The Cold War and Western Perspectives on Soviet Science1
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The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
The New Kremlinology: Understanding Regime Personalisation in Russia
The New Kremlinology: Understanding Regime Personalisation in Russia In the post-Cold War period, many previously democratising countries experienced authoritarian reversals whereby incumbent leaders took over and gravitated towards personalist rule. Scholars have predom- inantly focused on the authoritarian turn, as opposed to the type of authoritarian rule emerging from it. In a departure from accounts cen- tred on the failure of democratisation in Russia, this book’s argument begins from a basic assumption that the political regime of Vladimir Putin is a personalist regime in the making. How do regimes turn personalist? How do their rulers acquire and maintain personal control? Focusing on the politics within the Russian ruling coalition since 1999, The New Kremlinology explains the process of regime personalisation, that is, the acquisition of personal power by a political leader. The investigation is based on four components of regime personalisation: patronage networks, deinstitutionalisation, media personalisation, and establishing permanency in office. Drawing from comparative evidence and theories of personalist rule, the book explains how Putin’s patron- client network became dominant and how, subsequently, the Russian ruler elevated himself above his own ruling coalition. The lessons of the book extend beyond Russia and illuminate how other personalist regimes emerge and develop. Furthermore, the title of the book, The New Kremlinology, is chosen to emphasise not only the subject mat- ter, the what, but also the how — the battery of innovative methods employed to study the black box of non-democratic politics. Alexander Baturo is Associate Professor of Government at Dublin City University and Johan A. Elkink is Associate Professor in Social Science Research Methods at University College Dublin. -
'Mathematical Machines' of the Cold War: Soviet Computing, American
Special Issue: Science in the Cold War ABSTRACT Soviet science in the post-WWII period was torn between two contradictory directives: to ‘overtake and surpass’ Western science, especially in defence-related fields; and to ‘criticize and destroy’ Western scholarship for its alleged ideological flaws. In response to this dilemma, Soviet scientists developed two opposite discursive strategies. While some scholars ‘ideologized’ science, translating scientific theories into a value-laden political language, others tried to ‘de-ideologize’ it by drawing a sharp line between ideology and the supposedly value-neutral, ‘objective’ content of science. This paper examines how early Soviet computing was shaped by the interplay of military and ideological forces, and affected by the attempts to ‘de-ideologize’ computers. The paper also suggests some important similarities in the impact of the Cold War on science and technology in the Soviet Union and the United States. Keywords computers, ideology, military technology, Russia, Soviet Union ‘Mathematical Machines’ of the Cold War: Soviet Computing, American Cybernetics and Ideological Disputes in the Early 1950s Slava Gerovitch In March 1954, researchers of the Mathematical Institute of the Soviet Academy of Sciences in Moscow were preparing a comprehensive book- length survey of the entire mathematical discipline, Mathematics, Its Con- tent, Methods, and Meaning. An Institute-wide ‘philosophy seminar’, whose mission was to instil the right ideological principles into the researchers’ minds, held a special session devoted to the discussion of a draft introduc- tion to the book. One of the discussants displayed heightened ideological vigilance, and proposed that the introduction should de-emphasize the contributions of American mathematicians. -
Blood, Water and Mars: Soviet Science and the Alchemy for a New Man
Central Washington University ScholarWorks@CWU All Master's Theses Master's Theses Spring 2019 Blood, Water and Mars: Soviet Science and the Alchemy for a New Man Sophie Y. Andarovna Central Washington University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.cwu.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine Commons, Intellectual History Commons, and the Russian Literature Commons Recommended Citation Andarovna, Sophie Y., "Blood, Water and Mars: Soviet Science and the Alchemy for a New Man" (2019). All Master's Theses. 1201. https://digitalcommons.cwu.edu/etd/1201 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Master's Theses at ScholarWorks@CWU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@CWU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BLOOD, WATER AND MARS: SOVIET SCIENCE AND THE ALCHEMY FOR A NEW MAN __________________________________ A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty Central Washington University ___________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts History ___________________________________ by Sophie Yennan Andarovna May 2019 CENTRAL WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY Graduate Studies We hereby approve the thesis of Sophie Yennan Andarovna Candidate for the degree of Master of Arts APPROVED FOR THE GRADUATE FACULTY ______________ _________________________________________ Dr. Roxanne Easley, Committee Chair ______________ -
The End of the Cold War and Why We Failed to Predict It
