The Pan-African Institute for the Study of African Society: an Interview with Nahas Angula
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RUMOURS of RAIN: NAMIBIA's POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre Du Pisani
SOUTHERN AFRICAN ISSUES RUMOURS OF RAIN: NAMIBIA'S POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre du Pisani THE .^-y^Vr^w DIE SOUTH AFRICAN i^W*nVv\\ SUID AFRIKAANSE INSTITUTE OF f I \V\tf)) }) INSTITUUT VAN INTERNATIONAL ^^J£g^ INTERNASIONALE AFFAIRS ^*^~~ AANGELEENTHEDE SOUTHERN AFRICAN ISSUES NO 3 RUMOURS OF RAIN: NAMIBIA'S POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre du Pisani ISBN NO.: 0-908371-88-8 February 1991 Toe South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 Braamfontein 2017 Johannesburg South Africa CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 POUTICS IN AFRICA'S NEWEST STATE 2 National Reconciliation 2 Nation Building 4 Labour in Namibia 6 Education 8 The Local State 8 The Judiciary 9 Broadcasting 10 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC REALM - AN UNBALANCED INHERITANCE 12 Mining 18 Energy 19 Construction 19 Fisheries 20 Agriculture and Land 22 Foreign Exchange 23 FOREIGN RELATIONS - NAMIBIA AND THE WORLD 24 CONCLUSIONS 35 REFERENCES 38 BIBLIOGRAPHY 40 ANNEXURES I - 5 and MAP 44 INTRODUCTION Namibia's accession to independence on 21 March 1990 was an uplifting event, not only for the people of that country, but for the Southern African region as a whole. Independence brought to an end one of the most intractable and wasteful conflicts in the region. With independence, the people of Namibia not only gained political freedom, but set out on the challenging task of building a nation and defining their relations with the world. From the perspective of mediation, the role of the international community in bringing about Namibia's independence in general, and that of the United Nations in particular, was of a deep structural nature. -
Namibia's Child Welfare Regime, 1990-2017
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Namibia’s Child Welfare Regime, 1990-2017 Isaac Chinyoka CSSR Working Paper No. 431 February 2019 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2019 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/431 ISBN: 978-1-77011-418-0 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2019 About the author: Dr Isaac Chinyoka completed his PhD at the University of Cape Town in 2018. His PhD, supervised by Jeremy Seekings, examined child welfare regimes in four Southern African countries: South Africa, Namibia, Botswana and Zimbabwe. His PhD research was funded primarily by UKAid through the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council, grant ES/J018058/1 to Jeremy Seekings, for the “Legislating and Implementing Welfare Policy Reforms” research project. Namibia’s Child Welfare Regime, 1990-2017 Abstract Most countries in Southern Africa are similar in providing some form of cash transfers to families with children, primarily to reduce child poverty, but there are striking variations in the categories of children targeted and the reach of social grants. Namibia adopted South Africa-like child grants during South Africa rule. Namibia’s child welfare regime, like most other regimes in Southern Africa, started with and maintained a strongly familial child welfare regime (CWR), focused on children living in families with only one or no parents present. Whereas South Africa, after its transition to democracy, introduced a Child Support Grant (CSG) - that expanded massively the reach of child grants - Namibia did not do likewise. -
Namibia:Unfinished Business Within the Ruling Part
Focus on Namibia Namibia: Unfinished business within the ruling party There is a new president at the helm, but the jostling for position within the ruling Swapo party, which started in 2004, has not ended. Would the adversaries’ long-held dream that the strongest and most viable opposition in Namibia emerges from within the ranks of Swapo itself, come true? Axaro Gurirab reports from Windhoek. “Can you believe it: the sun is still significant and gallant contribution to the These questions are relevant because rising in the East and setting in the West!” So democratisation of Africa. during the week leading up to the May 2004 exclaimed a colleague of mine on the occasion The political transition had seen a heated extraordinary congress, Nujoma fired of the inauguration of President Hifikepunye contest between three Swapo heavyweights, Hamutenya as foreign minister, as well as the Pohamba on 21 March 2005. This simple namely Swapo vice-president Hifikepunye then deputy foreign minister, Kaire Mbuende. observation was quite profound because until Pohamba, current prime minister Nahas Angula, It was thought at the time that Nujoma, who then many people had been at their wits’ end and former foreign affairs minister Hidipo was personally campaigning for Pohamba, took trying to imagine Namibia without Sam Nujoma, Hamutenya. these drastic steps in order to send a strong the president of the ruling Swapo party. At the extraordinary party congress in May message to the congress delegates about who He had been the country’s first president, 2004, Angula fell out in the first round, and he liked and did not like. -
