he rush of events since the elec IO tion of Ronald Reagan has forced AFL the movement to con­ , T front hard choices for the first •^mute Ttime in more than thirty years. toth It was 1947 when the Taft-Hartley Con­ ated gress threw down the last challenge to orga­ unio nized labor. On a wave of strikes and sit-ins, terpi HARD the CIO movement had swept six million the workers into the steel, electrical, auto, rub­ from ber, and other industrial unions since the tion' mid-1930s. Stung by the success of CIO mil­ . ant itancy, the conservative AFL had orga­ spaw nized almost as many workers. In 1946 the perc CIO's "Big Three"—the steel, auto, and with electrical workers—had won nationwide yout strikes for breakthrough wages andbenefits man CHOKES in basic industry. ofth Taft-Hartley outlawed solidarity strikes, tion* Porkchops or politics? permitted employer campaigns against un­ bod\ ion organization, and required an anti- II communist oath of union officers. CIO un­ agen Organizing or merchandising? ions at first pledged to stick together and ner. fight back, but one by one, then in a rush, cont Confrontation or accommodation? they broke. Afer purging communist and the socialist-led unions in 1949, it was just a mini matter of time and mechanics before the budj of p Lance Compa is on the staff of an interna­ dam BY LANCE COMPA tional union in Washington, D. C. and

FRANCESJETTEH1

26 I JANUARY 1982 CIO merged with, and was absorbed by, the enough. Then, too, there is the anti-labor munity forces that built Solidarity Day can AFLinl955. tack openly taken by more and more em­ turn that single event into ah enduring Twenty-five years of postwar growth ployers—the wage cuts and takeaways, the movement for political action at the grass­ muted the consequences of the CIO's shift plant closings and runaway shops, the roots level. to the right. Prospering corporations toler­ abuses of the anti-union consultants. But it Most union leaders hope to travel both ated, and sometimes even welcomed, trade is something stirring within the labor move­ roads, regaining influence in the conven­ unions with the right attitude about free en­ ment itself that is pressing unions the hard­ tional councils of government, and activat­ terprise at home and Cold War abroad. But est, insisting on fundamental decisions: a ing the rank and file to supply the local pres­ the problems of the 1970s—competition new rank-and-file militance in the trade un­ sure that has been lacking up to now. from a rebuilt Europe and Japan, the asser­ ions. Accordingly, unions have moved to expand tion of economic power by formerly compli­ In what direction will all these pres­ their role in the Democratic Party. The ant" Third World countries, inflation sures—the Reagan challenge, employer AFL-CIO has announced it will probably spawned by Vietnam war spending, a rising hostility, and rank-and-file sentiment for a back candidates in Democratic primary percentage of structural unemployment fight—push trade union leadership? One elections, reversing a hands-off policy of with scandalous levels for minorities, road—a few simple steps from the Mall site of long standing. Unions demanded and got a youth, and women—could no longer be September's impressive Solidarity Day majority of the at-large seats on the Demo­ managed by the middle-of-the-road policies rally—leads east to Capitol Hill, to a posi­ cratic National Committee in a DNC re­ of the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administra­ tion of renewed strength and influence in structuring last year; they are now working tions. So the labor movement, like every­ the Democratic Party and in Congress. to roll back the 1972 McGovern reforms body else, got Ronald Reagan in 1980. From there, the route is familiar: save the and return power to the party professionals It is not just the shock of the Reagan Davis-Bacon Act, fight tight money, sal­ and their allies. Union money accounts for agenda that is pushing the unions into a cor­ vage social programs without cutting mili­ a substantial part of the cash going to the ner. The apparent smashing of the air traffic tary spending, and elect the likes of Walter DNC and Democratic candidates for the controllers' union, the virtual shutdown of Mondale, Ted Kennedy, or John Glenn as 1982 Congressional campaigns. The swarm the Occupational Safety and Health Ad­ President in 1984. of Democratic Party viziers and their at­ ministration by the White House, the Another road leads north and west and tacks on Reaganomics at November's AFL- budget cuts that are tearing away fifty years south, toward a position of real strength in CIO convention made the annual meeting of progressive legislation, and the social p<5or, working-class, and middle-class as much a party gathering as a national la­ damage done in the highly unionized states neighborhoods around the country. The bor congress. and cities—these ought to be provocation same alliance of labor, minority, and com­ At the same time, the unions are trying

