APPENDIX 1

Inmate profile

In October 1858, the LBS, along with the Launceston Municipal Council and prominent' Launcestonians, headed a petition protesting the deplorable situation facing the north's indigent poor.' This petition encapsulated a middle class view of the invalid crisis. The document exposed a perception held that invalids belonged to a specifically identifiable group made up of individuals of both sexes who had originally been as c~nvicts.~ They were a lingering reminder of 's convict past, a dross that refused to disappear. What distinguished these individuals from other was their physical condition. They were the 'diseased, aged, blind, incapable, and destitute'? If an understanding is to be gained of who the invalids were, and of the circumstances of those who found themselves in their old age and infirmity readmitted to institutional space, it is important to obtain an inmate profile. This appendix examines the typical attributes of invalid inmates.

While both males and females found themselves in distress in their latter years, the typical inmate of a colonial Tasmanian charitable institution was male, unmarried (or if a female then widowed), aged at least 55 years but more likely to be aged closer to 70 than 60. In addition to being old they almost certainly suffered from an age related illness, such as dementia, rheumatism or chronic ulcers. They would have been born in Britain or Ireland, and have arrived in Tasmania as a transported convict. While they

' AOT: CSD 1/132/4836, Petition from the inhabitants of Launceston and its vicinity to Sir Henry Young, Governor of Tasmania. This memorial was given wide circulation in the north, being published in the Lnunceston Examiner (21.9.1858, p. 2 c. 5-6) and receiving the support of a favourable editorial (p. 2 c. 2). The list of memorialists was headed by Henry Dowling, the then Mayor of Launceston, and also contained the names of other Aldermen and prominent citizens as well as the entire Committee of the LBS. AOT: CSD 1/132/4836, Petition from the inhabitants of Launceston and its vicinity to Sir Henry Young, Governor of Tasmania. ibid. may have been able to read and write, their literacy standard was low when compared to that of the rest of society. This meant they would have experienced restricted vocational opportunities and would have primarily been employed in unskilled labouring or domestic service positions. Table Al.l lists inmates dieing in July 1895, at the NTCI. While the numbers in this table are low they do demonstrate a consistent pattern and give some impression of the backgrounds of inmates.

TABLE ~1.1:Return of Deaths for the NTCI for July, 1895. (Based upon AOT: CSD 19/1/5.)

In addition to the aged and infirm pauper, there were a number of minority groups also present in charitable institutions. For example, as a means to assist New Norfolk in minimising the problems it was facing due to want of space, the NTCI accommodated a number of harmless imbeciles. One of these was Henry Lewis, a 23-year-old imbecile of 'cleanly habits', admitted to the NTCI in September 1898.' It is also highly probably that Hilda Dinham, who was admitted into the NTCI in 1900, also had only limited intellectual capacity. In July 1900, after receiving a letter from the Reverend Cannon Finnis seeking his assistance in protecting this woman, the Under Secretary wrote to Seager asking that he help in keeping this 'poor woman . . . from the public street^.'^ At this juncture the Chief Secretary was able to detain her in the Contagious Diseases Hospital, at the Cascades, but once she had been

' AOT: CSD 22/11/26, Steward to Seager, 8.9.1898. AOT: CSD 22/35/105, Steward to Seager, 13.7.1900. certified as clear of venereal disease he would no longer have this authority. Seager responded positively stating that if Dinham agreed to enter the NTCI then he would recommend that she be transferred there following her detention at the Contagious Diseases Hospital. He would also see to it that if she did enter the Institution then he would ensure that she not leave it except in the company of some responsible person. Further, he would 'recommend her detention from time to time as necessary to keep her from the public street^.'^ It would appear then that, despite 'improvements' in institutional classification, at the turn of the century the Administrator of Charitable Grants was prepared to accept social misfits, along with those of limited mental capacity, into the NTCI.

