on the street. Marital violence, for example, is a significant problem, too long regarded as the business of only those within a household. If we are serious about putting an end to the physical abuse of women by their partners, we can start by implementing a mandatory arrest policy for police responding to domestic-violence calls. A man who is subjected to the social opprobrium of arrest is less likely to repeat the offense than one who is merely spoken to by responding officers.

8 We can also reduce the incidence of violence against women by providing more shelters for those seeking refuge from an abusive mate. There is also no dearth of violence in the world beyond u.s. bor- ders. Relations between nations are still fraught with danger. We can take some comfort, however, in the global trend away from authoritarian regimes towards democracy, since democratic states are far less likely to go to war. Group relations within states, like international relations, abound with potential violence, and here there is less reason for optimism. Bloodshed between tribal or religious or ethnic groups—Hutu and Tutsi, Jews and Arabs, Hindus and Muslims, Serbs and Croats—is so prevalent that it is difficult to refute the dismal observation that as long as ethnically or religiously distinct groups are within a stone’s throw of each other, ancient hatreds will assert themselves in the bloodiest way. Difference, it seems, is deadly.

Common sense can be relied upon to produce these and any number of other reasonable interpretations of social problems and remedies for them. There is, though, a drawback to relying exclusively on common sense and, when public policy is informed by it, even a danger: common- sense observations can be wrong, and policies based on them wronghead- ed. Consider, as I do for the remainder of this essay, those offered above, nearly every one of which is incorrect or misleading. serious violence has been increasing in recent decades… After a sharp upturn around 1965, the u.s. homicide rate has oscillated with no consistent trend for the past 25 years, although one hopes that the downturn of the last few years will prove to be more than a brief respite.1 Robbery has followed the same trendless trajectory.2 more random in nature… Violence has not become more random if by this assertion is meant an increasingly even distribution of risk across race, age, geography, and gender. While the overall u.s. homicide rate is and has been for some time among the highest in the world, there are still enormous differences structured by these categories. The rate of violence in u.s. suburbs is far less than that in our central cities: a recent analysis of the distribution of violence within San Diego found census tracts with 1 recorded violent crime per 1,000 population but also ones with as many as 300.3 The racial gap in risk remains shockingly wide: in 1997, the most recent year for which national data are available, a black male aged 18-24 was 10 times as likely as his white counterpart to become a victim of homi-

9 cide. If gender and age differences are added in, the risk disparities become truly astonishing: that same black male was fully 70 times as likely to be fatally victimized than a white female of 25 or older.4 the spread of violence— to our schools… Despite several widely publicized school shootings in the past two years, research does not indicate a growth in serious school violence. The percentage of 12th graders who have been injured at school has not changed in 20 years.5 Fatal assaults in schools remain a rare event—fewer than 1 percent of each year’s violent deaths (homicides and suicides) of school-aged children occur inside a school, on school property, or en route to or from school.6 In addition to the youth of the perpetrators (see below), these school shootings were atypical in that they occurred in rural or suburban settings, whereas school violence, fatal or not, occurs far more often in urban contexts7 (constituting yet another of the impediments to learning that beset both students and teachers in our inner cities).

Jonesboro, Arkansas, 1998. Are U.S. schools dangerous? Are the recent shootings at suburban and rural schools typical cases of school violence?

by very young perpetrators… While the rate of homicide offending did increase markedly among young people of 14 to 25 during the crack- related violence spike of 1985 to 1992, offending by young children—those under 14—has not varied from a negligible 2 per million for at least 25 years.8 with that most dangerous of firearms, the assault weapon… So-

10 called assault weapons—military-style semiautomatic weapons with large- capacity magazines—are frequent topics of media coverage and legislative interest because of their great potential lethality and the affection they are accorded by drug traffickers. However, their role in homicide is quite minor compared to that of far more common but less imposing handguns. The best estimate of the contribution of assault weapons comes from requests by police for federal traces of guns used in crimes. In the year prior to the 1994 implementation of a federal ban on these weapons, only about 6 percent of such traces involved assault weapons, and, because of certain influences on which gun crimes police request traces for, this is likely to be an overestimate of the fraction of crime guns that are assault weapons.9 the average person…now has a realistic basis for concern about becoming the victim of a violent crime… It is not possible to objectively answer the question of whether an average citizen is “realistic” in worrying about becoming a victim of violent crime. On the one hand, any probability is too high, and u.s. rates are very high compared to most other countries, both developed and undeveloped. On the other hand, for the average citizen (i.e., putting aside the large risk differences by age, ethnicity, etc.), the risk of injury, illness, and death from other, less newsworthy causes is much greater. Even in 1990, when the average risk of homicide was a good 25 percent greater than it is in 1999, the likelihood of dying from an accident, stroke, cancer, or heart disease was about 3.5, 6, 20, and 30 times greater, respectively, than death by homicide.10 violence-prevention curricula should be instituted in every school in the country… It is hard to quarrel with the suggestion that children should be endowed with an aversion to violence and the ability to defuse dangerous confrontations. What is open to question is the assumption that violence-prevention training in its several versions achieves this goal. For despite the adoption of such curricula in thousands of schools, from elementary to high, there is precious little documentation that they work. Evaluations of their efficacy are few and, as one recent comprehensive review put it, of “uniformly poor” scientific quality.11 An evaluation by its own developers of what is perhaps the most successful such curriculum, with total sales of more than 4,000 by 1990, offered what a National Research Council panel called only “weak support” for its violence-reduction claims.12 A legitimate response to these cavils might be, “Even if rigorous evaluations have yet to show the value of these programs, what harm can come

11 from trying violence-prevention programs based on reasonable assump- tions about what causes and what cures violence?” The short answer is “plenty.” There is a remarkably long list of interventions intended to ame-

Do conflict-resolution curricula reduce youth violence?

liorate problems of drug use, delinquency, and violence that, subjected to social-scientific scrutiny, proved to have made things worse. There are anti-gang social-work efforts that increased delinquency by inadvertently enhancing the coherence of the gangs.13 There are peer-counseling programs, in which wayward students engage in group discussions intended to move them toward prosocial attitudes and behavior. An evaluation of one such program found that high-school students receiving such treatment become more delinquent than equally deviant students who didn’t.14 And there are afterschool programs designed to provide adult supervision for low-income elementary-school children that, according to one evaluation, increased risk taking and impulsiveness in participants.15 The point of this litany is not that all such interventions are criminogenic; I have not mentioned research indicating promise in certain programs, such as Big Brothers and Sisters or home visitation, which have shown some benefit in reducing child abuse and/or delinquency.16 I wish simply to caution against the assumption that good intentions and common sense alone insure a positive outcome in the area of violence prevention.

12 teachers and parents should endeavor to raise the self-esteem of our children… There is even bad news about self-esteem, at least where violence is concerned. Evidence from experimental psychology suggests that people whose sense of self-esteem exceeds their abilities will respond with more hostility to social experiences that highlight their shortcomings.17 Presumably, such people are confronted with the gap between self-image and reality more often than others and thus come to experience such reminders as less tolerable than do those with a more realistic level of self- esteem. The moral here is that the widely endorsed policy among parents and teachers of enhancing children’s self-esteem by praising them for virtually anything that isn’t flagrantly objectionable should be replaced by an emphasis on helping children to achieve things worthy of praise. Communities with disproportionate rates of violence are communities in which residents have come to condone, or at least tolerate, antisocial behavior… It seems reasonable to infer that residents of high-crime communities are more tolerant of the attitudes that facilitate deviant behavior, but the facts are quite otherwise, according to a survey of residents of a diverse array of Chicago neighborhoods. It seems that blacks and Hispanics, whose neighborhoods have higher crime rates than pre- dominantly “white” ones, are substantially less accepting than whites of delinquent behavior among teenagers, including drug use, alcohol consumption, and fist fighting.18 fatherless families…are major contributors to juvenile delinquency and thus adult criminality… The true significance of fatherless families is also somewhat at variance with what common sense would predict. Growing up without a father figure in one’s house is actually not a very reliable predictor of juvenile delinquency or, especially, of adult criminality.19 Some studies show no difference between children of father-present and father- absent homes.20 (If we can infer something about rates of fatherless households from the percentage of women Are fatherless families criminogenic?

13 who are not married when they give birth, then, were fatherlessness the font of criminality commonly asserted, we might expect France, the u.k., and Sweden, with higher unmarried birth ratios than the u.s.,21 to have violent crime levels considerably higher than just a small fraction of our own.) The fatherless family is not irrelevant to crime, however, and its effects are not benign. These effects, though, show up at the level of neighborhoods rather than individual families. It turns out that an area’s rate of juvenile crime is highly correlated with the prevalence of single-parent households, and the relationship seems to be a causal one rather than merely one of correlation.22 Delinquency is a peer-group phenomenon. Neighborhoods with a scarcity of adult males cannot exert the informal social control that in more fortunate communities keeps teenage boys from getting into trouble. Watching other people’s property, informing other parents of their children’s activities, intervening in misbehavior—these and other customary forms of “communal parenting” are scarce in neighborhoods with high rates of family disruption. One result is increased juvenile delinquency, including violence, even if the children from the female- headed households are no more likely than others to be the miscreants. The high concentration of single-parent families in certain u.s. communities contrasts with their more even distribution in the European nations mentioned above. Moreover, virtually all of the difference in violent crime between mainly black and mainly white communities disappears when differences in rates of family disruption are taken into account.23 Concentrated family disruption and the consequent low levels of informal social control also explain how high rates of crime can occur in a community despite general condemnation of antisocial behavior by its residents— social-structural constraints impede the realization of widely held values. Encouraging dual parenting is a commendable policy. By itself, though, it is not likely to make a significant dent in the problem of family disruption in the inner city, which derives from the disappearance of jobs in these areas24 and their literal emasculation by the massive imprisonment of young black men that is central to the “war on drugs.”25 their experience with the penal system should be…unpleasant… A shift in emphasis has occurred in the American criminal-justice system in recent years. The ideal of rehabilitation has been more or less replaced by the goal of retribution. This can be seen especially clearly in the case of youthful offenders, where a number of “get-tough” initiatives have diminished the difference between how juveniles and how adults are treated.26

14 While it is not easy to find justice practices that have appreciable success in rehabilitating wayward youth, it is no challenge to identify which ones don’t work. Programs based on the assumption that a highly aversive experience will reduce offending—“boot camp,” “Scared Straight,” and “shock” parole and probation (incarceration followed by community supervision)—are ineffective at best and criminogenic at worst.27 Nor does the increasingly common practice of “waiving” youths to criminal rather than juvenile court promise to do much more than reassure us that our legisla- tors are getting tough on violent youths (and exacerbate the extreme over- crowding of our prisons). A study comparing juveniles transferred to criminal court with a matched set of cases kept in the juvenile system found that those treated in adult court reoffended more often and more seriously.28 putting more police on the street…would reduce the time between a call to police and the arrival of officers… The assertion that arrests will increase if we decrease police response time—the interval between dis- patching of police and their arrival at the crime scene—makes sense. It just happens not to be true. Most serious crimes are discovered by the victim well after the perpetrator has departed. Even in crimes in which the victim is present, the call to police typically comes well after the crime has been completed. Police response time could not, therefore, have more than a very modest effect on the average probability of immediate arrest, and certainly not a great enough effect to offset the cost of expand- ing a police force enough to significantly decrease response time.29 officers should not be hesitant to make arrests for minor, so-called quality-of-life offenses… Aggressive policing of minor offenses, such as loitering and subway-fare evasion, has been credited by some, especially the police themselves, as instrumental in New York City’s decline in serious crime, which has exceeded the substantial national drop. There is reason to be What are the long-term conse- concerned, however, that any present benefit of quences of aggressive police this practice may come at the future cost of an pursuit of “quality-of-life” offenses? increase in crime by those arrested now. There is some evidence that the experience of being arrested increases the likelihood of reoffending.30 This effect is probably due in some measure to