THE PROGRESSIVE I 27 w, one happening in the shop (labor's seeming ac­ pervisors, the self-employed, and others s com- quiescence to the employer) and what's hap­ Labor's new who cannot be unionized). At any moment, ince on £ pening in the community (the conflict with society could turn on the labor movement ;led un % the managerial class over a range of politi­ emphasis and set it back a century. To play it safe, un­ 1 griev- Jj cal issues) will make it difficult for union ion leaders' figure they must hold them­ ; out of * chiefs to spark broad-based political action. on high-tech selves out as respectable participants in the jrves to >1 This is not meant to be a blanket indict­ conventional game of power. ment of "union bureaucrats" or "mis- communications To mobilize the rank and file and carry •1 leaders," especially as it is written by some­ out the promise of Solidarity Day, how­ d Busi-1\ one making his living as a union bureaucrat. ever, trade unions have to risk a break with making and the like Sidney Lens's thesis in his companion piece the elites. It's a high-stakes gamble, but cur­ "coop- #! is correct: The labor movement has to be­ rent conditions hold much promise. Now, gemenr | suggests come more radical. But he too easily draws by going down to the members and out to ie safneV the line between an allegedly moribund un­ the country on a permanent basis, labor and 'rowing^ a disturbing ion leadership at the top and a militant rank its allies can enlist both organized and unor­ les andft and file and a secondary leadership strain­ ganized workers in its political program, t might^j eagerness ing to break free of the deadheads and do and win over a good part of the middle class elation- right. Many union leaders at all levels, in­ to substitute to a scheme of independent political action uch go->j cluding the highest, work hard to promote free of corporate influence and centrist leaders , the kinds of rank-and-file action I have laid glitter for party habits of mind. at Selig" out. Frequently the leadership is ahead of How to do all this? Little can be accom­