Sex and marital status While both sexes suffered destitution, infirmity and poverty, there were far greater numbers of male invalids. There were three basic factors which accounted for this situation. First, there had been a greater number of male convicts transported to Van Diemen's Land than female convicts, and thus there was a greater number of male emancipists. As it was primarily from the population that invalids derived, there were, therefore, numerically and proportionately more male invalids than female invalids. Portia Robinson has argued that transportation reversed traditional British gender structures causing a gender imbalance whereby there were proportionately far greater numbers of men than women in early colonial A~stralia.~Secondly, the numerical gender imbalance resulted in greater opportunity for female convicts to marry and establish families proportionately than male convicts despite an apparent preference by both free men and male convicts for either immigrant or native-born born women as marriage partners. This was based upon a belief that female convicts were

AOT: CSD 22/35/105, Note, Seager to Chief Secretary, 16.7.1900, appended to, Steward to Seager, 13.7.1900and AOT:CSD 22/35/105, Steward to Francis, 13.7.1900. ' P. Robinson, 'Forgive them their ways: gender and criminality in New South Wales, 1788- 1829' unpublished paper presented to the Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies 1998 Conference: Exiles of Empire: convict experience and penal policy, 1788-1852, , 25.7.1988. of bad character and dissolute habit^.^ According to the Irish political prisoner, William Smith O'Brien:

The government indeed very wisely encourage the convicts to marry, but opportunities of advantageous settlement being very limited it is not surprising that a great majority of the male prisoners are destitute of homes. There are I believe three or four males to every female among the convicts: and many of the women are of such bad character that even the most reckless will not consent to take them as associates for life?

As a consequence of this, three quarters of male convicts were unable to form traditional roles of father, husband and head of ho~sehold.'~A likely consequence of this was that the incentive to save for old age was absent leaving these men little option but to seek relief through the charitable institutional system when no longer able to earn an income. Given that convict women proportionally married more frequently than convict men they were less likely to find themselves in the grim position of seeking admittance to an invalid institution, unless they had been unfortunate enough to find themselves widowed without children.

The third factor weighing against male emancipists was the nature of the male convict experience. This was not one to engender the establishment of 'traditional' family values and the sedentary lifestyle necessary to enable the creation of wealth for old age. The nuclear family, as opposed to the parish community, became the central structural unit in nineteenth-century Tasmanian society." Without it, failure was almost guaranteed. The state of one's personal welfare was directly related to the number and strength of

L. Scripps, 'The Ross , Tasmania', unpublished report for the Department of Parks, Wildlife and Heritage, Hobart, 1991, p. 3. R. Davis, T. Jetson, M. Davis and S. Harris (eds),"To Solitude Consigned': The Tasmanian Journal oJWilliam Smith O'Brien, 1849-1853 (Sydney, 1995), p. 385. l0 Robinson, 'Forgive them their ways'. l' This was an Atlantic world phenomena and a consequence of industrial capitalism. Gerald Grob has noted it in relation to the North American setting. While the effects of transportation are interpreted as having played a significant role for this development in Tasmania, Grob attributes it to increasing rates of individual and family mobility resulting in elderly persons having fewer relatives nearby in times of crisis. He has further argued that: 'The separation of home and work tended to create smaller and more specialized families and undermined their capacity to care for needy and especially elderly members.' (G.N. Grob, The Mad Among Us: A History of the Care of America's Mentally Ill (New York, 1994), p. 118). family ties. The men and women who lacked these family connections found themselves institutionalised in their old age and during times of infirmity. Having a family network to fall back on in difficult times offered a form of social insurance. Those convicts who did marry and did establish such a network were able to draw upon it in their later years, and thus avoid being institutionalised as infirm paupers.

In 1871, the LBS resolved not to relieve single men. All such applicants were immediately referred to the LID.'2 Marriage was therefore an important determining factor in aiding a person to secure relief outside of institutional space. Mr. Whitiker, the Town Missionary, told an 1871 Royal Commission into charitable institutions that very few of the inmates of the LID had relatives in the colony." The only men being relieved in 1871 by the LBS were old men with wives or those disabled from work and having children." It is worth noting that Withrington informed the same 1871 Royal Commission that he did not believe that the inmates in the Brickfields had relatives living in Hobart Town. Indeed, he stated that 'Visits by relatives are not frequent.'I5 The presence, or absence, of family networks were a significant factor in determining where the aged and infirm poor spent their last days - incarcerated in an invalid depot or at liberty with family. The colonial charitable system was highly weighted against male emancipists who, as a group, tended not to marry and establish such family ties.

