DOCSLIB.ORG

The Acceptance of the Matignon Accord Ushered in a Period Of

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Acceptance of the Matignon Accord Ushered in a Period Of POLITICAL REVIEW. MELANESIA ISS the acceptance of the Matignon Accord of an independent and socialist Kana­ ushered in a period ofpolitical stability kyo Furthermore, there is little evidence in a territory still numb from the vio­ that France is now willing to abandon lence in Ouvea. this distant relic ofempire. Rocard has The signing ofthe accord also stressed that his ultimate aim is to brought a degree ofrelief in the Pacific ensure that New Caledonia remains region and beyond as this trouble spot part ofFrance, a solution that is anath­ appeared to be more firmly directed ema to the FLNKS. The change in gov­ toward peaceful political evolution. ernment in Paris, despite all the drama The South Pacific Forum expressed its and acclaim, has effectively produced approval in September, relations be­ only subtle, ifelegant, change. Never­ tween France and Australia improved, theless, the achievement ofeven a frag­ and the United Nations Decolonization ile peace represents a major success Committee responded sympathetically story in this difficult period for New to the new French initiative. Even Caledonia. Vanuatu, France's most persistent JOHN CONNELL regional critic, expressed support. What this means, ofcourse, is that the PAPUA NEW GUINEA FLNKS is likely to receive less external support in the future as it continues to The opening ofthe vote ofno-confi­ work for independence. dence season six months after a prime The economy was also boosted by minister assumes office usually marks the signing ofthe Matignon Accord. the beginning of a difficult period in Indeed, 1988 was one ofthe best years Papua New Guinea politics. This was for the economy this decade, with high certainly the case in 1988 when the nickel prices prompting talk of a new expiration ofPrime Minister Paias nickel boom. The prospects ofin­ Wingti's constitutional grace period creased foreign investment were good, precipitated a frenzy ofpolitical activ­ not least in the tourist industry, which ity that culminated in his ouster in July. received more attention from Japanese Things calmed down considerably in tourists and investors, raising the pos­ the second half ofthe year as Wingti's sibility that a resort complex will even­ replacement, Rabbie Namaliu, a forty­ tually be developed at Tiare. However, one-year-old Tolai from East New Brit­ economic growth remained concen­ ain, settled into the difficult business of trated around Noumea. Even with the keeping a coalition government togeth­ Matignon Accord, it will be extremely er. These events raised more starkly difficult to change the regional struc­ than before questions about the stabil­ ture ofdevelopment. ity ofthe system ofparliamentary Independence for New Caledonia democracy established in Papua New appears as unlikely now as in the past. Guinea at independence in 1975. The increased subsidies provided under Prime Minister Wingti entered 1988 the terms ofthe accord will make it dif­ with coalition management problems ficult for the FLNKS to revitalize the that centered on former defense com­ agricultural sector and sustain visions mander Ted Diro and his supporters in THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· SPRING/FALL 1989 the Papua-based People's Action Party, March 1988, 3). In April, some two the second largest ofthe five coalition million kina were diverted from the partners. Diro's aspirations to be dep­ Civic Action Programme to supple­ uty prime minister had been put on ment existing "slush funds" available to hold after the 1987 elections, pending individual MPS for use in their constitu­ the outcome of an official inquiry into encies (TPNG, 14-20 April 1988 , 3). the forest industry-including allega­ Then on II April, less than three hours tions of his gross financial misconduct into its first 1988 session, and after the when he was minister for forests in the motion ofno-confidence had been first Wingti government. Pressure to introduced, Parliament was abruptly restore Diro to cabinet rank increased adjourned by the government. On the in late January 1988 after the District same day Wingti reluctantly appointed Court acquitted him of five perjury Diro to the cabinet as part of a last­ charges arising from his testimony ditch attempt to retain the support of before the commission, and some Port the People's Action Party and save his Moresby rascal gangs tried to force the crumbling government (PR, 14 April issue with threats ofviolence (TPNG, 1988, I). 