Namibia in 2004
As a result of the parliamentary, presidential and regional elections, the South West African Peoples’ Organisation (SWAPO) of Namibia further consolidated its dominance. The nomination of SWAPO’s presidential candidate – succeeding the country’s first head of state and president of the former liberation movement since its foun- dation in 1960 – resulted in fierce intra-party competition and the sidelining of longstanding political office bearers. The land issue became further politicised and initiatives to expropriate land con- tributed to growing insecurity among commercial farmers. Overall macroeconomic performance suffered through export losses due to the strong currency. Public expenditure came under pressure as debts accumulated further, and state finances face a critical degree of constraint.
Domestic Politics
The biggest shifts in the domestic political power structure – maybe since independence in 1990 – took place as a prelude to this year’s parliamentary and presidential elections. Due to internal party opposition, Namibia’s head of state Sam Nujoma – along with Robert Mugabe, the only remaining independence-era president still in office – decided against pursuing a fourth term. He suggested Hifikepunye Pohamba, the party’s vice-president and his closest confidante, to the central committee as his successor. The commit- tee met on 2 and 3 April to prepare submissions to an extraordinary SWAPO congress on the presidential candidate, but denied Pohamba the status of sole candidate and nominated three potential succes- sors. Delegates to the extraordinary SWAPO congress, held from 28 to 30 May, were tasked with making a final choice. During the
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004321571_003 26 Namibia in 2004 internal campaign, the factional fights revealed disunity to an extent hitherto unseen. Nujoma used his executive powers as head of state to dismiss Foreign Minister Hidipo Hamutenya, Pohamba’s strongest con- tender and rival, from his cabinet post on 25 May, just ahead of the congress. Hamutenya’s deputy, Kaire Mbuende (former SADC execu- tive secretary), considered a supporter of his minister, also had to vacate office with immediate effect. Notwithstanding such drastic harassment, almost one-third of the more than 500 congress dele- gates voted for Hamutenya in the first round, which, however, failed to produce a candidate with an absolute majority. Snatching all but one vote from the third candidate, Nahas Angula, minister of higher education and employment creation (allegedly a “fall-back candi- date” for Nujoma in case his favourite did not make it), Pohamba finally emerged as clear winner. The result of the subsequent electoral convention held by the party’s central committee from 1 to 3 October was the rigorous implementation of the Nujoma line and the strict exclusion of the so-called Hamutenya camp from the party’s medium-term political future. The number of votes candidates received decided their rank- ing on the party list, which was headed by 12 candidates nominated by the president. The party held 55 of 72 parliamentary seats, having won 75% of all votes in the 1999 elections. Hamutenya ended in the 57th position – an obvious indication that he would be prevented from returning as a legislator and cabinet member (ministers have to be members of parliament). The same fate befell those consid- ered to be his supporters, including several ministers as well as the speaker of parliament. They were ranked even lower on the list. The minister of agriculture, another of the victims, drew his own conclusions and tendered his resignation on 7 December. Seemingly with the blessing of Nujoma, former Prime Minister Hage Geingob made his return to Namibian politics. Ousted from office by the president halfway through the third legislature, Geingob had joined a World Bank agency for Africa in Washington DC. He attended the