It would, however, be a mistake not to recognise that female emancipists also found themselves in this situation. In 1856, for example, Anne Smith sought admittance to the HGH on account of her destitution and infirmity. She had arrived as a convict in Van ~iemen'sLand on board the Hindostan in 1839. By mid 1856, at 64 years of age, she was suffering from rheumatism, a complaint which had previously seen her admitted to the infirmary for a seven month period, which had ended only three months earlier. In this intervening period . . l2 TLCP, 17,1871, Paper 47, p. 47, paragraph 38. l3 ibid., paragraph 213. 14 ~btd.,. . paragraph 6. she had earned her living from needlework but with the onset of winter, and from being destitute, it is likely that her rheumatism had 'flared up' and she was no longer able to provide herself with even a meagre existence. Like many of her male counterparts, she had no relatives to support her and apparently no friends. The Reverend H. Irwin of St David's Parsonage recommended her admission to the hospital on 6 June 1856, and five days later William Champ, the Colonial Secretary, approved the application and its associated expense to the colony.16 As John O'Boyle, the Administrator of Charitable Grants, recommended that all paupers without family ties were to be directed to the invalid depots. Outdoor relief was refused under those circumstances." Nevertheless, institutionalisation of the aged poor was predominantly a male phenomenon as portrayed by Table A1.2, which lists the average daily numbers of male and female inmates maintained in government charitable institutions from 1873, the first year for which there are reliable figures for numbers of institutionalised female invalids.

l5 ibid., paragraph 464. " Am.CSD 1/96/2689. l' TPP, 15,1888, Paper 50, p. 3. TABLE A1.2: Average daily numbers of male and female inmates maintained in government charitable institutions. (8ased upon TLCP, 29,1880, Paper 1, p. 140; TLCP, 34, 1883, Paper 2, p. 313; TPP, 1, 1884, Paper 1, p. 315; TPP, 11,1887, Paper 2, p. 349; TPP, 33,1895, Paper 48, p. 308; and, TPP, 47, 1902, Paper 67, p. 466.) Age Old age was the principal causal agent for poor being institutionalised in charitable establishments. Individuals who were institutionalised within an invalid depot or infinnary would have found themselves associating with the aged. Table A1.3 lists the average age of male and female inmates at all the major charitable institutions (with the exception of Port Arthur) from the 1860s until Federation. These average ages evidence three important points. Firstly, male inmates tended to be older than female inmates, in all probability reflecting the greater employment opportunities for aged males than was the case for elderly females. Males being able to maintain themselves outside of institutional space for more years than their female counterparts. Secondly, the average age of male inmates rose over time supporting the premise put by institutional administrators that, increasingly, male invalids were less able to perform work tasks or provide attendants from amongst their numbers. This particular feature is not as clear cut with the female inmates. The evidence from Launceston is that, as for male invalids, the average age of female inmates increased over time. However, the evidence from the NTCI does not support this contention. Amongst the female inmates of this institution there was a slight increase in the average age in the late 1880s and early 1890s, but overall, this figure remained relatively stable at this institution. The third point of note is that the average age, with only a few exceptions, was consistently higher for female inmates in Launceston when compared to those at New Town. This may possibly reflect the success of the LBS supporting aged poor females within the community for greater periods of time than their southern compatriots. It might also be a repercussion of the limited space available within the Launceston institution

' necessitating a prioritisation which may have seen have older women selected for the relatively few beds that were available. It is further probable that the presence of younger female inmates at the NTCI would have played some part in reducing the overall average age figure for the southern institution. TABLE A1.3: Average inmate ages (rounded to nearest year), as of the 31 December, for the years 1861-1901. (Based upon information presented in both the institutional annual reports and the Statistics of Tasmania, as published in the TLCP for 1861-1883 and the TPP for 1&N-1902.)

Mean ages give only one facet of the age demographics of institutionalised invalids. The other important statistic to review in comprehending the age profile is that of modal age. The presence of some young inmates tended to drag down mean age. The modal age of inmates was generally in the high 60s for females and in the high 70s for males. The distribution of inmates into sequential age brackets presents a more accurate reflection of the age of inmates in charitable institutions. The outstanding feature of Table A1.4 is the expansion in numbers of inmates aged 65 years or more. In 1875, 59.40 percent of all charitable institutional inmates were 65 or older. By 1901, this percentage had risen to 72.16, and had been as high as 74.15 in 1894. Consistently throughout the last quarter of the nineteenth-century, more than SO'percent, and as high as 91.26 percent (in 1890) of inmates were aged 55 or more. Table A1.4 lends further credence to the position that charitable institutions were fundamentally repositories of the old aged, and that this was an ageing population.

A similar age distribution range was present in the institutions prior to 1875. For example, in August 1860, 42 paupers, or 55.3 percent of emancipist invalids who were inmates of the Port Arthur depot, were aged 70 years or more, and 72.4 percent were aged 60 or more (see Table A1.5). Some 66, or 86.9 percent were in excess of 50 years of age, further demonstrating that age was the principal causal agent in emancipist paupers finding themselves accommodated in invalid depots. Indeed, Port Arthur at this time was accommodating two paupers who were in excess of 90 years of age.