www.ssoar.info 1989 and why we got it wrong Cox, Michael Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Cox, M. (2008). 1989 and why we got it wrong. (Working Paper Series of the Research Network 1989, 1). Berlin. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-16282 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Working Paper Series of the Research Network 1989 Working Paper 1/2008 ISSN 1867-2833 1989 and why we got it wrong Michael Cox IDEAS and the Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom Abstract The Cold War generated more discussion and controversy than any other topic since 1945. Yet, the possibility that the Cold War might end was neither on the radar of scholars nor of politics and the military. This essay seeks to explain why ‘we’ got it wrong by focusing in the main on how ‘we’ in the West understood the Soviet system. Part one thus deals with the Cold War itself and its impact on what came to be known as western ‘Soviet Studies’. Part two then looks at the way in which the USSR was understood by an emerging group of new social scientists in the 1970s and 1980s. -
Trilateral Meeting
TRILATERAL MEETING Dialogue with Members of the U.S. Congress, The Russian Duma and the German Bundestag: Addressing Mutual Foreign Policy Challenges April 30-May 4, 2016 Briesen, Germany TRILATERAL MEETING Dialogue with Members of the U.S. Congress, The Russian Duma and the German Bundestag: Addressing Mutual Foreign Policy Challenges April 30-May 4, 2016 Vol. 31, No. 2 Dan Glickman Vice President, Aspen Institute Executive Director, Congressional Program Washington, DC This project was made possible by grants from the Carnegie Corporation of New York with supplemental support from the Democracy Fund, the Ford Foundation, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the Holthues Family Trust, the Henry Luce Foundation, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and the Rockefeller Foundation. Copyright @ 2016 by The Aspen Institute The Aspen Institute One Dupont Circle, NW Washington, DC 20036-1133 Published in the United States of America in 2016 by The Aspen Institute All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0-89843-648-6 Pub # 16/011 Table of Contents Rapporteur’s Summary ............................................................................................................................... 1 Peter Eitel Ukraine’s Impasse: Beyond a Protracted Frozen Conflict, Searching for a Viable Security Structure ..... 9 Sharyl Cross Helsinki Plus or Helsinki Minus? .............................................................................................................. 17 Alexey -
Kremlinology 2.0: Deconstructing Russian Grand Strategy
21 November 2014 Kremlinology 2.0: Deconstructing Russian Grand Strategy How has Russia’s grand strategy evolved during Vladimir Putin’s second term as President? Samir Tata thinks the evolution is a partial one. Moscow now accepts the realities of an increasingly multipolar world, but it’s also hell bent on preserving what it sees as its vital spheres of influence. By Samir Tata for ISN Since the end of September, and just six months after the re-annexation of Crimea, Moscow has started to signal that it thinks the time is right for a reset in NATO-Russia relations. But are such overtures merely a rhetorical smokescreen to hide Russian revanchism or a serious call for a return to realism and pragmatism? It’s an important question, bearing in mind that NATO will need to decipher Russia’s grand strategy before crafting its response. What also hangs in the balance is whether Russia and the West become embroiled in Cold War 2.0 or embark upon a new era of détente. Neither Tsarist nor Soviet So what key points should NATO and the West revisit when trying to understand Russia’s contemporary grand strategy? The first point to make is that Vladimir Putin now accepts the realities of the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries: Russia lost the Cold War and, as a result, lost virtually all of the gains it made in the aftermath of World War II. Moscow also recognizes that it has no chance of resurrecting the Tsarist Russian Empire. In a remarkably candid speech at the Munich Security Conference in 2007, Putin signaled that Russia would craft a new grand strategy that reflects the new circumstances of the emerging multipolar world. -
Transformations and Survivals
vidual contributions, the second mainly throughpublic activity and administration. The interestsand standardsof the two au- BOOK REVIEWSthorities have often conflicted, and this makesRussian science an interesting,even ideal, subjectfor socialhistory. LorenGraham has writtena book on the Transformationsand Survivals socialhistory of Russianscience, the aim of which is to providean introductionto the subject for a newcomer to it. I think it body the head of the Russiangovemment, serves that stated purpose,discussing in a Science in Russia and the Soviet Union. A whoeverit be at the moment. I am sorryto very simpleway severalkey issues, person- Short History. LOREN R. GRAHAM.Cambridge say that the most probableresponse would alities, and events. Instead of giving a University Press, New York, 1993. x, 321 pp. + be unanimousapproval. I wish that a pho- chronological narrative, it consists of a plates. $29.95 or ?30. Cambridge History of tographof such an enthusiasticproceeding, collection of essays on general featuresof Science. for instance of VyacheslavMolotov's elec- Russianscience, with impressiveand rich tion to honorarymembership in the Soviet factual details given in an appendix. The The book opens with a gallery of pictures of Academy of Sciences in 1946, had also book also reflectshow little of the subject famous Russian scientists, among them been includedso as to presentto the reader has been studiedand how many questions mythic founder Mikhail Lomonosov, ro- the other and equallyrepresentative face of and blank spots remain. -
Suggestions for Thinking and Talking About Science and Religion from the Soviet Stephen M