15 reduced job prospects from having a police record as well as, in the case of arrest for a minor offense, diminished legitimacy of the legal system in the eyes of the arrestee. And, conversely, there is evidence that police courtesy and efforts to convey the legitimacy of their actions have crime-reduction benefits.31 a mandatory arrest policy for police responding to domestic-violence calls… Arresting a man in response to a domestic-violence call does reduce his rate of reoffending—unless it has no effect or increases his abuse. It appears that whether arrest acts as a deterrent to further abuse depends upon what the social costs of arrest are for the assailant. Is he married, does he have children, how many friends does he have, what would the neighbors think, and, especially, is he employed? The key question, in other words, is what does he have to lose from the stigma that being arrested as a wife-beater incurs. The variable that seems to matter most is work— arrest decreases recidivism with employed men but either has no effect or increases it among the unemployed.32 providing more shelters for those seeking refuge from an abusive mate… Not even battered-women’s shelters offer an unambiguous remedy, although sound studies of their protective effects are few. One found that women who moved to a shelter and took further steps to help themselves were less likely to be abused again after their stay than women who didn’t enter a shelter. However, the women who entered the shelter but didn’t take additional steps to improve their situation suffered a slightly higher rate of subsequent abuse.33 Lest it be concluded that measures to reduce violence against women are ineffective or worse, consider a recent study of the factors underlying the two-decade decline in domestic-partner homicide.34 Decreasing rates of co-habitation, improvement in women’s economic status, and increased availability of domestic-violence services—specifically, hotlines and legal advocacy for women—were each found to have contributed. The surpris- ing news, somewhat jarring to common sense, is that men are the main beneficiaries of these factors—most of the 33-percent decline in domestic- partner killings consists of a reduction in the killing of husbands by wives. In 1976, there was sexual equality in this domain of dubious achievement. Today, the victims are more often women, although their victimization rate has declined too. (It is also interesting to note that national surveys of Americans’ experience of domestic conflict indicate that women physically assault their partners as often as men do.35 It would be erroneous to infer from this, however, that men and women are equally victimized by

16 such non-lethal domestic violence. A substantial proportion of women’s assaults are in the service of self-defense or retaliation for a partner’s persistent abuse and, in any case, women are far more likely to be injured from assaults by their partner than are men.36) democratic states are far less likely to go to war… This should be true, but it isn’t. While a decade of research by political scientists has demonstrated that democracies do not fight each other, the same work shows that democratic states are no less likely to go to war than other regime types are. Moreover, an analysis of interstate military conflicts over the last two centuries reveals that democratization itself tends to promote military conflict: nations undergoing regime change toward democracy are more likely to become involved in war than are stable regimes, whether democratic or not.37 So, while a world of democracies may well entail an end to war, the road from here to there may not be smooth. ancient hatreds will assert themselves in the bloodiest way. Difference, it seems, is deadly… This explanation of group conflict, invoked with hypnotic regularity, has the virtue of simplicity. Though readily grasped, it misrepresents what is going on. The ancient-hatreds account is based on a conception of humanity as packaged into discrete tribes, religions, or ethnic groups and on the assumption that the differences between such groups generate animosity by their very existence. Both are incorrect. Explaining why requires a little history. It is important to understand first that many of the tribal and ethnic groupings that figure in contemporary violent conflict are not historically deep but instead of quite recent vintage. Many are the result of contact between a politically and technologically complex society and a simpler one whose lands were on the periphery of the first or who were colonized by it. Colonial authorities organized populations according to administrative convenience rather than cultural affinities or indigenous political divi- sions. Groups that had been more or less autonomous were clustered into newly created “tribes.” Informal systems of leadership were formalized, leaders appointed. This outright invention of tribes occurred routinely and in diverse regions of the globe, from the Americas38 to China39 to, most dramatically, Africa.40 Consider the case of the Tutsi and Hutu of central Africa, whose recent bloodshed is typically talked about in news coverage as tribal warfare. Prior to the presence of German and then Belgian colonizers, Rwandan society consisted of kingdoms in which people called Tutsi enjoyed political dominion over people called Hutu but nonetheless had

17 economic obligations to the latter. Under the Belgian regime, beginning with World War I, this arrangement was hardened into a system of thor- oughgoing Tutsi domination, including the removal from power of low- and middle-level Hutu chiefs.41 This policy was justified by the Belgian notion that the Tutsi and Hutu were ethnically and racially distinct, the Tutsi considered to be Caucasian in character and thus suited for political hegemony. In fact, Tutsi and Hutu were not ethnically distinct, or at least only as distinct as groups who spoke the same language, worshiped the same deities, lived in the same villages, and intermarried and belonged to the same clans could be.42 Rather, the indigenous meanings of Tutsi and Hutu were “social superior” and “inferior.” Tutsi were primarily cattle-herders, Hutu farmers. One born a Hutu might become a Tutsi, and vice versa, if his economic fortunes changed. As part of their effort to impose a more systematic differentiation in Rwandan society, the Belgian officials required their subjects to carry identity cards—those with ten or more cows were designated Tutsi, the others Hutu. The privileges and domination accorded the Tutsi early on in the Belgian regime engendered lasting and reciprocal animosity between these groups, manifested in several mass killings since independence in 1962, the most horrendous being the Hutu’s attempted extermination of the Tutsi in 1994. That Hutu killers had to resort to the identity cards to determine whether a potential victim was one of their “ethnic enemy” speaks to the insignificance of true ethnic differences in motivating this violence. There are, of course, real cultural differences within many societies, more substantial than those characterizing the Hutu and Tutsi. People can be grouped by class, custom, belief, language, and ethnicity, i.e., geographic origin of their forebears, and such attributes may structure patterns of daily life, including frequency of contact with those of different groups. It is not the case, however, that such differences invariably or even typically engender conflict. Comity, or at least coexistence, is the rule, bloodshed the exception. The obduracy of the contemporary conflict between Israel and the Arabs is facilely ascribed to an age-old enmity between Jews and Arabs. This interpretation cannot be squared, however, with historical scholarship, which indicates that the Jews fared considerably better in Muslim countries than in Christian Europe during the Middle Ages and that they found refuge under (Muslim) Ottoman rule for 450 years after expulsion from Spain.43 In India, Muslims take part in local performances of the Hindu epic Ramayana, while both Muslims and Hindus make pil- grimages to the burial sites of Sufi saints.44 In Egypt, Muslims have long

18 participated in the Virgin Mary celebration of their Coptic Christian neighbors.45 In Sri Lanka, riven in recent decades by appalling violence between the Sinhala Buddhist majority and Tamil Hindu minority, religious tolerance and mutual cultural influence have been the norm for two thousand years.46 Group differences per se, then, do not preclude amicable relations, and they certainly do not inevitably entail hostility, much less violence. The potential is there, of course. What is necessary to turn difference into opposition is an alteration in self-conceptions so that just one of the numerous possible bases of individual identity becomes paramount. One potential group affiliation-—Hindu, Hutu, Catholic, French-speaker—is activated and made to feel more important than other, more comprehensive identities—Indian, Rwandan, Christian, Canadian, female, human. Cultivating such a contrastive identity in others is often the project of politicians or political aspirants, “ethnic entrepreneurs” who endeavor to mobilize their ethnic kin and thereby build themselves a constituency. This effort succeeds to the extent that prospective “recruits” find it in their interest to increase their affiliation on this dimension in the hope of cash- ing in on what the ethnic politician might deliver—jobs, educational opportunities, government contracts, land. Frequent reference to historical inequities or atrocities—real or mythical—is a crucial part of the rhetoric of most such mobilizers. If, in addition, people of one group come to believe that they are in imminent danger of assault by another, they can be motivated to violence; the perpetrators of ethnic violence invariably invoke mortal threat as the impulse to their actions. It is not an easy undertaking to induce people to take up arms against their neighbors and, in the process, incur a measure of risk to themselves. Certainly, the exhortations of ethnic politicians, no matter how eloquent, are not by themselves a sufficient catalyst. Objective conditions must be at least compatible with ethnic polarization. To take just one dimension, numbers matter.47 When multi-ethnic nations break up, as occurred with the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, a group’s numbers must now be recalcu- lated relative to others within the smaller fission products rather than at the level of the former, larger nation. A group that had once enjoyed a national majority might now find itself a numeric minority within one or more of the new states. Ethnic politicians can be expected to stress the consequent vulnerability of their constituency, a warning whose cogency is enhanced by reminders of past injustices or violence. Analysis of almost any case of ethnic violence will turn up some com-

19 bination of ethnic politicking and shifting group power relations as precursors. In Yugoslavia, some politicians employed extreme nationalist rhetoric in their effort to save their positions in the face of the inexorable movement for democratic reform in the 1980s. Calls for secession from some quarters within various republics were depicted as grave threats by politicians whose ethnic constituency would become a minority in the event of secession. The strategy of Serbia’s Slobodan Milosevic was to have Serbian-backed forces perpetrate violence in the other republics. Then, through his control of the mass media, he represented these incidents as unprovoked attacks by non-Serbs against Serbian women and children, likening them to historical precedents for such depredations against the Serbs. In this way, he was able to provoke the polarization instrumental in the now infamous violence that ensued.48 Prior to the Rwandan massacre, Hutu extremists, including represen-

Ordinary people are capable of unspeakable violence when leaders or aspirants to power convince them that they are in mortal danger from those cast as ethnic others. From left: campaign banner for Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia, massacre sites in Bosnia and Rwanda.

20 tatives of the Hutu-led government, took to the radio to warn of Tutsi plans to violently re-subjugate the Hutu (who had come to power in 1961). When the president’s plane was shot down in 1994, the Hutu-controlled radio stations instantly attributed the killing to Tutsi rebels and urged lis- teners to seek revenge, an exhortation that would continue and become completely explicit over the course of the three-month slaughter.49 In India, the major Hindu nationalist party, the bjp, struggled for years to attain popular support, trying to convince India’s Hindus that, despite enormous differences in well-being between castes, they shared more in common than they did with India’s Muslims. The bjp spearhead- ed the movement of the early 1990s to build a temple to Lord Rama on the site of a mosque in Ayodhya, in northern India. Hindus were urged to right a historical injustice: the mosque was alleged to occupy the site of Rama’s birth and to have been constructed centuries earlier by destruction of a pre-existing temple. At the same time, government provisions for lower castes and those outside the caste system were engendering resent- ment in the middle and upper castes. The bjp employed the Ayodhya mosque as a symbolic rallying point to build a vertical coalition among Hindus, contrasting a pan-Indian Hindu community (a notion invented only in the nineteenth century by nationalist politicians) with the Muslims outside of it. In December 1992, the Ayodhya mosque was razed. In the

21 Hindu-Muslim violence that followed, the worst since partition, at least 2,500 people were killed. And in 1996, the bjp won the largest number of seats in the Indian parliament.50 In recent years, Egyptian authorities have taken to prohibiting Muslims from participating in Virgin Mary celebrations, concerned about radical Islamicist violence on occasions when so many Coptic Christians are gathered together. This and similar efforts to “purify” popular practices have served to harden the boundaries between religious communities. As cultural practices and institutions that once integrated these groups have withered, violence against Copts has risen.51 Denigration of indigenous culture and religion by waves of Western colonizers in Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) provoked a backlash of chauvinistic group promotion in the Sinhala Buddhist majority. This reification of Sinhalese identity—and, in response, of Tamil as well—was strengthened by the Sinhalese adoption of a notion authored by Western language scholars, an idea strikingly parallel to that promulgated by the Belgians regarding the Tutsi and Hutu in central Africa. The Sinhalese and Tamils were declared to be of different race, with the Sinhalese akin to Europeans and therefore naturally superior to the Tamils. Thus, in the nineteenth century, was laid the basis for the exclusionary ethnicity that both causes and is caused by the violent vying for power that has afflicted Sri Lanka since independence from England in 1948.52 In short, it seems that efforts to narrow identities by those who stand to gain, though not always successful, are recurrent in societies complex enough to provide alternative bases of group affiliation. Intergroup violence doesn’t just happen; it is the product of a furious industry to convince people that they are different from others—others, it is claimed, with whom their interests conflict and from whom they have much to fear. To be sure, convincing people that their interests are opposed to those of another group is not always necessary. Many societies are, in fact, structured along ethnic lines—political-economic interests do vary by ethnicity, so that ethnic contention is a constant element in politics. It is crucial to understand, however, that such contention alone does not naturally lead to violence. Moreover, such contention, whether or not it takes a violent turn, is not about ethnic differences but about differences in access to resources and power, even though it is often characterized as essentially ethnic by both outside observers and participants themselves.