Between 1897 and 1901 detailed records were kept of the age of death of inmates at the NTCI.'8 During this period of time 326 male and 156 female inmates died.19Table A1.6 presents the raw figures showing the numbers of male and female inmates who died at specific ages at the NTCI between 1897 and 1901. This data is graphically presented in Figure Al.l. Table A1.6 and, Figure Al.1 reveal that the majority of both male and female inmates died

AOT: CSD 22/1/5, Monthly death returns, NTCI, 1897; AOT: CSD 22/9/3, Monthly death returns, NTCI, 1898; AOT: CSD 22/25/138, Monthly death retums, NTCI, 1899; AOT: CSD 22/29/10, Monthly death returns, NTCI, 1900; and, AOT: CSD 22/41/16, Monthly death returns, NTCI, 1901. l9 This is exclusive of a 21 month old baby in 1897; a two day old premature baby, and an eight and 13 day old baby in 1898; and, a three week old baby in 1901. between the ages of 65 and 90. Only five of inmates who died were aged under 50.

TABLE A1.4: Ages of emancipist invalids at Port Arthur on 29 August 1860. (Based on BPP, 15, Despatch 118, Young to Duke of Newcastle 18.10.1860, p. 276 and THAP, 5,1860, Paper 94.) TABLE A1.5: Age distribution range of charitable institutions, 1875 to 1901.

' The first number refers to the volume number, the second refers to the paper number, and the third refers to the page number. TABLE A1.4: Continued. TABLE A1.4: Continued. TABLE A1.4: Continued. TABLE A1.4: Continued. -

TABLE A1.4: Continued. TABLE A1.4: Continued.

. .

NW T- 19 3 9 17 9 15 10 19 16 12 26 29 282 122 66

1WO Lsunceston 1 1 S 5 2 7 9 46 13 204 37 R 70.26 82.68 TPP,45,5.38,4&5. [;-@[email protected]~.W b. . "7K&&*:. - ?;I;?; ?%;+ W'?:?;-+ LTOTAI..2% $<%F$%195: !dk!? $?4%

NW Tmn 13 1 8 9 13 9 12 10 21 21 16 30 16 264 142 66

1901 Iauncerlm 1 6 3 3 2 10 1 28 7 17s 45 n 72.16 81.56 TPP, 47.67.166. TABLE A1.6: Numbers of male and female inmates who died at specific ages at the NTCI between 1897 and 1901. Age at Death of Inmates NTCI 1897 to 1901

I Age at Death 1 -Males -m- Females I Infirmity Institutionalisation was often assodated with infirmities generally connected with old age. E. C. McCarthy, the Medical Officer for the Port Arthur Establishment, noted as regards paupers, in his report for 1872, that many were admitted into the hospital for more than one complaint and that in 'such a number of old men Asthma frequently accompanied Rheumatism, Bronchitis, or other afflictions.'" Old age, loss or impairment of vision, chronic rheumatism, paralysis (possibly as a result of venereal disease), respiratory disorders, simple mindedness or brain disorders (such as imbecility and epilepsy), hernia, tuberculosis, ulceration of the legs and cancer were the expressed agents afflicting invalids. For example, Table A1.7 list the infirmities suffered by pauper invalids institutionalised at Port Arthur in June 1861.

If it is assumed that those who had been maintained as paupers or invalids for less than one year were men who may have been labouring under a temporary infirmity and, that those who had been on the government books for more than a year were likely to be permanent cases, then the majority of emandpists held at Port Arthur as paupers were permanent invalids. Only 13 percent of invalids and paupers at Port Arthur, on 30 June 1861, had'been maintained by either the imperial or colonial governments under such designation for less than one year.21The clear correlation between age and infirmity as the principal factors determining admission into an invalid depot are portrayed by the ages and illnesses of those inmates confined to the hospital ward at the Brickfields in August 1863 (See Table A1.8).

" TLCP,19,1873, Paper 11, p. 20. Based upon information contained in BPP, 15, Return L, Comptroller General's Report for the period 1.7.186&30.6.1861,Boyd to the Comptroller General, 29.7.1861, p. 439. TABLE A1.7: Infirmities suffered by Port Arthur Invalids and Paupers on 30 June 1861. (Based upon BPP, 15, Comptroller-General's Report for the period 1.7.1860- 30.6.1861, p. 439.)

