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ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
Un Basileus Byzantin Dans Le Miroir De Ses Ouvrages Politiques
The Ottoman Empire and Southeastern Europe A FORGOTTEN CAPITULATION (‘AHDNAME): THE COMMERCIAL PRIVILEGES GRANTED BY SULTAN AHMED I TO EMPEROR MATTHIAS IN 1617 VIOREL PANAITE, RADU DIPRATU (Institute for South-East European Studies, Bucharest) Among the impressive collection of original Turkish documents kept in the The Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna lies a most interesting ‘ahdname (capitulation) obtained during Herman Czernin von Chudenitz’s and Cesare Gallo’s embassy to Constantinople in 1617. This document, only briefly known so far through a couple of nineteenth-century translations, can be best described as a commercial ‘ahdname, drafted on the model of those granted to the Porte’s Western commercial partners, and therefore very different from other known Habsburg ‘ahdnames, which mainly concerned military and border-related affairs. The present article offers a general survey on the Ottoman capitulatory regime, and an analysis on the historical context in which the 1617 ‘ahdname was produced. Appendixes containing the document’s transliteration, translation and facsimiles are given at the end. Keywords: diplomacy, Ottoman-Habsburg relations, trade, ‘ahdname, capitulation, diplomatics. ORIGINALS AND COPIES Locating Ottoman originals of ʿahdnames nowadays is not an easy task since most exist solely as copies or translations. Ottoman copies of ‘ahdnames granted to the European powers can be found in the Düvel-i Ecnebiye Defterleri (or Ecnebi Devletler Defterleri)1 registers kept in the Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (Prime Minister’s -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
Molvania Free
FREE MOLVANIA PDF Santo Cilauro,Tom Gleisner,Rob Sitch | 176 pages | 01 Oct 2004 | Overlook Press | 9781585676194 | English | United States Molvanîa - Wikipedia The region of Pokuttya was also part of it for a period of time. The western half of Moldavia is now part of Romania, the eastern Molvania belongs to the Republic of Moldovaand the northern and southeastern parts are territories of Ukraine. The original Molvania short-lived reference to the region was Bogdaniaafter Bogdan Ithe founding figure of the principality. The names Molvania and Moldova are derived from the name of the Moldova River ; however, the etymology is not known and there are several variants: Molvania [8]. In several early references, [11] "Moldavia" is rendered under the composite form Moldo-Wallachia in the same way Wallachia may appear as Hungro-Wallachia. See also names Molvania other languages. The inhabitants of Moldavia were Christians. The place of worship, and the tombs had Molvania characteristics. The Molvania of worship had a rectangular form with sides of eight Molvania seven meters. The Bolohoveniis mentioned by the Hypatian Chronicle in the 13th century. The chronicle shows that this [ which? Archaeological research also Molvania the Molvania of 13th- century fortified settlements in this region. Molvania ethnic identity is uncertain; although Romanian scholars, basing on their ethnonym identify them as Romanians who were called Vlachs in the Middle Agesarcheological evidence and the Hypatian Chronicle which is the only primary source that Molvania their history suggest Molvania they were a Slavic people. In the early 13th century, the Brodniksa possible Slavic — Vlach vassal state of Halychwere present, alongside the Vlachs, in Molvania of the region's Molvania towardsthe Brodniks are mentioned as in service of Suzdal. -
(Self) Fashioning of an Ottoman Christian Prince
Amanda Danielle Giammanco (SELF) FASHIONING OF AN OTTOMAN CHRISTIAN PRINCE: JACHIA IBN MEHMED IN CONFESSIONAL DIPLOMACY OF THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY MA Thesis in Comparative History, with a specialization in Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies. Central European University Budapest CEU eTD Collection May 2015 (SELF) FASHIONING OF AN OTTOMAN CHRISTIAN PRINCE: JACHIA IBN MEHMED IN CONFESSIONAL DIPLOMACY OF THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY by Amanda Danielle Giammanco (United States of America) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Comparative History, with a specialization in Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ Chair, Examination Committee ____________________________________________ Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________________ Examiner CEU eTD Collection ____________________________________________ Examiner Budapest May 2015 (SELF) FASHIONING OF AN OTTOMAN CHRISTIAN PRINCE: JACHIA IBN MEHMED IN CONFESSIONAL DIPLOMACY OF THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY by Amanda Danielle Giammanco (United States of America) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Comparative History, with a specialization in Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
