The Paradox of Decentralization in Namibia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Paradox of Decentralization in Namibia THE PARADOX OF DECENTRALIZATION IN NAMIBIA By Hoze Riruako B.A.Pre-Law, Marshall University, U.S.A., 1989 M.P.A., Marshall University, U.S.A., 1990 PGD, Maastricht School of Management, 1994 Supervisor: Prof. Chisepo J. J. Mphaisha A dissertation submitted to the School of Government, Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences, University of the Western Cape, in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration 2007 Dedication I dedicate this dissertation to a number of individuals who played an immeasurable role in my life and to whom I am deeply indebted. The first person is my mother, Claudia Kaikike Riruako, who died of cancer a few semesters before I could complete my first degree. She instilled in me a sense of appreciation at an early age, one that I will cherish for the rest of my life. With the little that we had, she made us feel as if we had a lot. My mother was a proud person and she made me proud as well. Had she been alive today, I am certain that she would have been even prouder of this son’s accomplishments. My grandmother, Renathe Mbeiti Riruako, has been a source of inspiration to me. Her passing away in early 2003 left me feeling empty. Her cooking for the late Reverend Michail Scott during the drafting of a petition by her brother, Chief Hosea Kutako, is a small gesture for some, but one with great meaning for her, so much so that she cherished it until her death as her humble contribution to the liberation struggle. My father, Daniel Kazekondjo, an educated man himself, installed an appreciation of the value of education in me from an early age. I always looked up to him as my role model. While pursuing his teaching career is South Africa he shared his school years with some of those who were to shape the future of politics in Namibia, such as the founding Deputy Prime Minister, Reverend Hendrick Witbooi. After completing his studies he played a pivotal role in the formation of SWAPO, often meeting with party stalwarts such as Namibia’s Father of the Nation and founding President, Dr. Sam Nujoma, and the Founding Vice-Chancellor of the University of Namibia, Professor Peter H. Katjavivi to mention just two. However, his passing away in mid-2003 also robbed me of an opportunity to make him proud once ii more of his son’s accomplishments by successfully completing my doctoral studies. My nephew, Betuel Ngeama, would have been equally proud of my accomplishment had he not died in a tragic accident during the later part of the same year. I also dedicate this work to the only surviving member of my family who contributed by moulding me into who I am today, namely Chief Kuaima Riruako, President of the National Unity Democratic Organization (NUDO). He contributed immensely to my early education through financial assistance and encouragement. His efforts enabled me to go to the United States of America to further my studies. The other person who deserves a wealth of appreciation and to whom I dedicate this work is my grandfather, Amon Ukorua Kaamakaa Riruako who recently passed away at the age of ninety-seven years. Had it not been for a slight delay in the completion of my studies as a result of technical problems this is the one person that I wanted at my side during my graduation ceremony. I promised him that, but God willing, it was not to be. Whatever happened will never dim my spirit and my strong resolve to complete this work, as I owe the completion of it to him. My late grandfather was the only surviving member of the inner cycle of the group of people who worked closely with my late uncle, Chief Hosea Komombumbi Kutako. I am glad that I participated in his burial. I cannot help but to reiterate the words that I said at his funeral: “Tate Kaamakaa resented all forms of oppression such as the German and South African occupation, and the old locations' forced removal to mention just a few. It is through this commitment that he risked his life along with the late Katjikuru Katjiuongua, Kambanderu Kandjou, and iii other, too numerous to mention here, who have served in the inner circle of those who drafted and helped to smuggle the famous Chief Hosea Kutako’s petition to the UN.” Until his death this year he was the only surviving member of the group of people who moved the late Reverend Michael Scott from house to house to avoid capture, while awaiting the completion of the drafting of the petition which Michael Scott took to the League of Nations, the predecessor to the United Nations. At my grand father’s funeral, the SWAPO representative, Hon. Ben Amadhilla, said and I quote, “your father should be remembered for the heroic/historic deed during the dark days of our liberation struggle. With his death he now joins the ranks of those heroes and heroines that you will never find in the history books, but who contributed immensely to our independence.” I thank the good Lord and the spirit of my ancestors that he waited for me to arrive and to pray for him before he took his last breath. The fact that I physically had to carry his body, as he carried me as a child, gave me great comfort. Finally, I dedicate this work to my wife, Belinda Kariraere Riruako, for her inspiration and encouragement throughout my doctoral studies. iv Declaration I hereby declare that this is my own unaided work. It is being submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration in the School of Government, at the University of the Western Cape. I further testify that it has not been submitted for any other degree or to any other institution of higher learning. Hoze Riruako Date…………………………. v Acknowledgement