Dreaming the Divine: Ritual and Architecture at Ancient Greek Healing Sanctuaries of Asklepios
Rachel Jennifer Levine
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
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Dreaming the Divine: Ritual and Architecture at Ancient Greek Healing Sanctuaries of Asklepios Rachel Jennifer Levine Doctor of Philosophy Department of Art (Ancient Studies) University of Toronto 2008
ABSTRACT:
This study examines the relationship between architecture and the ritual of incubation at the ancient Greek healing sanctuaries, especially those dedicated to Asklepios. By highlighting key features of specific sanctuaries, including those at Pergamon, Epidauros,
Corinth, and Athens, the study traces the role of architecture in enhancing experience from the macro-level (location of the sanctuary in the environment) to the micro-level
(location for incubation). It concludes with the construction of the epiphany of the deity in the patient's atopic dream. Unlike most ancient cults, epiphanic healing requires the patient to make contact with the divinity, an unfamiliar and mythically hazardous undertaking. The architectural and ritual elements of the cult function collectively to facilitate the experience and influence the incubants' thought processes. By creating a network of associations using symbols and architecture, the cult is able to address incubants who have different levels of comprehension and experiences, as well as channel negative cultural perceptions about epiphany into functional ones. The study takes a holistic approach, using both material and textual remains, as both are essential in recreating the complex environment. iii
Acknowledgements
I wish to offer my deepest gratitude to the people who provided assistance and shared their time with me as I completed this work. You can not have a perfect day unless you do something for someone who can not possibly pay you back.
Special thanks to my parents Elliot and Fran, my brother Sam and his wife Merry, my extended family at large, Margaret Miller, Michael Koortbojian, Roger Beck, Margaret Miles, Bjorn Ewald, Joseph Shaw, Maria Shaw, Peter Richardson, John Traill, Malcolm Wallace, Jon Burgess, the Department of Fine Art History at the University of Toronto, Christy Anderson, Ilsa Wister, Joanne Wainman, Gaby Binette, Rohini Wittke, Margaret English, Peggy Haist, Roger McCleary, Kimberley Pixley, Aristo Polyzois, Martina Meyer, the Fine Art History Library, the School of Graduate Studies at the University of Toronto, Marianopolis College, Concordia University, Mt. Allison University, the Mt. Allison University Classics Department, Tufts University, Joanne Philipps, Gregory Crane, the Crake Foundation, the American School of Classical Studies, the YWCA in Athens, the Finnish Institute in Athens, SSHRC, OGS, Pistol, Starbucks on St. Catherine, Esperanza, Minh Nguyen, Haley Waxberg, Erika Bell, Andrea Bruno, Adi Harnik, David Backman, Martin Sexton, the Jimmy Swift Band, the Paramount Lounge, Suzanne Dunwoody, Kris Noseworthy, Kate Bailey, Sandy Bonnano, Christine Kralik, liana Krug and her family, Cyd and Joe Shelby, Marianne Bergeron and Jesse, Nancy Teeple, Dan Reisman, Wendy, Marcus Wilker, Jason Haywood, Laura Brown, CHMA, and anyone else I may have inadvertently forgotten on this list. Namaste. iv
Table of Contents
Chapter 1. Introduction
I. Introduction 1 II. Overarching Aims 8 III. Specific Aims of Analysis 18 IV. Assumptions and Problems 23 V. Future Applications 26
Chapter 2. On Sanctuary Location
Plutarch's Summary 28 I. Antiquity 36 II. Common Topographical Features of the Greek Asklepieia 38 IIIA1. Trends 38 IIIA2. Well-Watered, High Places 41 Ill A3. Outside the City 45 IIIB. Water and Heights as Conduits for Epiphany 63 inc. Heights, Water, and the Locus Amoenus as Criteria 78 V. Tiber Island Asklepieion: A Greek Foundation Story 80 IVA. Plague 84 IVB. Private Founders 89 IVC. Two Types of Approval 97 IVC1. The Sanction of the Oracle 97 IVC2. The Sanction of the Divinity 108 IVD. Pause 114 /. Conclusions 115
Chapter 3. Waiting at the Entryway: Anticipation and Doubt
I. The Propylon on the Telemachos Monument 120 II. Anticipation and Doubt 126 IIA. Two Texts Raise Similar Issues 126 IIB. Anticipation, Crowds, Rumors, and Associated Problems 130 IIC. The Crowd at the Gateway 141 IID. Development of Faith and Skepticism 148 III. The Significance of the Propylon 167 III A. Designed for Anticipation and Doubt 167 IIIB. Pergamon's Propylon and Forecourt 167 IIIC. The Propylon on the Telemachos Monument Revisited 173 III. Conclusions 177
Chapter 4. Internal Boundaries
I. Division of Sacred Space at Epidauros 179 V
IA. The Division of Space in Both Text and Sanctuary Space 179 IB. The Vocabulary Used by Kleo and Pausanias 181 IB1. Hieron 181 IB2. Alsos 188 IC. Archaeological Evidence 190 II. The Division of Space at Other Asklepieia 202 IIA. Kos 202 IIB. Pergamon 205 IIC. Corinth 206 IID. Other Sanctuaries 217 III. Internal Boundaries. Why and Where 221 IIIA. The Deities and Purity 221 IIIB. Purity Restrictions for Each Area of the Sanctuary 224 IIIB1. At the entry - laws for pollution, laws for sacrifice 224 IIIB2. In the a/my 233 IIIB3. Hieron 236 IIIB4. Buildings in the hieron 240 IIIB4a. enkoimeterion, adyton, abaton 240 IIIB4b. The special restrictions of the temple 242 IIIB4c. Where were the iamala located? 254 IV. Conclusions 259
Chapter 5. Incubation and Dreams
I. Introduction 261 II. Was the Amphiaraos Plaque intended for an Asklepieion? 264 III. Incubation 276 IIIA. Incubation Overview 276 IIIB. Literary Renderings 278 IIIC. Location 287 HID. Witnesses 293 IV. The Oropos Plaque and the Incubatory Dream 300 IVA. Depicting incubation - observable and conceivable 301 IVB. Depicting epiphany - hierarchical scale, position 310 IVC. Depicting epiphany - medical practices 312 IVD. Depicting epiphany - the divine dream 316 V. The Plaque, lamaton A 17, and Other Parallels 324
Chapter 6. Conclusions and Justifications 329
Works Cited 342
Figures VI
Figure List
Chapter 1
Fig. 1.1 Asklepios' Attributes in Modern Medical Symbols
Chapter 2
Fig. 2.1 Tiber Island Plan
Fig. 2.2 Votives from Tiber Island
Fig. 2.3 Tiber Island Prow with Asklepios Relief
Fig. 2.4 Pergamon City Plan
Fig. 2.5 Athens City. General Plan
Fig. 2.6 Corinth South Wing of Abaton Building, Section and State Plan
Fig. 2.7 Lerna Spring House Section
Fig. 2.8 Messene Oikos H
Fig. 2.9 Antoninus Pius Medallion
Fig. 2.10 Marble Relief from Esquiline Hill - Ostia Ship Fragments, Drawing and Fragments
Fig. 2.11 Telemachos Monument Side B
Fig. 2.12 Isopata Ring Bezel
Fig. 2.13 Kato Zakros Rhyton
Fig. 2.14 Peak Sanctuary Votives from Site of Atsipadhes
Chapter 3
Fig. 3.1 Telemachos Monument Side B
Fig. 3.2 Telemachos Monument Side A
Fig. 3.3 Travlos' Plan of Athens Asklepieion Vll
Fig. 3.4 Pergamon Propylon Elevation (East Side Restoration of Gable and Pergamon Propylon Restoration of West Side)
Fig. 3.5 Pergamon Forecourt and Propylon Plan
Chapter 4
Fig. 4.1 Epidauros Plan
Fig. 4.2 Epidauros Hieron
Fig. 4.3 Epidauros Exedrae
Fig. 4.4 Messene Asklepieion and Votives
Fig. 4.5 Messene Elevation
Fig. 4.6 Messene Temple and Votive Bases
Fig. 4.7 Messene Votive Bases by Artemis Shrine
Fig. 4.8 Epidauros. Sanctuary Y.