TABLE A1.8: Details of Invalids present in Hospital Ward Brickfields Invalid Depot in August 1863. (Based upon AOT: CSD 4/14/122, Turnley to Chairman Board of Management HGH, 21.8.1863.) Birthplace

TABLE A1.9: Birthplace of total (male and female) institutionalised pauper invalid population, 1878-1901.

Reflective of the convict background of invalids, all but two, or less than one percent, of paupers at Port Arthur in 1860-61 were British with the majority being English (71 percent) and Irish (22 per cent).= This British antecedent was to remain paramount for many years to come. In 1878, the first year for which there are statistics relating the backgrounds of the entire institutionalised invalid population (see Table A1.9), 96.22 percent of all inmates were of a British or Irish background (60.69 percent England and Wales, 23.15 percent Ireland, and 12.38 percent Scotland), and only 2.46 percent had been born in Tasmania or one of the other Australian colonies. Even though the numbers of inmates of local birth rose between this year and Federation to represent 22.85 percent of inmates, those of British and Irish origins were still dominant. At this time they embodied nearly three quarters of the inmates (74.94 percent). The growth in local numbers over the preceding 20 plus years had been almost exclusively at the expense of those with an English or Welsh place of birth. In percentage terms, this category had dropped from 60.69 percent to 38.86 percent, whilst those of Irish origins had increased from 23.15 percent to 25.64 percent, and those of Scottish birth had decreased from 12.38 percent to 10.44 percent.=

Civil background In the period 1860-61 all invalids at Port Arthur had been transported and were therefore either emancipists or convicts still under senten~e.~'Those invalids to be found in the colonial institutions were likewise predominantly emancipists. Table A1.10 demonstrates that the policy of restricting the Port Arthur Invalid Depot to solely emancipists was extremely successful, with virtually no paupers not having a convict background being forwarded to this establishment. This was to remain the situation for much of the period under study, but it did change as the emancipist population died out and an

a See BPP, 15, Return L, Comptroller General's Report for the period 1.7.1860-30.6:1861, Boyd to Compholler General, 29.7.1861, p. 439. n All percentages based upon the raw numerical data in Table A1.9. The increase in the percentage of institutionalised invalids with an Irish background is reflective of increasing rates of transportation of unskilled convicts, in the early 184Os, from post-famine Ireland. See A.G.L. Shaw Convicts and the Colonies: A Study ofpenal Transportationfrom Great Britain and Ireland to and Other Parts ofthe Empire (London, 1966), p. 367. Based upon information contained in BPP, 15, Return L, Comptroller General's Report for the period 1.7.1860-30.6.1861, Boyd to the Compholler General, 29.7.1861, p. 439. ageing immigrant and native born population encountered infirmity and economic strife in their latter daysz5

On 6 March 1888, for example, 148 males were accommodated at the LID, of who 117 were free by servitude, 16 had immigrated free to the colony, and 15 were natives. Of the 22 females, 15 were free by servitude, three came free to the colony, and four were natives.%So out of a combined inmate population of 171, 132 (or 77.2 percent) were emancipists, 19 (or 11.1 percent) were immigrants, and 20 (or 11.7 percent) were born in Tasmania. At New Town the figures for 1 May 1888, were, for an inmate population of 672: 504 (or 75.0 percent) emanapists, 122 (or 18.2 percent) immigrants, and 46 (or 6.9 percent) born in Ta~mania.~

Tables Al.ll to A1.16 document the changing profile of the civil background of institutionalised paupers. Tables Al.11 and A1.12 refer to the Cascades for the period covering the late 1860s through to the mid 1870s. Tables A1.13 and A1.14 present the civil backgrounds of the LID from the early 1880s through to the mid 1890s, while Tables A1.15 and A1.16 express this same information for the NTCI for the entire last decade of the nineteenth-century. The data presented in these tables gives a good representation of the changing nature of civil backgrounds of invalid inmates from the late 1860s until Federation. What these tables demonstrate is that during the late 1860s/early 1870s male emancipist invalids increased, as a percentage of the inmate population from about 85 percent to 90 percent, which appears to have been the peak percentage of emancipists within the charitable institutional system. At this same time the percentage of female emancipist invalids dropped from around 70 percent to 60 percent. It is difficult to determine if these differences between the make-up of the male and female invalid population continued after the mid 1870s as the information is not available. What can be inferred from Tables Al.11 and A.12, as well as from other minor references in the

'Native' was terminology generally used to describe those persons born in the colony. TPP,15,1888, Paper 50, p. 58. ibid., p. xxi. historic record, is that. there appears to have always been a slightly higher percentage of women in infirmaries and other charitable institutions who did not have a convict background when compared to the male institutionalised population. This is almost certainly reflective of the much reduced employment opportunities for elderly females compared to aged males. It may also relate to the high levels of assisted migration schemes for females to fill a local shortage in the labour market for domestic servants.

