Human Rights in Ukraine – 2005
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Criminal Legal Definition of the Concept of Torture and Differential Distinction of Torture from Related Crimes
Issue 4, 2020 Public Administration and Law Review CRIMINAL LEGAL DEFINITION OF THE CONCEPT OF TORTURE AND DIFFERENTIAL DISTINCTION OF TORTURE FROM RELATED CRIMES Alla Radzivill1 1Postgraduate student, Kyiv University of Law of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, assistant judge of the Supreme Court, Kyiv, Ukraine, e-mail: [email protected] Abstract. The article highlights the clarification and definition of criminal legal concept of torture, the study of peculiarities of this crime corpus delicti and its basic features, distinction from related categories; proposals regarding the improvement of provisions of the Criminal Code of Ukraine have been formulated. The purpose of writing this article is represented by the study and criminal legal analysis of torture (Article 127 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine), analysis of the main and qualified corpus delicti of torture under the Criminal Code of Ukraine; the identification of types, methods and ways of torture; the definition of the scientific concept of "torture" and related concepts; the determination of criteria for distinguishing the corpus delicti of torture from related crimes under the Criminal Code of Ukraine; the analysis of international legal acts aimed at protecting human rights and preventing torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; the analysis of Ukrainian national legislation in terms of its compliance with international law in the field of protection of a person from encroachment on his/her life, health, honour and dignity, which represents torture. The methodological basis of the study is represented by a set of methods and techniques of scientific knowledge, both general and special: historical, functional analysis, system-structural, formal-logical, comparative-legal, formal-legal, generalization. -
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS). -
What Future for Ukraine?
OÂRODEK STUDIÓW WSCHODNICH Centre for Eastern Studies Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? What Future for Ukraine? Anna Górska Warszawa, czerwiec 2005 / Warsaw, June 2005 © Copyright by OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies Redaktor serii / Series editor Anna ¸abuszewska Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic design Dorota Nowacka T∏umaczenie / Translation Izabela Zygmunt Wydawca / Publisher OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a Warszawa / Warsaw, Poland tel./phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 fax: +48 /22/ 525 80 40 Spis treÊci / Contents Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? / 5 I. Trudny okres przejmowania w∏adzy / 6 II. Paƒstwo demokratyczne / 9 III. Paƒstwo prawa / 11 IV. Gospodarka rynkowa / 14 V. Czy Zachód mo˝e wspomóc Ukrain´ / 16 Za∏àcznik I / 18 Za∏àcznik II / 24 What Future for Ukraine? / 27 I. Difficult Period of the Transfer of Power / 28 II. A Democratic State / 31 III. A State of Law / 34 IV. Market Economy / 37 V. Can the West help Ukraine / 38 Appendix No 1 / 41 Appendix No 2 / 47 Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? Min´∏o sto dni od inauguracji prezydenta Ukrainy Wiktora Juszczenki i po- wo∏ania nowego rzàdu z Julià Tymoszenko na czele, co tradycyjnie sk∏a- nia do pierwszych podsumowaƒ i oceny polityki nowych w∏adz. W przy- padku Ukrainy jest to szczególnie interesujàce. Zmiana w∏adzy nastàpi∏a w du˝ej mierze w wyniku antysystemowego protestu spo∏ecznego, okre- Êlanego jako pomaraƒczowa rewolucja1. W zasadzie Majdan nie formu- ∏owa∏ pozytywnych hase∏ programowych, a jedynie wyraziÊcie okreÊla∏, czego spo∏eczeƒstwo ju˝ nie akceptuje – samowoli w∏adzy, korupcji, bie- dy, k∏amstwa w najwy˝szych gabinetach i mediach, przedmiotowego traktowania spo∏eczeƒstwa, o którym w∏adza przypomina sobie jedynie w kampaniach wyborczych, ale i tak nie respektuje woli wyborców. -
7 Political Corruption in Ukraine
NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 7 (111) CONTENTS POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: ACTORS, MANIFESTATIONS, 2009 PROBLEMS OF COUNTERING (Analytical Report) ................................................................................................... 2 Founded and published by: SECTION 1. POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A PHENOMENON: APPROACHES TO DEFINITION ..................................................................3 SECTION 2. POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: POTENTIAL ACTORS, AREAS, MANIFESTATIONS, TRENDS ...................................................................8 SECTION 3. FACTORS INFLUENCING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COUNTERING UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES POLITICAL CORRUPTION ......................................................................33 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV SECTION 4. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS ......................................................... 40 ANNEX 1 FOREIGN ASSESSMENTS OF THE POLITICAL CORRUPTION Director General Anatoliy Rachok LEVEL IN UKRAINE (INTERNATIONAL CORRUPTION RATINGS) ............43 Editor-in-Chief Yevhen Shulha ANNEX 2 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SPECIFICITY, SCALE AND WAYS Layout and design Oleksandr Shaptala OF COUNTERING IN EXPERT ASSESSMENTS ......................................44 Technical & computer support Volodymyr Kekuh ANNEX 3 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SCALE AND WAYS OF COUNTERING IN PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS AND ASSESSMENTS ...................................49 This magazine is registered with the State Committee ARTICLE of Ukraine for Information Policy, POLITICAL -
Searching for a Common Methodological Ground for the Study
Journal of Research in Personality 70 (2017) 27–44 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Research in Personality journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jrp Full Length Article Searching for a common methodological ground for the study of politicians’ perceived personality traits: A multilevel psycholexical approach ⇑ Oleg Gorbaniuk a,g, , Wiktor Razmus a, Alona Slobodianyk a, Oleksandr Mykhailych b, Oleksandr Troyanowskyj c, Myroslav Kashchuk d, Maryna Drako a, Albina Dioba e, Larysa Rolisnyk f a The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Lublin, Poland b National Aviation University, Kyiv, Ukraine c National University Odessa Law Academy, Odessa, Ukraine d Ukrainian Catholic University, Lviv, Ukraine e O.M. Beketov National University of Urban Economy in Kharkiv, Kharkiv, Ukraine f National Mining University, Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine g University of Zielona Gora, Zielona Gora, Poland article info abstract Article history: Received 21 November 2016 Ó 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. Accepted 16 May 2017 Available online 20 May 2017 1. Introduction their significance in determining political preferences (Caprara, Barbaranelli, & Zimbardo, 1997, 2002; Koppensteiner & For a fairly long time, research on political behavior have Grammer, 2010; Koppensteiner, Stephan, & Jäschke, 2015) have focused on the exploration of factors influencing voter decisions been based on the structure of personality traits from the five fac- (Blais & St-Vincent, 2011; Cwalina, Falkowski, Newman, & Vercic, tor model. The assumption that this model would describe politi- 2004; O’Cass, 2002; O’Cass & Pecotich, 2005; Schoen & cians’ perceived personality traits accurately was not confirmed Schumann, 2007; Wang, 2016). Out of many factors, the key one by research results (Caprara et al., 1997, 2002). -
Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2015
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2015 CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 II. RIGHTS TO LIFE, LIBERTY, SECURITY AND PHYSICAL INTEGRITY 7 A. Casualties 7 B. Civilian casualties 8 C. Total casualties (civilian and military) from mid-April 2014 to 15 August 2015 12 D. Unlawful and arbitrary detention, summary executions, and torture and ill-treatment 13 III. FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS 18 A. Freedom of movement 18 B. Freedom of expression 19 C. Freedom of peaceful assembly 20 D. Freedom of association 21 E. Freedom of religion or belief 22 IV. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RIGHTS 22 A. Right to an adequate standard of living 23 B. Right to social security and protection 24 C. Right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health 26 V. ACCOUNTABILITY AND ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 27 A. Accountability for human rights violations committed in the east of Ukraine 27 B. Accountability for human rights violations committed during the Maidan protests 30 C. Accountability for the 2 May violence in Odesa 30 D. Administration of justice 32 VI. LEGISLATIVE DEVELOPMENTS AND INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS 34 VII. HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE AUTONOMOUS REPUBLIC OF CRIMEA 38 VIII. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 42 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. This is the eleventh report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on the situation of human rights in Ukraine, based on the work of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) 1. It covers the period from 16 May to 15 August 2015 2. -