28 Jan-3 Feb 1988, I; 18-24 Feb 1988, Opposition cries offoul play were 7). However, the court's decision, silenced by the announcement on 20 upheld by the Supreme Court in early April of a Grand Coalition ofNational August, was a technical one based on Stability, based on Wingti's People's the surprising absence of a perjury Democratic Movement and opposition clause in the Commission ofInquiry leader Michael Somare's Pangu Patio Act, and by no means cleared Diro's The move was initiated by Wingti in an name. The allegation that Diro had apparent bid to rid himself of Diro and received a 1987 election campaign con­ the People's Action Party, but immedi­ tribution of US$139,000 from the then ately fell into disarray as both sides head ofthe Indonesian security forces, scrambled for ministries and attempted General Murdani, was confirmed by to include their allies in the deal (PR, Wingti after meeting with Murdani in 28 April 1988, 4). The crisis deepened Indonesia in January 1988 (TPNG, 28 in late May when another attempt at a Jan-3 Feb 1988, 2). grand coalition ofthe two parties It was clear early in 1988 that the failed. This time Rabbie Namaliu, who crucial Papuan bloc in the government had replaced Somare as Pangu leader was split between support for Diro and the previous week, signed the memo­ loyalty to the prime minister. But randum ofunderstanding on behalf of Wingti employed some innovative tac­ the opposition on 26 May (PR, 26 May tics in his fight to survive the vote of 1988,3). The "irrevocable commit­ no-confidence expected in April. Early ment" to stay together until the 1992 in March,with no more government elections lasted less than a week. ministries available to attract or retain Declaring the agreement void, ostensi­ supporters, he unveiled plans to put bly because Somare had turned down backbench MPS in charge oftwenty­ the foreign affairs portfolio, Wingti seven statutory bodies (TPNG, 10-16 announced a "revitalized" coalition POLITICAL REVIEW. MELANESIA 157 government that excluded both Pangu 1988, 3-4). The distribution of portfo­ and Ted Diro. This was made possible lios reflected Namaliu's attempt to bal­ by bringing Michael Mel and his ance regional interests, with each ofthe Highlands-based National Party into nineteen provinces getting a ministry, the government, while retaining the while simultaneously rewarding those support ofmost ofDiro's colleagues in who had defected from Wingti's coali­ the People's Action Party (PR, 9 June tion. Wingti's foreign minister, Akoka 1988 ,1). Doi, became deputy prime minister, Wingti's claimed support ofmore while Paul Pora was rewarded with the than seventy MPS was eroding quickly key finance and planning ministry. as Parliament reconvened on 27 June. Michael Somare reversed his grand At first, the unrest was most apparent coalition decision oflate June and among Papuan ministers such as Allan accepted the position ofminister for Ebu, Galeva Kwarara, and Akoka Doi, foreign affairs. who had been pushed aside to accom­ The prime minister's statement of modate the Highlands members of the early August indicated some new new coalition. But the defection ofPaul emphases in government policy, but Pora and four of his fellow Highland­ foreshadowed no radical change of ers in the newly recruited National direction for Papua New Guinea. Some Party proved to be the crucial factor in ofthe new priorities were reflected in Wingti's defeat. On 4 July the eleventh the November budget, with more vote ofno-confidence since 1978 was resources allocated for education and carried in Parliament 58 to 50, and to combat the serious "law and order" Papua New Guinea's fourth prime min­ problem. However, Namaliu had ister, Rabbie Namaliu, set about form­ inherited his own law and order prob­ ing a government of "reconciliation, lem in the form of an unrepentant Ted reconstruction and unity" (PIM, Aug Diro, who expects to become deputy 1988,10). prime minister if and when he is Namaliu, who holds a master's cleared ofthe criminal charges pending degree from a Canadian university, against him. The stabbing attack by was first elected to Parliament in 1982, Port Moresby rascals onJudge Tos and served as foreign minister in the Barnett, who headed the commission 1982-1985 Somare government. In July of inquiry that uncovered that evidence· 1988 he announced a six-party coali­ against Diro, added an ominous new tion government consisting ofPangu dimension to the whole affair in early (13 ministries), People's Action Party September (PIM, Oct 1988, 10). (4 ministries), Papua Party (1 ministry), As expected, Namaliu moved fast to Melanesian Alliance (4 ministries), increase