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UKRAINE: from CHERNOBYL' to SOVEREIGNTY Also by Roman Solchanyk

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UKRAINE: from CHERNOBYL' to SOVEREIGNTY Also by Roman Solchanyk UKRAINE: FROM CHERNOBYL' TO SOVEREIGNTY Also by Roman Solchanyk UKRAINE UNDER PERESTROIKA: Politics, Religion and the National Question By David R. Marples and from Palgrave Macmillan UKRAINE UNDER PERESTROIKA: Ecology, Economics and the Workers' Revolt Ukraine: From Chernobyl' to Sovereignty A Collection of Interviews Edited by Roman So1chanyk RFEIRL Research Institute, Munich Foreword by Norman Stone Professor of Modern History Oxford University Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978-1-349-12862-4 ISBN 978-1-349-12860-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-12860-0 © RFEIRL, Inc. 1992 Foreword © Nonnan Stone 1992 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1992 All rights reserved. For infonnation, write: Scholarly and Reference Division, St. Martin's Press, Inc., 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 First published in the United States of America in 1992 ISBN 978-0-312-07549-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ukraine, from Chemobyl' to sovereignty: a collection of interviews / edited by Roman Solchanyk ; foreword by Nonnan Stone. p. cm. Translated from Ukrainian. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-312-07549-1 1. Ukraine-Politics and govemment-1945- I. Solchanyk, Roman. DK508.84.U364 1992 947'.71085'4-dc20 91-33064 CIP Contents Foreword by NORMAN STONE vii Preface xi Introduction xiii 1 Vecbimii Kyiv, the Voice of Perestroika in Ukraine: An Interview with Vitalii Karpenko 1 2 The Beginnings of "Rukh": An Interview with Pavlo Movchan 7 3 Little Russianism and the Ukrainian-Russian Relationship: An Interview with Mykola Ryabchuk 19 4 Language, Culture, and the Search for a Ukrainian Hero: An Interview with Yurii Pokal'chuk 31 5 The Current Situation in Ukraine: A Discussion with "Rukh" Chairman Ivan Drach 40 6 Ukraine and Poland: An Interview with Adam Michnik 57 7 The Democratization Process in Ukraine: An Interview with Anatolii Pohribnyi 67 8 Filling in the "Blank Spots" in Ukrainian History: An Interview with Stanislav Kul'chyts'kyi 81 9 Ferment in Western Ukraine: An Interview with Rostyslav Bratun' 95 10 Roman Szporluk and Valerii Tishkov Talk about the National Question 105 11 Inside Ukrainian Politics: An Interview with Dmytro Pavlychko 117 v vi Contents 12 Ukraine, Russia, and the National Question: An Interview with Aleksandr Tsipko 127 13 An Insider's View of Chernobyl': An Interview with Yurii Risovannyi 139 14 The Communist Party and the Political Situation in Ukraine: An Interview with Stanislav Hurenko 150 15 Ukrainian-Jewish Relations: An Interview with Oleksandr Burakovs'kyi 160 Name Index 170 Foreword "The Estonian people has been cultivating its existence on the shores of the Baltic for the past two thousand years, n ran one of the historic documents of communism. It came out in September, 1988; and it amounted to a statement ofindependence---technically, "sovereignty"­ by the one and a half million inhabitants of Estonia, the smallest of the republics that make, or made, up the USSR. This tiny pebble, in slipping, was the first sign of what has become a landslide. Now, three years later, Moscow itself has crumbled too: with the election of Boris El'tsin as President of the Russian Republic, a new Union treaty for the whole of the Soviet Union has been drafted. The place will no longer be called ·Union of Soviet Socialist Republics" but "Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics"; it will be a confederation, not a centralized state as before. Even then, a great many people in many of the republics want more: they want formal independence, in some cases membership in the Common Market. In all this, the Ukraine plays a key, in many ways the key, part. It is the second largest republic, its boundaries stretching from the Polish border in the west to the northeastern shores of the Black Sea. Its population, over fifty million, makes it one of the largest European states; and it is also naturally very rich, its soil and climate making it Europe's breadbasket and its minerals--coal, preeminently in the Donets Basin; oil; rare and very valuable metals, essential for enriching sophisticated steel-making it an all-important source for the things that ultramodern economies need. Its people, though historically divided, have their own language: Ukrainian is quite distinct from Russian, although, as with the Scandinavian tongues (Finnish apart), if you can read the one, you can make out the other. There ts a sizable Russian minority, and the great cities, L'viv in the west apart, are in majority Russian-speaking: Kiev, Kharkiv, Odessa. Ukrainians will tell you (and they are probably right) that the populations there would revert to speaking Ukrainian if they were allowed to; but in the past the emphasis was all on Russian, and you were penalized if you used Ukrainian, or