Fig. 4.9 Epidauros. Structure 0.
Fig. 4.10 Epidauros. Sanctuary P.
Fig. 4.11 Shrine of Artemis at Messene.
Fig. 4.12 Asklepieion at Kos Photo
Fig. 4.13 Kos Asklepieion Plan
Fig. 4.14 Pergamon Asklepieion Plan
Fig. 4.15A Corinth Asklepieion and Lerna Spring State Plan
Fig. 4.15B Corinth Asklepieion. Lerna Level Restoration. Hellenistic Period
Fig. 4.15C Corinth Asklepieion. Asklepieion Restoration. Hellenistic Period
Fig. 4.16 Corinth Asklepieion Vlll
Fig. 4.17 Lerna Spring House
Fig. 4.18 Corinth Asklepieion South Wing of the Abaton Building. Cutaway Plan and State Plan.
Fig. 4.19 Troezen Asklepieion
Fig. 4.20 Delos Asklepieion
Fig. 4.21 Gortys Asklepieion
Fig. 4.22 Aliphera Asklepieion
Fig. 4.23 Pernik, Thrace Asklepieion
Fig. 4.24 Athens Asklepieion, Overall Plan and Middle Terrace
Chapter 5
Fig. 5.1 Athens NM 3369. Archinos' Dedication from Oropos
Fig. 5.2 Amphiaraos as Hero
Fig. 5.3 Amphiaraos and Patient
Fig. 5.4 Worshipers Approach Amphiaraos (Athens NM 1397)
Fig. 5.5 Amphiaraos Banqueting
Fig. 5.6 Draped Nymphs
Fig. 5.7 Apollo Plays Lyre. Votive from Aphiaraion
Fig. 5.8 Lead Entry Tickets to Amphiaraion
Fig. 5.9 Amphiaraos and Sacred Snake on Votive Roundel
Fig. 5.10 Copenhagen. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek IN 2308 (formerly 233a)
Fig. 5.11 Aliphera Asklepieion Temple
Fig. 5.12 Lissos Crete Asklepieion Temple
Fig. 5.13 Lebena Crete Asklepieion
Fig. 5.14 Epidauros Asklepieion Temple IX
Fig. 5.15 Asklepios Heals Incubant. Piraeus 405
Fig. 5.16 Asklepios Heals Incubant. Athens NM 1841
Fig. 5.17 Selected Hand Gestures
Fig. 5.18 Procession Approaches Asklepios and Hygieia. Athens NM 1333
Fig. 5.19 Incubant Healed. Athens NM 2441
Fig. 5.20 Incubant Healed by Asklepios. Athens NM 2373
Fig. 5.21 Rhesus Asleep
Fig. 5.22 Daikrates Votive Relief from Kos
Fig. 5.23 Votive Plaques Depicted on Votive Relief Fragment. Athens NM 2557
Fig. 5.24 Votive Plaques Depicted on Votive Relief Fragment. Athens NM 1383
Fig. 5.25 Hygieia Leaning on Votive. Louvre 755
Fig. 5.26 Hygieia Leaning on Votive. Athens NM 1330
Fig. 5.27 Asklepios Receives Worshipers. Berlin Altes 685
Fig. 5.28 Clinic Painter Name Vase. Louvre CA 2183
Fig. 5.29 Asklepios Receives Line of Worshipers. Votive with Tenon. Athens NM 1407
Fig. 5.30 Asklepios Receives Line of Worshipers. Athens NM 1345
Fig. 5.31 Asklepios and Hygieia Receive Worshipers. Brocklesby Park 10
Fig. 5.32 Iapyx heals Aeneas (Fragment from Casa di Sirico, Pompeii (VII. 1.25 and 47[8]) Museo Nazionale, Naples) Page 1 Chapter 1 — Introduction
Chapter 1. Introduction
I. Introduction
I begin on an examination table at the Royal Victoria Hospital in Montreal,
undergoing an echocardiogram, a diagnostic procedure used to measure the diameter of
my aorta. The situation is a study in contrasts; the organic, fragile, and inherently flawed
human body opposes the inorganic, sturdy, and inhuman metal machinery. An unsmiling
technician paints a cold, sap-like paste on my body and then takes a reading using sound
waves through a microphone-shaped instrument called a transducer. An image of my
heart and its vascular apparatus appears on a computer screen beside me. The technician
grunts, triggering a wave of panic. My face twists in fear at this ambiguous, monosyllabic
communication, and the technician, sensing my anxiety, smiles and assures me that I
have nothing to worry about, "Unofficially, things look excellent."
This yearly ritual tracks the progress of a genetic flaw, a predisposition towards
aneurysm on my father's side of the family. In an aneurysm, the blood vessels swell and
burst, causing a hemorrhage that often goes undetected until it is too late. My
grandmother and uncle died from the condition, my aunt underwent surgery to correct it.
My father was found to have a variation on the theme; an enlarged splenetic artery would
have caused an aneurysm and death had it not been identified by accident.
When the technician leaves the room, I lie passively on the table and contemplate
the significance and meaning of medicine in my own life. I am struck by how little 1
understand about this specific procedure. The grey-green shapes on the monitor do not
resemble drawings of organs found in an anatomy text. The transducer uses sound waves to look inside my body (!) and is based on a series of scientific principles that I Page 2 Chapter I - Introduction
comprehend only in the most general of terms. I value my life beyond measure — yet
understand almost nothing about the mechanisms that sustain and prolong it. Apart from
a well-read layman's knowledge, all my medical care is placed into the hands of experts -
- an actualization of Socrates' ideal city where citizens specialize in a unique skill that
they perform for others.