When it comes to understanding human violence, and especially to

22 the formulation of foreign and domestic policy intended to curtail it, something more than common sense and casual empiricism is required: scholarly research. Without the long view of the historian and the broad view of the anthropologist or student of comparative politics, common sense too readily invokes a ubiquitous, primordial xenophobia to explain what is really the work of individual agents driven by both calculation and ideal. Students of crime, some favoring small-scale ethnographic work and others the analysis of large bodies of data, provide an objective picture of the risk of criminal violence, its causes, and the efficacy of policies to reduce it. This picture often contrasts with the inevitably partial, often dis- torted vision of the individual citizen, based as it is on a mix of highly lim- ited personal experience, memorable anecdotes, and misleading popular- media coverage, which almost always favors the dramatic over the typical. Scholarly research is an invaluable, if not always valued, asset in the work of policy makers. Without it, their deliberations will be influenced not just by the strengths of common sense but by its shortcomings as well, what might be called common nonsense, the stubborn foibles of human reason- ing: mistaking correlations for causes, assuming that what comes first must cause what comes later, confusing traits of the community with those of the person. From the soft to the hard pole of the spectrum of disciplines, all research is governed by standards of valid explanation that originated in common sense, obviously, and yet provide an essential supplement to the deficiencies of that same human faculty. References 1. Blumstein, Alfred, and Richard Rosenfeld. 1998. Exploring recent trends in u.s. homicide rates. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 88:1175-1216. 2. Federal Bureau of Investigation. Crime in the United States. Washington, D.C. (Published yearly). 3. Reiss, Albert J, Jr., and Jeffrey A. Roth (eds.) 1993. Understanding and Preventing Violence. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. 4. Fox, James Alan, and Marianne W. Zawitz. 1998. Homicide Trends in the United States. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. 5. Kaufman, P., et al. 1998. Indicators of School Crime and Safety, 1998. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Departments of Education and Justice. nces 98-251/ncj 172215. 6. Kachur, S. Patrick, et al. 1996. School-associated violent deaths in the United States, 1992 to 1994. jama 275:1729-1733. 7. See note 5. 8. See note 4. 9. Roth, Jeffrey A., and Christopher S. Koper. 1997. Impact Evaluation of the Public Safety and Recreational Firearms Use Protection Act of 1994: Final Report. Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute. 10. U.S. Census Bureau. 1998. Statistical Abstract of the United States. 11. Gottfredson, Denise. 1997. School-based crime prevention. In Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Justice Research Report ncj 165366.

23 12. See note 3. Also see Webster, D. W. 1993. The unconvincing case for school-based conflict resolution programs for adolescents. Health Affairs 12:126-141. 13. Klein, Malcolm. 1971. Street Gangs and Street Workers. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. 14. Gottfredson, Gary D. 1987. Peer group interventions to reduce the risk of delinquent behavior: A selective review. Criminology 25:671-714. 15. Ross, J. G., et al. 1992. The effectiveness of an after-school program for primary grade latchkey students on precursors of substance abuse. Journal of Community Psychology (Office for Substance Abuse Prevention Demonstration Models Special Issue):22-38. 16. Sherman, Lawrence. 1997. Communities and crime prevention; Family-based crime prevention. In Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Justice Research Report ncj 165366. 17. Bushman, Brad J., and Roy F. Baumeister. 1998. Threatened egotism, narcissism, self-esteem, and direct and displaced aggression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 75:219-229. 18. Sampson, Robert J., and Dawn Jeglum Bartusch. 1998. Legal cynicism and (sub- cultural?) tolerance of deviance: The neighborhood context of racial differences. Law and Society Review 32:777-804. 19. Loeber, R., and M. Stouthamer-Loeber. 1986. Family factors as correlates and predictors of juvenile conduct problems and delinquency. In M. Tonry and N. Morris (eds.) Crime and Justice: An Annual Review of Research, vol. 7. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; Harris, J. 1998. The Nurture Assumption. New York: Free Press. 20. Zimmerman, M. A., D. A. Salem, and K. I. Maton. 1995. Family structure and psychosocial correlates among urban African-American adolescent males. Child Development 66:1598-1613. 21. Heuveline, Patrick. 1998. Family structure and adolescent mortality: An international comparison. Paper presented at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Palo Alto, Cal., November 20. 22. Sampson, Robert J. 1997. The embeddedness of child and adolescent development: A community-level perspective on urban violence. In Joan McCord (ed.) Violence and Childhood in the Inner City. New York: Cambridge University Press. 23. Smith, D. R. and G. R. Jarjoura. 1988. Social structure and criminal victimization. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 22:27-52. 24. Wilson, William Julius. 1996. When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor. New York: Knopf. 25. Tonry, Michael. 1995. Malign Neglect: Race, Crime, and Punishment in America. New York: Oxford University Press. 26. Feld, Barry. 1999. Bad Kids: Race and the Transformation of the Juvenile Court. New York: Oxford University Press. 27. National Research Council Panel on High Risk Youth. 1995. Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences; MacKenzie, Doris Layton. 1997. Criminal justice and crime prevention. In Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Justice Research Report ncj 165366. 28. Bishop, Donna M., Charles E. Frazier, Lonn Lanza-Kaduce, and Lawrence Winner. 1996. The transfer of juveniles to criminal court: Does it make a difference? Crime & Delinquency 42:171-191. 29. Sherman, Lawrence. 1997. Policing for crime prevention. In Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Justice Research Report ncj 165366. 30. Klein, Malcolm. 1986. Labeling theory and delinquency policy: An experimental test. Criminal Justice and Behavior 13:47-79. 31. See note 29. 32. Berk, Richard A., Alec Campbell, Ruth Klap, and Bruce Western. 1992. The deter-

24 rent effect of arrest in incidents of domestic violence: A Bayesian analysis of four field experiments. American Sociological Review 57:698-708. 33. Berk, Richard A., Phyllis J. Newton, and Sarah F. Berk. 1986. What a difference a day makes: An empirical study of the impact of shelters for battered women. Journal of Marriage and the Family 48:431-490. 34. Nagin, Daniel, Laura Dugan, and Richard Rosenfeld. Forthcoming. Explaining the decline in intimate partner homicide: The effects of changing domesticity, women’s status, and domestic violence resources. Homicide Studies. 35. Strauss, M. A., and Richard J. Gelles. 1986. Societal change and change in family violence from 1975 to 1985 as revealed by two national surveys. Journal of Marriage and the Family 48:465-479. 36. Kurz, Demie. 1993. Physical assaults by husbands: A major social problem. In Richard J. Gelles and Donileen R. Loseke, eds., Current Controversies on Family Violence. Newbury Park, Cal.: Sage. 37. Mansfield, Edward D., and Jack Snyder. 1995. Democratization and the danger of war. International Security 20:5-38. 38. Colson, Elizabeth. 1953. The Makah Indians. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 39. Fried, Morton. 1952. Land tenure, geography, and ecology in the contact of cultures. American Journal of Economics and Sociology 11:391-412. 40. Ranger, Terence. 1983. The invention of tradition in colonial Africa. In Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.) The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 41. Newbury, Catherine. 1988. The Cohesion of Oppression: Clientship and Ethnicity in Rwanda, 1860-1960. New York: Columbia University Press. 42. Lemarchand, Rene. 1994. Burundi: Ethnic Conflict and Genocide. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 43. Goitein, S.D. 1974. Jews and Arabs: Their Contacts through the Ages. New York: Schocken. 44. Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, and Lloyd I. Rudolph. 1993. Modern hate. The New Republic (March 22):24-29. 45. Oram, Elizabeth. 1999. Mapping Modern Identity: Space, Ritual, and the Production of Modern Coptic Identity. Doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Princeton University. 46. Little, David. 1994. Sri Lanka: The Invention of Enmity. Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press. 47. Lake, David A., and Donald Rothchild. 1998. The International Spread of Ethnic Conflict: Fear, Diffusion, and Escalation. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 48. Gagnon, V. P., Jr. 1994/95. Ethnic nationalism and international conflict: The case of Serbia. International Security 19:130-166. 49. Prunier, Gerard. 1997. The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide. New York: Columbia University Press. 50. See note 44. 51. See note 45. 52. See note 46.

RESEARCH GRANTS

AND Ph.D. DISSERTATION AWARDS

27 RESEARCH GRANTS JANUARY 1997 – JANUARY 1999

Please contact the foundation to discuss these projects or for information about how to contact a grantee.

JANET LIPPMAN ABU-LUGHOD (Sociology, New School for Social Research). Race/ethnicity, space, and poltical culture: A comparative study of collective violence in New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles. 1997, 1998.

ADAM ASHFORTH (Political Science, Baruch College, City University of New York). “Witchcraft” and democracy in the new South Africa: A political ethnography of Soweto. 1998, 1999.

LES BACK (Sociology, University of London). The cultural mechanisms of racist expression: A study of racism and anti-Semitism in graffiti, pam- phlets, style and body symbolism. 1996.

MICHAEL BARKUN (Political Science, Syracuse University). Conspiracy beliefs and violence in American culture: A comparative study of black and white separatism. 1998.

RUSSEL LAWRENCE BARSH (Native American Studies, University of Lethbridge). Blackfoot traditional models of aggression and healing. 1996.

JANICE BODDY (Anthropology, University of Toronto). Writing “Civilizing women: Modernity’s crusade in colonial Sudan.” 1998.

CHRISTOPHER R. BROWNING (Psychology, University of Chicago). Intimate violence in community context. 1999.

JEFFREY BURDS (Russian and Soviet History, University of Rochester). The roots of ethnic violence in West Ukraine: War and rebellion in Galicia, 1918-1953. 1996.

KIMBERLY WRIGHT CASSIDY (Psychology, Bryn Mawr College). The relationships between theory of mind, social information processing and aggression in preschool children. 1997.

MIGUEL ANGEL CENTENO (Sociology, Princeton University). The peaceful century: War in 20th century Latin America. 1997, 1998.

28 DAVID CHAPPELL (History, University of Arkansas). The mind of the segregationist: The strategy and propaganda of opposition to civil rights. 1999.

THEODORE F. COOK, JR. (History, William Paterson University). The Japanese soldier’s experience of war, 1937-1945: Violence, citizenship, and the individual in modern Japan’s lost war. 1998.

STEPHANIE CRONIN (History, University of London). The Middle Eastern military as a factor in domestic and regional conflict and violence: A case-study of the Iranian army. 1999.

