14 THE WEST AND SOUTH AFRICANS TRADE UNIONISM Jonathan Bloch and Barry Cohen

The South African working class of the world market and the influence of the represents a unique process in the history of major imperialist powers. Africa. Because developed a much higher level of productive forces than Apartheid is fundamentally a system for occurred elsewhere on the continent, the the control of black labor. Extraordinary creation of a massive African proletariat has wealth extracted from the virtual forced been a crucial feature in the evolution of the labor of Africans enabled the ruling class to state. Throughout this century, the country’s accord special privileges to the white ruling class has felt compelled to base its working class and, in this way, to obtain its political calculations on the constantly collaboration. Yet, in the face of massive expanding presence of African workers in state repression exercised by the South the cities and rural areas. African state, black workers have continually waged struggles to improve their With the discovery of gold and diamonds most elementary living conditions. Both in the nineteenth century, the South African foreign and domestic capital have long economy was hurled into the international realised that their substantial wealth and capitalist system. In particular, investment investments would be threatened if they by foreign capital since the 1920s into the failed to contain the development of a manufacturing sector led to the growth of a militant black trade union movement. large urban working class. Due to the super­ exploitation of cheap and poorly organised black labor, foreign capitalists enjoyed Post-war developments returns on their investment which ranked among the highest in the world. At the same Shortly after the assumption of power by time, the increasing integration of the the National Party in 1948. the government country’s economy with world capitalism embarked on implementing one of its main made it increasingly subject to the vagaries political goals of smashing the organised SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONISM 15

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sections of the working class. In 1953, it The TUC had given its support to the introduced the Native Labor Act which South African Trade and Labour Council denied official recognition to African trade (SATLC) which included African members unions and declared all strikes by African in the 1940s. After its visit, the TUC workers to be illegal. In a further extension of delegation recommended that “in the greater apartheid logic, the Act prohibited unions interest and urgent necessity of unity” , the with white, colored and Asian members from white trade unions should apply apartheid. accepting African workers. In this way, the The TUC, therefore, was instrumental in government hoped to complete the killing SATLC in favor of a South African segregation of South Africa’s working class. Trade Union Council which excluded The capitulation of the registered unions to Africans. This body was later reorganised as this legislation was to exert a lasting impact the Trade Union Council of South Africa on the class struggle in South Africa. (TUCSA) and has always maintained close ties with the TUC. Concomitant with the state's attack on African trade union rights, the international In March 1955, the non-racial South labor movement started to become involved African Congress ofTrade Unions (SACTU) in the organisation of South African was formed. Derived from dissident SATLC workers. In 1963, the British Trades Union unions along with the Council of Non- Congress paid its first visit to South Africa. European Unions, it was tied to the Congress Realising that Britain has always been the Alliance whose main organisational form largest overseas investor in the country’s was the African National Congress. SACTU economy, the TUC has historically emerged as the only trade union articulated a chauvinistic policy towards organisation which stressed the interaction black workers. It has firmly believed that between political and economic issues. black militancy must be defused in order to Western imperialist interests and asection protect important British investments and of the-A frican petit bourgeoisie were trade. 16 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW No. 75

unhappy about the political direction which either banned, exiled or murdered. By the SACTU and the ANC were taking. In 1958, mid-1960s its internal organisation had two representatives of the International seriously declined and in 1967, it decided to Confederation of Free Trade Unions go underground. It currently receives funds (ICFTU) visited South Africa to establish from the WFTU, some East European closer ties with the unions there. They governments, the World Council of Churches advised SACTU to break its ties with the and Dutch trade unions. Furthermore, ANC and the communist-backed World SACTU is the only trade union movement Federation of Trade Unions. When SACTU recognised by the International Labor refused to do so,, the ICFTU branded it Organisation. Although some of SACTU’s “communist” and refused to lend any members died in detention following the support to SACTU’s campaign to organise political upheavals of 1976, it is beginning to African workers. show signs of internal revival.