Report No. 2: the Instigators Are Getting Away
The Gongadze Inquiry An investigation into the failure of legal and judicial processes in the case of Gyorgy Gongadze Supported by: • The International Federation of Journalists • The Institute of Mass Information • The National Union of Journalists of the UK and Ireland • The Gongadze Foundation Report no. 2: The instigators are getting away 1 Introduction This second report on the case of Gyorgy Gongadze, commissioned by the International Federation of Journalists, the Institute of Mass Information (Kyiv), the Gongadze Foundation and the National Union of Journalists of the UK and Ireland, updates our first report published in January 2005.1 It reviews developments in the investigation of the case between January and September 2005. Our main conclusion, set out in the last section, is that the investigation of the process by which Gongadze’s murder was ordered has suffered serious setbacks. Progress has been made in bringing to trial interior ministry officers who allegedly participated in Gongadze’s kidnap, and were present when he was murdered. But the investigation’s failures with respect to the links between these direct perpetrators and those who ordered the murder are so blatant and numerous that they can most likely be explained as the result of continued political interference and resistance. Senior political figures have stated publicly that the instigators of Gongadze’s murder are known to investigators, but no details have been made public; this has left the impression that these statements were part of the “public relations management” of the investigation, which was meanwhile directing its focus away from the instigators. Our most serious concerns relate to the case of General Olexiy Pukach, who was named by the general prosecutor’s office as the ringleader of the gang that killed Gongadze. -
LLC "ECOTON" (License of the Ministry of Regional Development and Construction of Ukraine State Architectural and Construction Inspection AB № 555532 from 21.09.2010)
LLC "ECOTON" (License of the Ministry of Regional Development and Construction of Ukraine State Architectural and Construction Inspection AB № 555532 from 21.09.2010) Customer: JSC "AK "Kyivvodokanal" General Designer: SC "Institute "Kyyivinzhproekt of "JSC "Kyivproekt" PROJECT Reconstruction of wastewater treatment facilities and construction of new line for processing and disposal of sludge at Bortnicheskaya WWTP. Volume 12 "Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)" Section Director: Gronya L.I. Chief specialist: Kukharenko V.M. Engineer: Solukha I.B. Technician: Platonova Y.M. Kyiv - 2014 ASSIGNMENT FOR PREPARATION OF EIA MATERIALS Object name: “Project of reconstruction of sewage treatment facilities and construction of a production line for sewage-sludge treatment and utilization of the Bortnychi aeration station” General Planner: Subsidiary Enterprise “Kyivinzhproekt Institute” of PJSC Kyivproekt List of co-contractors: - Construction type: reconstruction, new construction. Location: 1a, Kolektorna St., Darnytskyi Raion in Kyiv Project stage: project. List of impact sources: emissions from production facilities after the reconstruction, during construction works. List of expected negative impacts: impact on the atmosphere: ammonia NH3, hydrogen sulfide H2S, methane СH4, Methyl mercaptan CH3SH, Ethyl mercaptan С2Н6S, carbon dioxide CO2, saturated hydrocarbons C12-С19, nitrogen dioxide NO2, carbon oxide СО and other. List of environment components, the impacts on which are assessed: the atmosphere, aquatic environment, vegetation and other in compliance with DBN А.2.2-1-2003. Requirements to the scope and stages of EIA: in the scope of DBN А.2.2-1-2003, in one stage of the Project Public participation requirements: holding of public hearings, awareness through media, advisory activities. Procedure and time frames for preparation of EIA materials: EIA procedure is in compliance with DBN А.2.2-1-2003; time frames are as per contract. -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
Parliamentary Coalition Collapses