From the early 1880s until Federation, Tables A1.13 to A1.16 depict a consistent pattern; that of a declining emancipist component of the invalid population and an increasing percentage of free immigrants and native born being present in the colony's charitable institutions. This is not an unexpected observation, given that the emancipist population was not renewable and was dieing out. As its numbers declined, the position they held in society was being replaced by immigrants and native born who were unable to support themselves in their old age. Tables A1.14 and A1.16 demonstrate that in the early 1880s the percentages of emancipists, free immigrants and native born in Tasmania's charitable institutions were approximately 88, ten and two respectively. By the early 1890s these percentages were 71, 22 and seven. During the 1890s, emancipist numbers declined dramatically, virtually halving, with corresponding increases in both the immigrant and native born components of the institutional population. In 1901, emancipists represented approximately 35 percent of the inmate population, free immigrants 40 percent and the native born contributed to 25 percent of this population. Thus, while change in the structure of the institutional population commenced slowly in the late 1880s and early 1890s, it underwent a profound transformation in the last five years of the nineteenth-century. TABLE A1.lO: Civil status of pauper inmates at the port Arthur Establishment, 1866-74.

TABLE Al.ll: Status of male pauper inmates at the Cascades Invalid Depot, 1867-74. TABLE A1.12: Status of female pauper inmates at the Cascades Invalid Depot, 1867-74.

REFERENCE

. . and the third refers to the page number. NB: For the years 1883-6 inclusive the figures relate solely to male invalids. For the year 1887, and the following years, the figures are for both male and female invalids. TABLE A.14: Annual percentages of inmates showing the civil condition of the Launceston Invalid Depot inmates, 1883-94.

Anived Free to YEAR Born in Tasmania Tasmania Emanci~ists REFERENCE'

TPP, 2,13,3.

TPP, 5,10,4.

TPP, 8,10,3.

TPP, 11,11,3.

TPP, 14,15,3.

TPP, 15,15,4.

TPP, 20,12,4.

TPP, 23,15,3.

TPP, 26,15,3.

TPP, 28,12,3.

TPP, 31,6,4.

1894 I 6.90 I 21.63 I 71.47 TPP, 33,16,3. * The first number refers to the volume number, the second refers to t xper number, and the third refers to the page number. NB: For the years 1883-6 inclusive the figures relate solely to male invalids. the year 1887, and the following years, the figures are for both male and female invali~ TABLE A1.15: Annual numbers showing the civil condition of NTCI inmates, 1883-94. TABLE A1.16: Annual percentages of inmates showing the avil condition of the NTCI inmates, 1883-94.

RPERENCE'

* The first number refers to the volume number, the second refers to the paper number, and the third refers to the page number. Education Table A1.17 records literacy standards amongst institutionalised paupers for the last quarter of the nineteenth-century. This table also records a comparison of literacy standards to the whole of the general populous; the general population aged 20 years or more, and 55 years or more; and, to that of imprisoned criminals. From this table it is possible to make some generalisations about the educational level of invalids. Although more were able to read and write than were not, their educational standard was considerably below that of the general population and that of prisoners. For example, in 1881,47 percent could read and write but 39 percent could not read. This compares to 79 percent and 13 percent, respectively, for the general population aged 20 years or more. That this result is not attributable to the old age of the invalids is demonstrated by the fact that, of those persons of the general population aged more than 55 years, 64 percent were able to read and write. Even when compared to prisoners the invalids had significantly lower literacy levels. In 1883, the Government Statistician commented that the literacy standards of invalids were lower than that for imprisoned criminals in the same year." The combined data relating to invalid literacy standards is indicative of a group having a low level of education. Given that this group was predominantly emancipist, and that their education standard was lower than contemporary prisoners, it is not unreasonable to conclude that invalids, as a group, originated from the third class component of the convict population."