Hans Beukes, Long Road to Liberation. an Exiled Namibian
Journal of Namibian Studies, 23 (2018): 101 – 123 ISSN: 2197-5523 (online) Thinking and writing liberation politics – a review article of: Hans Beukes, Long Road to Liberation . An Exiled Namibian Activist’s Perspective André du Pisani* Abstract Thinking and Writing Liberation Politics is a review article of: Hans Beukes, Long Road to Liberation. An Exiled Namibian Activist’s Perspective; with an introduction by Professor Mburumba Kerina, Johannesburg, Porcupine Press, 2014. 376 pages, appendices, photographs, index of names. ISBN: 978-1-920609-71-9. The article argues that Long Road to Liberation , being a rich, diverse, uneven memoir of an exiled Namibian activist, offers a sobering and critical account of the limits of liberation politics, of the legacies of a protracted struggle to bring Namibia to independence and of the imprint the struggle left on the political terrain of the independent state. But, it remains the perspective of an individual activist, who on account of his personal experiences and long absence from the country of his birth, at times, paints a fairly superficial picture of many internal events in the country. The protracted diplomatic-, political- and liberation struggle that culminated in the independence of Namibia in March 1990, has attracted a crop of publications written from different perspectives. This has produced many competing narratives. It would be fair to say that many of the books published over the last decade or so, differ in their range, quality and usefulness to researchers and the reading public at large. This observation also holds for memoirs, a genre of writing that is most demanding, for it requires brutal honesty, the ability to truthfully recall and engage with events that can traverse several decades. -
Election Watch Produced by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) Issue No
Election Watch Produced by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) Issue No. 6 2014 WHAT ARE YOU VOTING FOR? n November 28 2014 Namibia will go to the polls to elect a new President and a new National Assem- bly.O Several presidential candidates will compete to see who will lead the country as Head of State after March 21 2015. You will be able to vote for your candidate of choice. The candidate with the most votes will become the next President. If no candidate gets over 50 percent of the vote, there will be a second round of voting between the top two candidates to decide the winner. Also on November 28 there will be an election to see who will serve as Members of Parliament (MPs) in the National Assembly after March 21 next year. Each party that is con- testing the election puts forward a list of candidates for the National Assembly. You will be able to vote for the party of your choice. A party’s level of support across the country will determine how many of the 96 seats it will obtain. THE PRESIDENT The President, who is the Head of State and the com- mander-in-chief of the army, is elected every five years. The Constitution states that the President is limited to serving two five-year terms. In 1998 another clause was added allowing the first president of Namibia (Sam Nujoma) to serve three terms, although all heads of state following him remain limited to two. On November 28 Namibians will decide the composition of the National Assembly. -
Ipumbu Shiimi: Namibia's New Generation of Banknotes
Ipumbu Shiimi: Namibia’s new generation of banknotes Remarks by Mr Ipumbu Shiimi, Governor of the Bank of Namibia, at the official launch of the new banknotes during the 22nd Independence Anniversary celebrations, Mariental, Hardap Region, 21 March 2012. * * * Directors of Ceremony Your Excellency Dr Hifikepunye Pohamba, President of the Republic of Namibia and First Lady Meme Pohamba Right Honourable Prime Minister, Nahas Angula Honourable Speaker of the National Assembly, Dr. Theo Ben Gurirab Honourable Chairperson of the National Council, Asser Kapere Honourable Chief Justice, Judge Peter Shivute Honourable Ministers Honourable Members of Parliament Members of the Diplomatic Corps Honourable Katrina Hanse-Himarwa, Governor of the Hardap Region and other Governors from other regions Your Worship, Alex Kamburute, Mayor of Mariental and other Mayors from other local authorities Local and Regional Authority Councillors, Traditional Leaders Senior Government