In the meantime, the Americans were The quiet 1960s actively involved in splitting the ANC, and The decade o f the 1960s was essentially a by 1959, their efforts contributed to the period when workers’ struggles in South creation of the rival Pan-Africanist Africa were in relative abeyance. The Congress. In the trade union sphere, the numerous Sharpeville events o f 1960 Federation of Free African Trade Unions produced a deep demoralisation among the (FOFATUSA) was founded in late 1959 by non-European sectors of the working class, various African unions which had not like other capitalist economies, South Africa affiliated to SACTU. FOFATUSA was experienced the tremendous economic closely allied with the PAC and strongly in expansion of this boom period. The absence opposition to SACTU. It proclaimed: “We are of independent trade unions gave the state interested in industrial politics and the the power to dispose of labor in any manner it welfare of the worker and not in party wished to do so. Imperialist states considered politics” . South Africa to be not only an exceptionally good investment area, but also a valuable FOFATUSA was directly affiliated with bastion for the preservation of western the ICFTU which provided it with £30,000 in interests in an inherently unstable region. (2) funds. By 1962, it had twenty affiliated As a result, the South African government unions and approximately 36,000 members. felt very confident and acted accordingly. Following the decision taken by TUCSA in 1962 to permit the affiliation of “properly The most notable western involvement in constituted” African unions, some of the the trade union sphere during this period largest unions in FOFATUSA decided to originated from Germany. The DGB, the apply for affiliation with TUCSA. Partly German national trade union federation, because of this development and also became active in the mid-1960s when it because some of its founding unions had established close links with TUCSA. It ceased to exist, FOFATUSA’s strength helped TUCSA create an African Affairs declined. Finally, in 1966, it was disbanded section to deal with research, public and its remaining unions were advised to relations, and trade union organising among affiliate to TUCSA. Its first president, Jacob African workers. Nyaose, established an “exile headquarters” TUCSA aimed to weaken support for any in Ethiopia where he engaged in various trend towards a political movement among reformist activities. In TUCSA’s view, “Mr. the workers. It constantly stressed an anti­ Nyaose is known as an intense South communist line and urged black trade unions African patriot and, during his years in exile, to avoid political involvement. For example, consistently counselled Black Africa to seek TUCSA opposed all forms of international change in the Republic through persuasion boycotts of South African goods. and contact rather than confrontation”. (1) In a number of cases, trade unions were set Meanwhile, SACTU which probably up in opposition to existing SACTU unions. reached its peak in 1961 with over 53,000 For instance, the Sheetmetal Workers’ members and 46 unions, suffered increasing Union, now called the Engineering and repression. In particular, its leadership was Allied Workers’ Union, was given the fullest SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONISM 17 support. The cautious organisational various western trade union organisations. program coupled with considerable African An important institutional conduit to pursue suspicion of its motives made African trade their goals emerged through the creation of unions organised by TUCSA rather weak. In the Urban Training Project (UTP) in addition, the costs of organising were very Johannesburg. high. The British TUC calculated that The UTP was formed in 1971 out of the TUCSA was spending 45 Hand for each trade union member that it recruited. Given these ashes of the African Affairs Department of costs, it is clear that the organising program TUCSA which had collapsed in 1969. It aimed to help the struggling black trade was only made possible with the support of the DGB. unions which had survived their dumping by TUCSA and to extend the government- Today, German involvement assumes a sanctioned worker committee system. somewhat different organisational form. Leading UTP figures, such as Eric Tyacke The German government funnels money and Loet Dekker, had previously worked in through a German Catholic Development TUCSA’s African Affairs Department. Fund, Misereor, to the Urban Training Project in Johannesburg. More significantly, From their inception, UTP associated the Freidrich Ebert Stiftung has become unions have been characterised by an involved in southern African trade explicitly “non political stance” and have unionism. High-ranking members of the sought accommodation within the worker Social Democratic Party constitute its board committee system. In 1973, however, the of directors while its financing derives from UTP modified its position on worker government, unions, and even business. committees, regarding them now as When the SPD is in power, the Ebert Stiftung complementary to, rather than as a is reportedly used by the German intelligence substitute for, trade unions, after pressure network. (3) During periods of CDU/CSU from the workers. rule, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation plays The UTP has always opposed illegal