ROBERT KNOX DENTAN (Anthropology, State University of New York at Buffalo). An innovative literary ethnography of the long-term consequences of outsiders’ violence on Semai peaceability. 1997.

RENE DEVISCH (Social Anthropology, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven). Violence and dysphoria: The villagisation of Kinshasa and the role of heal- ers. 1996.

ROXANNE LYNN DOTY (Political Science, Arizona State University). State practices, national identity, and anti-immigrantism in Western democracies. 1997.

DONALD M. DOUGHERTY (Psychiatry, University of Texas). The effects of tryptophan depletion and supplementation on serotonergic functioning and aggression in high and low aggressive subjects. 1997, 1998.

STEPHEN T. DRISCOLL (Archaeology, University of Glasgow). Forging a nation: Ethnic accomodation in the creation of Scotland in the early Middle Ages. 1996.

CHRISTOPHER I. ECKHARDT (Psychology, University of North Carolina at Wilmington). Processing of anger-related information in maritally violent and nonviolent men. 1997.

MALCOLM A. FEELEY (Law, University of California, Berkeley). An exploration of the marked decline of women’s involvement in crime and criminal violence: 1700-1900. 1998.

ALLEN FELDMAN (Anthropology, National Development and Research

29 Institutes) and PAMELA REYNOLDS (Anthropology, University of Cape Town). From silence and pain to transparency and memory: A proposed ethnography and discourse analysis of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. 1998.

ALLEN FELDMAN (Anthropology, National Development and Research Institutes). Remembering violence and the transvaluation of the public sphere: Write-up proposal for an ethnography of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and apartheid and post-apartheid violence. 1999.

WILLIAM F. FISHER (Anthropology, Harvard University). Contesting the nation: The “restoration” of democracy and the volatility of ethnic/state conflict in Nepal. 1996.

LAURENCE FRANK (Psychology, University of California, Berkeley). Proximate and ultimate factors modulating aggression in a unique animal model. 1996.

ZHENGYUAN FU (Political Science, University of California, Irvine). Social dynamics and political control in China’s prison. 1997.

ROY GODSON (Government, Georgetown University). The political- criminal nexus: Emerging violent threat to governability into the twenty- first century. 1998, 1999.

BEATRICE GOLOMB (Psychology, University of Southern California). Low serum cholesterol and violent behavior. 1997.

JEFFREY ALAN HADLER (Anthropology). Translations of antisemitism: Violence and minorities in Indonesia. 1999.

ANSLEY HAMID (Anthropology, John Jay College of Criminal Justice). The Latin Kings and gang violence. 1997.

ROGER HEWITT (Education, University of London). Adolescents and racial violence in South London. 1997.

DAVID HICKS (Anthropology, State University of New York at Stony Brook). Political control and female reproduction in East Timor. 1997.

30 DONALD L. HOROWITZ (Political Science, Duke University). Consti- tutional design: Many architects, no buildings. 1998.

SHARON ELAINE HUTCHINSON (Anthropology, University of Wisconsin-Madison) and JOK MADUT JOK (History, Loyola Mary- mount). The militarization of Nuer and Dinka community life: A comparative field study of the transformative impact of Sudan’s unresolved war. 1999.

CYNTHIA L. IRVIN (Political Science, University of Kentucky). Negotiating end games: Basque and Spanish perceptions of the Northern Irish peace process as a model for conflict resolution—prospects, lessons, and limitations. 1999.

BRUCE KAPFERER (Anthropology, James Cook University). Global- ization, the forces of poverty, and their formations of violence. 1999.

BRUCE M. KNAUFT (History, Emory University). Post-colonial aspira- tions and intimacies of violence among Gebusi of the Nomad area, Papua New Guinea. 1999.

VLADIMIR A. KOZLOV (Russian and Soviet Studies, University of Rochester). Urban unrest in Soviet Russia, 1960-1963. 1997.

MENNO R. KRUK (Neuroscience, University of Leiden). Neuro- endocrine response to stimulation of the hypothalamic area where aggression is evoked. 1997.

LASZLO KURTI (Ethnography, Eotvos Lorand University). Trans- nationalism, racist hostilities and interethnic violence: Conflicts in Hungary and Romania. 1997, 1998.

GARY LAFREE (Sociology, University of New Mexico). Characteristics and determinants of global homicide crime waves, 1946-1998. 1999.

DAVID D. LAITIN (Political Science, University of Chicago). Nationalism and violence in two postsoviet republics: Azerbaidjan and Moldova. 1997, 1998.

ALBERTO LENA (History, Universita degli Studi di Padova). Narratives of empire: Spanish and British discourse on the conquest and colonization

31 of America. 1999.

JOE L. P. LUGALLA (Anthropology, University of New Hampshire). Hardships and violence against street children in sub-Saharan African cities: Understanding street children and street life in urban Tanzania. 1999.

DARIO MAESTRIPIERI (Psychology, Emory University). Determinants of infant abuse and neglect in group-living macaques. 1997.

TERRY MARTIN (History, Harvard University). The limits of totalitari- an domination: Soviet social practices and the Stalinist system of social contol. 1999.

RAMIRO MARTINEZ, JR. (Criminology, University of Delaware). Latino violence in the United States: A five city study. 1999.

DAVID MAXWELL (History, Keele University). Protestant fundamentalism, post-war reconstruction: Pentecostalism as a transnational religious movement. 1996.

ROBERT L. MEISEL (Psychology, Purdue University). Neuro- pharmacology of female aggression. 1997.

GLENN MELANCON (History, Southeastern Oklahoma State University). Drugs, violence, and national honor: British foreign policy and the opium crisis, 1833-1840. 1998.

RICHARD H. MELLONI, JR. (Psychiatry, University of Massachusetts Medical Center). Neuronal plasticity and the control of aggressive behavior. 1996.

MARK D. MEYERSON (History, University of Toronto). Social violence and religious conflict in late medieval Valencia. 2000.

VESNA NIKOLIC-RISTANOVIC (Sociology, Institute for Crimino- logical and Sociological Research, Belgrade). Violence against women and social changes in post-communist countries. 1999.

SONOKO OGAWA (Neuroscience, Rockefeller University). Role of estrogen receptors on aggressive behaviors. 1997.

32 OLEG ORLOV and ALEXANDR V. CHERKASSOV (Political Science, Memorial Human Rights Center). Mechanisms reproducing ethnically motivated aggression: The problems of peacemaking in the Ossetian- Ingush conflict zone. 1998, 1999.

ALEXANDER G. OSSIPOV (Political Science, Russian Academy of Sciences) and SERGEI N. ABASHIN (Anthropology, Russian Academy of Sciences). Constructed “ethnic conflict” in post-Soviet societies: The case of Meskhetian Turks. 1997, 1998.

ALEX PILLEN-ARGENTI (Anthropology, University College London) and NICOLAS ARGENTI (Anthropology, University College London). Communities and families of the disappeared in southern Sri Lanka: Contemporary indigenous modes of survival in interaction with the international medical culture. 1997.

EUGENIA RODRIGUEZ-SAENZ (History, University of Costa Rica). Happy marriages: Civilizing domestic life in Costa Rica (1850-1950). 1999.

RANDALL R. SAKAI (Biology, Rockefeller University). Behavioral and physiological characterization of dominance and subordination: Persistence and reversibility. 1997.

RANDALL R. SAKAI (Biology, University of Pennsylvania). Neuro- endocrine consequences of dominance and subordination. 1998, 1999.

ROBERT M. SAPOLSKY (Biology, Stanford University). The endocrine stress-response and behavioral status in the olive baboon. 1996.

PETER T. SCHNEIDER (Sociology, Fordham University) and JANE C. SCHNEIDER (Anthropology, City University of New York). Mafia, antimafia, and the struggle for Palermo, 1950-1995. 1999.

HUBERT SCHWABL (Zoology, Washington State University). Maternal testosterone and the development of offspring aggression. 1999.

L. J. SHRUM (Marketing, Rutgers State University). Applying social cognition theory toward understanding the influence of television violence on social perceptions, attitudes, and behavior. 1996.

NEAL G. SIMON (Biology, Lehigh University). The neurosteroid dhea:

33 A potential antiaggressive agent. 1998.

NEAL G. SIMON (Biology, Lehigh University). Testosterone, serotonin, and aggression: Cellular markers. 1999.

IRA SOMMERS and DEBORAH BASKIN (Criminology, California State University, Los Angeles). Methamphetamine and violence. 1999.

EMMANUEL SSEMPA (Women’s Studies, Makerere University). Post- insurgency family livelihood systems and and conjugal relations in Soroti District—Uganda. 1999.

STEVEN STACK (Criminal Justice, Wayne State University). The effect of publicized life sentences, death sentences, and executions on homicide. 1998, 1999.

RALPH A. THAXTON, JR. (Politics, Brandeis University). Predatory socialism and the formation of peasant resistance to state domination in rural China, 1949-1995. 1996.

VALERY TISHKOV (Anthropology, Russian Academy of Sciences). Chechnya: Anthropology of war-torn society. 1998.

JAMES TONG (Political Science, University of California Los Angeles). Violence in the 1989 democracy movement in China: An analysis of defi- ant cities. 1997, 1998.

TERENCE TURNER (Anthropology, University of Chicago). The Kayapo conjuncture: An indigenous peoples’ alliance with international civil society against violence and rights abuse by the state and national society. 1997.

BERT USEEM (Sociology, University of New Mexico), ANNE M. PIEHL (Government, Harvard University) and RAYMOND LIEDKA (Sociology, University of New Mexico). Prisons and crime control. 1999.

ROBERT WHITE (Sociology, Indiana University). Provisional Irish Republicans: Ten years on. 1997.

ROBIN MICHEL WRIGHT (Anthropology, Universidad Estadual de Campinas). Hidden violence: Social, political, and historical dynamics of

34 witchcraft and sorcery among the Baniwa of the northwest Amazon, Brazil. 1999.

Ph.D. DISSERTATION AWARDS 1996 - 1999

PIERRE CENERELLI (History, Brandeis University). Reporting decolo- nization: French journalists and the Indochinese war, 1946-54. 1997.

ANDREW W. COHEN (History, University of Chicago). The struggle for order: Law and resistance to the corporate ideal in Chicago, 1900-1940. 1996.

ALX DARK (Anthropology, New York University). Community identity, alliance and confrontation over the environmental movement in Clayoquot Sound, British Columbia. 1996.

ANDREW JAY DIAMOND (History, University of Michigan). The bat-

Republican militants battle security forces, Belfast

35 tles of hoodlums, rebels and vice lords: Youth gangs, street violence, and the politics of race in Chicago, 1941-1973. 1997.

KAREN FRANKLIN (Psychology, California School of Professional Psychology). Hate crime or rite of passage? An exploration of assailant motivations in antigay violence. 1996.

MICHAEL GADDIS (History, Princeton University). Religious violence in the Christian Roman Empire. 1998.

GAUTAM GHOSH (Anthropology, University of Chicago). Riot, religion, remembrance: The partition of India and its aftermath, 1947-1997. 1997.

KAUSHIK GHOSH (Anthropology, Princeton University). The primitive as national modern: Indian modernity and the making of Adivasi ethnicity in Jharkhand. 1996.

MANU GOSWAMI (Political Science, University of Chicago). The production of India: Colonialism, nationalism, territorial nativism, 1870-1920. 1997.

MOHAMMED HAFEZ (International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science). Political Islam: Explaining the sources of accomodation and violence. 1998.

ANNE HARDGROVE (Anthropology, University of Michigan). The cultural politics of religious humanism in India. 1997.

