Current Economic Relations Between China and Latin America

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Current Economic Relations Between China and Latin America “A Few Words of Gratitude” First of all I have the duty and the pleasure to give my deepest gratefulness to all the personnel and researchers with the IDE for all the help and support they have provided me during my stay in Japan and for the successful accomplishment of my research project. In addition, I feel very thankful for the opportunity to get to know this particular people and deepen my understanding of its culture. I would like to particularly thank my counterpart Kanako Yamaoka, whose help was essential for anything I have achieved. I also appreciate the valuable remarks on the Chinese economy from Ken Imai and the solidarity offered by Tatsufumi Yamagata. The author Eduardo Regalado Florido, MSc. is the deputy director of the Cuba’s Center for Studies on Asia and Oceania (CEAO). He majored in Education in the Specialty of Geography at the Pedagogical University Enrique José Varona in Havana, Cuba. He got a Mastership in International Economics at the Center for Research on International Economics, Havana University. He is currently a Senior Assistant Professor of Political Economics at the Havana’s University of Informatics Sciences (UCI) and specializes on the economics and politics of the People’s Republic of China at the CEAO. This paper is the result of his three months stay at the Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, Japan, from September 30, 2008 to December 29 2008 as a Visiting Research Fellow. List of Major Works - “Defending the Yuan”. 1998. Published by: Asia-Pacifico. Magazine of the Center for Studies on Asia and Oceania, Cuba. Special Issue. No.3. March 1999. ISSN – 1025-3068. (Co-author: PhD. Elda Molina) - “China and the World Trade Organization”. Proyección 2000. Magazine of the “Fundación Noreste”, Topolobampo y la Cuenca del Pacífico, A.C. México. No. 10, September 2000. (Co-author: PhD. Julio Díaz Vázquez) - “The Reform of the State Companies: A Decisive Stage for the Economic Restructuring”. Economía y Desarrollo. Magazine of the Havana University, Cuba No. 2 / 2001. ISSN 02552-8584. - “Central America: A Venue for the China-Taiwan Conflict”. Cuadernos de Nuestra -i- América. Magazine of the Center for Studies on America, Cuba. Vol. XIII, No. 26 – Vol. XIV, No. 27, July 2000- June 2001. ISSN 0864-179 (Co-author: MsC. Alfredo González Pedraza) - “China and ASEAN at the Path of Integration in the XXI Century”. Magazine of the Institute for Studies on Africa and Asia. Tokyo, Japan. 2002. ISSN 0286-8369. (Co-author: MsC. Mónica Cortina Castellanos). - “The Financial Reform in China”. De la Economía Internacional (Digital Magazine of the International Economics Research Center of Havana University, Cuba. 2003. ISSBN 959-7164-54-x; Economía y Desarrollo. Magazine of the Havana University, Cuba. No. 2 / 2003. ISSN 02552-8584; México y el Asia Pacífico. Magazine of the Asia-Pacific University, Mexico. No. 2, May 04. (Co-author: PhD. Elda Molina) - China: Again Defending the Renminbi”. México y el Asia Pacífico. Magazine of the Asia-Pacific University. Mexico No. 2, May 04. (Co-author: PhD. Elda Molina) - “Integration in Asia-Pacific”. México y el Asia Pacífico. Magazine of the Asia-Pacific University. Mexico. No.3, March, 2005. http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2004/n027p11.htm. (Co-author: PhD. Elda Molina). -ii- Contents Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………… 1 Chapter I. Economic Situation and International Insertion of China and Latin America since the 1980’s.………………………………………………… 4 1.1 The Chinese Economy after the Process of Reform and Opening. ………… 4 1.2 The Latin American Economy since the 1980’s.