to thirty months the period of National Party (3 ministries), and immunity from no-confidence votes League for National Advancement afforded to incoming prime ministers. (1 ministry). Two independents also The proposed constit~tionalamend­ received cabinet positions, making a ment was approved by cabinet early total of28, the maximum allowed in October, but had yet to begin its under the constitution (PR, 21 July lengthy journey through Parliament THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. SPRING/FALL 1989 at year's end (PR, 13 Oct 1988, I). On the economic front, the rates of Whether this proposal, or some varia­ investment and growth remained slug­ tion ofit, eventually achieves the neces­ gish in all sectors except mining during sary two-thirds-majority support in 1988.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Austal Australia Delivers 9Th Guardian Class Patrol Boat
    COMPANY ANNOUNCEMENT 17 MARCH 2020 AUSTAL AUSTRALIA DELIVERS 9TH GUARDIAN CLASS PATROL BOAT Austal Limited (Austal) (ASX: ASB) is pleased to announce Austal Australia has delivered the ninth Guardian-class Patrol Boat (GCPB) to the Australian Department of Defence. The vessel, the future HMPNGS Rochus Lokinap, was then gifted by the Australian Government to the Papua New Guinea Defence Force at a certificate signing ceremony held at Austal Australia’s Henderson shipyard, attended by the Senior Military Officer in Western Australia, Air Commodore Fiona Dowse AM CSC and Sub Lieutenant Terrence Mugugia, Commanding Officer of the future HMPNGS Rochus Lokinap. The vessel is the second of four Guardian-class Patrol Boats to be delivered to Papua New Guinea under the Pacific Patrol Boat Replacement Project, part of the Australian Government’s Pacific Maritime Security Program, and follows the delivery of the HMPNGS Ted Diro in December 2018. Austal Chief Executive Officer Paddy Gregg said the delivery of the latest Guardian-class Patrol Boat to Papua New Guinea had further enhanced the company’s relationship with both the Australian Department of Defence and the Papua New Guinea Defence Force. “Austal not only design and construct the Guardian-class, but also deliver a comprehensive training program to each crew accepting the vessels. Through this successful handover process, we are continuing to develop a very strong, productive relationship with the Papua New Guinea Defence Force and their crews.” Mr Gregg said. “Our warmest congratulations go to the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea, James Marape; Commander of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force, Major General Gilbert Toropo CBE, and the people of Papua New Guinea on the handover of this latest addition to their naval fleet.
    [Show full text]
  • Becoming Art: Some Relationships Between Pacific Art and Western Culture Susan Cochrane University of Wollongong
    University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 1995 Becoming art: some relationships between Pacific art and Western culture Susan Cochrane University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Cochrane, Susan, Becoming art: some relationships between Pacific ra t and Western culture, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, , University of Wollongong, 1995. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/2088 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact Manager Repository Services: [email protected]. BECOMING ART: SOME RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PACIFIC ART AND WESTERN CULTURE by Susan Cochrane, B.A. [Macquarie], M.A.(Hons.) [Wollongong] 203 CHAPTER 4: 'REGIMES OF VALUE'1 Bokken ngarribimbun dorlobbo: ngarrikarrme gunwok kunmurrngrayek ngadberre ngarribimbun dja mak kunwarrde kne ngarribimbun. (There are two reasons why we do our art: the first is to maintain our culture, the second is to earn money). Injalak Arts and Crafts Corporate Plan INTRODUCTION In the last chapter, the example of bark paintings was used to test Western categories for indigenous art. Reference was also made to Aboriginal systems of classification, in particular the ways Yolngu people classify painting, including bark painting. Morphy's concept, that Aboriginal art exists in two 'frames', was briefly introduced, and his view was cited that Yolngu artists increasingly operate within both 'frames', the Aboriginal frame and the European frame (Morphy 1991:26). This chapter develops the theme of how indigenous art objects are valued, both within the creator society and when they enter the Western art-culture system. When aesthetic objects move between cultures the values attached to them may change.
