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The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
The University of Chicago Old Elites Under Communism: Soviet Rule in Leninobod a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Di
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO OLD ELITES UNDER COMMUNISM: SOVIET RULE IN LENINOBOD A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY FLORA J. ROBERTS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS JUNE 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures .................................................................................................................... iii List of Tables ...................................................................................................................... v Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ vi A Note on Transliteration .................................................................................................. ix Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One. Noble Allies of the Revolution: Classroom to Battleground (1916-1922) . 43 Chapter Two. Class Warfare: the Old Boi Network Challenged (1925-1930) ............... 105 Chapter Three. The Culture of Cotton Farms (1930s-1960s) ......................................... 170 Chapter Four. Purging the Elite: Politics and Lineage (1933-38) .................................. 224 Chapter Five. City on Paper: Writing Tajik in Stalinobod (1930-38) ............................ 282 Chapter Six. Islam and the Asilzodagon: Wartime and Postwar Leninobod .................. 352 Chapter Seven. The -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
Scripting the Revolutionary Worker Autobiography: Archetypes, Models, Inventions, and Marketsã
IRSH 49 (2004), pp. 371–400 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859004001725 # 2004 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Scripting the Revolutionary Worker Autobiography: Archetypes, Models, Inventions, and Marketsà Diane P. Koenker Summary: This essay offers approaches to reading worker autobiographies as a genre as well as source of historical ‘‘data’’. It focuses primarily on one example of worker narrative, the autobiographical notes of Eduard M. Dune, recounting his experiences in the Russian Revolution and civil war, and argues that such texts cannot be utilized even as ‘‘data’’ without also appreciating the ways in which they were shaped and constructed. The article proposes some ways to examine the cultural constructions of such documents, to offer a preliminary typology of lower- class autobiographical statements for Russia and the Soviet Union, and to offer some suggestions for bringing together the skills of literary scholars and historians to the task of reading workers’ autobiographies. In the proliferation of the scholarly study of the autobiographical genre in the past decades, the autobiographies of ‘‘common people’’ have received insignificant attention. Autobiography, it has been argued, is a bourgeois genre, the artifact of the development of modern liberal individualism, the product of individuals with leisure and education to contemplate their selfhood in the luxury of time.1 Peasants, particularly during the time of ‘‘motionless history’’, are judged to constitute ‘‘anti-autobiographical space’’. Workers, whether agricultural, -
The Soviet-German Tank Academy at Kama
The Secret School of War: The Soviet-German Tank Academy at Kama THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ian Johnson Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Master's Examination Committee: Jennifer Siegel, Advisor Peter Mansoor David Hoffmann Copyright by Ian Ona Johnson 2012 Abstract This paper explores the period of military cooperation between the Weimar Period German Army (the Reichswehr), and the Soviet Union. Between 1922 and 1933, four facilities were built in Russia by the two governments, where a variety of training and technological exercises were conducted. These facilities were particularly focused on advances in chemical and biological weapons, airplanes and tanks. The most influential of the four facilities was the tank testing and training grounds (Panzertruppenschule in the German) built along the Kama River, near Kazan in North- Central Russia. Led by German instructors, the school’s curriculum was based around lectures, war games, and technological testing. Soviet and German students studied and worked side by side; German officers in fact often wore the Soviet uniform while at the school, to show solidarity with their fellow officers. Among the German alumni of the school were many of the most famous practitioners of mobile warfare during the Second World War, such as Guderian, Manstein, Kleist and Model. This system of education proved highly innovative. During seven years of operation, the school produced a number of extremely important technological and tactical innovations. Among the new technologies were a new tank chassis system, superior guns, and - perhaps most importantly- a radio that could function within a tank. -
Russia's Use of Cyber Warfare in Estonia, Georgia and Ukraine