I would like to thank the following persons with gratitude and appreciation: Mr. Henry Hesse, a former member of Literacy Volunteers of America, who helped me to master the command of English before I entered Marshall University in the United States of America during the Fall of 1985 to commence my undergraduate studies. No words will be enough to praise Prof. Clair Matz, professor of International Relations at Marshall University, for assisting me and lending me a helping hand during a very daunting time in my life when my mother passed away in 1989. It is with equal great appreciation that I acknowledge the contribution to my life of Dr. Betty Jane Cleckly, the Vice-President for Multi-Cultural Affairs and International Programmes at Marshall University. She encouraged me to work hard and to aspire for greater achievements. As her assistant, I am glad she had pushed me so hard, because this has made me a very determined person today. I would also like to acknowledge Prof. Peter H. Katjavivi, the founding Vice-Chancellor of the University of Namibia, now the Namibian Ambassador to the European Union, for not only encouraging me to further my studies, but also for finding funding to enable me to pursue my doctoral studies at the University of the Western Cape. I want to say thank you for opening so many doors for me and for giving me such wide-ranging experiences. Thank you for giving me an opportunity to have work closely with you and for supporting me through thick and thin. vi Let me also use this opportunity to thank Dr. Anthony Barclay of ACBF for the advice and continuous assistance in securing funding for my studies. You are an honest man may the good Lord bless you. Last but not the least I would like to acknowledge the contribution of my supervisor, Prof. Chisepo J. J. Mphaisha, to this dissertation. He was my hope and inspiration during times of despair. He gave me direction when I appeared to be drifting academically. I just want to tell him that I really appreciated the time and effort that he invested in helping me, God bless you. vii Abstract It is the purpose of this study to demonstrate that the government of Namibia has been seeking to adopt structures and procedures that will contribute to the realization of general national development. Decentralisation in any country takes place in a political context and its implementation assumes some political significance, as it is not merely a matter of centralization or decentralization of government functions and procedures, but both centralization and decentralization tendencies exist and reinforce each other in practice. This study argues that the dynamic features of decentralization and its implementation in Namibia have been shaped by central government’s view, through the ministry of regional and local government and housing, of the concept decentralization. The objectives of this study are to provide a critical understanding of the theoretical foundation of the concept decentralization; to examine the models of decentralization adopted and implemented by Uganda and Zambia with a view to assessing their relevance for Namibia and vice versa; and to investigate and determine the administrative/institutional factors that have played a role in the implementation of the policy on decentralization in Namibia in general, and in the Omaheke, Otjozondjupa and Otjikoto regions in particular. The case-study method was used as it allowed the use of multiple data sources, namely, documentary analysis, personal interviews and observation. Thus, the interactions and relations between institutions and various stakeholders regarding the policy of decentralization and its implementation were examined in both primary and secondary viii data.
Recommended publications
  • IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
    Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG).
    [Show full text]
  • Hans Beukes, Long Road to Liberation. an Exiled Namibian
    Journal of Namibian Studies, 23 (2018): 101 – 123 ISSN: 2197-5523 (online) Thinking and writing liberation politics – a review article of: Hans Beukes, Long Road to Liberation . An Exiled Namibian Activist’s Perspective André du Pisani* Abstract Thinking and Writing Liberation Politics is a review article of: Hans Beukes, Long Road to Liberation. An Exiled Namibian Activist’s Perspective; with an introduction by Professor Mburumba Kerina, Johannesburg, Porcupine Press, 2014. 376 pages, appendices, photographs, index of names. ISBN: 978-1-920609-71-9. The article argues that Long Road to Liberation , being a rich, diverse, uneven memoir of an exiled Namibian activist, offers a sobering and critical account of the limits of liberation politics, of the legacies of a protracted struggle to bring Namibia to independence and of the imprint the struggle left on the political terrain of the independent state. But, it remains the perspective of an individual activist, who on account of his personal experiences and long absence from the country of his birth, at times, paints a fairly superficial picture of many internal events in the country. The protracted diplomatic-, political- and liberation struggle that culminated in the independence of Namibia in March 1990, has attracted a crop of publications written from different perspectives. This has produced many competing narratives. It would be fair to say that many of the books published over the last decade or so, differ in their range, quality and usefulness to researchers and the reading public at large. This observation also holds for memoirs, a genre of writing that is most demanding, for it requires brutal honesty, the ability to truthfully recall and engage with events that can traverse several decades.