" TPP, 2,1884, Paper 1, p. xdii. " For discussions on the limited opportunities available to convicts designated into the third class see T. Dunnine and H. Maxwell-Stewart. 'Mutinv at Deloraine: eaneinina and convict U U resistance in 1840s van Diemen's Land', Labohr ~isth82 (May, 2005), pp. 35-47 and H. Maxwell-Stewart, 'Convict Workers, 'penal labour' and Sarah Island: life at Macquarie Harbour, 1822-1834' in I. Duffield and J. Bradley (eds), Representing Convicts: New Perspectives a Convict Forced Labour Migration (London, 1997), pp. 142-62. TABLE A1.17: Educational standing of total (male & female) institutionalised pauper invalid population, 1875-1901.

Of Superior Education % LREFERENCE' 1 TPP, 31,89,91. l i TPP, 31,89,91

1875 (Briddields) 33.40 11.79 54.81 TLCP, 23, 1, xxi.

1875 (N~WTO-) 34.86 45.64 17.43 TLCP, 23,1, xxi.

I 23,1, 1875 port ~rthur) 13.33 33.33 53.33 TLCP, xxi.

I TLCP, 25,8,xviii.

I TLCP, 25,1, xix. '- TLCP. 28.1.153

I TLCP, 29, 1,137.

1880 1. 40.14 0.24 TLCP. 30.2. 141. " I 18.89 I 40.73 The first number refers to the volume number, the second refers to the paper number, and the th d refers to the page numb€ TABLE A1.17: Continued. Unable to Read Able to Read Only Able to Read &Write Of Superior Education YEAR % % % 70 REFERENCE

TPP, 31.89, 91. ,,

1881 38.44 14.62 46.89 0.06 TLCP, 32,l. 142.

1882 38.96 15.41 45.63 0.00 TLCP, 34,2,314.

1883 36.69 18.40 44.91 0.00 TPP, 2, 1, 316.

1884 37.24 17.06 . 45.70 0.00 TPP, 5, 1,333.

1885 49.95 10.63 39.42 0.00 TPP, 8, 1,341.

1886 35.50 11.93 52.57 0.00 TPP, 11,2,350.

1887 42.11 11.96 45.94 0.00 TPP, 14,2,359.

1888 42.98 11.63 45.33 ' 0.06 TPP, 18,103,367.

1889 41.27 10.29 48.38 0.06 TPP, 21,151,389.

1890 40.61 11.93 47.46 0.00 TPP, 24, 150,394. 49.18 1 0.00 Tpp, 31,89,400. dd.LO 13.35 52.93 0.46 Tpp. 33,48,307. 1895 38.65 13.39 47.97 0.00 Tpp, 35,6,4.

1896 Tpp, 35, 19,4. 40.87 12.39 46.17 0.57 TPP. 17 R ? TABLE A1.17: Continued. Unable to Read Able to Read Only Able to Read & Write Of Superior Education YEAR I % % % % REFERENCE I I I I I 1899 I 36.36 I 11.52 I 51.52 I 0.61 TPP,43,67,400. I I 1900 I 35.29 I 10.02 I 54.36 I 0.33 TPP,45,38,406. I I 1 l901 I 36.93 I 9.29 I 52.87 I 0.92 TPP,47,67,%6. I Prior Occupation Those individuals who found themselves admitted to a charitable institution in their old age would have most probably found themselves assodating with persons who had primarily been employed in labouring positions. The lack of a skilled trade or profession was, particularly when coupled with a lack of family, a predeterrninant to ending one's days in an invalid depot. The inability to acquire the means of survival in old age, such as savings resulting from employment in a trade or profession and a family network to fall back upon in hard times, were characteristic of many emancipist males and it is for this reason that they were found in such high proportions in Tasmania's charitable institutions. Another facet of potential help generally not available to emandpists was support of mutual benefit or friendly societies.

In 1885, the government had conducted on its behalf a thorough examination of friendly societies. This investigation revealed the extremely important function that such organisations played in maintaining people in times of distress. The study concluded that '8154 persons, equal to 5.94 per cent. of the total population, or 22.21 per cent. of adult males, belong[ed] to some Friendly Society.'" That is, more than one in every five adult males in Tasmania contributed to some extent to a mutual support body. These societies acted as a form of collective income and life insurance group supporting members in times of hardship. They were principally involved in assisting members with medical attendance in times of illness or accident, income support in times of sickness, funeral expenses and the support of members' widows and orphans.)' It is very unlikely that emancipists belonged to such mutual benefit organisations. This is based upon an analysis of the age structure of such organisations. Over half the members were under the age of 30, and thus were born after the cessation of transportation, and only 7.35 percent were aged over 50. Therefore, while it is possible that there may have been some emancipist members, it is manifest that friendly societies were a 'free' organisation and would not have been in a position to

" TPP, 11,1887, Paper 2, p. hxvi. make any noticeable impact in terms of keeping emanapist invalids out of charitable institutions.