strike a similar rule. Information about their action. In 1976, none of the UTP unions activities is extremely difficult to obtain. participated in the mass work stoppages or However, between 19G3 and 1972, the Ebert, issued statements in support of them. Adenauer and the Free Democratic Party’s Furthermore, the UTP has consistently Neumann Foundation received over 269 opposed economic boycotts of South Africa, million DM, mainly provided by the German arguing that foreign firms could play a ministry for economic co-operation. “valuable role” by raising wages and recognising African unions. Eruption in the 1970s UTP leadership has encouraged its The apparent order and stability of the assisted unions to forge links with the “free” apartheid system was shaken during the labor movement. In its 1976 annual report, it 1970s when black workers began to assert noted that “it is hoped that this encouraging themselves in the face of deteriorating living trend whereby black union leaders can visit conditions. Mass strikes, like those and study the union movement in other manifested in 1973 by 100,000 workers in countries will continue”. Durban signalled the start of a new era in black militancy. These were followed by two In February 1978, a UTP delegation, general strikes in 1976. including Clement Moutsho and Leonard Sikhakhane attended the AFL-CIO The state has tried to contain this threat by conference in Los Angeles. They told the two basic means. Firstly, it has enforced the American unionists that any withdrawal of Bantu Labor Relations Act of 1973 limiting foreign capital from South Africa would legally recognised organisation of African primarily harm the black population. An workers to the factory floor. Secondly, the AFL-CIO resolution of support for SACTU state has reacted brutally against striking was withdrawn when the UTP leaders workers and their leadership; in 1976, 24 strongly objected to it. They managed to trade union leaders were banned. convince the conference that SACTU was Corresponding with this upsurge in militant insignificant and only operated from its activity, came an intensified involvement by London exile headquarters. 18 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW No. 75

The true political nature of the UTP and Italy. In his book Inside the Company: A emerged following the restriction of its CIA Diary, Philip Agee identifies Brown as leaders in November 1976. In several the “principal CIA agent for control of the statements, it stressed UTP’s moderating International Confederation of Free Trade influence over workers and the dangers that Unions (ICFTU)”. (4) During the pre­ lay ahead for the status quo because o f the independence era in Africa, Brown was a government’s action. In its 1976 annual major instrument of the ICFTU throughout report, it declared: “If individuals who the continent in helping nationalist operate within the South African system of movements in waging political opposition to law (i.e. the UTP administrators) continue to European colonialism. be banned, surely the authorities must realise that they are instrumental in Worried about the radicalisation of bringing about economic and political chaos. southern Africa due to the racist policies of They should know that there are elements the white regimes, Brown warned the US (i.e. SACTU and other leftwing groups) Congress in 1973: “Unless we of the ‘Free waiting for such opportunities where black World’ can condemn and fight African workers can be used to further their aims and apartheid, there is real danger that liberal objects .... UTP and the Black unions and non-communist forces will be unable to (associated with UTP) are first and foremost cope in the future with the situation through concerned with the building up of a healthy lack of support and may be superseded relationship (i.e. a non-conflict one) with the completely by the totalitarian forces of both employers”.* sides. This will increase the chances of opening the door to the very forces which the Not surprisingly, given UTP’s extremely makers of US foreign policy claim is mild political perspective, it has received threatening the peace o f the world, in so- valuable funding from western sources. called ‘Wars of National Liberation’.” These have included the International Metalworkers’ Federation; the German Since the withdrawal of the AFL-CIO from Catholic Fund (Misereor; the British TUC; the ICFTU in 1969 because of the latter’s Reformed Churches; SOSV — insufficient anti-communist fervor, the US the Dutch Trade Union Federation for has pursued its own independent strategy in International Development Co-operation; regard to South African trade unionism. The SVEA — the Swiss Federation of Christian AALC has generally opposed South Africa’s Trade Unions; and CNV — the Dutch expulsion from the United Nations as well as Confederation of Christian Trade Unions. international boycotts and campaigns for All UTP-assisted unions are affiliated to the the withdrawal of foreign investment. appropriate International Trade At TUCSA’s 19th Annual Conference in Secretariats which, in turn, are very closely 1973, Brown declared that “large funds” allied to the ICFTU. from the AFL-CIO would be forthcoming if The intensified struggles of black workers proper trade unions for blacks were to be during the 1970s attracted the interest of the allowed. The AALC claims to have "been a American labor