………………………… 4 Chapter II. Characterization of the Present Economic Relations between China and Latin America. ………………………………………………… 6 2.1 Evolution of the Economic Relations between China and Latin America from the 1980’s to 2000. ……………………………… 6 2.2 Results of the Relations’ Expansion atter 2004. ………………………………10 2.3 China’s Bilateral Relations with Some Latin American Countries. ……… 19 2.3.1 Argentina. ………………………………………………………… 19 2.3.2 Brazil. ……………………………………………………………… 22 2.3.3 Chile. ……………………………………………………………… 24 2.3.4 Mexico. …………………………………………………………… 26 2.3.5 Cuba. ……………………………………………………………… 28 Chapter III. Assessment and Prospects of the China -Latin America Economic Relations. ………………………………… 32 3.1 Challenges and Opportunities. …………………………………………… 32 3.2 Prospects. ………………………………………………………………… 35 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………… 37 References ……………………………………………………………………………… 39 -iii- - iv- Introduction Since the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, neither this country nor Latin America comprised themselves among the priority areas for their foreign policies, mainly due to political, geographical and cultural reasons. In the second half of the 1950’s the “Cold War” policy enforced by the United States to isolate Communist countries, damaged the relationships of the Asian country with the rest of the world, while setting the guidelines for Latin America’s external policy. In Latin America, the United States imposed the “Truman Doctrine” (1947) and the “Rio Treaty” (1948) aimed at consolidating their political and economic prevalence in the continent and neutralizing the communist influence. In addition, military governments were abundant in the region in the 1950’s, and they were rather reluctant to set up relationships with China. Within this context, the Latin American countries accepted Taiwan’s as the legitimate government of China and failed to establish diplomatic relationships with the continental authorities. In the 1950-1958 lapse, the Chinese authorities made efforts to expand cultural and economic exchanges that could lead to the establishment of diplomatic relationships. However, in the commercial field the total amount of exchanges barely amounted to $30 million1. The first diplomatic relations in the region were established in the 1960’s after the Cuban revolution. This event prompted the beginning of a new phase (1960-1965) for the China-Latin America relationships, with bilateral trade reaching $31 million in 1960, over $343 million in 1965 and $1.3 billion in the 1960-1965 lapses2. This encouraging behavior slowed down significantly in the second half of the 1960’s for several causes. It was damaged by the China-USSR discrepancies, the sudden changes in Latin America’s political situation (military coups in several countries) and China’s “Cultural Revolution”. However, after Taiwan was removed and the People’s Republic of China reinstated in the United Nations, a total of 11 Latin American countries extended it their diplomatic acknowledgment in the 1970’s 3 . Thus, from 1970 to 1979 took place a process of normalization of the China-Latin America links, which had repercussions in the political and economic fields. More than 10 commercial agreements were signed with different countries in the region; the exchange of official commercial delegations exceeded 50 and foreign trade increased eight folds, from some $146 million in 1970 to over $261 million in 19794. The 1980’s were decisive both for China and Latin America. In China, due to the process of reform and opening that took place after 1979 and in Latin America owing to the 1 www.moftec.gov.cn 2 www.moftec.gov.cn 3 Chile (1970), Peru (1971), Mexico, Argentina, Guyana and Jamaica (1972), Trinidad & Tobago, Venezuela and Brazil (1974), Surinam (1976) and Barbados (1977). 4 www.moftec.gov.cn -1- important changes that began taking shape both in the economic and political fields. A new stage started for the links between both parties in these years. Initially, they were not quite significant, with ups and downs until 2004, but registered an outstanding boom after this year. This work will be devoted to analyze this particular period. Research Problem: Precisely, the rising Chinese presence in Latin America has opened the way to a wide debate on the possible opportunities and risks derived. Several questions arise, but the purpose of this work is to answer one in particular: Are China’s relations with Latin America complementary or Chinese exports of manufactured goods to the region are threatening and undermining local producers, while imports from China condemn the region to an eternal role as exporter of raw materials? Hypothesis: My research departures from the hypothesis that, in the current conjuncture, there is a complementation in the relationship between