    [Show full text]
  • Papau New Guinea, Soloman Islands, and Vanuatu
    PAPUA NEW GUINEA COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Mary Seymour Olmsted 1975-1979 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Harvey Feldman 1979-1981 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Morton R. Dworken, Jr. 1983-1985 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Paul F. Gardner 1984-1986 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Robert Pringle 1985-1987 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Everett E. Bierman 1986-1989 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea William Farrand 1990-1993 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Richard W. Teare 1993-1996 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea John Allen Cushing 1997-1998 Consular/Political Officer, Port Moresby Arma Jane Karaer 1997-2000 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea MARY SEYMOUR OLMSTED Ambassador Papua New Guinea (1975-1979) Ambassador Mary Seymour Olmsted was born in Duluth, Minnesota and raised in Florida. She received a bachelor's degree in economics from Mount Holyoke College and a master's degree from Columbia University. Ambassador Olmsted's Foreign Service career included positions in India, Iceland, Austria, Washington, DC, and an ambassadorship to Papua New Guinea. Ambassador Olmsted was interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy in 1992. Q: That's an awful lot of responsibility, I would think. Now you went out to Port Moresby. That was in June of '74? OLMSTED: Yes. Q: As principal officer. So in other words, you were made Consul General. Sworn in and so forth. 1 OLMSTED: Yes. Q: At that time, did you know that was going to become an Embassy? OLMSTED: It seemed quite likely. Papua New Guinea, in the beginning, was obviously on the road to independence, and no one knew exactly when it would take place.
    [Show full text]
  • Papua New Guinea
    COUNTRY REPORT Papua New Guinea The full publishing schedule for Country Reports is now available on our website at http://www.eiu.com/schedule. 4th quarter 1999 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.20) 7499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212)
    [Show full text]
  • Loggers, Donors and Resource Owners PAPUA NEW Papua New Guinea Is Well Endowed with Tropical Forest, Almost All of Which Is Held by Local People Under Customary Title
    Policy thatworksforforestsandpeople Loggers, donors and resource owners PAPUA NEW Papua New Guinea is well endowed with tropical forest, almost all of which is held by local people under customary title. But the forest sector is in a mess. Over the last ten years a major national process G UINEA of policy and institutional reform has sought to sort out the sector, but some key features of PNG society continue to frustrate this process. The ‘ideology of resource ownership’ is the core of national identity, yet it undermines the potential for diversified economic development based on the use or value of land and forests. Also, a widespread obsession with the pursuit of personal political power grows alongside an equally widespread loss of faith in the ability of government to deliver social and economic devel- opment. These contradictions help to explain why the national policy process centres on a struggle between the logging industry and donor agencies for the hearts and minds of the resource owners. Whilst this struggle throws up many problems, it also presents opportunities for establishing a new approach to policy for forests and people. This would establish the common ground upon which a wider coalition of interests - a new ‘policy community’ - could be built. Opportunities include: developing mechanisms for testing and publicising claims to productive innovation; combining different scales of No: 2 NewGuinea Papua Sekhran with Filer enterprise; generating a vision of the public interest through dialogue; and installing a brokering mechanism to connect needs with existing capacities. Policy that works for forests and people series Forest issues often concern large amounts of money, long timeframes, huge areas of land, and diverse livelihoods.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 2012
