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Introduction Introduction In &KLQHVH *OHDPV RI 6XÀ /LJKW (2000) I translated one short treatise by each of two major Muslim scholars, Wang Daiyu 䌳ⱙ廧 and Liu Zhi ∱㘢. Wang announced in the title of this short treatise, 7KH*UHDW /HDUQLQJ RI WKH 3XUH DQG 5HDO (4LQJ]KHQ GD[XH 㶭䛆⣏⬠), that he was drawing from both the Islamic and the Confucian traditions. *UHDW /HDUQLQJ refers to a Confucian classic much studied and cited by Neo- Confucian scholars. 3XUHDQG5HDO is an expression that Muslims have used to designate their own tradition, so it is commonly translated as “Islam.” It is worth noting at the outset that the term ]KHQ 䛆 or “real” plays a prominent role in Muslim writings as an indicator of things Islamic. The word has a long history in Chinese thought, especially in Daoism, but never had the same favor it was to gain among Muslims, for whom it is the Chinese equivalent of the Arabic word ɭDTT, which means real, true, right, appropriate, and worthy. In the Qur’an ɭDTT is used to name God, to designate the content of prophetic revelation, to describe God’s activity in the world, and to indicate the nature of ideal human activity. :KHQ , ÀQLVKHG Chinese Gleams with the help of my two col- laborators, Tu Weiming and William Chittick, we decided that despite :DQJ 'DL\X·V KLVWRULFDO SULRULW\ /LX =KL ZDV WKH PRUH VLJQLÀFDQW philosopher/theologian and that he would provide greater insight into the manner in which Muslims were able to synthesize Chinese and Islamic thought. We spent several years studying and translating 1DWXUHDQG3ULQFLSOHLQ,VODP 7LDQIDQJ[LQJOL⣑㕡⿏䎮), which appeared as 7KH 6DJH /HDUQLQJ RI /LX =KL ,VODPLF 7KRXJKW LQ &RQIXFLDQ 7HUPV (2009). I then turned my attention back to 7KH5HDO&RPPHQWDU\, which SURYHGWREHPRUHGL΀FXOWWRGHFLSKHUWKDQ/LX=KL·VERRNQRGRXEW 1 © 2017 State University of New York Press, Albany 2 The First Islamic Classic in Chinese because of its relative lack of system and its pioneering quality. In any case, it provides a remarkable window into the worldview and ethos of Muslims in seventeenth-century China. Over the past thirty years China has seen a great revival of interest in Chinese-language writing on Islam. Hundreds of books and treatises that originally appeared from the seventeenth through the nineteenth century have been republished.1 Most of them pertain to the school of thought that has come to be called the Han Kitab 㻊 ⃳⟼墄, a Chinese-Arabic compound meaning literally “the Chinese books.”2 This literature was produced by scholars commonly known as the Huiru ⚆₺, that is, Muslim scholars trained in Confucian learn- ing, or “Confucian Muslims.”3 Despite all the new research and ongo- LQJGLVFRYHULHVLWVWLOOVHHPVVDIHWRVD\WKDWWKHÀUVWVLJQLÀFDQWWH[W published by the Huiru was Wang Daiyu’s 5HDO &RPPHQWDU\ RQ WKH 7UXH7HDFKLQJ (=KHQJMLDR]KHQTXDQ㬋㔁䛆娖), which appeared in 1642. Other works had already been printed, including two that Wang criti- cizes in chapter 1.8, but this book overshadowed earlier writings and became the benchmark of Islamic learning. (QJOLVKUHDGHUVKDYHDÀQHVXUYH\RIWKHVFKRRORIWKRXJKWWKDW produced Wang Daiyu in Zvi Bendor Benite’s 'DR RI 0XKDPPDG. %HQLWH H[SODLQV KRZ WKH +XLUX DSSHDUHG DV WKH UHVXOW RI WKH HͿRUWV RIDQXPEHURIVLJQLÀFDQWVFKRODUVEHJLQQLQJZLWK+X'HQJ]KRX傉 䘣㳚 (d. ca. 1597), who established a madrasah in Xianyang ①春 in Shaanxi province in the middle of the sixteenth century. Hu Dengzhou broke with the practices of traditional Islamic learning by teaching not only Islamic but also Chinese classics. His students established VFKRROV LQ IRXU GLͿHUHQW FLWLHV DPRQJ WKHP 1DQMLQJ ZKHUH :DQJ Daiyu was trained and subsequently taught, though in later life he moved to Beijing where he remained until his death. Wang’s students praised his ability to answer questions in a clear and logical manner. It is likely that much of 7KH5HDO&RPPHQWDU\ was composed precisely to answer the questions that he was constantly being asked, not only by Muslims but also by non-Muslims curious about Islamic teachings.4 Wang tells us in the introduction to 7KH5HDO&RPPHQWDU\ that he compiled notes on his scholarly conversations and eventually orga- nized them as this book. He divided the material into two sections, WKHRU\DQGSUDFWLFH7KHÀUVWSDUWH[SODLQVWKH,VODPLFZRUOGYLHZDQG the manner in which it is distinct from the Three Teachings, which are Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. The second part deals not, as one might expect, with the details of Islamic practice, but with the © 2017 State University of New York Press, Albany Introduction 3 spiritual and ethical underpinnings of practice. Wang clearly assumed that his readers already knew how to practice their religion, so he wanted to explain the rationale for that practice, not least in cases that would meet strong objections in Chinese society, such as dietary rules, the prohibition of alcohol and gambling, and burial customs. He has almost nothing to say about the typical issues that come up in books of jurisprudence (ÀTK WKHÀHOGRI,VODPLFOHDUQLQJWKDWVHWV down rules and regulations as established by the jurists on the basis of the Qur’an and the tradition. Given the lack of attention to practice per se, Muslims and non-Muslims who imagine that Islam is basi- FDOO\ D VHW RI LQVWUXFWLRQV PD\ KDYH D GL΀FXOW WLPH UHFRJQL]LQJ WKH thoroughly Islamic character of the book. In Arabic, Persian, and other Islamic languages, discussion of the social and spiritual rationale for practice takes place primarily in ZRUNV WKDW WKH VHFRQGDU\ OLWHUDWXUH FODVVLÀHV DV ´6XÀµ HYHQ WKRXJK PDQ\ RI WKH DXWKRUV VR FODVVLÀHG ZRXOG QRW KDYH XVHG WKH WHUP LQ reference to themselves. I use the word for want of a satisfactory alternative.5 I understand it to mean an approach to Islamic learning that looks for inner meaning when dealing with outward forms and that emphasizes the need to undergo transformation of the soul to achieve a constant personal engagement with God. When texts of this nature address ritual observance, they explain how practice brings the soul into harmony with God and the cosmos. In the process of XQGHUWDNLQJVXFKH[SODQDWLRQV6XÀWHDFKHUVKDYHSURGXFHGVRPHRI the greatest and most profound books of the Islamic tradition. To cite EXW RQH H[DPSOH *KD]ăOĦ·V IDPRXV ,ɭ\ă· ƔXOŗP DOGĦQ, “Giving life to the sciences of the religion,” announces in its very title the role that 6XÀVPKDVSOD\HGLQ,VODPLFFLYLOL]DWLRQ *LYHQ WKH FRQVWDQW DWWHQWLRQ RI 6XÀ DXWKRUV WR WKH LQQHU PHDQ- ings of external forms, it should not be surprising that Wang and other +XLUX GUHZ KHDYLO\ IURP 6XÀ ZULWLQJV$PRQJ DOO 0XVOLP VFKRODUV WKH6XÀWHDFKHUVZHUHPRVWDGHSWDWSHQHWUDWLQJWKHUHFHLYHGPRGHRI H[SUHVVLRQDQGH[SODLQLQJLWVVLJQLÀFDQFHWRWKHLUDXGLHQFHRIWHQZLWK- out recourse to the standard expressions in the transmitted learning. 