both parties that allows them to enhance the potential for mutual development. For Latin America, the current presence of China in the continent is allowing an outstanding opportunity to start a path towards sustainable development, which in turn should influence the readjustment of the international economic relations in the region. For China, this relationship allows an expansion and improved balance in its international economic relations and mainly to secure the resources required for its development. Goals: The general goal of this research is to produce a balanced approach and estimate the prospects for the China-Latin America economic relations. In order to achieve this, I have defined the following specific goals: 1) To explain the specific economic needs of both China and Latin America, which determine the rapprochement of both parties. 2) To examine the economic complementation and the possible obstacles for the China-Latin America relations. 3) To determine the current condition of the economic and commercial relations between China and Latin America and to forecast the future scenario. 4) To analyze the possible restructuring of the economic relations
Recommended publications
  • General Assembly Distr.: General 18 August 2015
    United Nations A/70/194 General Assembly Distr.: General 18 August 2015 Original: English Seventieth session Request for the inclusion of a supplementary item in the agenda of the seventieth session Observer status for the International Conference of Asian Political Parties in the General Assembly Letter dated 11 August 2015 from the representatives of Australia, Cambodia, Japan, Nepal, the Philippines, the Republic of Korea and Sri Lanka to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General We, the undersigned, have the honour to request, in accordance with rule 14 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly, the inclusion in the agenda of the seventieth session of the General Assembly a supplementary item entitled “Observer status for the International Conference of Asian Political Parties in the General Assembly”. The International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP) was launched in Manila, the Philippines, in September 2000 to build bridges of political cooperation and to establish networks of mutual benefit among mainstream political parties in Asia, both ruling and in opposition. Over its first decade, ICAPP has grown steadily in both membership and influence. As of June 2015, ICAPP ’s membership has reached more than 360 eligible political parties in 52 States and 1 territory in Asia. After establishing fraternal linkages and cooperation with the Permanent Conference of Political Parties in Latin America and the Caribbean (COPPPAL) in 2008, ICAPP has also been undertaking efforts to reach out to the political parties in other continents, and successfully helped political parties in Africa establish the Council of African Political Parties (CAPP) in 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • Diapositiva 1
    Latina Finance & Co Corporate Finance Advisory in Latin America Latin America 2009 Political, Economical and Financial snapshot January 2010 Latina Finance & Co www.latinafinance.net Table of contents 1. Introduction 2. Latin America political 2009 3. Latin America economical 2009 4. Latin America financial 2009 5. Latam – Europe business 2009 6. Outlook 2010 7. Contact 8. Disclaimer Latina Finance & Co 2 1 . Introduction We are very happy to provide you with a quick overview of what has been the year 2009 in Latin America. It is not an extensive review but much more a snapshot which should hopefully provide you with a helicopter view of what has been a very interesting year. We have now entered 2010 and the prospect for this year is encouraging with continuous political stability in the key countries of the region and confirmation of an increasing democratic environment. Brazil is taking the lead of the region’s economic recovery with Peru, Chile and Colombia following the path. Mexico should follow the footsteps of the US progressive recovery. Argentina still needs to fix its debt restructuring issue which it will hopefully achieve in 2010. After a great 4Q rally, financial markets seem to be pursuing a positive trend in early 2010. Equity and capital markets should keep a strong momentum while the bank market might reopen as banks will have re-adjusted their capital ratios . Given the strong demand for infrastructure financing, project financing should continue to recover with the support of multi and bilateral organizations such as BNDES, IADB, IFC and EIB. One can also see renewed interest from large US private equity funds which could tempt European PEs to enter the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Observatorio Electoral De COPPPAL Misión De Observación