even protested. Time was, quite recently, when typewriters did not sport the three distinctive Ukrainian letters. But· there are other minorities. The Crimea is formally part of the Ukraine, and it contains not only Russians but also Tatars, once the majority of its population. There are Romanians, even Greeks; there are Poles-by one account, vii viii Foreword over half a million. And there are Jews, though no one knows quite how many. The question is: will this vast and variegated mass become not "the Ukraine"-a term that really means "the edges"-but "Ukraine," a new state within the European community? If this were to happen, then Russia itself-much of the country subarctic-would become, in Alain Besan~on's phrase, not a USA, but a Canada. Many Russians on the democratic side might not object: after all, Russians have suffered as much as, and maybe more than, their own subjects in the effort to maintain an empire. Events are now moving so fast that some kind of division of the old USSR could easily happen quite soon. Who, after all, would have thought, three years ago, that we could quite seriously be talking about Ukrainian independence? For a very long time, that matter was purely speculative. Nationalism is in any case rather difficult to discuss: you can fall, all too easily, into a mixture of lists and poetry. In the Brezhnevite USSR, with media so tightly controlled, evidence for the growth of national feeling was very slight indeed. Brave dissidents, a handful, surfaced and suffered, as Vyacheslav Chornovil and Levko Lukyanenko did in the Ukraine, emerging from years and years in prison to become leaders of the democratic forces as these were eventually allowed to win free elections. Remarkably, they survive with their energies and self-control in good shape: prison, far from breaking the best, can often make them even better. Now, they are in charge in the Western Ukraine-the L'viv, Ternopil', and Ivano-Frankivs'k regions--and their allies have done very well even in the largely Russified city of Kiev. Relations with the local Russians (and Jews) seem to be rather good. Unlike the cases of the Baltic states, there is no antinationalist grouping of Russian immigrants in the Ukraine, no "Interfront," as such organizations are called. True, the population of Odessa so far has not been greatly penetrated by Ukrainian nationalism. But the movement has spread now, quite far into the Eastern Ukraine, that half of the country on the left bank of the river Dnieper or Dnipro, which, once upon a time, was quite Russian-Russian in its Orthodoxy, much of its language, and some of its population. Nowadays, we can at last say something positive about this, because we are allowed to have evidence-unfaked elections, a free press, visas (even for declared nationalistic exiles) are now on hand, though there are still restrictions in different places and in different ways. One very important thing is the ability of Western observers to read the opinions of Ukrainians who have lived through the past generation or two, in which everything was kept down under a Soviet ice cap. They stirred, Norman Stone ix of course, and resented the oppression to which things Ukrainian­ "folklore" apart-were subjected. The testimonies that are gathered together in this volume come from interviews conducted by a number of experienced and skilled people, with the results edited, overall, by Roman Sokhanyk, of the RFE/RL Research Institute in Munich. Remi­ niscences and personal impressions are important evidence in the world of communism (and post-communism) precisely because so little else has been reliable. Similarly, the observations of central actors in the unfolding reemergence of a free Ukraine, are important for any Westerner anxious to know how matters in the USS(for "Sovereign")R will proceed. Ivan Drach, for instance, who promoted the popular movement "Rukh" from within the Writers' Union and its newspaper Literatuma Ukraina, speaks about his past.What is striking here is the way in which provincial Ukrainian links, within the Communist Party, could be used for Ukrainian (and, in the end, non-Communist) purposes. Much the same happened in Estonia and in Lithuania, where the Communist apparatus was used in defense of the local culture (as can be seen at a glance in Vilna [Vilnius), where the old architecture has been quite carefully restored). We should not blame the local people for behaving in this way, within a Communist apparatus: they had no choice. In this collection of interviews, Ukrainian voices can now speak hopefully about their present and future. These voices include tones that, in the past, might have been discordant. There is now, however, a good chance that. people in the Ukraine, whether of Ukrainian, Russian, Jewish, or other origin, will have a state that they can call their own. NORMAN STONE Oxford University Preface Beginning in 1989 the political situation in Ukraine had changed to the extent that direct contact with the West became increasingly more common.
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