    [Show full text]
  • NAM \ BIAN Ll BE RATION
    NAM \ BIAN Ll BE RATION: 5EL~· D£/FRM!NATIO ~ LAW MD POLITICS ELIZA8ET~ S. LANDIS EPISCOPAL CHUR&liMEN for SOUTH Room 1005 • 853 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 10003 • Phone: (212) 477·0066 -For A Free S1111tbem Alritll- NOVEMBER 1982 NAMIBIAN LIBERATION Independence for Namibia is one of the forenost issues of today's world that cries for solution. The Namibian people have been subjected to bru­ tal foreign rule and their land exploited by co­ lonial powers for a century. Their thrust for freedom has intensified since 1966 when SWAPO launched its armed struggle against the illegal South African occupiers of its country. Their cause has been on the agendas of the League of Nations and the United Nations for m:>re than six decades . NCM, after five-and-a-half years of 'delicate negotiations 1 managed by five Western powers , Namibia is no nearer independence. Pretoria is m:>re repressively in oontrol of the Terri­ torY and uses it as a staging ground for its militarY encroaclunents into Angola and as a fulcrum for its attempt to reverse the tide of liberation in Southern Africa. Yet the talks conducted by the Western Contact Group are dragged on, with the United States gov­ ernment insisting that Angola denude itself of its CUban allies as a pre-condition for a 1 Namibian settlement" . There is widespread confusion on just where the matter of Namibia stands. This report is designed to penetrate the tangle. This clear, succinct and timely analysis of the Namibian issue by Elizabeth S. landis comes out of the author's yearn of work in the African field and her dedication to the cause of freedom in Southern Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Transitions in Namibia Which Changes for Whom?
    Transitions in Namibia Which Changes for Whom? Edited by Henning Melber NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UPPSALA 2007 Cover: The restored steam tractor outside the coastal town of Swakop- mund was made in Germany and brought to the country in 1896. It should replace ox wagons as a means of transport in the further colonization of Namibia’s interior. The 2.8 tons heavy machine in need of lots of water never managed it through the sands of the Namib desert. The local colonizers named it after the German reformer Martin Luther, who in 1521 had declared: “Here I stand – may God help me. I can not otherwise.” Today a national monument and put behind glass, Namibia’s “Martin Luther” remains an early symbol for the failure of grand visions. Indexing terms: Social change Economic change Cultural change Political development Liberation Decentralization Gender relations International relations Economic and social development Post-independence Namibia Cover photos: Henning Melber Language checking: Peter Colenbrander © The authors and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2007 ISBN 978-91-7106-582-7 Printed in Sweden by Elanders Gotab AB, Stockholm 2007 Table of Contents Preface ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 5 Henning Melber Transitions in Namibia – Namibia in transition An introductory overview ………………………………………………………… 7 Christopher Saunders History and the armed struggle From anti-colonial propaganda to ‘patriotic history’? ……… 13 Phanuel Kaapama Commercial land reforms in postcolonial Namibia What happened to liberation struggle rhetoric? ………………… 29 Herbert
    [Show full text]
  • The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: a Case for an Apology and Reparations
    European Scientific Journal June 2017 /SPECIAL/ edition ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: A Case for an Apology and Reparations Nick Sprenger Robert G. Rodriguez, PhD Texas A&M University-Commerce Ngondi A. Kamaṱuka, PhD University of Kansas Abstract This research examines the consequences of the Ovaherero and Nama massacres occurring in modern Namibia from 1904-08 and perpetuated by Imperial Germany. Recent political advances made by, among other groups, the Association of the Ovaherero Genocide in the United States of America, toward mutual understanding with the Federal Republic of Germany necessitates a comprehensive study about the event itself, its long-term implications, and the more current vocalization toward an apology and reparations for the Ovaherero and Nama peoples. Resulting from the Extermination Orders of 1904 and 1905 as articulated by Kaiser Wilhelm II’s Imperial Germany, over 65,000 Ovaherero and 10,000 Nama peoples perished in what was the first systematic genocide of the twentieth century. This study assesses the historical circumstances surrounding these genocidal policies carried out by Imperial Germany, and seeks to place the devastating loss of life, culture, and property within its proper historical context. The question of restorative justice also receives analysis, as this research evaluates the case made by the Ovaherero and Nama peoples in their petitions for compensation. Beyond the history of the event itself and its long-term effects, the paper adopts a comparative approach by which to integrate the Ovaherero and Nama calls for reparations into an established precedent. Keywords: Ovaherero, Herero, Nama, Namibia, Southwest Africa, Germany, genocide, Lothar von Trotha, Kaiser Wilhelm II Introduction In 2006, the Honorable Kuaima Riruako, then the Paramount Chief of the Ovaherero people, delivered an address before the Namibian Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: a Case for an Apology and Reparations