    Observatorio Electoral de COPPPAL Misión de Observación Elecciones Federales y Locales de México 2021 El Observatorio Electoral de la Conferencia Permanente de Partidos Políticos de América Latina y el Caribe (COPPPAL) fue debidamente acreditada como misión de observación por el Instituto Nacional Electoral, y desplegó una misión encabezada por el senador chileno José Miguel Insulza, coordinada por la Directora del Observatorio Electora de la COPPPAL, Dolores Gandulfo, e integrada por más de 40 observadores de distintos países de América Latina (Chile, Argentina, Colombia, Bolivia, Panamá, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, Perú, Venezuela, República Dominicana, Haití, Aruba, Puerto Rico, Jamaica, Honduras, Colombia, El Salvador, y Belice). Consideraciones previas del proceso electoral El proceso electoral 2020-2021 en México es de gran relevancia para el país por varios motivos, entre los que se encuentra: a) la simultaneidad de elecciones federales y locales en las 32 entidades federativas - refleja la gran escala de la elección -; b) la cantidad de ciudadanos y ciudadanas registrados en el padrón electoral para acudir a las urnas - con un importante aumento respecto a procesos electorales anteriores -; c) la realización de elecciones en tiempos de pandemia, que no deja de presentar desafíos; d) el contexto sociopolítico de crisis económica social y alta polarización política en el que se encuentra el país; e) es la primera vez que se aplican una serie de cambios normativos tales como la paridad de género en todos los cargos y cuotas para distintas poblaciones, mecanismos contra la violencia política de género, la posibilidad de reelección de diputaciones federales y el voto por internet desde el extranjero, y f) el recrudecimiento de la violencia política, entre otros.
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay Latin America´S #1 Business Gateway
    2 3 Business Platforms for Life Sciences Companies in Uruguay1 Both pharmaceutical and medical device companies, combine different business platforms, taking advantage of Uruguay´s value proposition - stability, no restrictions on foreign exchange and repatriation of profits, outstanding tax exemptions, talent availability and quality of life, cold chain and logistics for access to Brazil and countries in the region minimizing time and costs. 1 R&D: Research & Development RDC: Regional Distribution Centers HQ-SSC: Regional Head Quarters or Shared Services Centers 4 Life Science Success Stories Roche has a Regional Supply Center in Uruguay which coordinates all logistic activities in Latin America. Also, the Center manages goods supply from the production centers to all its affiliates in the region. The main activities of the Regional Supply Center include: orders management, billing, and customer service. Thus, the Center has three different departments: Intercompany Operations, Supply Chain, and Transport. Each department ensures an alignment with regional interests and requirements. Shimadzu Corporation manufactures analytical tools for precision and measurement, medical imaging systems, aircraft equipment and other industrial equipment. Shimadzu Latinoamérica S.A, works as a Regional Distribution Logistics center throughout Latin America for medical equipment, and analytical equipment (precision balances, and laboratory equipment). The company has business offices, a warehouse and their Regional Headquarters in Uruguay, which they moved from Brazil in 2013. HQ, SSC, Trading & Procurement Merck settled in Uruguay in 1996. The company develops logistic and business services lead by regional and global positions. The operation has grown steadily, following Merck’s growth in Latin America, and currently 80 employees work in both platforms.