7KH6XÀVVWRRGLQPDUNHGFRQWUDVWWRWKHMXULVWVZKRVHUROHKDVEHHQ to clarify the precise details of activity as delineated by the Qur’an and the Sunnah and who always insisted on exact conformity with the received modes of expression. For the jurists, the basic issue has always EHHQ KRZ WR GR WKLQJV FRUUHFWO\)RU 6XÀ WHDFKHUV FRUUHFW DFWLYLW\ LV necessary, but they also insisted that activity brings about the transfor- © 2017 State University of New York Press, Albany 4 The First Islamic Classic in Chinese mation of the soul only in proportion to the practitioners’ understand- ing of the reality of correctness itself and the rationale for conforming WR LW -XULVWV H[SODLQ KRZ DQG 6XÀV H[SODLQ ZK\$V ,VODP VSUHDG WR regions more distant from the center, the need to explain why became more pronounced. It was especially strong in China, where Muslims were faced with a civilization possessing great powers of assimilation ZKLOHWKH\WKHPVHOYHVIRXQGLWPRUHDQGPRUHGL΀FXOWWRPDVWHU3HU- sian and Arabic, the two main languages of Islamic learning. If I mention Persian before Arabic, it is not because I have forgot- ten that Arabic is Islam’s sacred language, but because Persian tended to be the language of instruction in what is often called the Persianate realm—which extends from Eastern Europe through Turkey to Iran and Central Asia, the Indian subcontinent, and China. Arabic contin- ued to be the language of ritual, but Persian was likely to be used in the classroom, even when Arabic texts were being studied. In China itself, Arabic did not begin to replace Persian as the primary Islamic language until the late nineteenth century, with the decline of Huiru OHDUQLQJDQGDQLQÁX[RI´UHIRUPHUVµWUDLQHGLQ$UDEFRXQWULHV7RGD\ Persian learning is preserved mainly in a few women’s mosques; in China as in many other places the women are more attached to the ancestral ways than the men.6 The number of books translated from Persian and Arabic into Chinese before the twentieth century is not known, though scholars KDYHVXJJHVWHGDVPDQ\DVWZHQW\ÀYHWLWOHVLQFOXGLQJWH[WVRQJUDP- mar (the Qur’an was not translated in its entirety until the 1920s).7 A great deal of research remains to be done before the details of these translations can be established with any certainty. Of the translated books, four are known to have been used by the Huiru as sourc- HV IRU WKHLU WKRXJKW EXW RQO\ RQH FDQ EH LGHQWLÀHG DV D VRXUFHIRU Wang Daiyu (Liu Zhi, in contrast, used all four). This is 0LUʫăGDO¶LEăG PLQ DOPDEGD· LOD·OPD¶ăG (The path of the servants from the origin to WKH UHWXUQ E\ 1DMP DO'ĦQ 5ă]Ħ G D WHDFKHU D΀OLDWHG ZLWK WKH .XEUDZĦ 6XÀ RUGHU 7KLV ORQJ 3HUVLDQ ERRN DYDLODEOH LQ D JRRG English translation, provides an overview of basic Islamic teachings about God, the cosmos, the human role in creation, and the path of achieving human perfection. It was extremely popular in the Persian- ate lands of Islam, and indeed, it is arguably the best summary in any language of the overall Islamic worldview as understood before PRGHUQWLPHV,WZDVDOVRWKHÀUVW,VODPLFERRNWREHWUDQVODWHGLQWR Chinese, by Wu Zixian ẵ⫸⃰ in 1670, twenty-eight years after the © 2017 State University of New York Press, Albany Introduction 5 appearance of Wang’s 5HDO &RPPHQWDU\.
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