ETHNIC WAR AND PEACE IN POST-SOVIET EURASIA By SCOTT GRANT FEINSTEIN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 © 2016 Scott Grant Feinstein To my Mom and Dad ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In the course of completing this monograph I benefited enormously from the generosity of others. To my committee chair, Benjamin B. Smith, I express my sincere appreciation for his encouragement and guidance. Ben not only taught me to systematically research political phenomena, but also the importance of pursuing a complete and parsimonious explanation. Throughout my doctoral studies Ben remained dedicated to me and my research, and with his incredible patience he tolerated and motivated my winding intellectual path. I thank my committee co-chair, Michael Bernhard, for his hours spent reading early manuscript drafts, support in pursuing a multi-country project, and detailed attention to clear writing. Michael’s appreciation of my dissertation vision and capacity gave this research project its legs. Ben and Michael provided me exceptionally valuable advice. I am also indebted to the help provided by my other committee members – Conor O’Dwyer, Ingrid Kleespies and Beth Rosenson – who inspired creativity and scientific rigor, always provided thoughtful and useful comments, and kept me searching for the big picture. Among institutions, I wish to gratefully acknowledge the support of the Center of European Studies at the University of Florida, IIE Fulbright Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, IREX, the American Councils, and the Department of Political Science at the University of Florida. -
“Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria
There’s a new “Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria Michael Bobick Cornell University Havighurst Center Miami University Young Researcher’s Conference 2012 Please do note cite without the author’s permission Abstract Crime and corruption have plagued Transnistria since its initial declaration of independence in 1990. Transnistria has all of the requisite symbolic and institutional aspects of statehood but lacks international recognition. Transnistria’s economy, like the state itself, exists outside of any normative regulatory or juridical framework. Long viewed a black spot on the political map of Europe, the region’s economy has played a central role in illicit transactions throughout the post-Soviet period. This paper explores the issue of corruption in Transnistria through the lens of a single company, Sheriff. As a holding company that controls the vast majority of the region’s profitable enterprises, Sheriff is the most visible economic entity in the region (its businesses include supermarkets, gas stations, internet, telecommunications, textile production, broadcast and cable television, auto sales, publishing, cognac production, light manufacturing, publishing, and advertising). Sheriff has turned Transnistria’s liminality into a means of generating immense profits and rents due to its close relationship to the state. Yet Sheriff serves as a crucial buffer between residents who face an otherwise bleak material existence, offering both charity and other modern conveniences to residents. Sheriff has, in the words of one informant, brought a “civilized” consumer experience to the region. This paper examines the wider political context that gave rise to Sheriff (i.e., its murky rise to its monopoly position), its position as a facilitator of illicit economic transactions, and how Sheriff, through its provisioning of goods and services, displaces, masks, and ultimately disarms allegations of corruption both inside and outside of the region. -
Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (2) Republic of Moldova
Pridnestrovian War Cabinet Public Character Profiles (1) Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (2) Republic of Moldova Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic Igor Smirnov - President of Transnistria ● Focus: Transnistrian independence and recognition, sustained territorial control ● Responsibilities: Military, Ideological, Cultural ● Resources: Full standing Transnistrian military (Shares this with Atamaniuk and Chitac) An active member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union since 1960, Smirnov has played an integral role in the politics of Moldova and , later, the PMR for decades. He served as the director for a number of different electrical plants, which allowed for him to build his political reputation. In 1989, he became the chairman of the city council of Tiraspol and only a year later the president of the PMR. Aleksandr Lebed - Co-Commander of the Russian 14th Army ● Focus: Expanding Russian influence in Transnistria, re-establishing Russian influence in Moldova ● Responsibilities: Military, Ideological ● Resources: Russian 14th Army A decorated Russian military commander, Aleksandr Lebed successfully lead campaigns in Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Afghanistan before being given co-command of the Russian 14th Army. Understanding that Commander Lebed held a firm sense of Patriotism, the Russian government trusted him with leadership of the 14th Army knowing that he would possess the same goals as his native Russia. Yury Netkachev - Co-commander of the Russian 14th Army ● Focus: Strengthen and support the Transnistrian military ● Responsibilities: Military ● Resources: Russian 14th Army The former independent commander of the Russian 14th Army, he was responsible for supplying the separatists in the newly founded PMR with a wealth of weapons. Moscow was not in favour of the commander letting arms fall into the hands of a potentially dangerous faction. -
Neobičan Knez Na Moldavskom Prijestolju: Hrvat Gašpar Graziani (1619.-1620.)