    [Show full text]
  • Latin Business Chronicle
    Latin Business Chronicle Monday, April 27 2009 Updated at 08:00 AM. Reports Opinion Statistics Technology Countries Companies Topics Sectors You are not logged in | Log in | Create Account Perspectives 12:00 AM Back to Perspectives Home Thursday, April 23, 2009 Premium Subscription Summit of the Americas: Much Ado About Nothing Advertising Info Free Weekly Newsletter Searching for substance in the Jobs at LBC summit's declaration is akin to looking for a polar bear in a Archives snowstorm. Crisis & Latin America BY JERRY HAAR Latin America Outlook Summits of the Americas traditionally Latin Security Index have been vacuous, mind-numbing Leader of the Year conventions of inter-American heads Top 500 Companies of state and their acolytes in which Presidents Barack Obama and Hugo Chavez at the Summit of the Top 100 M&As pompous, sermon-style pontifications Americas. (Photo Alfonso Ocando/Venezuela President's Office) Top 50 Ports and amorphous and anodyne declarations—substance-free and Globalization Index coma-inducing—are delivered to the Latin Business Index press and whoever else has a lot of Latin Technology time on their hands. Index Key Conferences In this regard, the recently concluded People On the Move Fifth Summit of the Americas in Books Trinidad and Tobago did not disappoint. Searching for substance in Glossary Trinidad Prime Minister Patrick the 21-page Declaration is akin to Manning signs the final declaration. (Photo: Fifth Summit of the Americas) About LBC looking for a polar bear in a Media Kit snowstorm. Platitudes, hopes, aspirations, and altruistic pledges Press & News Font Size ..... laden in non-specifics embody the Español Declaration—a document issued Privacy Policy before not after the Summit ended Poll Terms of Use (sort of like going to the theater to Contact Us watch a movie, then returning home Should the US end its Cuba to boot up the computer and watch embargo? the trailer).
    [Show full text]
  • Tuesday, May 08, 2007 Latin Business: Best & Worst BY
    Tuesday, May 08, 2007 Latin Business: Best & Worst Best for doing business: Chile, Mexico and Uruguay. Worst: Haiti, Bolivia and Nicaragua. BY CHRONICLE STAFF Chile cements its position as the best country in Latin America to do business in, according to the second annual Latin Business Index from Latin Business CONGRATULATIONS! Presidents Chronicle. Felipe Calderon of Mexico and Michelle Bachelet of Chile in "Chile is actually a developed developing Mexico City in March. They lead country," says Jerry Haar, a professor of the two best countries in Latin management and international business and associate director of the Knight Ridder Center for America for doing business. (Photo: Excellence in Management in the College of Mexican President's Office) Business Administration at Florida International University. "It's not Belgium, but it's not Bolivia either." Font Size ..... Kathleen Barclay, the Chile-based former executive with JP Morgan Chase who chairs the Association of American Chamber of Commerce in Latin America, also sings the country's praises. "Doing business in Chile is straightforward - there is sustainable economic growth and solid political institutions," she says. "The rules of the game are clear and investors - foreign or domestic - are given the equal treatment. Most importantly, when doing business with Chile you deal with quality people who have high ethical standards, The challenge to be successful in Chile is to be competitive." Mexico, Latin America's second-largest economy, came in second. However, Uruguay replaced Costa Rica as Latin America's third-best country to do business in. The index of 19 countries looks at five key categories and 28 subcategories to measure the recent, current and future business environment in a country.
    [Show full text]
  • Using Social Power to Balance Soft Power: Venezuela's Foreign Policy