From a number of returns, made on 9 July 1872, it is possible to extrapolate a table showing the employment background of invalids accommodated at the Brickfields (see Table A1.18). Given that nine out of ten inmates at the Brickfields, at this time, were emancipists it is fair to regard the occupational evidence denoted in Table A1.18 as being a reliable representation of the skill base of those who were forced to enter the charitable institutional system.= This evidence indicates that upwards of 60 percent of inmates of the Brickfields were unskilled labourers. If we review the occupational data for the imperial paupers at Port Arthur, at this same juncture (see Table A1.19), in which all but one appears to have been an emancipist, we discover that 86 percent lacked any occupational skill or trade. What these figures suggest is that those convicts who lacked an occupation were unable to procure the means necessary to maintain themselves outside an invalid depot in their old age.

The best evidence available for the former vocation in life of charitable institution inmates comes from the 1890s. For this decade there exists a detailed summary of the former occupation or station in life of all inmates accommodated in either the New Town or Launceston institutions on 5 April 1891. Table A1.20 presents this information for male inmates and Table A1.21 reproduces the same for females. Table A1.22 presents this information for male inmates of both the northern and southern institutions who died in 1892; and Table A1.23 presents the same for women. Between 1897 and 1901 detailed records were also kept of the former occupation or station in life of inmates dieing at the NTCLa During this period of time 326 male and 156

' ibid., p. lxxuvii. a THAP,24,1872, Paper 15, p. 19. a AOT: CSD 22/1/5, Monthly death returns, NTCI, 1897; AOT: CSD 22/9/3, Monthly death returns, NTCI, 1898; AOT: CSD 22/25/138, Monthly death retums, NTCI, 1899; Am CSD 22/29/10, Monthly death returns, NTCI, 1900; & AOT: CSD 22/41/16, Monthly death retums, NTCI, 1901. female inmates died.= The evidence for males is presented in Table A1.24 and that for females in Table A1.25.

These tables overwhelmingly point to inmates coming from an unskilled, labouring and domestic service background. In the case of female inmates, they are almost exclusively former housewives (and judging from their ages it is reasonable to assume that most of these women were widows) or domestic servants (or related occupations). The skill base of these women was low with the exception of a few involved with sewing and nursing. The male inmates project a similar image with well over a third to a half being formerly basic labourers or allied occupations such as gardening, mining, shepherding, puddling and the like. Tradespersons are represented as are a few former professional persons. However, the picture is that of an institution occupied by unskilled lower working class persons and a few better skilled persons who had fallen on bad times, as well as women, who having lost their husbands, were unable to support themselves.

34 This'w exclusive of a 21 month old baby in 1897; a two day old premature baby, and eight and 13 day old babies in 1898; and, a three week old baby in 1901. TABLE A1.18: Numerical return of the prior occupations of inmates of the Brickfields Invalid Depot, on 9.7.1872.(Based upon THAP, 24,1872, Paper 15, pp. 15- 18.) TABLE A1.19: Numerical return of the prior occupations of imperial paupers at the Port,Arthur Invalid .Depot, in July 1872. Based upon THAP, 24,1872, Paper 15, pp. 11-13. TABLE A1.20: List of occupations of combined NTCI and LID male inmates on 5 April 1891. (Based upon TPP, 28,1893, Paper 67, pp. 320-1.) TABLE A1.21: List of occupations of combined NTCI and LID female inmates on 5 April, 1891. (Based upon TPP, 28,1893, Paper 67, p. 321.) TABLE A1.22: Occupations of male inmates dieing at the NTCI and LID during 1892. (Based upon TPP,29,1893, Paper 107, p. 137.) TABLE A1.23: Occupations of female inmates dieing at the NTCI and LID during 1892. (Based upon TPP, 29,1893, Paper 107, p. 137.) TABLE A1.24: Number of male inmates dieing at the NTCI between 1897 and 1901 listing their former occupations. TABLE A1.25: Number of female inmates dieing at the NTCI between 1897 and 1901 listing their former occupations. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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