movement, the AFL-CIO constant and vocal critic of the whole was already well prepared to deal with issues concept of the repressive and inhuman of African trade unionism. In 1964, it had apartheid system”. (5) However, in 1976, the established the African-American Labor AFL-CIO refused to take part in the Centre in New York which carries out international boycott against South Africa various programs in 41 African states. Its called by the ICFTU on the grounds that first executive director, until 1974, (3) was similar actions were not planned against the Irving Brown who had played an important communist bloc. At the same time,Jerry and highly controversial role on behalf of Funk, (6) deputy director o f the AALC, American imperialism since World War II. testified before the US Senate — much to the Originally recruited into the Labor Branch of delight of South African government the Office o f Strategic Services — the propagandists — that the AFL-CIO predecessor to the Central Intelligence “recognises that.... a total economic boycott Agency — Brown carried out the crucial task may hurt first and most lastingly the very of splintering the opposition of communist people you want to help, the black, colored unions to postwar Marshall Aid in and Asian workers”. (7) SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONISM 19

By late 1977, however, the AFL-CIO was was unmasked during the CIA scandal in forced to take account of the gathering in 1977. (10) political storms in southern Africa. Its When disaffected unions associated with convention urged President Carter to put TUCSA and unregistered unions were “intense pressure” on South Africa and considering the organisation of a new black Rhodesia to end apartheid. At an AFL-CIO trade union federation, they arranged their executive meeting in February 1978, first meeting at the US Information Service’s president George Meany described South Library in Johannesburg. Much to the Africa as a “destabilising force” because its dismay of certain delegates, they were repressive policies were encouraging Soviet- confronted with a film and a lecture by a Cuban penetration in Africa. The executive State Department official on American called on American corporations in South unionism. Africa to recognise all “bona fide” trade unions and even urgend US sanctions if Western imperialism is searching for a milder action failed to achieve sufficient “middle force” in its South African strategy reforms. to contain revolution while liberalising the apartheid system. As the crisis deepens, the Yet the AALC continues to work against position of the African working class will be any radicalisation of black trade unionism. crucial in determining the outcome of the In October 1978 it convened a meeting on contending political forces in South African Botswana in order to give moderate South society. Western governments, and in African trade unions an international forum. particular the US, are clearly aware that the Despite the opposition of the Organisation of formation of a moderate pro-western trade African Trade Union Unity, African union movement for blacks will be essential delegates from Kenya, Liberia, Saire, Togo, in preserving overall western interests in Zambia, Lesotho and Botswana attended. South Africa. The meeting resulted in a big split in Pan- African trade unionism, largely because of AALC’s resistance to any recognition of SACTU. FOOTNOTES In a parallel manner, the US government 1. Labour Mirror, July 1975. has stepped up its activities in the South 2. See L’Afrique Australe: De Kissinger a African labor field. In a “confidential” telex Carter by Barry Cohen and Howard Schissel, message sent by the US Embassy in Cape Paris: Editions l’Harmattan, 1977. Town, in February 1976, to various US missions in Africa, it was stated: “In South 3. Private Eye (London), April 20, 1976. Africa, (US) Embassy would give first 4. Where Were You Brother? by Don priority to the labor field”, in terms of Thomson and Rodney Larson, London: War training black South Africans. At least 16 on Want , 1978. p. 29. South African unionists have visited the US 5. Inside the Company: CIA Diary by Philip in the last five years from the ranks of the Agee. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Urban Training Project and TUCSA. (8) Books, 1975, p. 603. The US Labor Attache at the Consulate- 6. AALC Reporter, March 1977. General in Johannesburg has a key role to 7. Funk formerly worked on the research and play in the overall scheme. According to the publication staff of the International State Department “it is important that the Federation of Petroleum and Chemical Labor Officer expand his contact with Workers. In the mid-1970s, this federation was dissolved when it was revealed to be a front for unregistered black unions .... and various the CIA. groups involved in upgrading the skills of black workers .... and keep in close contact 8. South Africa Digest, November 12, 1976. with the white-controlled labor 9. US Senate sub-committee on African Affairs, organisations in order to encourage liberal Committee on Foreign Relations, Second elements” . (9) At least, one labor attache who Session, 1976, p. 762. has served in Johannesburg has been named 10. The CIA’s Australian Connection, written as a CIA agent. He is Ed McHale who was and published by Denis Freney, Sydney, labor attache in Johannesburg in 1972. He Australia.