    Javier Corrales Using Social Power to Balance Soft Power: Venezuela’s Foreign Policy President Hugo Cha´vez of Venezuela has achieved what no other Latin American leader has since the end of the Cold War: bringing security concerns in the Western Hemisphere back to U.S. foreign policy. Might Venezuela provoke a war against neighboring Colombia, spread weapons among insurgents abroad, disrupt oil sales to the United States, provide financial support to Hezbollah, al Qaeda or other fundamentalist movements, offer safe havens for drug dealers, invite Russia to open a military base on its territory, or even acquire nuclear weapons?1 These security concerns did not exist less than a decade ago, but today they occupy the attention of U.S. officials. Attention to these conventional security issues, however, carries the risk of ignoring what thus far has been Venezuela’s most effective foreign policy tool in challenging the United States: the use of generous handouts abroad, peppered with a pro-poor, distribution-prone discourse. While the U.S. debate revolves around ‘‘hard power’’ and ‘‘soft power,’’2 this other form can be called ‘‘social power diplomacy.’’ Similar to hard power and soft power, social power diplomacy allows the projecting nation to attract allies but through different means. With social power diplomacy, other nations are not necessarily cajoled into bowing to the economic or military might of the projecting nation, as is the case in the realm of traditional hard power politics. Also, nations are not necessarily attracted to the magnetic appeal of the projecting nation’s ideology and values, as is the case with the realm of soft power politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay | Prime Location for IT Companies
    Uruguay | Prime location for IT companies 1 [email protected] | www.smartservices.uy “My first trip to Uruguay was eye-opening. I had no idea that this small country had so much to offer. From the impressive universities, the entrepreneurial spirit, and magnificent coastline, it is clear that Uruguay is poised to step onto the world stage.” Tina Seelig, Faculty Director of the Stanford Technology Ventures Program (STVP), Stanford University 2 [email protected] | www.smartservices.uy Success Testimonials “Verifone operates in Uruguay since 2006 when Trintech operations were acquired. Since that time up to now the diversity of skills and talented staff found in the country has allowed to consolidate Uruguay as one of the Centers of Excellence from where we provide support and services for our customers around the world.” Rafael Cuenca, VP Engineering, Verifone “Netsuite started business in Uruguay on May 2012 by acquiring two Uruguayan companies. Uruguay was a key component to start a whole new strategy of an eCommerce product called SuiteCommerce. We are creating the product and providing the implementation service from Uruguay to customers in the whole world.” Diego Terra, eCommerce Director, Netsuite “The main problem of our industry is the lack of talents, and in Uruguay there are very competitive human resources. We need a mixture of technically good people for software development and also with English language skills, because they have to work with English speaking clients continuously. Uruguay is one of the places where we found the best mixture of both conditions.” Bernardo Manzella, Uruguay Country Manager, Globant “We decided in favor of Uruguay for three main reasons.
    [Show full text]
  • Gsrep-New York
    Council Meeting of the Socialist International New York, 8-9 October 1990 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY GENERAL 2 Since our last meeting in Cairo the activities of our International have reflected our ongoing global commitments in line with the decisions of our Council and the initiatives and responses that the changing international realities have called for from our organisation. May I first of all mention here our appreciation to all those who have assisted us in organising this first Council meeting in the United States, implementing an idea which has existed within our International for some time. Looking back over our preoccupations and efforts during recent months, I would like to mention some of the areas in which we have been active since Cairo. Our active involvement in central and eastern Europe and close contacts with social democratic forces there, through consultations, missions, delegations and observation of elections, which I reported on at previous meetings, have continued. I should mention for instance the mission which we organised to Bulgaria in June on the occasion of the elections there and the very recent mission to the Baltic republics, in accordance with the decision of the SI Council in Cairo. In Bulgaria, the Social Democratic Party, within the main opposition Union of Democratic Forces, obtained good results and a sizeable representation in parliament. While the 18-month transition period of constitutional change is in progress, the balance of political forces continues to evolve and in a by-election last week the Social Democrats made further parliamentary gains. With regard to the mission to the Baltic republics, a group of eight SI representatives, including myself, travelled to Vilnius, Riga and Tallin from 8 to 10 October.