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by European Scientific Journal (European Scientific Institute) European Scientific Journal June 2017 /SPECIAL/ edition ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: A Case for an Apology and Reparations Nick Sprenger Robert G. Rodriguez, PhD Texas A&M University-Commerce Ngondi A. Kamaṱuka, PhD University of Kansas Abstract This research examines the consequences of the Ovaherero and Nama massacres occurring in modern Namibia from 1904-08 and perpetuated by Imperial Germany. Recent political advances made by, among other groups, the Association of the Ovaherero Genocide in the United States of America, toward mutual understanding with the Federal Republic of Germany necessitates a comprehensive study about the event itself, its long-term implications, and the more current vocalization toward an apology and reparations for the Ovaherero and Nama peoples. Resulting from the Extermination Orders of 1904 and 1905 as articulated by Kaiser Wilhelm II’s Imperial Germany, over 65,000 Ovaherero and 10,000 Nama peoples perished in what was the first systematic genocide of the twentieth century. This study assesses the historical circumstances surrounding these genocidal policies carried out by Imperial Germany, and seeks to place the devastating loss of life, culture, and property within its proper historical context. The question of restorative justice also receives analysis, as this research evaluates the case made by the Ovaherero and Nama peoples in their petitions for compensation. Beyond the history of the event itself and its long-term effects, the paper adopts a comparative approach by which to integrate the Ovaherero and Nama calls for reparations into an established precedent.
    [Show full text]
  • Promoting Democracy and Good Governance
    State Formation in Namibia: Promoting Democracy and Good Governance By Hage Gottfried Geingob Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies March 2004 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools. 1 Acknowledgements The last few years have been tumultuous but exciting. Now, the academic atmosphere that provided a valuable anchor, too, must be hauled up for journeys beyond. The end of this most enjoyable academic challenge has arrived, but I cannot look back without a sense of loss - loss of continuous joys of discovery and academic enrichment. I would like to thank my supervisor, Lionel Cliffe, for his incredible support. In addition to going through many drafts and making valuable suggestions, Lionel helped me endure this long journey with his sustained encouragement. I also thank Ray Bush for going through many drafts and making valuable comments. He has an uncanny ability to visualize the final outcome of research effort.
    [Show full text]
  • 'More Than Just an Object'
    Thesis Research Master Modern History (1500-2000) Utrecht University ‘More than just an object’: a material analysis of the return and retention of Namibian skulls from Germany Leonor Jonker Student number: 3006522 [email protected] 21 August 2015 Supervisor: Dr. Remco Raben Second reader: Prof. dr. Jan-Bart Gewald Advisor: Dr. Willemijn Ruberg Contents Prologue……………………………………………………………………………………….3 1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………...4 A material perspective………………………………………………………………….5 Returning human remains……………………………………………………………...6 Ethical considerations………………………………………………………………….9 From Windhoek to Auschwitz?……………………………………………………….11 2. Theoretical framework and methodological approach: Analyzing practices surrounding the skulls from a material perspective………………………………………14 Physical anthropology in metropole and colony……………………………………...14 The material turn and the racialized body…………………………………………….20 Methodology: contact points of practices…………………………………………….23 3. ‘The Herero are no longer German subjects’: Racial relations and genocide in German South-West Africa (1884-1914)…………………………………………………...27 ‘Protection treaties’…………………………………………………………………...28 The 1896 ‘Völkerschau’……………………………………………………………....31 Zürn’s skulls…………………………………………………………………………..33 War fever……………………………………………………………………………...35 4. ‘Kijk die kopbeenen wat hulle begraven’: The practice of collecting skulls in German South-West Africa (1904-1910)……………………………………………………………..41 ‘Eine Kiste mit Hereroschädeln’……………………………………………………...41 Behind the scene: German scientists
    [Show full text]
  • A Reader in Namibian Politics
    State, Society and Democracy A Reader in Namibian Politics Edited by Christiaan Keulder Macmillan Education Namibia Publication of this book was made possible by the generous support of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. The views expressed by the authors are not necessarily the views of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Konrad Adenauer Stiftung P.O.Box 1145, Windhoek Namibia Tel: +264 61 225568 Fax: +264 61 225678 www.kas.de/namibia © Konrad Adenauer Stiftung & individual authors, 2010 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. Language editing by Sandie Fitchat Cover image by Melody Futter First published 2000 Reprinted 2010 Macmillan Education Namibia (Pty) Ltd P O Box 22830 Windhoek Namibia ISBN 978 99916 0265 3 Printed by John Meinert Printing, Windhoek, Namibia State, Society and Democracy Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................ vii List of Contributors ...................................................................................... viii List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................ix Introduction Christiaan Keulder ..............................................................................................1