MATTHEW HUSS (Psychology, University of Nebraska). An examina- tion of psychopathic batterers’ violence against women and the implications for treatment and the legal system. 1998.

ANAHITA J. N. KAZEM (Anthropology, University of Durham). Conflict management and the ontogeny of social skills in free-ranging juvenile rhesus macaques. 1998.

WAYNE LEE (History, Duke University). From riots to war: Public violence in eighteenth-century North Carolina. 1998.

SCOTT LONDON (Anthropology, University of Arizona). Domestic

36 violence and family law in Senegal, West Africa. 1998.

STEPHEN C. LUBKEMANN (Anthropology, Brown University). Migration and the local structuring of national means of violence and dis- placement in post-colonial Mozambique’s civil war. 1998.

SHADD MARUNA (Criminology, Northwestern University). Desistance and development: The psychosocial process of going straight. 1997.

TAMARA NEUMAN (Anthropology, University of Chicago). Land appropriation and violence in national religious settlement: The case of Kiryit Arba. 1998.

LAZIMA ONTA-BHATTA (Anthropology, Cornell University). Street children’s lifeworlds and the development discourse in Nepal. 1996.

VJEKOSLAV PERICA (History, University of Minnesota). Religious revival and ethnic mobilization in Yugoslavia, 1965-1991: A history of the Yugoslav religious question from the reform era to the civil war. 1997.

AMINUR RAHMAN (Anthropology, University of Manitoba). Domina- tion and violence in development: A study of women and credit programs in rural Bangladesh. 1996.

CELIA ROTHENBERG (Anthropology, University of Toronto). Palestinian village women and stories of the jinn: Experiences of oppression through stories of spirit possession. 1997.

ANDREA L. SMITH (Anthropology, University of Arizona). Colonial liminality, status anxiety and Maltese-origin pieds-noirs. 1996.

DAVID SORENSEN (Criminal Justice, Rutgers University). Intimate partnerships, procreation, and desistance from violent offending: Disentangling the marriage-crime relationship. 1997.

STEPHEN STRIFFLER (Anthropology, New School for Social Research). Violence, collective action, and agrarian transitions in coastal Ecuador since 1900. 1997.

AJANTHA SUBRAMANIAN (Cultural Anthropology, Duke University). A greater share in the sea: Ecology, development and social conflict in a

37 South Indian fishery. 1998.

TRACY TULLIS (History, New York University). A Vietnam at home: Policing the inner city, 1963-1974. 1996.

PETER VERBEEK (Psychology, Emory University). Peacemaking in young children. 1996.

HOLLY WARDLOW (Anthropology, Emory University). “You think you’re so strong?”: Female agency and violence among the Huli of Papua New Guinea. 1998.

REBECCA STETSON WERNER (Psychology, Bryn Mawr College). Understanding aggression in preschoolers: Its focus, motivation, and social goals as related to social-cognitive abilities and social functioning. 1998.

STEVEN IAN WILKINSON (Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology). Why violence stops: Hindu-Muslim conflict in India. 1996.

38 PROGRAM ACTIVITIES

The Curriculum Project courses on violence in their own institutions. Scholarly information about violence will have Conferences little impact on the world unless people learn about it and use such information as they make When the subjects of various grants coalesce decisions about their personal and civic lives. In around one general theme, or when a field seems 1998 the foundation invited twenty candidates to from the foundation's perspective to need the re- enter a competition to design an introductory framing and clarification that can come from course in violence studies for undergraduates. We extended discussion, we hold a small, informal told them we expected the course to cover a wide conference. variety of types of violence; review, assess, and relate material from most or all of the scholarly dis- ncovr Meets isra ciplines which contribute to an understanding of July 15, 1998 (New York) violence and aggression; and pay attention to how The foundation invited key members of the U.S. what we know about violence suggests policies and National Consortium on Violence Research to interventions to reduce violence. describe their work to members of another organi- Professor Robert Jackall (Sociology, Williams zation concerned with violence, the International College) won the competition with a curriculum Society for Research on Aggression. Participants: which included readings from classical literature, Alfred Blumstein, Patricia Edgar, Daniel Nagin (all contemporary politics, and criminology, and from the Heinz School of Public Policy and philosophical, historical, anthropological, and bio- Management, Carnegie Mellon University) and logical perspectives. He encourages students to Richard Rosenfeld (from the University of think about the sources of violence in human biol- Missouri-St. Louis). Rowell Huesmann, another ogy and in social organization, the range of subjec- member of the Consortium and the 1998 president tive meanings of violence in different historical and of isra, moderated. social contexts, the differences between industrial- ized violence and the violence of traditional war- Social Outsiders in Nazi Germany fare, and the contribution of structure, ritual and December 4-6, 1998 (Madrid) symbol, as well as the threat of violence, to main- Robert Gellately and Nathan Stoltzfus requested taining social stability and peace. Professor Jackall's historians of the Nazi era to give an account of the syllabus and reading list has been published as the Nazi surveillance, persecution, and murder of Fall 1999 issue of our magazine, The HFG Review, those they deemed "outsiders": among them, crim- along with comments from some of the other con- inals, mental patients, "unfit mothers," foreigners, testants on the subject of teaching about violence. homosexuals, and Gypsies. Discussion considered We are pleased that several of the courses designed especially how the persecution of particular groups for this competition are already being taught to real fit into the ideological, social, cultural, and politi- undergraduates, and we will undertake other cal world of Nazi Germany. Other participants efforts to bring these ideas to the attention of edu- were Shlomo Aronson, Omer Bartov, Doris cators who may use them as a starting point for Bergen, Richard J. Evans, Henry Friedlander,

39 Nazi ideology accorded Jews a special significance, but they were not the only category of people Hitler’s regime sought to destroy. Gypsies, homosexuals, and the mentally and physically unfit were also anathema to the Nazi ideal and thus subject to extermination.

Geoffrey Giles, Sybil Milton, Alan Steinweis, and Working Groups Nicholaus Wachsmann. Other issues involve a series of meetings of a The Crime Drop working group, whose central participants, with December 13-14, 1998 (New Orleans) occasional guests, meet together two to four times The factors responsible for the marked recent to build on progress achieved both together and decline in u.s. violent crime were discussed by stu- individually over time. dents of crime trends. Demographics, economics, policing, imprisonment, drugs, guns, and commu- Punishment nity anti-crime initiatives were considered. Each of This project is evaluating the effectiveness of and these factors is the topic of a chapter in the upcom- justifications for modern justice systems but also is ing book The Crime Drop, edited by Alfred developing a challenge to Western legal experiences Blumstein and Joel Wallman. Other participants: through perspectives from history, the developing Fox Butterfield, John Eck, James Fox, Andrew world, and the re-developing world of post-colo- Golub, Jeffrey Grogger, Bruce Johnson, Gil nial and post-authoritarian societies. A final meet- Kerlikowske, Edward Maguire, Richard Rosenfeld, ing to discuss papers written for a volume on pun- William Spelman, Ralph Taylor, and Garen Wintemute. ishment, edited by Sean McConville, was held in

40 Globalization and Violence Queluz, Portugal, on April 11-13, 1996. Other participants were Marcellus Andrews, Alan Duce, Globalization, an idea on the minds of scholars Jeffrey Fagan, Mark Fleisher, Roger Hood, Rowell worldwide, means many things to different people, Huesmann, Elizabeth Jelin, Nicola Lacey, Norval including the various participants in this project, Morris, and Monika Platek. A book is expected some of whom had studied global movements of early in the next millenium. money, commodities, and people and others of whom had viewed the consequences of these War, Victimhood, Remembrance, Resistance processes from the ground up. Many types of vio- This project (and the book which has resulted; see lence which are usually studied separately—crime, p. xx) introduces the agency of civilians, veterans, xenophobia, terrorism, the abrogation of indige- and grass-roots groups to a previous overemphasis nous rights, racism—when viewed in terms of the on the memorial projects of states, professional his- global system seem to share many causes and con- torians, and other authorities. A second meeting texts and cannot be wholly understood if these with book chapters prepared took place June 26-28, relations are not considered. Three meetings have 1996 in Chinchon, Spain. Participants were Paloma been held to discuss these issues, which will result Aguilar, Martin Jay, Catherine Merridale, Antoine in a book edited by anthropologist Jonathan Prost, Pierre Sorlin, Annette Wieviorka, and Friedman. Emmanuel Sivan and J.M. Winter, who edited the June 16-17, 1997 (Kona): Kajsa Ekholm Friedman, conference volume. Jonathan Friedman, Nina Glick Schiller, Bruce Kapferer, Liisa Malkki, Don Nonini, Steven Sampson, and Terry Turner.

The dark side of globalization: Jakarta, May 1998. The Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, which engendered riot- ing in Indonesia that took at least 1,000 lives, resulted from the collapse of financial markets due to overproduction for the world mar- ket and deprecia- tion of national currencies, lead- ing to withdrawal of foreign investment, widespread bankruptcy, spi- raling inflation, and massive unemployment. September 17-14, 1997 (Lund): Roxanne Doty, uscript in a penultimate stage and to comment in Jonathan Friedman, Roy Godson, Scott Lash, detail or in general on its argument. The author Bruce Kapferer, Enzo Mingione, Saskia Sassen, explains, defends, and revises the book in response. Michel Wieviorka, and Unni Wikan. We held one of these meetings recently to review a November 29-December 1, 1998 (New York): Atilio manuscript by grantee Jeffrey Burds, New Boron, Jonathan Friedman, Nina Glick Schiller, Perspectives on Domination, Violence, and Social Bruce Kapferer, Dani Nabudere, Victor Nemchinov, Control in the Late-Stalin Era. Providing Professor Okwudiba Nnoli, Don Nonini, Steven Sampson, Burds with comments and criticisms were William Terry Turner, and Unni Wikan. Chase, Peter Holquist, Mark Kramer, Hiroaki Kuromiya, Terry Martin, Gabor Rittersporn, and Postwar Issues: Trauma and Memory Douglas Northrup. The effects on a society of long periods of war and International Funding oppression lie not only in the narratives, public and private, which its citizens tell, but in opportu- We have made grants to scholars from Latin nities missed, institutions distrusted, resistance rit- America, Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe, ualized, and opportunities for recovery invented or although the majority of our grants have gone to reinvented. The shifting meanings of trauma and scholars from the United States and Europe. We memory expanded to social domains were analysed would like to increase the number of first-rate in these discussions, which contrasted legal frame- research proposals we receive from other areas and works for memory, such as truth commissions, have encouraged grantees whose work takes them with what they leave out and augmented medical- to these areas and makes them acquainted with and ized visions of harm and recovery with more per- indebted to local scholars to spread the word about sonal and traditional processes, among many other the availability of funding and to offer advice issues. A book edited by anthropologist Allen about writing a competitive grant application. As Feldman will result. well, we have relied on a network of international December 13-16, 1997 (Queluz): Russel Barsh, Val scholarly organizations and local groups of scholars Daniel, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Allen Feldman, Uli (notably, on the African continent the African Linke, Catherine Merridale, Pamela Reynolds, Association of Political Science, the Council for the Tony Robben, Eric Santner, Paul Stoller, and Development of Social Science in Africa, and the Ralph Thaxton. Southern African Regional Institute for Policy February 19-22, 1999 (New York): Rene Devisch, Studies) for introductions to scholars studying Allen Feldman, Bogdan Lesnik, Uli Linke, Zarana problems of violence in their own countries and Papic, Pamela Reynolds, Tony Robben, Paul elsewhere and for the opportunity to talk with them Stoller, and Ralph Thaxton. about preparing competitive research proposals. Although we have no funds beyond what we Master’s Seminars devote to individual grants and our small in-house Our master's seminars are a special type of con- programs, we recognize that in many parts of the ference in which discussion focuses on the work of world the most urgent intellectual necessity is a single participant, usually a book manuscript capacity-building at the most basic educational which is the outcome of an hfg research grant to levels and that funds are needed for infrastructural its author. Scholars expert in the range of issues and scholarship support far beyond our resources. dealt with in the book are invited to read the man- For this reason we participate in networks of foun-

42 Publications dations and development agencies to advocate for the participation and agency of local intellectuals Our grantees publish the results of their investi- in development and charitable initiatives which gations in books and journals read by others in originate in the West, and for funds to enable their field, and many of them take care that their sophisticated senior scholars in these parts of the messages reach the general public as well. (See world to reproduce themselves in the next genera- “Research Publications” in this report for a list of tion. We regret that this foundation cannot offer the publications which have resulted from our such institutional or infrastructural support. grants since we last published such a list, in 1993.) However, we encourage scholars from the develop- Papers written for our recent working groups ing world concerned with problems of violence and conferences appear in edited volumes: seriously to consider entering our competition for Cook, Philip J. (ed.) 1996. Kids, Guns, and research grants and to call upon us for help with Public Policy. Vol. 59, no. 1 of Law and issues arising in the application process which they Contemporary Problems (Duke University School of feel are peculiar to their geographical and eco- Law). nomic situations. Dandeker, Christopher (ed.) 1998. Nationalism

Violent imagery has been prevalent in many domains of representation, from religious symbolism to children’s literature, through centuries and across diverse cultures. Why We Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment, a book produced by an HFG working group, considers explanations for the appeal of such imagery.