Western medicine consists of submitting oneself to the care of others who we
assume know better and can provide a correct diagnosis, an accurate prognosis, and
appropriate guidance that prolongs life and health. Trust is implicit in this relationship;
we rarely reflect upon the imprecision of medicine and the limited abilities of its
practitioners. We prefer ignorance to an admission that much in medicine is beyond our
ken. Medicine has its boundaries and not everything is curable. We almost never admit
that medical treatment is essentially a hypothesis based on past precedent — never an
absolute. Failure is always possible. Even before an operation, doctors mete out an
anticipation of success and failure in percentages with a cool divorce from emotion.
While we might hear the words "80% chance of success" and understand it academically,
do we ever truly grasp that this may be entirely inaccurate for our particular situation?
We refer back to these predictions only when things are unsuccessful, when we need to justify failure. We may celebrate that a friend's mother beat the odds and recovered from
cancer when she was given only a 20% chance of survival, but how do we answer for an
uncle who dies when given an 80% chance? For every percentage quoted is an anecdotal
story that can carry as much weight to a patient in his attitude and beliefs about his
disease or illness. We offer up a list of possible explanations for failure that are both
internal (lack of resilience or strength, age) and external (misdiagnoses, gaps in the Page 3 Chapter 1 -- Introduction education of practitioners, and equipment failure). We point to incalculable or individual factors - genetics, diet, environment — that create degrees of imprecision.
The more scientific branches of medicine strive to develop more reliable statistics for individual cases. Science does not accept "It was just meant to be" as an explanation for a failed treatment, but seeks a more satisfying explanation. Certainly, much of the current medico-scientific climate is aimed at reducing the amount of ambiguity associated with individual factors. Through the Genome project and other studies, medical research is focused on assessing and ultimately identifying and controlling the role of genetic inheritance in disease and illness. By determining individuated factors of one's genes, there is hope that percentages of success or failure in any predicative hypothesis can be narrowed.
Not only does Western medicine strive to explain its shortcomings, but it also has difficulty accepting and defining successes that take place in the face of assumed failure.
Since western science is an endeavor to replace the inexplicable and superstitious with calculation and law, reasonable explanations for so-called "medical miracles" are always sought. "Unscientific" answers are not taken seriously by the medical community and every avenue is explored ad nauseum.
Outside of scientific and medical circles, western popular culture embraces pseudoscience to varying degrees. Medical miracles are explained in a multitude of ways.
The trend is called personalized medicine and is linked to the Genome Project. Organizations, such as the Personalized Medicine Coalition, and conferences related to the topic are numerous with no signs of declining. Hundreds of articles on the topic ranging in subject from ethics to clinical studies have been published in medical and science journals including the New England Journal of Medicine (Goldstein (2003); Lynch (2004)), Nature (Abbott (2003)), and Science (Pennisi (2005)). An entire journal dedicated to research in this field is the Personalized Medicine Journal. Galen (d. 201) remarked that all physicians agree that in the final analysis, the individuality of the patient cannot be expressed in any formula {Melhodus medendi 111.3). 2 Miracles need not be humourless. In a Seinfeld episode, a Junior Mint dropped from the observation deck situated above the operation into the patient's open abdomen is associated with a miraculous recovery. Says the doctor, gesturing skywards, "It was an act from above." Page 4 Chapter 1 — Introduction
Some refer to the power of the mind over the body. Some associate success with a fickle force such as chance, fate, or luck. Still others see everything as part of a master plan, god's will, the playing out of karma earned in previous lives, or the manipulation of cosmic forces. Insurance companies and landlords use the term "Acts of God." Answers and explanations for the medical unknown are based on nature and nurture, culture, reaction and interaction, education, experience, and inner promptings.3 Beliefs are varied but certain overarching worldviews are fine tuned by our singular perspectives.
Tensions between rationality in medicine and a folkish enthusiasm for irrational explanations have a long history. In the Hippocratic treatise De Arte, regarded as a passionate defense of rational medicine and a groundbreaking dismissal of superstition, still acknowledges situations in which inexplicable forces come to the fore. The author notably identifies the role of Fortune. "[T]he fact that everyone is not cured is reckoned an argument against the science, while those who recover from their diseases, so the traducers of the science assert, owe their cure to good fortune rather than to medical skill.
Even I do not exclude the operations of Fortune."4
Attitudes towards professional medical practitioners and medicine in the Greek and Roman periods were neither homogenous nor consistent either. Illnesses and injuries were attributed to both divine and atheotic forces. Prognosis and treatment varied. Some diseases and injuries considered the result of bodily failings or imbalances were reckoned curable, while others were thought to be divine punishments that one should suffer and could be treated only through appeasement of the right divinity. These views were not mutually exclusive, and even single authors hold contradictory opinions. In Homer's
3 Discussed by Bell (1997) 116-117. 4 Hippoc. De Arte 4. This treatise is also known as The Science of Medicine (It appears in the Corpus Medicorum Graecorum I.I). Chadwick and Mann (1983) 140. Page 5 Chapter 1 - Introduction poems, explanations and treatments for injuries and diseases were associated with both natural and divine causes and treatment could be natural, magical, or divine. Battlefield wounds came from both mortals and immortals. For treatment, the injured sought
Machaon and Podalirius, professional doctors, and more specifically wound specialists.5
At other times, one could use an incantation or a potion, such as when an incantation stopped Odysseus' wound from bleeding. Plague and illness came from both divine and non divine sources. Odysseus contrasts a "long death by disease" with "death by Apollo and Artemis' arrows." Apollo sent a plague at the behest of the priest Chryses. Calchas, a diviner, interpreted this plague as divinely sent and, as treatment, recommended appeasing the offended divinities through the return of Briseis and offering a hecatomb to
Apollo. Achilles claimed the plague was sent by Apollo for failing to fulfill a vow or offer a proper hecatomb.
While modern scholars emphasize a progression towards rational medicine, the ancient evidence suggests that normal men and women were disparate in their beliefs.9
Non-rational medical treatments, such as magical papyri with spells or protective amulets, remained popular throughout the ancient period. Even prominent doctors who we champion for their rationality and rejection of superstitious beliefs often ascribed a role to the divinities. Galen (d. 201), whose philosophical works on medical treatment influenced medical theory for nearly 1500 years after his death, claimed he was saved from a deadly abscess when Asklepios appeared to him (TOV TTO,TQIOV B-BOV AcrxXvimov, ov
5 Horn. //. 11.729-33, IV.193, 200-19; XI.506-517, 598, 613, 651, 833-36; PI. Resp. III.407E-408A, Maximus Tyrius Philosophumena IV.2a-3a. Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 10-17. 6 Horn. Od. XIX.455-8. 7 Horn. Od. XI. 172, XI. 197-202, XIV.406-410. 8 Horn. //. 1.9-67. 9 For example, Phillips (1973) overviews the development of professional and rational medicine, while failing to mention the widespread use of magic that also exists. Literature on the topic of divine-sent diseases can be found in Lloyd (1979) 29. Lloyd overviews the range of attitudes towards diseases (1989) 11-21. Page 6 Chapter 1 -- Introduction
r xa! Ssgamuryv aneyatvov e/iaurov if OTOV fte $amrix rjv dia^eaiv anocrT^(/,aTog '£%ovt(i
ddtrcocrs.)