INSIDE:• Profile: Oleksii Ivchenko, chair of Naftohaz — page 3. • Donetsk teen among winners of ballet competition — page 9. • A conversation with historian Roman Serbyn — page 13. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIVTHE UKRAINIANNo. 28 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 9,W 2006 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine World Cup soccer action Parliamentary coalition collapses Moroz and Azarov are candidates for Rada chair unites people of Ukraine by Zenon Zawada The Our Ukraine bloc had refused to Kyiv Press Bureau give the Socialists the Parliament chair- manship, which it wanted Mr. KYIV – Just two weeks after signing a Poroshenko to occupy in order to coun- parliamentary coalition pact with the Our terbalance Ms. Tymoshenko’s influence Ukraine and Yulia Tymoshenko blocs, as prime minister. Socialist Party of Ukraine leader Eventually, Mr. Moroz publicly relin- Oleksander Moroz betrayed his Orange quished his claim to the post. Revolution partners and formed a de His July 6 turnaround caused a schism facto union with the Party of the Regions within the ranks of his own party as and the Communist Party. National Deputy Yosyp Vinskyi Recognizing that he lacked enough announced he was resigning as the first votes, Our Ukraine National Deputy secretary of the party’s political council. Petro Poroshenko withdrew his candida- Mr. Moroz’s betrayal ruins the demo- cy for the Verkhovna Rada chair during cratic coalition and reveals his intention the Parliament’s July 6 session. to unite with the Party of the Regions, The Socialists then nominated Mr. Mr. Vinskyi alleged. -
Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States
Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States: A Case Study of Ukraine between Two Revolutions By © 2017 Lidiya Zubytska M.A., University of Notre Dame, 2004 B.A., Ivan Franko National University of L’viv, 2002 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chair: Mariya Omelicheva Robert Rohrschneider Nazli Avdan Steven Maynard-Moody Erik Herron Date Defended: 24 July 2017 The dissertation committee for Lidiya Zubytska certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Explaining Foreign Policy Change in Transitional States: A Case Study of Ukraine between Two Revolutions Chair: Mariya Omelicheva Date Approved: 24 July 2017 ii ABSTRACT Over the span of a decade, Ukraine saw two revolutions that rocked its political and social life to the very core. The Orange revolution of 2004, a watershed event in the post-Soviet history of East European states, reversed the authoritarian trend in the country and proclaimed its course for democracy and integration with the European Union. However, reforms and electoral promises of the revolutionary leaders quickly turned into shambles, and instead another pro- Russian authoritarian leader consolidated power. As Ukrainian political elites vacillated between closer ties with the EU to its west and the Russian Federation to its east, the 2014 Revolution of Dignity rose again to defend the European future for Ukraine. In this work, I investigate the driving forces shaping foreign policymaking in Ukraine during these years. I posit that it was precisely because such policies were shaped in an uncertain post-revolutionary transitional political environment that we are able to see seemingly contradictory shifts in Ukraine’s relations with the EU and Russia. -
Whereabouts of Yanukovych and Azarov in Russia
Whereabouts of Yanukovych and Azarov in Russia Table of contents Part 1 Yanukovych and his family Part 2 Azarov and his family Part 1 So far, the media have made a few versions of the whereabouts of Ukrainian ex-president Viktor Yanukovych. The main ones point toward two Russian southern cities: Rostov-on-Don and Sochi, along with the capital of Russia and the Moscow region. Hereinafter, you’ll find an analysis of media references to the location of the Ukrainian former president from 2014 till early 2016, as well as information about what has happened to his close allies and assets obtained through corruption schemes during the specified period. 1. After the flight After the flight of Viktor Yanukovych from Ukraine in the twentieth of February 2014, conflicting reports on the whereabouts of the disgraced president began appearing in the press. Thus, on February 22, 2014 some sources reported that Viktor Yanukovych wasn’t in Kharkiv1, others – that he indeed was in Kharkiv at the moment, where he was going to sign the recently adopted 1 http://kharkov.comments.ua/news/2014/02/22/152813.html laws by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (the Ukrainian Parliament)2. On the same day the border guards denied a charter flight, with Viktor Yanukovych on board, the permission to take off from Donetsk, as quoted by Sergey Astakhov – head assistant of the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine3. By all appearances, at that time Viktor Yanukovych was in Kharkiv, where the Congress of Deputies from the South-Eastern regions took place on February 224.