    [Show full text]
  • Puerto Rico Hearing Committee on Energy And
    S. HRG. 109–796 PUERTO RICO HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND NATURAL RESOURCES UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION ON THE REPORT BY THE PRESIDENT’S TASK FORCE ON PUERTO RICO’S STATUS NOVEMBER 15, 2006 ( Printed for the use of the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 33–148 PDF WASHINGTON : 2007 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 07:56 Mar 02, 2007 Jkt 109796 PO 33148 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 P:\DOCS\33148.TXT SENERGY2 PsN: PAULM COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND NATURAL RESOURCES PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico, Chairman LARRY E. CRAIG, Idaho JEFF BINGAMAN, New Mexico CRAIG THOMAS, Wyoming DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii LAMAR ALEXANDER, Tennessee BYRON L. DORGAN, North Dakota LISA MURKOWSKI, Alaska RON WYDEN, Oregon RICHARD M. BURR, North Carolina, TIM JOHNSON, South Dakota MEL MARTINEZ, Florida MARY L. LANDRIEU, Louisiana JAMES M. TALENT, Missouri DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California CONRAD BURNS, Montana MARIA CANTWELL, Washington GEORGE ALLEN, Virginia KEN SALAZAR, Colorado GORDON SMITH, Oregon ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey JIM BUNNING, Kentucky FRANK MACCHIAROLA, Staff Director JUDITH K. PENSABENE, Chief Counsel BOB SIMON, Democratic Staff Director SAM FOWLER, Democratic Chief Counsel JOSH JOHNSON, Professional Staff Member AL STAYMAN, Democratic Professional Staff Member (II) VerDate 0ct 09 2002 07:56 Mar 02, 2007 Jkt 109796 PO 33148 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 P:\DOCS\33148.TXT SENERGY2 PsN: PAULM C O N T E N T S STATEMENTS Page Acevedo-Vila´, Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran in Latin America Threat Or ‘Axis of Annoyance’?
    IRAN Wilson Center Reports on the Americas • # 23 Woodrow I N LA TI N A IRAN IN LATIN AMERICA M E R Threat or ‘Axis of Annoyance’? I C A Threat or ‘ A xis of A nnoyance’? EDITED BY Cynthia Arnson Haleh Esfandiari and Adam Stubits Latin American Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 1300 Pennsylvania Ave., NW, Washington, DC 20004 Tel. (202) 691-4030 Fax (202) 691-4076 www.wilsoncenter.org/lap Latin American Program Middle East Program IRAN IN LATIN AMERICA: THREAt or ‘AXIS OF ANNOYance’? Latin American Program Middle East Program IRAN IN LATIN AMERICA: THREAt or ‘AXIS OF ANNOYance’? Edited by Cynthia Arnson, Haleh Esfandiari and Adam Stubits Woodrow Wilson Center Reports on the Americas # 23 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars is the national, living memorial honoring President Woodrow Wilson. In providing an essential link between the worlds of ideas and public policy, the Center addresses current and emerging challenges confront- ing the United States and the world. The Center promotes policy-rele- vant research and dialogue to increase understanding and enhance the capabilities and knowledge of leaders, citizens, and institutions world- wide. Created by an Act of Congress in 1968, the Center is a nonpartisan institution headquartered in Washington, D.C., and supported by both public and private funds. Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director Available from the Latin American Program Board of Trustees Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair One Woodrow Wilson Plaza Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 Public members: James H.
    [Show full text]
  • The Art of Making Friends
    The art of making friends How the Chinese Communist Party seduces political parties in Latin America Juan Pablo Cardenal © 2021 KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG e. V. FUNDACIÓN KONRAD ADENAUER Plaza Independencia 749, of. 201, Montevideo, Uruguay Tel.: (598) 2902 0943/ -3974 E-mail: [email protected] www.kas.de/uruguay @KASMontevideo Director Sebastian Grundberger Subdirector Thomas Schaumberg English translation Judy Butler Cover image Shutterstock Design and layout Taller de Comunicación Obligado 1181, Montevideo, Uruguay www.tallerdecomunicacion.com.uy DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO (DP) is a platform for democratic dialogue among political opinionmakers about topics of relevance in Latin America, based on the values of freedom, solidarity, and justice. It connects the region with the great geostrategic debates in the world. It is a window for publicizing projects of the Konrad Adenauer Foun- dation in Latin America. DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO is part of the Regional Political parties and and Democracy in Latin America Program (KAS Partidos). Its objective is to reduce political polarization through constructive and informed pluralist debate oriented to the common good, to strengthen the po- litical center from its Social-Christian, Liberal and Conservative roots. www.dialogopolitico.org - @dplatinoamerica The Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL) is a private nonprofit and a-party foundation, whose mission is to promote international human rights and democratic solidarity. This work is exclusively distributed without profit motives,
    [Show full text]