The tensions and complications of diseases, illnesses, and their treatments were
embodied in a single, emblematic divinity, the mild-mannered patron of physicians
Asklepios. Asklepios was a minor divinity in mythology. He was a subsidiary divinity by
Olympian standards, considered by some to be a deceased hero of epic." Although a
latecomer to the Greek pantheon, Asklepios' importance and popularity were evident in
the growth and rapid spread of the cult in the fourth century BC. His cult even came to
rival that of Christ in the fourth century AD. Theodorus' ban on paganism formally
ended the Asklepios cult, but his healing powers were appropriated by Christian saints
(notably, Saints Cosmas and Damian). In fact, Asklepios never disappeared entirely from
western culture; today his attributes (notably the caduceus and snake) are incorporated
into modern medical emblems (Fig. 1.1), though few know the source.
The modern appropriation of Asklepios' symbols brings to light an important
point that will bear relevance on the remainder of this study. In any given society, the
comprehension of a concept, idea, or symbol is not necessarily shared universally. Not
everyone understands the meaning of Asklepios' attributes and recognition and
interpretation depend upon the level of the viewer's education, experience, and cognitive
abilities. For example, members of the general population of today recognize Asklepios'
attributes largely as medical emblems, but rarely know they are symbols associated with an ancient deity.
10 Galen De Libris Propriis Cp. 2 (II, p. 99m). On Galen: Edelstein (1967) 367-391; Phillips (1973) 172- 181; Majno (1975) 395-422; Hankinson (1991) introduction, 238-247. " Farnell (1921)234; Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 2-64; Walton (1965) chapter 1. 12 Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 65. 13 Hart (2000) 44-48, 223-239. Page 7 Chapter 1 — Introduction
Today, Asklepios is familiar to medical practitioners and Classical scholars, but few others. Medical professionals are aware of his association with health and healing, even those professionals who would never advocate or believe in faith healing methods.
Their interest in Asklepios and his cult usually relates to tensions between faith and reason, and psychosomatic illnesses. Such studies attempt to reconcile or dismiss miraculous healing from scientific explanation. The cult is used as an historic illustration of how belief and cure are related. Academics have studied Asklepios for different means and ends in the intellectual realm, focusing on the god himself and everything that can be mined from the cult for the purposes of studying political imperialism, mythology, building methods, religion, architecture, archaeology, and epigraphy, among other topics.
This study is situated in the academic realm, and uses Asklepios' cult as a means to examine the history of ideas and their evolution. The study uses interdisciplinary approaches to elucidate the practices of ancient religion. The specific subject is the ritual of incubation in the Asklepios cult, and especially an analysis of how architecture and symbolic objects are utilized in the cognition of the experience. I am interested in the comprehension of the event, a topic that is as applicable for any medical procedure today as it was in antiquity. I not only underwent a medical procedure at the Royal Victoria hospital, but considered its meaning and implications on multiple levels by drawing on clues around me that took on significance when combined with my education and experience. Might not the men and women of antiquity have contemplated their
14 Such works often stress the psychotherapeutic aspects of the cult. See Potter (1937); Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 142-145; Kerenyi (1960); Phillips (1973) 197-201; Meier (1989); Bailey (1996); Hart (2000). 15 Academic works are numerous. General academic overviews of Asklepios' cult: Walton (1894); Kutsch (1913); Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998); Hausmann (1948) 18-37; Kerenyi (1960); Burford (1969); Aleshire (1989); Garland (1992); LiDonnici (1995); Hart (2000). Page 8 Chapter I - Introduction experiences at the Asklepieia? Likewise, they may have pondered the reasons for performing a ritual, the precise meaning of aspects of that ritual, the consequences of the ritual, and whether or not the ritual could result in their desired object - usually health.
They too must have felt the pain of their ignorance in not knowing the machinations between action and result. They too must have felt the conflict between absolute faith in the deity (and his practitioners) and uncertainty due to unaccountable and uncontrollable forces. And, when they sought explanation, no doubt, they proposed a range of alternatives derived from their experiences and reflected individual belief systems created both through their internal world and the external world of words and images around them.
II. Overarching Aims
The study sets as its object an understanding of cognition and thought through material remains, and so renders this a work of interpretive archaeology. In doing so, I employ a style of interdisciplinary analysis used primarily for classical art history and apply it to the study of ancient religion. In doing so, I generate a positive argument for the importance of interdisciplinarity in the study of ancient religion.
Asklepios has already been the subject of an encylopaedic work, Asclepius.
Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies by Ludwig and Jemma Edelstein. This two-volume work, first published in 1945 and republished most recently in 1998 with a new introduction, combines a topically organized collection of textual references to
Asklepios and his cult along with a second volume providing a summarizing commentary. The authors claim to follow no specific model: "There is no generally accepted pattern that one is able to follow.... nor can the aims and methods of such an Page 9 Chapter 1 -- Introduction
investigation be established on general grounds,"16 Their insights "into the essence of the
Asklepios figure and of the cult attached to him" generated an eclectic and singular work
that was wide in its scope and deep in its analysis.17 The study remains both insightful
and informative, covering literary and textual evidence in a manner that is relatively
unassumptive, and unprogrammatic for its time. The work proves valuable in many areas
of academic study in direct contrast with others that suffer from theoretical myopia by
pigeonholing evidence into a specific discipline. For example, Meier's publication (1989)
focuses heavily on Jungian principles and modern psychoanalysis. It is an engaging work,
but provides little insight into ancient religion. In contrast, the value of the Edelstein
work is underscored by its recent republication, over 50 years after its first publication.
No work has successfully replaced it as the core study of Asklepios and it is unlikely that
any will do so in the near future.
Although comprehensive in its treatment of literary evidence, the Edelstein work
rarely accounts for material remains beyond epigraphic texts. Nearly fifty years of
excavations completed before the work's first publication were ignored. Asklepieia
discovered prior to its publication, such as those at Gonnos (1914), Kos (1902), Lebena
(1901), Athens (1908), Corinth (1933), Troezen (1941) and Epidauros (1893), are barely
mentioned. l From an archaeological and art historical perspective, the information
contained therein is limited, and furthermore, detracts from a fuller comprehension of the
cult's functioning. Material remains are essential to consider, since ancient piety is not just an intellectual exercise or a proclamation of belief, but demonstrated through
tangible, physical acts that are reflected through tangible, physical remains. Cult should
16 Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) xxxiii. 17 Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) xxxiv. 18 Similar observation made by Martin and Metzger (1976) 72. 19 Dates given here refer to earliest publication regarding each sanctuary. Pago 10 Chapter 1 -- Introduction not be studied separately from the places in which it occurs. The environment plays a role in all activities, whether setting the ambiance, guiding ritual action, or even serving as a focal point of worship. For the Asklepios cult, the setting and buildings contributed to activity and thought of those who came to worship. Furthermore, all healings were punctuated by sacrifices and thank offerings, visible demonstrations of the events that have transpired.