Bard College Bard Digital Commons Senior Projects Spring 2019 Bard Undergraduate Senior Projects Spring 2019 War of Nerves: Russia's Use of Cyber Warfare in Estonia, Georgia and Ukraine Madelena Anna Miniats Bard Colllege, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2019 Part of the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Miniats, Madelena Anna, "War of Nerves: Russia's Use of Cyber Warfare in Estonia, Georgia and Ukraine" (2019). Senior Projects Spring 2019. 116. https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2019/116 This Open Access work is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been provided to you by Bard College's Stevenson Library with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this work in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights- holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, please contact [email protected]. War of Nerves: Russia’s Use of Cyber Warfare in Estonia, Georgia and Ukraine Senior Project Submitted to The Division of Global and International Studies of Bard College By Madelena Miniats Annandale-on-Hudson, NY May 2019 Miniats 1 Abstract ________________________________ This project examines how Soviet military thought has influenced present day Russian military doctrine and has evolved to include cyber warfare as part of the larger structure of Russian information warfare. -
Zinoviev (Biography + Primary Sources)
Gregory Zinoviev was born in Yelizavetgrad, Ukraine, Russia on 23rd September, 1883. The son of a Jewish diary farmers, Zinoviev received no formal schooling and was educated at home. At the age of fourteen he found work as a clerk. Zinoviev joined the Social Democratic Party in 1901. He became involved in trade union activities and as a result of police persecution he left Russia and went to live in Berlin before moving on to Paris. In 1903 Zinoviev met Vladimir Lenin and George Plekhanov in Switzerland. At the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Party in London in 1903, there was a dispute between Vladimir Lenin and Jules Martov, two of the party's main leaders. Lenin argued for a small party of professional revolutionaries with alarge fringe of non-party sympathisers and supporters. Martov disagreed believing it was better to have a large party of activists. Martov won the vote 28-23 but Lenin was unwilling to accept the result and formed a faction known as the Bolsheviks. Those who remained loyal to Martov became known as Mensheviks. Leon Trotsky, who got to know him during this period compared him to Lev Kamenev: "Zinoviev and Kamenev are two profoundly different types. Zinoviev is an agitator. Kamenev a propagandist. Zinoviev was guided in the main by a subtle political instinct. Kamenev was given to reasoning and analyzing. Zinoviev was always inclined to fly off at a tangent. Kamenev, on the contrary, erred on the side of excessive caution. Zinoviev was entirely absorbed by politics, cultivating no other interests and appetites. -
"Pekin" and Schoss Posen
CzasKultury/English 6/2011 “Pekin” and Schloss Posen – Parallel Stories Jan Kowalski Immersed in that cloud or in those few consolidated clouds was the Palace of Culture, which once, in its youth, had been the Joseph Stalin Palace of Culture and Science. That enormous, spired building has in- spired fear, hatred and magical horror. A monument to arrogance, a statue to slavery, a stone layer cake of abomination. But now it is only a large, upended gar- rison, corroded by fungus and mildew, an old chalet forgotten at some Central European crossroad.1 [...] I had myself driven to the Schloss Posen, admiring the way the blue belfry and the arcaded loggia of the city hall, then the many-colored façades of the narrow houses of burghers crowded onto the Old Square, reflec- tions of many centuries of subtly fanciful architecture, until this fugitive morning pleasure collided with the castle itself, a vast pile of blocks abutting a large empty square, crude and bristling with pointed roofs and a tall 1 T. Konwicki, R. Lourie (trans.), A Minor Apocalypse, Normal,IL 1999, p. 4. 64 Jan Kowalski, “Pekin” and Schloss Posen buttressed tower propped against it, massive, proud, severe, dreary, in front of which the pennant-bearing Mercedes of the dignitaries were lining up one by one.2 A stone layer cake, upended barracks, vast pile of blocks – the ominous similarity of these two monumental build- ings erected in Poland as proof of foreign rule is evident in the literary description in Tadeusz Konwicki’s A Minor Apocalypse and Jonathan Littell’s The Kindly Ones: A Nov- el. -
Lenin and Clausewitz: the Militarization of Marxism, 1914-1921
- : Clausewitlz - - t .:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~w w e.;.. .... ....... ..... ... .: . S. The A ir~~~~~~~~~~~~~........ ..... Mpilitarization of Marxismn, 19m14-i1921 ........1.k. by Jacob W. Kipp Kansas State University Carlvon Clausewitz. Lithograph by F. Michelisafterthe paintingby W. Wach, 1830. (Original in the possession of Professor Peter Paret, Stanford;used with permission.) EVEN the most superficialreading of Soviet militarywrit- old regime. On the one hand, reformersand revolutionaries ings would lead to the conclusion that a close tie exists shared the strong anti-militaristthrust of European Social between Marxism-Leninismand Clausewitz' studies on war Democracy, which viewed the militaryelite as the sources of a and statecraft.Although labeled an "idealist," Clausewitz en- vile and poisonous militarism.The professionalsoldiers' desire joys a place in the Soviet pantheonof militarytheorists strik- for glory,like the capitalists' search for profits,only brought inglysimilar to that assigned to pagan philosophersin Dante's sufferingto the workingclass. All socialists shared a com- Hell. Colonel General I. E. Shavrov, formercommander of the mitmentto a citizens' militiaas the preferredmeans of national Soviet General Staff Academy, has writtenthat Clausewitz' defense. In 1917 the Bolsheviks rode this anti-militaristsen- method marked a radical departurein the study of war: timentto power by supportingthe process of militarydisin- tegration,upholding the chaos of thekomitetshchina, and prom- He, in reality,for the firsttime in militarytheory, denied ising a governmentthat would bringimmediate peace.3 the "eternal" and "unchanging" in militaryart, stroveto These Social Democrats were also the heirs of examine the phenomenonof war in its interdependence the volumi- and interconditionality,in its movement and develop- nous writingson militaryaffairs of the two foundersof scientific ment in order to postulate theirlaws and principles.' socialism, Karl Marx and FriedrichEngels. -