    [Show full text]
  • The Homecoming of Ovaherero and Nama Skulls: Overriding Politics And
    i i i The homecoming of Ovaherero and i Nama skulls: overriding politics and injustices HUMAN REMAINS & VIOLENCE Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha The University of Namibia [email protected] Abstract In October 2011, twenty skulls of the Herero and Nama people were repatriated from Germany to Namibia. So far, y-ve skulls and two human skeletons have been repatriated to Namibia and preparations for the return of more skulls from Germany were at an advanced stage at the time of writing this article. Nonetheless, the skulls and skeletons that were returned from Germany in the past have been disappointingly laden with complexities and politics, to such an extent that they have not yet been handed over to their respective communities for mourning and burials. In this context, this article seeks to investigate the practice of ‘anonymis- ing’ the presence of human remains in society by exploring the art and politics of the Namibian state’s memory production and sanctioning in enforcing restrictions on the aected communities not to perform, as they wish, their cultural and ritual practices for the remains of their ancestors. Key words: Skulls, Herero, Nama, genocide, Germany, Namibia Introduction Until 1919, today’s Namibia was ocially the colony of German South West Africa (GSWA). This came as a result of the 1884/85 Berlin Conference, which formally recognised Germany’s right to operate in and colonise the territory that it renamed GSWA.1 German colonial occupation of this territory, which was renamed Namibia in 1968, lasted from 1885 until 1919, when Imperial Germany was defeated in the First World War and subsequently lost her colonies in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • 3. Political Parties and Personalities in Namibia
    Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Donor support of opposition parties in Namibia. How foreign support for parties effects democracy in a new democracy. By: Karl Wagner Karl Wagner 1 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………4 Democratic Support………………………………………………………………..16 Political systems and parties: prevailing African democratic conditions…………. 27 Political Parties and Personalities in Namibia……………………………………...40 Namibian electoral systems and elections………………………………………….65 Support, past and present…………………………………………………………..87 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………101 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………….108 Karl Wagner 2 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Photograph copyright Tony Figueira, courtesy The Namibian Karl Wagner 3 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Introduction: Questions have emerged in academic and political discussions about the relevance and effectiveness of foreign donor support of opposition parties in democracies that emerged or re-emerged since the Cold War. They concern the effects of foreign support on political systems and democracy itself. Finally, tyring gauge how effective support is on particular countries? In a global historical context, political party support has been a favoured instrument of European and North American governments in foreign policy. Forms of support vary, the more visible and noticeable normally being military assistance to countries like South Vietnam, Taiwan and Guatemala. During the Cold
    [Show full text]
  • The Independence of the Judiciary in Namibia
    The Independence of the Judiciary in Namibia Edited by Nico Horn and Anton Bösl 2008 1 This publication would not have been possible without the generous fi nancial support of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Please note that the views expressed herein are not necessarily those of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Konrad Adenauer Foundation P.O. Box 1145 Windhoek [email protected] www.kas.de/namibia © Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung and the Authors 2008 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. Cover design: Anton Bösl and John Meinert Printing Content editors: Nico Horn and Anton Bösl Language editor: Sandie Fitchat Publication design: Anton Bösl Layout and printing: John Meinert Printing (Pty) Ltd Publisher Macmillan Education Namibia PO Box 22830 Windhoek Namibia Tel. (+264 61) 225568 ISBN 978-99916-0-807-5 2 Table of contents Contributors 5 Foreword 10 Peter Shivute Introduction 12 Nico Horn and Anton Bösl List of abbreviations 14 SECTION I: The paradigm of an independent judiciary The paradigm of an independent judiciary: Its history, implications and limitations in Africa 17 Joseph B Diescho SECTION II: The independence of the judiciary in pre- independent Namibia The independence of the judiciary in pre-independent Namibia:
    [Show full text]