Some authors dismiss the material evidence, such as Meier who claims "It is not possible to give archaeological details about the structure of the Asklepieia. Although a great many buildings have been excavated, we do not yet know for certain what their functional significance was.'" ' The Edelsteins discuss the material remains generally, but do so without providing illustrations and without deeper analysis into their meaning and application. At best, their discussion is functional, an understanding of what activity may have transpired in a building of a specific name, but with no attempt to match structures to terms or rituals.
The fear of making a mistake because the archaeological evidence is partially published is equivalent to refusing to translate a papyrus roll or a codex for fear a second copy might be located at some point in the future. The possibility of future reinterpretation should not preclude present propositions. Even recent publications that aim to provide comprehensive or summarizing analyses of other aspects of ancient
9 1 religion similarly ignore architectural and banausic evidence. The trend of integrating
Meier (1989) 61. Meier does examine the tholos at Epidauros. 21 As for example, Tripolitis (2002). Page 1 i Chapter 1 — Introduction
physical remains and textual ones, essentially interdisciplinarity, is not consistently
11
applied in ancient religion.
Although 1 hope for more discussion of both the importance and the problems of
using both literary and material remains in analysis, several scholars in the field appeal to
cultural historians to utilize the insights of archaeologists and vice versa.23
Archaeologists are generally receptive to employing textual material as a means to
explain the material remains. Pausanias' description of the sculptural program on the
Temple of Zeus at Olympia serves as a perfect example of how text can be used to inform
archaeology. This approach often results in practical, but superficial assessments. It
focuses on answering basic questions, such as who was responsible for commissioning
and carrying out the work, labeling the buildings (temple, stoa, etc.), what was
represented on their pediments, what was added in later periods, and what ritual activity
may have taken place. Sometimes, all that is assessed is the wide gap between what is
uncovered in excavation and what ancient authors report. I do not mean to denigrate the
value of this type of work at all. In fact, I consider this type of assessment essential and
necessary. Material is organized, considered, and presented in its own context.
After establishing what the textual evidence and literary evidence can do to
inform each other, a deeper analysis or application of the information is possible, so as to
examine what this information reveals about society and culture. In this study, I analyze
how the information taken from excavations relates to ancient religion and thought. Such
approaches are interdisciplinary, and the success of such approaches is borne out in 22 Ancient Greek and Roman religion has no single dominant interpretive paradigm. Buxton makes a similar observation (2000) 1. 23 Buxton (2000) 7. 24 In such cases, the author is often regarded as wrong or misinformed. 1 think this is an approach merits a more holistic and relativistic consideration - ancient texts should be seen as one individual's honest perspective, with the benefit of being more contemporaneous than our own. Page 12 Chapter 1 — Introduction recent publications and conferences, such as those on religion held under the banner of the Svenska Institute at Athens with its published proceedings edited by Robin Hagg.25
Leaders in the field of ancient religion, such as Burkert (1996, 1998) working on the
Greek side or the handsome new two-volume set on Roman religion by Beard, North, and
Price (1998) on the Roman side, have combined material remains and text with success for both introductory and analytic works. Since my study depends upon the use of both archaeological remains and text, I am sure the reader will discover that the two are necessary to understand the phenomena discussed and examined here. Textual evidence and archaeological evidence are different aspects of the same thing, and so can be used to demonstrate a greater range of cognition and understanding.
A second object to this study is to exemplify how a method of analysis used for art history can be applied to the study of religion. At heart, I am interested in determining the ideas circulating that find expression in art and architecture and in determining the ways in which art and architecture contribute to the currency of ideas. No one piece of evidence is singular in its use. The text of the miracle cures, the iamata, found at
Epidauros and elsewhere can be interpreted on multiple levels and used to indicate levels of understanding potentially available to the incubants. The inscriptions are meant for more than auto-suggestion. Instead, they served multiple functions: a catalogue of disposed material, a historical record, a didactic guide for behavior, advice and comfort.
Where they were placed would have altered the stress of each of these components. Even an incubant who could not read could be told their contents, and barring that, could still appreciate the volume of reports and note the special treatment given to this information
25 These publications are Hagg (1992), (1996), (1998), and (1999). Also, Hagg and Marinatos (1993). "6 Mikalson (2005) and Bremmer (1994) are two recently published introductory works that stress the dual importance of both material and textual evidence. Page 13 Chapter 1 -- Introduction at the sanctuary. The miracle cures must have had contributed in a multitude of ways to the incubant's comprehension of his or her experience at the sanctuary.
Since my goal is to go beyond a functional analysis of the sanctuary components and address cognitive understanding as well as meaning, I needed a method that could use both archaeological and textual material collectively, while allowing one to inform the other in such a way that key themes could be addressed and followed. In approaching a large body of material that has been only partially summarized and little analyzed, I wanted to move beyond classification and focus more on interpretation. Yet, at the same time, I wanted my interpretation to be less guided towards reaching a specific end, and instead open to multiple interpretations. I found that the best applications of such summarizing interdisciplinary studies come from the area of art history, where the convergence of material, textual, and ideological approaches are combined.27 These higher levels of analysis of symbolic meanings have been pursued using a range of methodologies.
The method chosen, Neo-Historicism, was employed by several interrelated scholars of ancient art history: J.J. Pollitt, Jeffery Hurwitt, and David Castriota.28 It entails reintegrating artistic production back into its historical context, but in general, these scholars make only brief comments on their methodology. They primarily note that they are making an attempt to synthesize material and that their approaches differ from other scholars. Pollitt states that he is interested in looking at how the arts expressed
27 The convergence started with Winckelmann's seminal art historical works on Greece and Rome, which were first published in 1821. As an example, Winckelmann used the Eumenides of Aeschylus and Pliny {NH 33.55.156) to interpret a scene on a silver vessel from Antium. Winckelmann Mon in. no. 151. LIMC, s.v. Orestes no. 64 pi. 55. 28 Behind these, I add two others who are extremely influential in my thinking about approach. Vincent Scully simultaneously embraces landscape as part of the sanctuary, and sanctuary as part of the landscape (1976). Robert Calasso finds interconnections and patterns in mythology and its ancient interpreters that are both recurring and progressive (1993). Page 14 Chapter 1 — Introduction
"basic cultural experiences" and that his study differs specifically from that of
T.B.L.Webster's Hellenistic Art (1967) in its aims.29 Hurwitt claims that his work on
Archaic Greece is a "synthesis.... It seeks to place the art and architecture of early Greece in its literary, historical, and intellectual contexts. It thus differs from many books about
Archaic Greece... .""",0 Castriota recognizes the similarities of his own work with
Webster, Pollit, Hurwitt, and Stewart and defends interdisciplinarity by discussing how even Classical philosophers and rhetoricians found connections among visual, poetic, and oratorical arts/
Broadly, these scholars share the same approach. They select specific objects or single passages as exemplars or symbols of major trends, concepts, or problems that illustrate a specific time period punctuated by historic events. These trends, concepts, and problems raised by the object are then applied across the chosen period to trace their development. Other objects and works that fit the pattern are then noted. This progression from the specific to the general generates a collection of defining themes that coexist and evolve for the period covered. Thought patterns are then explored and interrelated.