Officials Members of the Media Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen Good afternoon I am humbled and privileged for this opportunity to make few remarks and introduce the video about Namibia’s new generation of banknotes. Today is a special and momentous Day in the history of our beloved country. Today, we are not only celebrating 22 years of our Independence, we are not only celebrating 22 years of peace and stability, but we also witnessed the launch of the new generation of Namibia’s banknotes by his Excellency, the President of the Republic. Your Excellency, Directors of Ceremonies! The theme of my remarks is titled “Our Money, Our Pride, Our heroes and heroines, we Honour, know your currency”. This is because the new banknotes launched a moment ago are not just decorated papers but are very important national payment instruments that symbolize our sovereignty, nationhood, and natural diversity. -
26 September 1991
' ~ ' TODAY: 'CREO'IT UNIONS-QO NORTH * YOUNG'SCIENTISTS' EXHIBITION • SUPER SPORT * Thursday September 26 R80 000 buying .binge denied by PM's office MBATJIUA<HGAVIRUE THERE is no truth in reports that a shopping spree by members of the Prime Minister's delegation during a recent world trip cost Namibian taxpayers R80 000 in excess baggage penalties, according to the Prime Min· ister's Office. Reports circulating in Wmd- companions. hook this week claimed that . Permanent Secretary of the the shop-till-you-drop style of Prime Minister's Office Peter some members of the PIime Damaseb yesterday admitted Minister's eniourage resulted that the delegation was penal- in huge penalties for exces.s ised for carrying excess bag- baggage. gage. _ Already members of the . DlUjlaseb refused to disclose public have complained that ' how much was paid for the the taxpayer might end up extra baggage, but he emphati- having to pay for the profligate Continued on page 3 ways of the PM's travelling esistance AN ecumenical prayer service, organi. had for prayer. sed by the country's major Churches, They also prayed for the future of Ar· was held at Arandis on Tuesday to pre· andis and for their children's future, pare people for mass retrenchments and Lessing's sermon was about Iif~ after re· unemployment starting last week. trenchment as after all Jesus Christ died According to HannsLessing of the and rose again. at Arandis Evangelical Lutheran Church in the Re· The people should not give up on the public of Namibia some 200 people camE! future, or sit around and be idle, even if to the service. -
Remembering Genocide in Namibia
www.ssoar.info Remembering Genocide in Namibia Reitz, Núrel Bahí; Mannitz, Sabine Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Reitz, N. B., & Mannitz, S. (2021). Remembering Genocide in Namibia. (PRIF Working Papers, 53). Frankfurt am Main: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-73450-7 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Download/GDP.Pdf
DEVELOPMENTAL FUSION: CHINESE INVESTMENT, RESOURCE NATIONALISM, AND THE DISTRIBUTIVE POLITICS OF URANIUM MINING IN NAMIBIA by MEREDITH J. DEBOOM B.A., University of Iowa, 2009 M.A. University of Colorado at Boulder, 2013 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Geography 2018 This thesis entitled: Developmental Fusion: Chinese Investment, Resource Nationalism, and the Distributive Politics of Uranium Mining in Namibia written by Meredith J. DeBoom has been approved for the Department of Geography John O’Loughlin, Chair Joe Bryan, Committee Member Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. IRB protocol # 14-0112 iii Abstract DeBoom, Meredith J. (PhD, Geography) Developmental Fusion: Chinese Investment, Resource Nationalism, and the Distributive Politics of Uranium Mining in Namibia Thesis directed by Professor John O’Loughlin China’s rising global influence has significant implications for the politics of natural resource extraction and development in sub-Saharan Africa. Focusing on the uranium industry, I analyze how China’s influence operates at global, national, and sub-national scales in relation to natural resource politics in the southern African country of Namibia. Specifically, I draw on multi-methods fieldwork to evaluate 1) how Namibians are engaging with Chinese investments in mining and 2) what implications these engagements have for the politics of mining and development, including natural resource ownership and the distribution of mining-associated benefits and costs. -
National Assembly Performance