UDK 947.8 “1619/1620” (093) 929 Graziani, G. “1619/1620” Izvorni znanstveni rad Primljeno: 2. svibnja 2006. Prihvaćeno za tisak: 29. lipnja 2006. Neobičan knez na moldavskom prijestolju: Hrvat Gašpar Graziani (1619.-1620.) Castilia Manea-Grgin Institut društvenih znanosti “Ivo Pilar” Marulićev trg 19/I Zagreb Republika Hrvatska U ovom radu se, po prvi put u hrvatskoj historiografiji, analiziraju život i vladavina moldavskoga kneza hrvatskog podrijetla Gašpara Grazianija, prema tiskanim izvo- rima i relevantnoj literaturi. Pokušava se odrediti tko je bio Gašpar Graziani i kako je došao na moldavsko prijestolje, raščlaniti njegovu unutarnju i vanjsku politiku dok je bio knez Moldavije te opisati uvjete u kojima je završila njegova vladavina. Analizirani podaci smiještaju se u kontekst oružanih sukoba i mirovnih pregovora Osmanskog Carstva s Habsburškim Carstvom i Poljskom, krajem 16. i početkom 17. stoljeća, te Tridesetogodišnjega rata (1618.-48.). Ključne riječi: Gašpar Graziani, Moldavija, Osmansko Carstvo, Poljska, Transilvani- ja, 17. stoljeće “Gašpar-vojvoda bio je ... čovjek koji nije poznavao red i običaje, a ni jezik zemlje, što ne može biti teže, da knez ne zna [jezik] zemlje kojom vlada.” Ovako je zapo- čeo moldavski kroničar Miron Costin (1633.-91.) prikaz vladavine stranca Gašpa- ra Grazianija (Gasparus Graziani, Gratiani, Gratianus), koji je neočekivano došao na moldavsko prijestolje početkom 1619.1 Iako je bio hrvatskoga podrijetla, Gašpar Graziani nije gotovo uopće poznat u hrvatskoj historiografiji. Samo ga je M. Vani- 1 M. COSTIN, “Letopiseţul Ţărâi Moldovei”, Marii cronicari ai Moldovei. Grigore Ureche. Miron Costin. Nicolae Costin. Ion Neculce (ur. Gabriel ŞTREMPEL), Bucureşti, 2003., str. 204. U 17. stoljeću kneževina Moldavija (rumunjski Moldova), koja je nastala sredinom 14. -
Moldova Page 1 of 16
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Moldova Page 1 of 16 Moldova Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2006 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 6, 2007 Moldova is a parliamentary republic, with a population of approximately 3.39 million, excluding the estimated 555,000 residents living in the secessionist-controlled region of Transnistria. The constitution provides for a multiparty representative government with power divided among a president, cabinet, a unicameral parliament, and the judiciary. Parliamentary elections in March 2005 generally complied with most international standards for democratic elections. In April 2005 parliament reelected Communist Party leader Vladimir Voronin as president for a second term. In 1990 separatist elements supported by Russian military forces in the area declared a "Transdniester Moldovan Republic," which lies east of the Dniester River along the border with Ukraine. The government has no authority in Transnistria. Unless otherwise stated, all references herein exclude the secessionist region. Voting for March 2005 parliamentary election did not take place in the area east of the Dniester River; however, more than 8,000 voters residing in Transnistria were able to vote at polling stations established by the government on government-controlled territory. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in some areas. Security -
The Moldovan Case
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. TERRITORIAL DIMENSIONS OF ETHNIC CONFLICT: THE MOLDOVAN CASE LTC Neil V. Lamont, U.S. Army Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. A version of this article appeared in The linked image cannot be displayed. The file may have been moved, renamed, or deleted. Verify that the link points to the correct file and location. Military Review December-February 1995 under the title: Ethnic Conflict in the Transdniester Daily you hear or read about armed conflicts occurring or new hostilitiesz breaking out in areas of the former Soviet Union. Soviet newspapers and television carry regular reports of these conflicts. One of those regularly interviewed is Lieutenant General Alexandr Lebed, the commander of the Russian 14th Army in Moldova 1 and an outspoken advocate of decisive action to support Russian interests in that region. The failed Soviet Empire is a region of diverse nationalities possessing different backgrounds, religions, customs and traditions, which has been pulled apart by complex inter-ethnic disputes. Lebed and his Army are symptomatic of this problem. Although introduction of democratic institutions, thoughts and practices has produced some positive changes, in fact, the very pace of this reform, in some measure, has contributed to turmoil and strife that threatens the stability of this huge and critically important region. One aspect of this complex problem is the resolution of border conflicts among the new states created when the former Soviet Union dissolved. -
The Next Crimea? Getting Russia's Transnistria Policy Right
Adrian Rogstad The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Rogstad, Adrian (2016) The next Crimea? getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right. Problems of Post-Communism . ISSN 1075-8216 DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2016.1237855 © 2016 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68611/ Available in LSE Research Online: December 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL ( http://eprints.lse.ac.uk ) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Title Page The next Crimea? Getting Russia’s Transnistria policy right Author: Adrian Rogstad, PhD Candidate, Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom. E-mail: [email protected] 1 Abstract Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea in March 2014 sparked so far unrealised international fears that the pro-Russian separatist republic of Transnistria in Moldova might be the next object of Russian territorial revisionism.