43 and Violence. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. Fox, Richard G. and Orin Starn (eds.) 1997. Between Resistance and Protest: Cultural Politics and Social Protest. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. Goldstein, Jeffrey H. (ed.) 1998. Why We Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment. New York: Oxford University Press. Winter, J.M. and Emmanuel Sivan (eds.) 1999. War and Remembrance in the Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The HFG Review In 1996 the foundation began publishing a magazine, The HFG Review, which is designed to make informed, timely, and concise comments on issues of current concern to the general public. The first issue focused on topics related to substate warfare and state response, the second on criminal violence, the third on the biology of aggressive behavior, and the most recent on teaching about violence. Back copies are available on request, while they last.

44 HOW TOAPPLY

Grants you towards what we see as the most fruitful The foundation makes most grants in the range research plans and could prevent you from sending of $15,000 to $30,000 per year, usually for periods us an application which asks for support for activ- of one or two years. Money is available for salary, ities that we do not recognize as supportable research. field expenses, research assistance, clerical services, Refer to “Grants and Dissertation Awards” and and any other expenses directly related to and nec- “Research Publications” for examples of the sort of essary for the specific research project proposed. work we fund and scholarly products we expect. Applications for research grants are reviewed once We fund research, not interventions. Nor do we a year and are due in the foundation’s offices on fund evaluations of intervention programs where August 1. Decisions are made in December, and the research question is how well the particular money is available for funded projects as early as intervention is being implemented or how strong January 1. its effects are. Our program aims at new understandings of problems specifically related to aggres- Ph.D. Awards sion and violence themselves, not to the feasibility Fellowships for support during the writing of of interventions. Apart from our own conferences the Ph.D. dissertation are worth $10,000 each, and and workshops, we do not fund meetings or group are awarded once a year, with a deadline for receipt projects, although we do accept proposals for work of applications on February 1 and a decision in June. shared among two or three principal investigators Dissertation fellowship applicants and their advi- if their roles in and specific contributions to the sors must assure us that the dissertation will be fin- research are clear. ished during the award year. It is not appropriate A good proposal will pose a specific research to apply if this time constraint cannot be honored. problem. After reviewing previous work done in the area, the applicant will focus on questions that Citizenship would still puzzle someone familiar with the rele- Applicants for either the research grant or the vant literature, and then will propose specific and Ph.D. fellowship may be citizens of any country. creative methods to approach the problem directly. Research-grant applicants need not be affiliated As well, an application should not only convince us with an institution of higher learning, although that its subject is interesting and understudied but most are university professors with postgraduate or also show us how larger general lessons about vio- medical degrees. Ph.D. fellowships are available lence will be drawn from an investigation of this for graduate students enrolled at any university in particular instance of it. the world who are writing Ph.D. dissertations on A proposal describing a general problem—for subjects related to the foundation’s interests. example, “violence in the Great Lakes region of central Africa”—that does not include the specific Advice research questions the topic poses and a practical Please read this section carefully. It discloses our plan to get at the answers to those questions will ideas about what makes a convincing, promising not convince us that it is feasible and likely to be proposal for research. These comments could direct productive. Likewise, it is not very promising

45 when an applicant states that “very little is known basic neuroscience, sociology, or economics. about”—for example, “resilience in children at risk Should there be any concern about whether a for problem aggression”—and then proposes a planned project is relevant to the foundation’s research plan that replicates the many prior interests, please consult with one of our program research attempts that have resulted in that “very officers. little.” We will not fund one more study which Detailed guidelines for submitting applications will add only a small increment of progress over for research grants and for dissertation fellowships past work. accompany this report and also are available on Even if we could afford to give much more request from the foundation’s offices. Applications money to any one project than we do now, we must include a title page, abstract, statement of rel- would prefer to support analysis over raw data col- evance, informative budget, descriptive research lection; scholars whose work relies on large data plan, and curriculum vita for the principal investi- sets which are expensive to collect may find in our gator and each professional collaborator or, in the program an opportunity to ask for time to think case of the Ph.D. fellowship, for the doctoral can- about what the numbers mean and how their con- didate and advisor. Four copies of all materials clusions should affect the design of future studies. must be submitted. While the practical value of some research is Please read the guidelines carefully—including readily apparent, the applicability of scholarly the budget rules—and follow instructions meticu- insight is often only potential. We do not expect lously, providing all of the information requested immediate social change to result from the com- and in the quantity specified. Disorganized, pletion of a foundation-supported project, and we incomplete, sloppy applications testify to the same are skeptical about applications which promise to qualities in the conduct of research and seriously design “solutions” to persistent and vexing prob- damage a proposal’s chances of funding. Take the lems. However, we do look for evidence that an space necessary to describe your research ade- applicant is involved in the study of aggression quately, with full attention to methodology, but because of a concern with aggression as a problem have pity on our reviewers and be succinct—typi- in the world. The “relevance” box on the applica- cally, a research plan ranges from ten to twenty tion form’s abstract page is the applicant’s chance pages, and we prefer them double-spaced and to tell us, in a persuasive, pithy paragraph, about printed on one side of the page. It is not a good the value of the research and its contribution to the idea to shrink text to make it appear shorter than it larger goals of the foundation. Why is this partic- is: the readable application is clear in both appear- ular case chosen by which to investigate this larger ance and thought. Even typographical errors will problem? How do salient questions to be investi- distract the reader from your argument and might gated here relate to understandings developed else- lead to a negative evaluation. Take the trouble to where? proofread the text and to check your math and you We do not fund in an area just because a project will impress our reviewers as a careful and accurate addresses an unsolved and apparently urgent prob- worker. lem related to aggression if we cannot be assured Budgets that first-rate, useful research can be done. And we do not fund studies in areas that can be argued to Budget requests are appropriate only for have an ultimate, basic relevance to understanding expenses specifically related to the proposed aggression but not a particular focus on it, such as research, and salary requests should cover only the

46 time required by the research. We do not make it bridge), Catherine Merridale (Historical Studies, a priority to fund small percentages (3-7%) of the University of Bristol), Fred Myers (Anthropology, salaries of scholars employed in research universi- New York University), Daniel K. O’Leary ties so that they can devote small portions of their (Psychology, suny Stony Brook), Geoffrey Parker time to overseeing a project where the work is (History, Ohio State University), Roger Petersen being done by students. These salary portions, (Political Science, Washington University in St. with attached benefit percentages, add thousands Louis), Richard Rosenfeld (Criminology and of dollars to the cost of a project, money that could Criminal Justice, University of Missouri, St. be given to other investigators who cannot com- Louis), Neal Simon (Biological Sciences, Lehigh plete their work without grant aid. Ask only for University), and Cathy Spatz Widom (Criminology, the salaries essential to getting the work done and suny at Albany). Recommendations are made by which are not being paid by other sources. this panel to the Program Committee of the hfg board, who choose according to their interpreta- Deadlines tion of the foundation’s mission the proposals to be Deadlines refer to receipt by the foundation, not considered for funding by the full board of direc- postmark, and applications will be returned if they tors each year at its meetings in December and reach us after the due date. If the due date falls on June. a weekend, the deadline is the following Monday. If a proposal is turned down, it can be resubmit- There are no exceptions to this policy. ted, although our reviewers will want to see evidence of progress in your thinking in the mean- Evaluation time. Although often it is not easy to pinpoint The applications are evaluated for their scientific what is “wrong” with a proposal which has been quality and methodological aptness, as well as for rejected, on request we will describe our general the salience of the research questions to the foun- concerns about the work so that you can re-think dation’s interests and mission. This is done with areas which might have affected our decision. But the help of a panel of consultants who work together keep in mind that the grant evaluation process is over several years and contribute to defining and very competitive, and often the only thing wrong refining the foundation’s mission and to our ideas with a rejected proposal is that what we consider about how to pursue it. better ones have been funded instead. We can only Serving on this panel for the first part of the fund about one in ten of the projects proposed to period reported on here (through spring 1998) were us. If your proposal is rejected twice, it is usually Israel Abramov (Psychology, Brooklyn College, a not worthwhile to try yet again unless you have neuroscientist), Clark McCauley (Social Psychology, amended it considerably. Bryn Mawr College), Fred Myers (Anthropology, Members of the foundation staff are happy to New York University), Sunita Parikh (Political discuss possible applications, describe the review Science, Washington University), and Arthur procedure, and answer questions about the appli- Waldron (History, University of Pennsylvania). cation materials, by either phone or letter. Our job In summer 1998 this panel was expanded and includes helping applicants prepare the best appli- reconstituted. It now consists of Assaad Azzi cations they can and then choosing among these (Chaire Internationale en Psychologie Sociale, the sharpest, most promising ones for funding. Universite Libre de Bruxelles), Russel Barsh (Native American Studies, University of Leth-

RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS

The following list continues the bibliography of foundation-sponsored research last published in our 1993 report. This list includes products of research grants made both before and during the period covered by this report as well as publications resulting from hfg conferences and working groups, described in “Activities.”