Institute for Public Policy Research Not Speaking Out: Measuring National Assembly Performance By Ellison Tjirera and Graham Hopwood IPPR Comment No. 4 September 2009 This paper analyses the amount of contributions that members of the National Assembly made to parliamentary debate from September 2005 to October 2007 as one indicator of parliamentary performance. Although it has been speculated that some members of the National Assembly contribute very little to debates on bills and motions, as far as the IPPR is aware no research since independence has actually sought to quantify how much MPs contribute to debates in the House. The principal measure used for this research paper was the number of lines each MP contributed to debate in the Hansard – the official record of parliament. Originally, the IPPR had hoped to examine Hansard from the inception of the current parliament in 2005 until mid-2009. However, this has proved impossible because Hansard is not available from October 2007 onwards since editions have not been published since then. For this reason this analysis is based on a two-year period from September 2005 to early October 2007, which was felt to be a long enough period to make an assessment of how much MPs contributed to debate. The methodology used by this research paper is restricted solely to the amount of lines that MPs have contributed to the official record of parliamentary proceedings. No attempt is made to assess the quality of those contributions as this would involve highly subjective value judgements. This paper also does not attempt to assess how MPs may contribute to other aspects of parliamentary life, for example the committee system. -
Onetouch 4.0 Sanned Documents
Confidential NAMIBIAN REVIEW: MARCH 2005 Confidential A BRIEF POLITICAL OVERVIEW AND CURRENT ASSESSMENT OF DIAMOND DEVELOPMENTS IN NAMIBIA 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The recent elections in Namibia saw the ruling South West African Peoples Organisation (Swapo) swept back into power with the same number of seats as the previous election in 1999. With the new presidential candidate Hifikepunye Lukas Pohamba only being inaugurated on 24 March, continuity of policy on all levels is more or less expected, given the fact that Pohamba was hand-chosen by outgoing president Sam Nujoma to replace him. Potential rivals for the Swapo presidency were dealt with in the months leading up to the elections. This included specifically Hidipo Hamutenya, once one of Swapo's favourite sons, who was unceremoniously dumped as foreign minister by Nujoma in May 2004 just days before the Swapo Congress to choose Nujoma's successor. Though defeated, Hamutenya's background and support base in amongst people _ who were part of Swapo's Peoples Uberation Army of Namibia (Plan), will ensure that he emerges once again as Pohamba's chief challenger for the position in five years time. The opposition remains weak and in general disarray with the once powerful Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) , having lost nearly half the parliamentary seats it had prior to the last elections. As far as developments on the diamond front are concerned the report makes the following broad points: • Continuity in the government's diamond policy can be expected under Pohamba. • Lev Leviev has been the driving force behind changes in Namibia's mining legislation in 1999 and further changes being contemplated for the near future. -
The Homecoming of Ovaherero and Nama Skulls: Overriding Politics And
i i i The homecoming of Ovaherero and i Nama skulls: overriding politics and injustices HUMAN REMAINS & VIOLENCE Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha The University of Namibia [email protected] Abstract In October 2011, twenty skulls of the Herero and Nama people were repatriated from Germany to Namibia. So far, y-ve skulls and two human skeletons have been repatriated to Namibia and preparations for the return of more skulls from Germany were at an advanced stage at the time of writing this article. Nonetheless, the skulls and skeletons that were returned from Germany in the past have been disappointingly laden with complexities and politics, to such an extent that they have not yet been handed over to their respective communities for mourning and burials. In this context, this article seeks to investigate the practice of ‘anonymis- ing’ the presence of human remains in society by exploring the art and politics of the Namibian state’s memory production and sanctioning in enforcing restrictions on the aected communities not to perform, as they wish, their cultural and ritual practices for the remains of their ancestors. Key words: Skulls, Herero, Nama, genocide, Germany, Namibia Introduction Until 1919, today’s Namibia was ocially the colony of German South West Africa (GSWA). This came as a result of the 1884/85 Berlin Conference, which formally recognised Germany’s right to operate in and colonise the territory that it renamed GSWA.1 German colonial occupation of this territory, which was renamed Namibia in 1968, lasted from 1885 until 1919, when Imperial Germany was defeated in the First World War and subsequently lost her colonies in Africa.