Through this approach, these authors suggest that every object has multiple meanings and that there are different degrees of comprehension and levels of understanding available to an ancient viewer. The authors also identify who could access these multiple layers of meaning, whether it is the artist, patron, philosopher, or the general public.
I am also sympathetic to several other approaches that examine symbols and symbolic systems, notably structuralism. The structuralist approach looks at symbols as pairs of binary opposites. Theoretically, I find this appealing and rather beautiful, but at
29 Pollitt (1993) xiii-xiv. 30 Hurwitt (1985) 9. 31 Castriota (1992) 3-16. Page 15 Chapter 1 — Introduction the same time, this approach is too restrictive and artificial for my analysis. However, I am appreciative of structuralism's efforts to understand thought and its application of a method to do so. Certainly, through structuralism one recognizes that every concept, idea, or symbol immediately calls to mind its polar opposite. A more appealing variation of structuralism is to look at symbols as part of an interconnected network of associations.
Each thought is tied to several others and so every object calls up a network of ideas and symbols. This holistic approach, called social archaeology or interpretive archaeology when applied to these areas, has been developed most fully by art historian and archaeologist, Shanks, whose recent publication Art and the Early Greek State (1999) is the test case for his theories/2 Other attempts to break away from the structuralist pattern but still appreciate the interconnectedness of ideas can be found in the work of Renfrew, who calls his approach cognitive-processual archaeology. Both study past ways of thought through material remains, but cognitive archaeology examines how symbols are used, whereas interpretive archaeology looks at what symbols mean. Renfrew states that these types of considerations are both new and old, in that "for generations archaeologists have written with considerable freedom about the thoughts and beliefs of ancient peoples," but few articulated their interest in or outlined their methods of analysis for human reasoning and the understanding of symbolic structures.34 Ultimately, my approach draws on the work of both. A single symbol is a component in a larger network of symbols and ideas, with each individual capable of different levels of understanding.
An example of variations of understanding and determination of meaning can be found today, by looking at the application of Asklepios' attributes on modern medical
32 Shanks (1996) 119-168. 33 Renfrew (1994) 3, 6. 34 Renfrew (1994) 3. Page 16 Chapter 1 — Introduction
or insignia. A single serpent or twinned snakes slithering up a staff or caduceus is a common symbol for medical bodies, including the World Health Organization, the
British Medical Association, the Canadian Medical Association, the U.S. Public Health
Service, the U.S. Army Medical Corps, and the American Medical Association (Fig. 1.1).
Today, most recognize that these symbols are related to medicine, even if their origins as the attributes of Asklepios are unknown. Ignorance about the symbol's ancient meaning does not necessarily diminish an ability to comprehend the symbol's modern connection to health and healing. However, only if some level of understanding about the ancient world is achieved is it possible to recognize from whence the symbols have come, and furthermore, to appreciate inappropriate cosmetic changes made to the snake and staff. Asklepios always carries a rough staff entwined with a single snake whose head faces up.36 The modern symbols replace this with a caduceus, utilize two symmetrically intertwined snakes, add wings, or face the snake in the wrong direction. These mistakes are inadvertently humorous (something that Asklepios himself might appreciate); two snakes on a caduceus are the attributes of Hermes, guider of souls to the underworld and god associated with trickery, commerce, and lies. Hermes' symbols could not be more inappropriate for a profession that aims to keep the sick out of the underworld and most medical professionals claim they work because of a higher calling rather than self- interested, exploitative financial gain. Eventually, aware of the mistake, some medical organizations even replaced the symbols of Hermes with the single snake on a staff, the symbol of Asklepios.
'^ The topic is popular in medical journals. See Potter (1937), Schouten (1967); Friedlander(1992); Sharpe (1993); Stolinksy (1996); Wilcox and Whitman (2003). 36 Potter (1937) 6. Page 17 Chapter I -- Introduction
A viewer ignorant of the ancient world, or one who is knowledgeable but forgiving, still understands the intention of the symbol, rather than concentrating on the nuances of what is represented. The network associated with the symbol is stronger than any one of its components. In this case, even presented in a miserable, poorly articulated variation, even incorrectly used, these symbols still identify health and medicine.
Multiple layers of understanding can be placed upon a single object, and these layers are not necessarily absolute or discrete. A collection of contextual cues - historic, locative, didactic, and subjective - helps identify the significance and meaning of the symbol and the symbol in turn becomes part of the network for understanding others. In fact, the symbols are so familiar and so recognizable in their context that few notice the number of snakes or the type of staff. Certain features of the network speak more loudly to the individual than others do. Does this mean that we in the modern age have grown insensitive to the subtleties of imagery? Or, are we sometimes overly concerned with precision and minutiae to the point of losing sight that a range of symbols, even incorrect ones, are acceptable as a symbolic representation of a single concept? Does the answer fall somewhere in-between?
The ability of the viewer and the participant to comprehend and understand the symbols, instructions, and meanings encoded into the world around them lie at the heart of this study. The goal is to identify the layers of meaning a visitor faced in the
Asklepieia. The representative symbols need not be as overt as a logo. Instead, most symbols I examine are more embedded and are often everyday items drawn from the physical environment. What does a doorway symbolize? What expectations for behavior and experience were determined by the location, by the layout, and even by information received prior to entry? Page 18 Chapter I - Introduction
The answer to these types of questions is by no means simple, and the messages are numerous. To compensate, I limit my analysis to a single ritual - incubation - a focal point of so-called '"private" or "individual" worship of Asklepios.37 In fact, only one aspect of the ritual is private - the divine dream; the rest occurs in the presence of others who can witness and guide events as they take place. Nonetheless, by limiting myself to a single ritual, I am able to examine its meaning in the Asklepieia. The similarities of symbol and action overlap from sanctuary to sanctuary - indicating that certain aspects about the enactment and the conception of this ritual persisted in multiple locations and over a long period of time. By examining architectural and symbolic components of the sanctuary that an incubant would encounter in an ordered fashion, I trace the path of an incubant going to and through the sanctuary, stopping at important points of passage and transition. In doing so, I provide insight into the layers of meaning that are built into incubation and divine healing.