The Russian White House Under Siege
1 The Russian White House under Siege August 19, 1991, should have been a regular Monday morning, but it opened on an unexpected note. Instead of the news, all Russian TV and radio stations were broadcasting Tchaikovsky’s Swan Lake. Audiences across the country understood at once that something serious had hap- pened in politics. Ever since 1982, major events such as the deaths of Soviet leaders (three in the span of three years) had been announced after national broadcasting of this sort. At age sixty, Gorbachev was on the young side and seemingly too healthy to follow his immediate predecessors. However, he was not immune to ac- tions from Kremlin hard-liners fighting against his liberalization policies. And act they did: an announcer reported that Gorbachev had fallen ill at his state-owned dacha at a Black Sea resort. “The new Soviet leadership” in Moscow would reinstate socialist “law and order.” At the time of the announcement I was already in a car and heading to the city from my state-owned dacha in a Russian government compound about fifteen miles from Moscow. Yeltsin occupied a house around the corner from me, though he had campaigned against such perks and had gained popular- ity by vigorously denouncing unwarranted privileges for top officials. The 17 © 2019 University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. 18 The Firebird • Andrei Kozyrev compound served as a kind of out-of-office meeting place for members of the Russian government. As I drove in, I noticed signs of unusual activity near the local traffic police station. -
Labor in the Russian Revolution
Labor in the Russian Revolution: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917- 1918 by Gennady Shkliarevsky; Soviet State and Society between Revolutions, 1918-1929 by Lewis H. Siegelbaum; Mary McAuley; The Electrification of Russia, 1880-1926 by Jonathan Coopersmith Review by: Stephen Kotkin The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 67, No. 2 (Jun., 1995), pp. 518-522 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2125137 . Accessed: 10/12/2011 17:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Modern History. http://www.jstor.org 518 Book Reviews analyze more deeply the interplay (critical in all revolutionary situations) between street politics and institutional politics and the ways the two created or prevented possibilities for different revolutionaryconclusions. But no criticism should detract from the great achievement of this major work. It will surely become the standardsource on these events for years to come and should be a useful resource for all historians interestedin modern Russian history. JOAN NEUBERGER Universityof Texas at Austin Labor in the Russian Revolution: Factory Committees and Trade Unions, 1917-1918. -
George Bush Library)
WithdrawallRedaction Sheet (George Bush Library) Document No. SubjectITitle of Document Date Restriction Class. ~andType 22. Memcon Meeting with Russian President Boris Yeltsin 07/30/91 (b)(1) S [SENT FOR AGENCY REFERRAL] (3 pp.) Collection: Record Group: Bush Presidential Records Office: National Security Council Series: Memcons, Presidential Document Declassified Subseries: (Document Follows) WHORMCat.: By 41- (NLGB) on 5 ., ·o'! File Location: July 1991 ,.. Josed: 1/1012001 OAIID Number: CFOl728-013 FOIAISYS Case #: 2000-0429-F Appeal Case #: Re-review Case #: Appeal Disposition: P-2/P-5 Review Case #: Disposition Date: AR Case #: 1999-0303-F/3(200) MRCase#: AR Disposition: Released in Full MR Disposition: AR Disposition Date: 10/20/200~3 _________~MR=~D~i~sp~o~s~it~io~n~D=at~e:!...: _____ RESTRICTION CODES Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)] Freedom ofInformation Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)] P-l National Security Classified Information [(a)(I) of the PRA] (b)(l) National security classified information [(b)(I) ofthe FOIA) P-2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office (a)(2) of the PRA] (b)(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules alld practices of an P-3 Release would violate a Federal statute (a)(3) of the PRA] agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA] P-4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or (b)(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA) financial information (a)(4) of the PRA] (b)(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial P-5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President information [(b)(4) of the FOIA] and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA) (b)(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of P-6 Release would eonstitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA] personal privacy (a)(6) of the PRA] (b)(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAj C.