    OMBUDSMAN COMMISSION OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA Annual Report 2012 Independent State of Papua New Guinea TELEPHONE: (675) 308 2600 PO Box 1831 FACSIMILE : (675) 320 3263 PORT MORESBY 121 NCD EMAIL: [email protected] Papua New Guinea DATE: 10/10/2014 His Excellency Sir Michael Ogio CMG, CBE The Governor-General Government House KONEDOBU National Capital District Your Excellency, Section 220 of the Constitution* requires the Ombudsman Commission to furnish to the Head of State, for presentation to Parliament, an Annual Report on its functions and workings as well as other such reports as necessary from time to time. The Commission hereby submits to you its 2012 Annual Report. It covers the period 1 January 2012 to 31 December 2012 and includes the Commission’s 2012 Audited Financial Report. I advise that at the finalisation of this Report, Chief Ombudsman Chronox Manek LLB, LLM, OL and Ombudsman John Nero BAC, MBA have passed away hence the omission of their signatures. Yours sincerely, Rigo A. Lua; OBE Phoebe Sangetari; LLB, LLM CHIEF OMBUDSMAN OMBUDSMAN Section 220 of the Constitution is quoted here in full. * Section 220 of the Constitution states: (1) The Ombudsman Commission shall, at least once in each period of 12 months, at such time as is fixed by or under an Act of the Parliament or, subject to any such Act, by the Head of State, acting with, and in accordance with, the advice of the National Executive Council, give to the Head of State, for presentation to the Parliament, a report on the functions and workings of the Commission, with such recommendations as to improvement as the Commission thinks proper.
    [Show full text]
  • I2I Text Paste Up
    PART 3: THE LIMITS OF INDEPENDENCE Chapter 12 Independence and its Discontents apua New Guineans handled the transition to independence with flair, despite their Plimited experience, the speed with which they had to act and the explosive agenda that they inherited. With great skill and some luck, they brought their country united to independence with new institutions, a new public service, a guaranteed income and a home-made constitution. A Failing State? The coalition that achieved these feats tottered in 1978 when Julius Chan took the PPP into opposition, and collapsed in March 1980 when the Leader of the Opposition, Iambakey Okuk, won a no-confidence motion, naming Chan as preferred Prime Minister. Chan had quit the coalition over the attempt to buttress the Leadership Code (Chapter 9) and disagreement on relations between private business and public office. Somare returned to office after the 1982 election but once again he was ousted in mid- term by a vote of no confidence, yielding to the ambitious young Western Highlander Paias Wingti. The pattern was now set, whereby coalitions are formed after an election but no government survives the fixed five-year parliamentary term. Votes of no confi- dence are the mechanism for replacing one opportunist coalition with another. By this device, Wingti was replaced by Rabbie Namaliu, who yielded to Wingti again, who was replaced by Chan, whose coalition collapsed in the wake of a bungled attempt to employ mercenaries (see below). After the 1997 election, Bill Skate — a gregarious accountant from Gulf Province, Governor of Port Moresby and cheerful opportunist — held a Cabinet together for nearly two years.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic Conflict in Papua New Guinea
    Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 49, No. 1, April 2008 ISSN 1360-7456, pp12–22 Ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea Benjamin Reilly Centre for Democratic Institutions, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia. Email: [email protected] Abstract: On many measures of ethno-linguistic diversity, Papua New Guinea is the most frag- mented society in the world. I argue that the macro-level political effect of this diversity has been to reduce, rather than increase, the impact of ethnic conflict on the state. Outside the Bougainville conflict, and (to a lesser extent) the recent upsurge of violence in the Southern Highlands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea have not presented a threat to national government. In contrast to most other ethnically diverse societies, the most consequential impacts of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea are at the local level. This paper therefore examines the disparate impacts of local- and national-level forms of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea. Keywords: diversity, elections, ethnic conflict, Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea combines two unusual fea- impact of ethnic conflict on the state. The reason tures which should make it a case of special for this is relatively straightforward: outside the interest to scholars of ethnicity and ethnic con- Bougainville conflict and (to a lesser extent) the flict. First, it boasts one of the developing recent upsurge of violence in the Southern High- world’s most impressive records of democratic lands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea longevity, with more than 40 years of continu- have not presented a threat to national govern- ous democratic elections, all of them chara- ment.