III. Specific Aims of Analysis
Turning from the overarching themes, I now turn to the specific focus of this study and examine the relationship between ritual, architecture, and thought at the
Asklepieia. At the Asklepieia, the most distinguishing, if not the most important, ritual practice was incubation. Through this ritual, the incubant would make contact with
Asklepios or one of his associates in an epiphanic dream, and ideally receive a cure or the means to one. In this study 1 argue that this ritual is of such significance to the cult that
j7 For the complexities of the term "ritual," including historical analysis of its scholarship, see the works of Bell (1992), (1997). Page 19 Chapter 1 — Introduction the architecture, art, and even written texts of the sanctuaries facilitate and encourage it.
By having a set ritual in the sanctuary with definite actions that an incubant follows and specified locations in which it is facilitated, improbable and inexplicable occurrences (in this case, miraculous cures) are given pattern and definition. The unpredictability of a miracle cure ceases to be a source of anxiety because of its potential for danger and irrationality, but is now guided and explained. The ritual becomes a repetitious event that aims to secure an expected end, divine benevolence, and when it fails, precise answers are given. Architecture provides a structure to follow.
In this way, Asklepios and his cult represented the tensions between the reliable logic of medical science and the fickleness of divinity. As mentioned, ancient attitudes towards disease were inconsistent. Professional medicine generally took the approach that the causes of most diseases and illnesses could be understood and curative results achieved, but not always. It is our own belief system that makes it difficult for us to understand how the two belief systems can co-exist. We set faith healing as the antithesis of professional medicine, creating a hierarchy in which logical explanations are superior to the inexplicable, unobservable, and intangible. We further claim that a belief in the superiority of rationalism developed in the ancient period, using several works in the
Hippocratic corpus, such as the On the Sacred Disease, whose author argues that it is unfounded superstition for practitioners to attribute an illness to divine causes, as evidence.
On the Sacred Disease, though, represents one attitude, one approach, and one system of beliefs. The author is writing his treatise to oppose what is probably the more popular belief, that diseases could come from divine and non-divine sources alike. The
38 Hippocrates Morb. sacr. On treatise, see: Phillips (1973) 40-41; Lloyd (1979) 15; Lloyd (1989) 26-29. Page 20 Chapter 1 -- Introduction
Hippocratic corpus is not a monolith, but an inconsistent collection of alternative philosophies and explanations to health, healing, and medicine. Professional doctors did not have a single approach, but fought to find supporters for their methodology and
on particular brand of medicine, just as philosophers did/
The Greeks treated faith healing and medicine as both unified and separate, and allowed the situation to determine the best application. Doctors did not merely turn to the
Asklepieia when the problem exceeded their skill, but they worked in tandem. In fact, the two approaches are complimentary in their goals and methods. In faith healing, just as in medicine, whatever worked to achieve a cure was recorded and perpetuated. Observation and repetition of success was important. At the Asklepieia, any method to achieve healing - whether engineered by divinity, doctor, or priest - was acceptable. Doctors took advantage of the healing sanctuaries to experiment with their methods, learn new ones, and took Asklepios as their patron deity.
In order to examine the ritual of incubation, I break the experience down into increasingly smaller increments that follow a path through the sanctuary that culminates in contact with the deity. I progress through an analysis of placement, of arrival, of the interior space of the sanctuary, and then finally the dream from the ritual of incubation itself. I address each of these concerns with a specific object or text that illustrates an ambiguity or concern related to the point discussed. Moving from this specific item's relevance to the sanctuary in question, I then examine how it applies generally to other sanctuaries. I pause at certain moments of the ritual to explore questions that are layered in meaning and were probably understood differently depending upon the knowledge of the participant. This allows me, among other things, to observe the ways in which the
39 The status of ancient professional doctors is covered best by Edelstein (1967) 87-110. Page 21 Chapter 1 -- Introduction same concerns are addressed at (presumably) all the sanctuaries. Fundamental questions related to religion are raised, such as defining the relationship between gods and men, determining the role of faith, and the role of oracles in Greek religion. Ultimately, though, all things return to the incubatory ritual and its epiphany, the culmination of this progression.
I begin (Ch. 2) by looking at the reasons for situating the sanctuary in the landscape - is there a common feature that unites the chosen locations? The question was posed by Plutarch, who wondered why the Roman Asklepieion was situated outside the city. The archaeological and literary evidence are analyzed for commonalities and I conclude that the sanctuaries are consistently placed in locations that are associated with epiphanies. Most sanctuaries also have a foundation story that incorporates an epiphany.
A myth about place augments the sanctuary's status and the incubants are assured that the locale is favourable to the divinity despite any cosmetic flaws.
In the next chapter, I examine the symbol and significance of the propylon. A depiction of a propylon with closed doors appears on the Telemachos Monument from the Athenian Asklepieion, a representation which is unusual for its subject and the manner of the depiction. The propylon and its forecourt becomes a place where a crowd can gather and excitement about the epiphany can be generated. Excitement, though, has a negative side, in which the crowd is seen as easily deceived. Ultimately, the excitement must be tempered and controlled through doubt and skepticism.
Next, the study focuses on the temenos and examines the way the space of the sanctuary is divided into subsections. These divisions are used to create separate areas based on pollution and purity. At the Asklepieia, an increased need of purity is required because one is making contact with the divinity. This status is difficult to achieve because Page 22 Chapter I -- Introduction a number of those who seek contact with the divinity are in fact polluted by their specific illnesses or diseases. To this end, I explore how the sanctuaries separate the polluted from the unpolluted by creating a hierarchy of space.
This chapter draws heavily on the text of the Epidaurian miracle inscriptions, sometimes called the Epidaurian miracle cures or the iamata.40 Pausanias mentions cures posted in Doric dialect at the sanctuary and excavations at Epidauros uncovered corresponding stelai that match Pausanias' descriptions, reused as fill. The term iamata is taken from one of these stelai bearing the heading "Iamata of Apollo and Asklepios" followed by a list of miraculous cures. Each one provides information about the individual, his home city, his illness, a narration of his cure, and often his thank offering.