Abelmann, Nancy. 1997. Reorganizing and recapturing dissent in 1990s South Korea: The case of farmers. In Richard G. Fox and Orin Starn (eds.) Between Resistance and Revolution: Cultural Politics and Social Protest. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. Abu-Lughod, Janet L. 1997. Comments on Loic Wacquant’s “Three pernicious premises in the study of the American ghetto.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 21: 357-62. 1998. Civil/uncivil society: Confusing form with content. In Mike Douglass and John Friedmann (eds.) Cities for Citizens: Planning and the Rise of Civil Society in a Global Age. New York: John Wiley & Sons. 1999. New York, Chicago, Los Angeles: The Rise of America’s Global Cities. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Adler, Jeffrey S. 1996. The making of a moral panic in nineteenth-century America: The Boston garroting hysteria of 1865. Deviant Behavior 17: 259-78. 1997. “My mother-in-law is to blame but I’ll walk on he neck yet”: Homicide in late nineteenth-century Chicago. Journal of Social History 31: 253-76. 1999. “The negro would be more than an angel to withstand such treatment”: African- American homicide in Chicago, 1875-1910. In Michael A. Bellesiles (ed.) Lethal Imagination: Violence and Brutality in American History. New York: New York University Press. Aguilar, Paloma. 1999. Agents of memory: Spanish Civil War veterans and disabled sol- diers. In Jay Winter and Emmanuel Sivan (eds.) War and Remembrance in the Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Albeck, D. S., C. R. McKittrick, D. C. Blanchard, R. J. Blanchard, J. Nikulina, B. S. McEwen, and R. R. Sakai. 1997. Chronic social stress alters levels of corticotrophin releasing factor and arginine vasopressin mrna in rat brain. Journal of Neuroscience 17 (12): 4895-4903. Alberts, S. C., J. Altmann, and R. Sapolsky. 1992. Behavioral, endocrine and immuno- logical correlates of immigration by an aggressive male into a natural primate group. Hormones and Behavior 26: 167. Alessandri, S. M., M. W. Sullivan, S. Imaizumi, and M. Lewis. 1993. Learning and emotional responsivity in cocaine-exposed infants. Developmental Psychology 29: 989-997. Altmann, J., S. Alberts, and R. Sapolsky. 1992. Endocrine and developmental correlates of unilateral cryptorchidism in a wild baboon. American Journal of Primatology 26: 309. Altmann, J., R. Sapolsky, and P. Licht. 1995. Scientific correspondence: Baboon fertility and social status. Nature 377: 688. Altmann, J., D. Schoeller, S. Altmann, P. Muruthi, and R. Sapolsky. 1993. Variability in body size and fatness in a free-living nonhuman primate population. American Journal of Primatology 30: 149.

49 Alvarez, Sonia E. 1997. Reweaving the fabric of collective action: Social movements and challenges to “actually existing democracy” in Brazil. In Richard G. Fox and Orin Starn (eds.) Between Resistance and Revolution: Cultural Politics and Social Protest. New Bruns- wick: Rutgers University Press. Back, Les. 1996. Technology, race and neo-fascism in a digital age: The new modalities of racist culture. Patterns of Prejudice 30 (2): 3-29. 1997. Nazism and the call of the jitterbug. In H. Thomas (ed.) Dance in the City. Basinstoke: Macmillan. 1997. Nazisme and jitterbug. Social kritik 51: 6-26. 1998. Racism on the internet. In T. Bjorgo and J. Kaplan (ed.) Brotherhoods of Race and Nation. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. 1998. Graffiti - Kriege. In R. Mayer and Mark Terkessidis (eds.) Globalkolrit: Multi- kulturalismus un Populärkultur. Wördern: Hannibal Verlag. 1998. Local/global. In C. Jenks (ed.) Core Sociological Dichotomies. London: Sage. Baskin, D., and I. Sommers. 1993. Females’ initiation into violent street crime. Justice Quarterly 10: 559-584. 1998. Casualties of Community Disorder: Women’s Careers in Violent Crime. Boulder: Westview. 1999. Women, work, and crime. In Paul Cromwell (ed.) In Their Own Words. Los Angeles: Roxbury. Baskin, D., I. Sommers, and J. Fagan. 1993. The political economy of female violent street crime. Fordham Urban Law Journal 20: 401-417. Bell, J. Bowyer. 1998. The Dynamics of the Armed Struggle. London and New York: Frank Cass. Bercovitch, F. B. 1992. Re-examining the relationship between rank and reproduction in male primates. Animal Behavior 44: 1168-1170. 1993. Dominance rank and reproductive maturation in male rhesus macaques (Macaca mulatta). Journal of Reproduction and Fertility 99: 113-120. 1997. Reproductive strategies of rhesus macaques. Primates 38: 247-263. Bercovitch, F. B., and P. Nurnberg. 1996. Socioendocrine and morphological correlates of paternity in rhesus macaques. Journal of Reproduction and Fertility 107: 59-68. Biolsi, Thomas. 1995. Bringing the law back in: Legal rights and the regulation of Indian- White relations on Rosebud Reservation. Current Anthropology 36 (4): 543-71. 2000. “Deadliest Enemies”: Law and the Making of Race Relations On and Off Rosebud Reservation. Berkeley: University of California Press. Blanchard, R. J., M. A. Hebert, R. R. Sakai, C. R. McKittrick, J. A. Henrie, E. Yudko, B. S. McEwen, and D. C. Blanchard. 1998. Chronic social stress: Changes in behavioral and hormonal indices of emotion. Aggressive Behavior 14 (4): 307-322. Blanchard, R. J., J. N. Nikulina, R. R. Sakai, C. R. McKittrick, B. S. McEwen, and D. C. Blanchard. 1998. Behavioral and endocrine change following chronic predatory stress. Physiology and Behavior 63 (4): 561-569. Bloch, Maurice. 1998. The presence of violence in religion. In Jeffrey H. Goldstein (ed.) Why We Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment. New York: Oxford University Press. Blumstein, Alfred, and Daniel Cork. 1996. Linking gun availability to youth gun violence. Law and Contemporary Problems 59 (1): 5-24. Special edition, Philip J. Cook (ed.) Kids, Guns, and Public Policy. Boddy, Janice. 1998. Remembering Amal: On birth and the British in northern Sudan. In Margaret Lock and Patricia Kaufert (eds.) Pragmatic Women and Body Politics.

50 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1998. Violence embodied? Female circumcision, gender, politics, and cultural aes- thetics. In R. Dobash and R. Dobash (eds.) Rethinking Violence Against Women. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Boulding, Kenneth E. 1996. Peace, justice, freedom, and competence in a changing world. In Thomas Gregor (ed.) A Natural History of Peace. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. Bourgois, Philippe. 1993. Accuracy in substance abuse research: An ethnographic perspective from El Barrio. In Problems of Drug Dependence: 1992 Annual Scientific Meeting of the College on Problems of Drug Dependence. Washington: National Institute on Drug Abuse. 1993. La mobilisation ethnique. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales 99: 53-64. 1995. The fine art of fitting in. Harper’s Magazine 291: 20-22. 1995. From jibaro to crack dealer: Confronting capitalism in Spanish Harlem. In Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp (eds.) Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1995. The political economy of resistance and self-destruction in the crack economy: An ethnographic perspective. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 749: 97-118. 1995. In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio. New York: Cambridge University Press. Excerpted in Susan Ferguson (ed.) Mapping the Social Language: Readings in Sociology. Braintree: Mayfield. 1995. Workaday world, crack economy. The Nation 261: 706-11. 1996. Confronting anthropology, education, and inner-city apartheid. American Anthro- pologist 98 (2): 249-258. 1996. Extreme souffrance sociale dans l’inner city americaine: La politique du welfare familial dans East Harlem. La Revue M 85/86: 50-60. 1996. In search of masculinity: Violence, respect, and sexuality among Puerto Rican crack dealers in East Harlem. British Journal of Criminology 36 (3): 412-427. 1996. Office work and the crack alternative among Puerto Rican drug dealers in East Harlem. In George Gmelch and Walter Zenner (eds.) Urban Life. Prospect Heights: Waveland. 1997. Extreme social suffering in the U.S. inner city: An ethnographic perspective on family welfare policy. In Manuel Castels and Eric Klinenberg (eds.) The New Urban Marginality in the Dual Metropolis: Poor Urban Youths in France and the United States; Towards a Research Agenda. Berkeley: Center for Western European Studies, University of California Press. 1997. Overachievement in the underground economy: The life story of a Puerto Rican stick-up artist in East Harlem. Free Inquiry for Creative Sociology 25 (1): 23-32. 1997. Resistance et autodestruction dans l’apartheid americain. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales 120: 60-68. 1998. Families and children in pain in the U.S. inner city. In Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Carolyn Sargent (eds.) Small Wars: The Cultural Politics of Childhood. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1998. Just another night in a shooting gallery. Theory, Culture and Society 15 (2): 37-66. 1998. Una historia callejera en el barrio. Educacion y Biblioteca: Revista Mensual de Documentacion y Recursos Didacticos 88: 44-45. Bourgois, Philippe, and Eloise Dunlap. 1993. Exorcising sex-for-crack prostitution: An ethnographic perspective from Harlem. In Mitchell Ratner (ed.) Crack Pipe as Pimp: An Eight-City Ethnographic Study of the Sex-For-Crack Phenomenon. Lexington:

51 Lexington Books. Brown, Michael F. 1991. Beyond resistance: A comparative study of utopian renewal in Amazonia. Ethnohistory 38 (4): 388-413. Reprinted with adaptations in Anna Roosevelt (ed.) 1994. Amazonian Indians from Prehistory to the Present. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 1993. Facing the state, facing the world: Amazonia’s native leaders and the new politics of identity. L’Homme 33 (2-4): 311-330. 1996. On resisting resistance. American Anthropologist 98 (4): 729-735. Buck, R. 1997. From dna to mtv: The spontaneous communication of emotional messages. In J. O. Greene (ed.) Message Production: Advances in Communication Theory. Mahwah: Erlbaum. Buck, R., C. J. Easton, and C. K. Goldman. 1995. A developmental-interactionist theory of motivation, emotion, and cognition: Implications for understanding psychopathology. Japanese Journal of Research on Emotions 3 (1): 1-16. Buck, R., and B. Ginsburg. 1997. Communicative genes and the evolution of empathy. In W. Ickes (ed.) Empathic Accuracy. New York: Guilford. 1997. Selfish and social emotions as voices of selfish and social genes. In C. S. Carter, I. I. Lederhendler, and B. Kirkpatrick (eds.) Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, vol. 807: The Integrative Neurobiology of Affiliation. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Buck, R., C. K. Goldman, C. J. Easton, and N. Norelli-Smith. 1998. Social learning and emotional education: Emotional expression and communication in behaviorally- disordered children and schizophrenic patients. In W. F. Flack and J. D. Laird (eds.) Emotions in Psychopathology. New York: Oxford University Press. Burds, Jeffrey. 1997. agentura: Soviet informants’ network in Galicia, 1944-1948. Eastern European Politics and Societies 11 (1): 89-130. Cantor, Joanne. 1998. Children’s attraction to violent television programming. In Jeffrey H. Goldstein (ed.) Why We Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment. New York: Oxford University Press. Carlton, Charles. 1998. Civilians. In J. Kenyon and J. Ohlmeyer (eds.) The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland, and Ireland, 1638-1660. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carrol, K., and D. Maestripieri. 1998. Infant maltreatment in monkeys: A discussion of definitions, epidemiology, etiology, and implications for child maltreatment. A reply to Cichetti (1998) and Mason (1998). Psychological Bulletin 123: 234-237. Cavanaugh, William T. 1998. Torture and Eucharist: Theology, Politics, and the Body of Christ. Oxford: Blackwell. Clarke, A. S., and M. L. Schneider. 1993. Prenatal stress has long-term effects on behavioral responses to stress in juvenile rhesus monkeys. Developmental Psychobiology 26: 293-304. 1997. Effects of prenatal stress on behavior of adolescent rhesus monkeys. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 807: 490-492. Clarke, A. S., A. Soto, T. Bergholz, and M. L. Schneider. 1996. Maternal gestation stress alters adaptive and social behavior in adolescent rhesus monkey offspring. Infant Behavior and Development 19: 451-472. Clarke, A. S., D. J. Wittwer, D. H. Abbott, and M. L. Schneider. 1994. Long-term effects of prenatal stress on hpa axis activity in juvenile rhesus monkeys. Developmental Psychobiology 27: 257-270. Chase, Ivan D. 1980. Social process and hierarchy formation in small groups: A compar-

52 ative perspective. American Sociological Review 45: 905-924. 1982. Behavioral sequences during dominance hierarchy formation in chickens. Science 216: 439-440. 1982. Dynamics of hierarchy formation: The sequential development of dominance relationships. Behaviour 80: 218-240. 1985. The sequential analysis of aggressive acts during hierarchy formation: Application of the ‘jigsaw puzzle’ approach. Animal Behaviour 33: 86-100. Chase, Ivan D., and Sievert Rohwer. 1987. Two methods for quantifying the development of dominance hierarchies in large groups with applications to Harris’ sparrows. Animal Behaviour 35: 1113-1128. Chase, Ivan D., C. Bartolomeo, and Lee A. Dugatkin. 1994. Aggressive interactions and inter-contest interval: How long do winners keep winning? Animal Behaviour 48: 393- 400.