Article Suggestions for Thinking and Talking about Science and Religion from the Soviet Stephen M. Contakes Resonance Controversy, a Chemical Counterpoint to Lysenkoism Stephen M. Contakes and Garrett Johnson Garrett Johnson The Soviet resonance controversy was a chemical counterpart to Lysenkoism in which Soviet ideologues charged that Linus Pauling’s resonance concept was hostile to Marxism. We study it here to illustrate the role of social factors in science-faith dialogue. Because Soviet chemists were attentive to ideological dimensions of the controversy, they were not only willing to engage in public dialogue but also offered a response that decoupled the scientific aspects of resonance from ideological hostility, largely by modifying how they talked about delocalized chemical bonds. This enabled them to criticize and reject a pseudoscientific alternative to resonance and to avoid a Lysenko-like takeover of theoretical chemistry without threatening the wider Soviet social system. A potential lesson is that Christians in science who wish to promote fellow believers’ acceptance of their work would do well to account for the role of ideology in religiously motivated antimainstream science efforts. ne of us recently had the oppor- the images “may or may not be right” Otunity to examine a “creation- as they depended on two “big ‘ifs’”— based” physical science textbook the “correctness” of quantum theory and published by a Christian educational the “theory” governing electron flow ministry.1 Although the book used atoms between the STM probe and tip. to discuss matter, the author considered it important to point out that the scan- At first glance, these rhetorical dis- ning tunneling microscopy (STM) images missals seemed surprising given that commonly cited as evidence for their atoms, quantum mechanics, and theo- existence do not really show atoms. -
Subjects of Freedom: Psychologists, Power and Politics in Postsocialist Russia
SUBJECTS OF FREEDOM: PSYCHOLOGISTS, POWER AND POLITICS IN POSTSOCIALIST RUSSIA A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE PROGRAM IN MODERN THOUGHT AND LITERATURE AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES OF STANFORD UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Tomas Matza June 2010 © 2010 by Tomas Antero Matza. All Rights Reserved. Re-distributed by Stanford University under license with the author. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 United States License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/ This dissertation is online at: http://purl.stanford.edu/ht219vj1183 ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. James Ferguson, Primary Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Gregory Freidin I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Matthew Kohrman I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ALEXEI YURCHAK Approved for the Stanford University Committee on Graduate Studies. Patricia J. Gumport, Vice Provost Graduate Education This signature page was generated electronically upon submission of this dissertation in electronic format. -
The State-Is It Us? Memoirs, Archives, and Kremlinologists Author(S): Stephen Kotkin Source: Russian Review, Vol
The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review The State-Is It Us? Memoirs, Archives, and Kremlinologists Author(s): Stephen Kotkin Source: Russian Review, Vol. 61, No. 1 (Jan., 2002), pp. 35-51 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2679502 . Accessed: 01/10/2011 16:52 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Blackwell Publishing and The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Russian Review. http://www.jstor.org The State Is It Us? Memoirs,Archives, andKremlinologists STEPHEN KOTKIN People who are oftenwritten about but rarely heard from have hereleft detailed accountsof their lives.... Even when the respondents are barely literate ... theystill knowthe names and biographies of their neighbors, they know who did what and sometimescan also tellwhy, and they remember trivial details, gossip, and scraps ofconversation. Through these biographies we can observethe application of So- vietpower ... JanGross, Revolution from Abroad Lately,from what Pravda and other newspapers are printing, our chiefs appear to havesupport in highplaces .. -
Why Does Russia Have So Much Trouble Modernizing?
1 Why Does Russia Have So Much Trouble Modernizing? An STS Approach Loren Graham, MIT and Harvard University I do not have to remind a group like this that trying to modernize is one of the oldest, if not the oldest, theme in Russian history. Going back to Peter the Great the idea of borrowing technology from the West and transferring it to Russia in the hopes that it would take roots has been a perennial theme. Peter tried it, Catherine the Great tried it, Alexander I and II tried it, Nicholas I and Count Witte tried it, Lenin and Stalin tried it (Remember “dognat i peregnat” [catch up and surpass the West]?) and now in post‐Soviet Russia Dmitri Medvedev and Vladimir Putin are trying it. Why is it so difficult for Russia? That is what I want to discuss today, basing myself on research I have done in recent years. This research will be presented soon in a book by me entitled “Lonely Ideas: Russia’s Trap.” At the moment Russia’s leaders are making a major effort to modernize, emphasizing that high technology is the key. The Russian government has asked my university, MIT, to help it create a new “silicon valley,” Skolkovo, near Moscow. Major Western companies, including Intel, Cisco, Siemens, Boeing, and Nokia are investing in facilities in Skolkovo. Unfortunately, Russia’s current leaders are making the same mistake that its past leaders have made, from Peter the Great onward: they have their eyes on the technology, not on the social and economic conditions that cause technology to flourish.