THE PROGRESSIVE I 29 to pick up the tempo of grass-roots political 1978, get Jimmy Carter re-elected in 1980, right to strike over grievances. Now, one action. Solidarity Day organizers required or hold the Democratic majority in the steward per 100 or 200 employes is com each rally participant to turn in a "Grass House of Representatives to defeat the monplace; the new ratio and a reliance on Roots Enrollment" card with his or her 1981 Reagan budget cuts and tax give­ compulsory arbitration have entangled urt; ie m< name and address. The card information aways. The new emphasis on state-of-the- ions in a bureaucratic, delay-filled griev­ 1 iss will be computerized and made available art political tools—computerized lists, data ance procedure that takes problems out of Chiefs for rapid-action writing, calling, and lobby­ networks, slick TV ads, polls, and the the hands of affected workers and serves toi i Thi ing efforts along the lines already perfected like—suggests a disturbing eagerness to alienate members from their union. i on the Right by Richard Viguerie's famously substitute "high tech" political action and a A former high union official told Busi- ' ^'leader successful direct mail operation and the reliance on a new breed of pro-union con­ ness Week that unions should stop making<" ,*|»oiie m; U.S. Chamber o£,G©mmerce. The AFL- sultants for the less glittery but nonetheless demands on employers and become "coorX|l ;^idne) CIO is setting up a video and data transmis­ vital work of breathing life into a people-to- erative partners in the labor-management/ "is corr sion network with state affiliates for infor­ people politics based squarely on the rank relationship." The magazine, in the same*! . come i mation sharing and tactics coordination, and file. issue, reported approvingly on a growing' . ihelin and expects to establish a permanent PR Even if the fancy technology were tuned union acceptance of quality circles and: ion lea department to exploit the latest innovations to a high pitch of perfection, it would be just quality of work life programs that migh^ and fil in communications technology. The Feder­ a cover for politics-as-usual unless those in herald "an end to the adversary relation­ ' ing to ation is adding staff and funding to give charge make an equivalent effort to shape ship." right. seemingly tedious Federal budget issues the up an independent, politically-minded It is through the adoption of such go- cludinj public airing they need. A number of un­ movement of rank-and-file workers and along policies that American labor leaders the kir ions are undertaking television advertising their allies. Organized labor, had better have been slipping away from what Selig out. F campaigns to develop awareness and sup­ soon realize that there is no substitute, no Perlman, in his 1920s classic A Theory of the theme port for union goals. The Industrial Union matter how sophisticated or grass roots in Labor Movement, called "an aggressive, place i Department is taking steps to transmit oc­ appearance, for genuine membership fer­ hard-hitting unionism" that won rank-and- of star cupational health films, produced by ment. To start, trade unions would do well file support. In Britain, Perlman the rar OSHA under Eula Bingham (but banned to look inward. They can't just call up the pointed out, union leadership passed to po­ many ( by the Reagan Administration's "Legion of ranks; they have to go down to the ranks in litical activists "not because they were so­ persua Decency") by way of the Public Broadcast­ an open search for union self-renewal that cialists, but because they made good on We ing System satellite for local showings. compels the membership to respond. For theirclaims as aggressive unionists." Ideol­ tional Many unions are taking on outside consult­ their part, union members have to see the ogy was fine, but results for the membership hundn ants and public relations experts to handle link between action in the workplace and were What counted. As one of the activists are so this work, and using professional pollsters what their leaders ask them to do in the po­ argued to union members in a successful bid them c to help develop the union's program and litical arena. for leadership: of 60, pitches to the membership. units. ' Political action is best grounded in the "How long, how long will you be content ken d( This is all to the good //these tactics are ordinary practice of trade unionism in the with the present half-hearted policy of your tricts, meant to supplement rank-and-file actions workplace. The erosion in recent years of unions? I readily grant that good work has ~ boards like Solidarity Day: They could represent a union political strength parallels the turning been done in the past by the unions, but its owi real turning to the rank and file. But they away from a policy of aggressive struggle what good purpose are they serving now? pie, ex could also be nothing more than a cultiva­ with employers. Strike activity, while not . . . The true unionist policy of aggression is an ir tion of the appearance of grass-roots activ­ always the definitive measure of aggressive­ seems entirely lost sight of; in fact, the aver­ in the ity for the sake of bolstering the labor ness (there are other ways to fight) has been age union leader today is either hopelessly values leader's role in traditional political circles. at the lowest rate in decades. Strikes aside, apathetic or supporting a policy that plays levels, union leaders cannot go along with wage directly into the hands of the capitalist ex­ Somet here are many potential pit­ cuts, compulsory overtime, job combina­ ploiters." rectior falls and contradictions between tions, joint ventures in labor-management Without necessarily railing against capi­ The "calling up the ranks," a slogan of cooperation, "quality of work life" proj­ talist exploitation, unions can lend sub­ labor-i the September rally, and moving ects, "quality circles," and other accommo­ stance to their political efforts by taking a 'headsc Tin a big way into the top councils of the dations with management on workplace is­ tougher line on workplace issues. They can and otl Democratic Party. Corporate influence sues and then carry on a credible political encourage rank-and-file initiatives through his seat could not be better reflected there than by struggle against conservative forces outside the local publication of shop papers ana Presen millionaire banker-lawyer Charles Manatt, the factory or office. through special bulletins, by calling small- negoti; the DNC's new chairman, and the."Lex­ Even a matter as seemingly innocuous as unit meetings (to supplement general mem­ chairec ington Group" of conservative Democratic negotiating a workplace code of conduct, bership meetings) and holding lunch-hour in his 1 businessmen he is grooming to run for polit­ which many unions do, can put a union in a assemblies, through more energetic stew­ Federa ical office under the party banner. After position of being the employer's enforcer ards' council activity, through special cofci tour of Reagan's autumn stumbles on budget issues instead of the worker's defender. Similarly, tract preparation efforts, health and safety i around and economic policy. Democrats began hit­ union-company safety and health commit­ training, and so on. Unions can begin the; to theii ting up the business world's political action tees, or union-management productivity move away from arbitration, and the glacial idarity committees for contributions when contin­ committees, despite their participatory process of filing unfair labor practice wing p ued control of the House appeared likely. trappings, can compromise the union struc­ charges with the NLRB and safety com­ onstra In turn, they'll have to deliver— ture and turn it into an arm of management. plaints with OSHA. They could try instead Ronalc corporations, like politicians, can be They tend to cut down a union's range of to mobilize the members through ad hoc recent bought, but not for nothing. action in resisting unsafe conditions or shop floor meetings, plant gate demonstra­ seemec The unions have gone the road of high- speedups. tions, informational , overtime Was an level influence before, but all their pur­ In a parallel development, many unions bans, mini-job actions, and the like, relying entreni ported clout could not guarantee the pas­ have moved away from earlier principles of on lawyers and arbitrators only as a last re­ to who sage of the mild Labor Law Reform bill of one-steward-for-each-supervisor and the sort. Otherwise, the gulf between what's

28 / JANUARY 1982 ship" with a Democratic Party that has con­ based "OSHA-Environmental Network" sistently short-changed working people. The movement to defend occupational safety and environ­ If polls are any guide, more union mem­ mental health laws. Massachusetts unions bers now regard themselves as indepen­ that built and Mass. Fair Share, Connecticut unions dents than as Democrats. This rising tide of and the Citizens Action Group, Ohio labor independent sentiment can be channeled Solidarity Day and the Ohio Public Interest Group, Illinois into a political force smart enough to keep unions and the Illinois Public Action Coun­ its options open without compromising can carry cil, California unions and the Campaign for principle or delivering the union vote into Economic Democracy—all have found is­ the lap of any party, new or established. on to advance sues that unite them in cooperative efforts.