A New Orleans teenager shows off his pistol

Cook, Philip J. (ed.) 1996. Law and Contemporary Problems 59 (1). Special edition, Kids, Guns, and Public Policy. Cook, Philip J., and James A. Leitzel. 1996. “Perversity, futility, jeopardy”: An economic analysis of the attack on gun control. Law and Contemporary Problems 59 (1): 91-118. Special edition, Philip J. Cook (ed.) Kids, Guns, and Public Policy. Cook, Theodore F. 1999. Mongol invasion: Birth of Japan’s kamikaze legend. MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History 11 (2): 8-19. Cornell, D. G., J. Warren, G. Hawk, E. Stafford, G. Oram, and D. Pine. 1996. Psychopathy of instrumental and reactive violent offenders. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 64: 783-790. Creamer, Winifred, and Jonathan Haas. 1998. Less than meets the eye: Evidence for protohistoric chiefdoms in northern New Mexico. In Elsa Redmond (ed.) Chiefdoms and Chieftancy in the Americas. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Creamer, Winifred, Thomas Mann, and Jonathan Haas. 1997. Applying photogrammet- ric mapping: A case study from Northern New Mexico. American Antiquity 62 (2): 285-

53 300. Crenshaw, Martha. 1996. Why violence is rejected or renounced: A case study of opposi- tional terrorism. In Thomas Gregor (ed.) A Natural History of Peace. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. Currier, G., L. Barthauer, B. Begier, and M. Bruce. 1996. Experience and training of psychiatric housestaff with domestic violence identification. Psychiatric Services 47: 529- 530. Dadrian, Vahakn N. 1992. The role of Turkish military in the destruction of Ottoman Armenians: A study in historical continuities. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 20 (2): 257-286. 1993. A twist in the punishment of some of the arch-perpetrators of the Armenian genocide. The Armenian Cause 10 (2): 2e-5e. 1993. The secret Young-Turk Ittihadist Conference and the decision for the World War One genocide of the Armenians. Holocaust and Genocide Studies 7 (2): 173-201. 1994. Party allegiance as a determinant in the Turkish military’s involvement in the World War One Armenian genocide. Revue du Monde Arménien Moderne et Contemporain 1 (1): 87-101. 1996. The comparative aspects of the Armenian and Jewish cases of genocide: A socio- historical perspective. In Alan Rosenbaum (ed.) Is the Holocaust Unique? Boulder: Westview. 1996. Der Genozid an den Armeniern und das Völkerrecht. Phönix aus der Asche. In Armenien 80 Jahre nach dem Genozid. Frankfurt am Main: Deutsch-Armenische Gesellschaft. 1997. German Responsibility in the Armenian Genocide. A Review of the Historical Evidence of German Complicity. Cambridge: Blue Crane. 1997. The History of the Armenian Genocide: Ethnic Conflict from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Caucasus. Providence: Berghahn. 1998. The Armenian genocide and the evidence of German involvement. University of West Los Angeles Law Review 29: 79-122. 1998. The Armenian genocide and the legal and political issues in the failure to prevent or to punish the crime. University of West Los Angeles Law Review 29: 43-78. 1998. The convergent roles of the state and a government party in the Armenian genocide. In Levon Chorbajian and George Shirinian (eds.) Studies in Comparative Genocide. Basingstoke: Macmillan. 1998. The determinant aspects of the Armenian genocide. Yale Center for International Studies, Working Paper Series gso2: 1-28. 1998. German responsibility in the Armenian genocide: The role of protective alliances. International Network on Holocaust and Genocide 12 (3): 4-9. 1998. The historical and legal interconnections between the Armenian genocide and the Jewish Holocaust: From impunity to retributive justice. Yale Journal of International Law 23 (2): 503-559. 1998. Der vergessene Völkermord: Der Genozid an den Armeniern. In Rupen Boyadjian (ed.) Völkermord und Verdrängung. Zurich: Arbeits-Kreis Armenien. 1999. Warrant for Genocide: Key Elements of Turko-Armenian Conflict. New Brunswick: Transaction. Daly, Jonathan. 1995. On the significance of emergency legislation in late imperial Russia. Slavic Review 54: 602-629. 1997. Polozhenie ob okhrane 14 avgusta 1881 g. i repressivnaia politika imperatorskoi Rossii. In Politicheskii sysk v Rossii: Istoriia i sovremennost. St. Petersburg: Izd. Sankt-

54 Petersburgskogo universiteta ekonomiki i finansov. 1997. Storming the last citadel: The Bolshevik assault on the church, 1922. In Vladimir N. Brovkin (ed.) The Bolsheviks in Russian Society: Revolution and Civil Wars. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1998. Autocracy Under Siege: Security Police and Opposition in Russia, 1866-1905. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press. Daly, M., C. Salmon, and M. Wilson. 1997. Kinship: The conceptual hole in psychological studies of social cognition and close relationships. In J. Simpson and D. Kenrick (eds.) Evolutionary Social Psychology. Englewood Cliffs: Erlbaum. Daly, M., L. S. Singh, and M. Wilson. 1993. Children fathered by previous partners: A risk factor for violence against women. Canadian Journal of Public Health 84: 209-210. Daly, M., and M. Wilson. 1993. Evolutionary psychology of male violence. In J. Archer (ed.) Male Violence. London: Routledge, Chapman & Hall. 1993. Stepparenthood and the evolved psychology of discriminative parental solicitude. In S. Parmigiami and F. vom Saal (eds.) Infanticide and Parental Care. London: Harwood. 1994. Discriminative parental solicitude and the relevance of evolutionary models to the analysis of motivational systems. In M. S. Gazzaniga (ed.) The Cognitive Neuro- sciences. Cambridge: MIT. 1994. Some differential attributes of lethal assaults on small children by stepfathers versus genetic fathers. Ethology and Sociobiology 15: 207-217. 1996. Evolutionary psychology and marital conflict: The relevance of stepchildren. In D. M. Buss and N. Malamuth (eds.) Sex, Power, and Conflict: Feminist and Evolutionary Perspectives. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1996. Violence against stepchildren. Current Directions in Psychological Science 5: 77-81. 1997. Cinderella revisited. In L. Betzig (ed.) Evolution and Human Behavior: A Critical Reader. New York: Oxford University Press. 1997. The evolutionary social psychology of family violence. In C. Crawford and D. Krebs (eds.) Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology. Englewood Cliffs: Erlbaum. 1997. Crime and conflict: Homicide in evolutionary perspective. Crime and Justice 22: 251-300. 1998. An evolutionary psychological perspective on homicide. In D. Smith and M. Zahn (eds.) Homicide Studies: A Sourcebook of Social Research. 1998. The Truth About Cinderella. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Daly, M., K. A. Wiseman, and M. Wilson. 1997. Women with children sired by previous partners incur excess risk of uxoricide. Homicide Studies 1: 61-71. Dandeker, Christopher, and James Gow. 1997. The future of peace support operations: Strategic peacekeeping and success. Armed Forces and Society 23 (3): 327-348. 1997. Strategic peacekeeping. In The Centre for Defence Studies (ed.) Brassey’s Defence Yearbook 1997. London: Brassey’s. Davis, John H. 1993. Mafia Dynasty: The Rise and Fall of the Gambino Crime Family. New York: HarperCollins. de la Cadena, Marisol. 1994. “Indigenistas” etnicidad, “decencia” y cultura politica: Cuzco 1920. Revista Andina (July): 79-122. 1996. The political tensions of representations and misrepresentations: Intellectuals vs. mestizas in Cuzco, 1919-1991. Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2 (1): 112-147. 1997. Mario Vargas Llosa y el “mundo andino.” Revista del Instituto de Defensa Legal. Lima: Instituto de Defensa Legal. de la Fuente, Alejandro. 1996. Negros y electores: Desigualdad y políticas raciales en

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DIRECTORS, OFFICERS, AND STAFF

BOARD OF DIRECTORS    , 

Peter Lawson-Johnston, Chairman of the Board James M. Hester, President

Josiah Bunting III Theodore D. Lockwood Peyton S. Cochran, Jr. Tania L-J. McCleery Dana Draper Jeremiah Milbank III James B. Edwards Alan J. Pifer Howard D. Graves Lois Dickson Rice Donald C. Hood William O. Baker (Lifetime) Carol Langstaff Donald R. Griffin (Lifetime) Lewis H. Lapham Joan G. Van de Maele (Lifetime) Peter Lawson-Johnston II William C. Westmoreland (Lifetime) Gillian Lindt

COMMITTEES OF THE BOARD Executive Committee Program Committee Peter Lawson-Johnston, Chairman James M. Hester, Chairman Peyton S. Cochran, Jr. William O. Baker James M. Hester Josiah Bunting III Alan J. Pifer Howard D. Graves Donald C. Hood Donald C. Hood Carol Langstaff Investment Committee Louis Lapham Peter Lawson-Johnston II, Chairman Peter Lawson-Johnston James M. Hester Gillian Lindt Peter Lawson-Johnston Theodore D. Lockwood Jeremiah Milbank III Tania L-J. McCleery Alan J. Pifer

OFFICERS AND STAFF CONSULTANTS Mary-alice Yates, Secretary Assaad Azzi Geoffrey Parker Joseph A. Koenigsberger, Treasurer Russel Barsh Roger Petersen Karen Colvard, Senior Program Officer Catherine Merridale Richard Rosenfeld Joel Wallman, Program Officer Fred Myers Neal Simon Brian Slattery, Assistant Program Officer Daniel K. O’Leary Cathy Widom

Counsel: Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton Auditors: Lutz and Carr

FINANCIAL DATA

STATEMENT OF FINANCIAL POSITION, DECEMBER 31, 1998

ASSETS Cash $ 96,892 Investments 49,889,903 Other Assets 179,180 Interest in a Charitable Remainder Trust 21,823,189

Total Assets $ 71,989,164

LIABILITIES AND NET ASSETS Accounts Payable and Accrued Expenses $ 39,271 Grants and Charitable Contributions Payable 905,857 Postretirement Benefits Payable 471,434

Total Liabilities 1,416,562

Unrestricted 48,749,413 Temporarily Restricted 21,823,189

Total Net Assets 70,572,602

Total Liabilities and Net Assets $ 71,989,164

Images

Cover: Christie’s/PNI 2: Tony Freeman/PNI; Liaison 6: Klaus Reisiniger/Black Star 10: Troy Glasgow/Black Star 12: Tyrone Turner/Black Star 13: Joseph Rodriguez/Black Star 15: Harold Stucker/Black Star 20: Tom Sobolik/PNI; Lau Van Der Stockt/Liaison 21: Michael Coyne/Black Star 35: Kelvin Boyes/FSP/Liaison 40: Archive Photos/PNI 41: Paula Bronstein/Liaison 43: Mike Yamashita/PNI 53: Tyrone Turner/Black Star 60: Joe Traver/Liaison 74: Lau Van Der Stockt/Liaison 75: Jim Bourg/Liaison

This report was written by Karen Colvard, Brian Slattery, and Joel Wallman.