    [Show full text]
  • PIPE DREAMS the PNG LNG Project and the Future Hopes of a Nation This Is a Publication of the Jubilee Australia Research Centre
    PIPE DREAMS The PNG LNG Project and the Future Hopes of a Nation This is a publication of the Jubilee Australia Research Centre. First Author: Luke Fletcher Second Author: Adele Webb Research: Scott Hickie Editing: Michael Otterman Publication Co-ordinator: Carmelan Polce ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABOUT JUBILEE AUSTRALIA With thanks to the Revenue Watch Institute and Jubilee Australia is an independently funded non- Oxfam Australia for the support of this project, and government organisation committed to addressing the with grateful acknowledgement of our colleagues root causes of global poverty. in Australia, PNG and elsewhere whose time and We undertake research to expose the policies of the expertise assisted in the development of this report. Australian government and practices of Australian James McIlraith, Sarah Robinson, Suneeta Kaimal, business that perpetuate long term impoverishment in Rebecca Morse, Paul Barker, Effrey Dademo, Colin the Asia Pacific, and we call for changes to the global Filer, Mick McWalter, Aaron Batten, Emily Taule, economic rules of engagement that foster fairness and Michael Avosa, Charles Andrews, Ron Anderson, sustainability. We are driven by our solidarity with civil Glen Armstrong, Bryan Cussen, Antony Lowenstein, society groups, networks and people’s movements in Matthew Richardson, Doug Norlen, Antonio Tricario, the Global South who are fighting for justice and their Alphonse Gelu, Christina Hill and Serena Lillywhite. right to a better future. The authors thank members of the larger Jubilee Jubilee Australia emerged out of the international Australia family who have provided indispensable Jubilee 2000 movement, which saw 24 million people feedback on the many drafts, and helped prepare the from around the world sign a petition calling for ‘Third final report for publication.
    [Show full text]
  • Ombudsman Commission of Papua New Guinea Report Of
    OMBUDSMAN COMMISSION OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA REPORT OF AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE SPRING GARDEN ROAD POREPORENA FREEWAY PROJECT MEMBERS OF THE OMBUDSMAN COMMISION Charles Maino Ango Wangatau Jim Ridges Chief Ombudsman Acting Ombudsman Acting Ombudsman 18 December 1992 OMBUDSMAN COMMISSION OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA REPORT OF AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE SPRING GARDEN ROAD POREPORENA FREEWAY PROJECT PART I: NATURE AND PURPOSE OF THE INVESTIGATION 1. INTRODUCTION 2 2. BACKGROUND OF THE FREEWAY PROPOSAL 9 3. STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT 14 PART H: RECORD OF EVENTS AND FINDINGS OF THE OMBUDSMAN COMMISSION 4. DECISION TO PUBLICLY INVITE 18 EXPRESSIONS OF INTEREST: MAY 1990 5. ADVERTISEMENT INVITING 23 EXPRESSIONS OF INTEREST: JUNE 1990 6. RESPONSES TO THE ADVERTISEMENT: JULY 1990 35 7. SIGNIFICANT INTERDEPARTMENTAL 49 MEETING: 31 JULY 1990 8. PROGRESS DURING SECOND 54 HALF OF 1990 9. PREPARATION OF SHORTLIST: 73 FEBRUARY 1991 10. TERMS OF REFERENCE FOR THE 94 PROJECT: EARLY 1991 11. THE MINISTERIAL COMMITTEE MEETING 103 OF 18 JULY 1991 12. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE CHINESE 120 CONSORTIUM AND THE MINISTER FOR TRANSPORT 13. FURTHER CHANGE IN COMPOSITION OF THE CHINESE CONSORTIUM: SEPTEMBER 1991 155 14. MINISTER FOR TRANSPORT SIGNS CONTRACT 162 FOR CONSTRUCTION OF FREEWAY: OCTOBER 1991 15. ROLE OF THE WORLD BANK IN THE SPRING GARDEN ROAD/POREPORENA 178 FREEWAY PROJECT 16. FATE OF THE POLICY SUBMISSION FAVOURING 185 THE CHINESE CONSORTIUM: DECEMBER 1991 17. CONCERNS ABOUT CREDENTIALS OF TUNSON ENGINEERING CO LTD: 196 DECEMBER 1991 - JANUARY 1992 18. MINISTER FOR TRANSPORT EXPEDITES PREPARATION OF NEW POLICY 707 SUBMISSION: FEBRUARY 1992 19. HISTORY OF THE PROPOSAL BY 217 KINHILL KRAMER PTY LTD 20.