he AFL-CIO, despite its years the idea of n independent coalition of the as a broker of union influence groups represented at Solidar­ ity Day can hammer out a polit­ 1 among Democrats, has also given independent some independent signals in re­ ical agenda and stand fast on Athe issues, ever on the lookout for candi­ Tcent months. Federation publications have political work- blasted the "sell-out" tactics of Democratic dates of either party or any party worthy of Party leaders. The AFL-CIO called the that is, a support, instead of tailing the Democratic Democrats' 1981 alternative tax plan a Party apparatus."With its own experience in "giveaway to business" and backed instead break with the reconciling conflicting demands for the sake a rump plan sponsored by Democratic lib­ of a common program, something trade un­ erals and supported by a handful of moder­ Democratic ions do in every bargaining situation (repre­ ate Republicans. senting the skilled and unskilled, those with A wholesale move into the Democratic Party and without seniority, day shift and night Party would only bind the unions tighter to shift workers), the labor movement can lay the corporate forces that have captured the a legitimate claim to the leadership of a last­ DNC. Any such move would foreclose un­ ing grass-roots movement. ion criticism of the party and the aggressive The disappointments of the Carter years I ble. The labor-backed candidacy of Frank totl pursuit of alternative policies if, as is likely Barbaro pulled 36 per cent of the Demo­ and the Democrats' failure to exploit Con­ dem should the Democrats return to power in cratic primary vote and 13 per cent of the gressional majorities, the depredations of to it 1984, there is a rerun of Carter-style back­ final in the 1981 New York mayoral race. A the Reaganites and the growing popular an­ sliding. labor-black alliance in Hartford powered ger over the effects, and the continued indi< Independent political action is the alter­ by teachers, machinists, and hospital floundering of the Democrats all give labor hou; native. Concretely, this means: workers' unions propelled Thirman Milner an opportunity, not to mention a reason, to on a 11 for progressive Democrats like mem­ to election as New England's first black move boldly toward independent political acto bers of the Congressional Black Caucus and mayor. Where posible, and without falling action. To head out in a new direction—and said other liberals who have refused to cave in to into simple "," independent can­ get to where it wants to go-—organized la­ sten pressure from the Right, building indepen­ didates should be recruited from union bor will have to take a self-critical turn, en­ men dent labor support apart from the Party ranks. courage internal reform, and resume an ag­ perc structure. Independent efforts by electrical 11 picking fights over election rules and gressive struggle in the workplace. Above thel and auto workers from the Westinghouse practices that discriminate against third or all, union leaders will have to re-integrate fade and Boeing plants in Delaware County. minor party candidates—signature require­ themselves into rank-and-file life. five Pennsylvania, helped return liberal Demo­ ments, media exclusion, and the like. The temporizing and lack of direction part cratic Representative Robert Edgar to 11 and most important, stepping up union among elected Democrats might also con­ fron office in 1980 in a Congressional district involvement and asserting labor leadership vince the unions it is time they moved into 1 with a 3-to-l Republican registration in coalitions that address themselves to the positions of power in the party. That temp­ Rea edge—a district which Reagan carried issues of daily life—utility rates, plant clos­ tation must be resisted. The corporate hold role handily. ings, oil and gas prices, occupational and on the Democratic Party is not going to be dev< H giving independent labor support to environmental health, interest rates, state broken. What is most at stake is the hold of rest progressive Republicans like Jim Jeffords and local taxation—and forcing politicians working people on their trade unions. rani of Vermont, the only Republican House of both parties to stop dancing or face inde­ The upbeat legend on a T-shirt making sort member to vote against the Reagan tax pendent opposition when their positions on the rounds says, "Let's put the movement dem plan, and Charles Mathius of Maryland, such issues are found wanting. In many back in the labor movement." We should / who got labor backing in his last Senatorial states and cities, local unions and hitherto also take care to keep labor in the iabor ism contest against a right-wing Democrat. conservative central labor councils and movement—the workers whose needs and ades 11 building permanent bridges to the state federations are actively cooperating interests lie at its heart. If the unions insist indi black movement in the South to produce with consumer groups in issue-oriented bat­ on a bigger voice in the Democratic Party oft the kind of alliance that put Representative tles. The Pennsylvania AFL-CIO and and place more reliance on high- The Wayne Dowdy of Mississippi in office in the "PennPIC," the Pennsylvania Public Inter­ technology, expert-dominated, money- wor first by-election following the 1980 general est Coalition, recently sponsored a large talking political organizing tactics, we will tion election, and putting such alliances to work rally and lobby at the state capitol in Harris- only move farther down a dead-end road alm( for black candidates who can raise labor is­ burg on plant closing and interest rate bills. and insure that the struggle is taken out of sues the way Dowdy pressed extension of The national AFL-CIO is working with the workers' hands and turned over to lawyers. So the Voting Rights Act in his campaign. Citizen Labor Energy Coalition to head off consultants, publicists, and professional po­ New ^ endorsing independent candidates in the deregulation of natural gas prices. The litical operatives. Ultimately, the choice is His state and local primaries and general elec­ federation's Industrial Union Department to stick with the membership or abandon it. Lan tions when credible showings seem possi- and the Sierra Club are assembling a states- Can it really be so hard? 0 Mot

301 JANUARY 1982