    [Show full text]
  • Fuzzy-Wuzzy Devils 3°1
    ~:- .. Fuzzy- Wuzzy Devils: Mass Media and the Bougainville Crisis Suzanna Layton Francis Qna nem bilong em nau long dispela taim i save kamap long nius pepa, radio na TV long dispela kantri bilong yumi PNG na tu long wol. Nogat planti man na meri ali save long Francis Qna bipo, nau long PNG 01 liklik pikinini, bikpela man, meri, 01 lapun, ai pas tasol 01 save long nem bilong Francis Qna. 1 LETTER TO THE EDITOR, Arawa Bulletin, 21 APRIL 1989 The Papua New Guinea (PNG) Office of Information, charged in 1978 with reformulating government communication policy, characterized the mass media as "invaluable ... for communication and information of a balanced nature conducive to national unity and democratic progress" (IRC 1979, 78). However, it admitted the country had "never formulated a theoretical foundation for its communication activities and has experi­ enced frustration in communication servicing, planning and assessing" (ibid, 81). A decade later this frustration escalated to anger when a Bougainvillean juggernaut by the name of Francis ana began making headlines in what has come to be known as the Bougainville crisis. 2 ana's public career began relatively uneventfully. In March 1988 the university-educated father of five was elected spokesperson for a group of disenfranchised landowners at the Bougainville Copper Limited (BCl) mine in Panguna. Over the next eight months this group, known as the "new" Panguna Landowners Association (PlA),3 attempted to pressure BCl and the national government for increased compensation and better living conditions in the mine site area, with little success. Then, in The Contemporary Pacific, Volume 4, Number 2, Fall I992, 299-323 © I992 by University ofHawaii Press 299 300 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1992 November 1988, one faction of the new PLA led by Ona turned to indus­ trial terrorism to demonstrate their resolve.
    [Show full text]
  • MEKERE - Miuri Lareva
    MEKERE - Miuri Lareva. Welcome to Mekere’s brothers - Elavo and Ivasa Morauta, and his sisters – Aru and Morisarea, and their children. The families of his deceased brothers, Moreare, Hasu and Siviri. From the Morauta Hasu (Mekere’s father’s) Family, Mekere’s aunts Moreare Hasu and Kauoti Hasu, their children and grandchildren. The children and grandchildren of Tete, Evera, Morisarea, Pukari, Sauka and Morara Hasu. And of Mekere’s mother Morikoai Elavo’s family, the children and grandchildren of Marere, Eae and Moriterope Elavo. Some sadness is so profound that it must be heard in the silence between the words. So it is with the death of our friend Mekere. When we were young, Mekere and I learned together about how humanity is governed. Over recent years we learned together about growing old. We shared the new things we learned as they happened in between. I will not use the time we have together today to dwell on the sadness of what we have lost and what we will miss forever. It is time to reflect on what we have learned from a full life lived well. The life of a good and great man. A good man who spent his whole adult life thinking about and working towards what could be made better for his country. A great man, who showed Papua New Guineans that governance as solid as humans have made anywhere could be sculpted in their beautiful and troubled land. A wise man, who knew that nothing was ever so good that it could not break down; or so bad that it could not be recovered.
    [Show full text]