The inscriptions on the stelai have been published extensively, though the accuracy of these translations varies. The best and most recent work on this group of inscriptions is provided by LiDonnici and I have adopted her scheme for referencing the cures.41 Each cure is given a letter indicating the stele from which it has come (A, B, C, D), and a number, indicating its position on the stele. Other miracle cures have been found at
Lebena, Rome, and Pergamon, but are referred to in the conventional manner for inscriptions.4
Finally, 1 examine the last space of incubation, the atopic dream, where divinity and the mortal meet privately. The dreams usually lack both environmental features and other participants beyond the divinity and incubant. Some dreams correspond to a
40 Epidaurian Inscriptions (4lh century B.C.): IG IV2 1121-122. These have been translated many times: Kavvadias(1883) 197-228,(1885) 1-28,85-86,(1891)23-32,(1918) 155-171; Tod (1922) 24-6; Herzog (1931) 7-35; Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 221-237; Peek (1963); Luck (1987) 141-5; Chaniotis (1988) 19- 23; LiDonnici (1995). 41 LiDonnici (1989), (1992), (1995). Rather than referring to the IG number, I have adopted the more convenient method of referring to specific tales by letter and number that corresponds with LiDonnici's. 42 Lebena (2nd century BC): / Cret I.XVII.8-12. Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) vol. 1 239-240; Chaniotis (1988) 51=52 T 2 (with bibliography). Rome (2nd/3'd century AD): IGUR 148. Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) vol 1. 250-251; Chaniotis (1988) 86 T 21 (with bibliography). Pergamon: Muller (1987) 194. Page 23 Chapter 1 — Introduetion physical healing that takes place while the incubant is asleep. To better understand this phenomenon, I use a votive plaque from the sanctuary of Oropos that depicts two scenes of healing and argue that the depiction represents a physical healing via snake matched with a correspondent epiphanic dream with healing via divinity. The two together present a visual depiction of how the ancients conceived incubation. The importance of a witness to the miracle is stressed in the representation of the physical healing, with a votive plaque indicating this. The importance of purity in the plaque is maintained by allowing contact with the divinity to take place only in the dream, which was without any witnesses.
IV. Assumptions and Problems
While this approach elucidates the topic of incubation in a new light, certain problems are inherent in the material and the methods of analysis. I feel compelled to address these now, rather than repeat myself each time such concerns arise.
First, in seeking out expressions of global attitudes and thoughts and in synthesizing understanding, 1 project an artificial psychic cohesiveness on ancient
Greece. 1 am aware that for almost every generalization, there is a notable exception, but subvert its significance.43 This approach does not focus on local expression, and as a result a degree of sensitivity to each individual case is lost. However, when I make my arguments, I draw on evidence from a variety of sanctuaries and across a range of time periods. The supporting examples are numerous, suggesting that the concepts are arguably conservative, consistent, and continuous. Furthermore, this approach allows me
43 As Trigger states, "all human groups ... possess essentially the same kind and level of intelligence and share the same basic emotions, although individuals within groups difffer] from one another in these features" (1989) 55. Page 24 Chapter 1 — Introduction to use fragmentary evidence; I can still draw some parallels, because evidence from one sanctuary can be used to fill in for the ambiguous features of another.
The similarities between the Asklepieia are not accidental. The Asklepios cult appears to have spread from one or two "parental" sanctuaries (Epidauros and Trikka) and it is likely that the rituals and practices were given from the parent sanctuary to its
"offspring." For example, the Roman Embassy sent to Epidauros to acquire the cult is given instructions about rituals and practices by the priests. As discussed in the next chapter, individuals were responsible for introducing the cult, usually after a successful cure at an established sanctuary and so were likely familiar with its practices.
Furthermore, the Asklepieia are latecomers to most cities and these cities already have cults that reflect their local ethos. The Asklepieia date primarily from the fourth century and later, long after most cities are founded. They do not reflect or address community identity, but rather are a response to community concerns about health. They are often introduced by a private individiual.
Another reason die sanctuaries are similar is because the principal ritual at every
Asklepieion is the same. The sanctuaries provide an arena for health and healing that relies on contact with the deity achieved via the ritual act of incubation. This common functional aspect of the sanctuaries (beyond provision of basic needs for the worship of the deity) distinguishes the Asklepieia. In contrast, beyond the provision of an arena for sacrificial worship, one can not attribute a singular functional role to all the sanctuaries of, say, Artemis or Zeus. Though the appearance, lay-out, organization, and regulations
One future theme of exploration is whether Asklepios is an ancestral god to a particular family line, much like Jews claim ancestry of Abraham. Page 25 Chapter 1 -- Introduction vary from Asklepieion to Asklepieion, each sanctuary contains elements that are specific for healing.
In defense of generalizations, the usefulness of specifics is limited unless it is couched in a greater context. Generalities lack the precision to account for subtleties of meaning as well as irregularity to overarching principles. However, it is only within identifying generalities that exceptions and variations are visible.
Another major concern that needs to be addressed is that the scope of my topic is limited. In regards to my approach, I do not provide a complete analysis of this cult. I leave out many rituals at the sanctuaries that could be addressed and examined, including sacrifice, procession, prayer, and dedication of votives. It would be impossible to give every theme and ritual equal attention. Incubation is appealing because it is a distinguishing feature of the cult and there are rich stores of textual and physical evidence related to it. Yet, even then, the evidence and remains are fragmentary and incomplete. I sometimes must rely heavily on certain pieces of evidence (such as the iamata or the surviving leges sacrae). But, limited source material is a perpetual problem in all areas of
Classical studies. Asa result, sometimes the conclusions are more tentative than I would like them to be.
Another concern is that I use some unconventional sources as evidence and perhaps more liberally and literally than others would allow. One rarely feels unjustified in using Pausanias or Pliny as a source, since both write in a straightforward style and do not obscure their accounts for humorous or rhetorical effect. The earnest accounts of
Aristides and the iamata are reliable sources as well. Apart from propagandizing on the part of their authors, they are sincere. To these unambiguously sober accounts, I draw heavily on the work of two satirists - Aristophanes and Lucian - as major sources of Page 26 Chapter 1 -- Introduction
evidence. Some argue that satiric texts are problematic as source material since it is
impossible to identify what is written for the sake of comedic exaggeration and what is
drawn from everyday reality.
I do not think that the fact that the texts of Aristophanes and Lucian are
"comedic" is a reason to dismiss them or even to regard the details as exaggeration.
Comedy must first recognize the paradigms and identifiable features of the society it
satirizes.45 In the case of both authors, the humor of the situation often depends upon
similarity to the everyday world of the target audience. Rather, I try to be careful about
sifting through the specifics and try to find a "sincere" correspondent to each detail I use.
A valid point raised by Silk is that one cannot decide if a vehicle "is or isn't a car (it
might be a van, a lorry, a coach), on the basis of whether it turns up at a car park: a more
sensible course might be to take a closer look at the vehicle." Not everything is an
exaggeration or fantasy, and even if it is, it still must contain some kernel of truth about
the situations covered.47
V. Future Applications
Any study that purports to be an end to its questions is short-sighted. I prefer to
see this study as part of an on-going dialogue in terms of its general and specific themes.
I hope that this study adds to the discussion on the use of interdisciplinary approaches to
ancient material and invites other scholars to do the same. Approach is very much a product of the ethos of the times and we are in a period of meta-analysis in which we
45 An example of the use of medical philosophies and terminologies by Aristophanes is discussed by Alfageme(1995). 46 Silk (2000) 309. 47 For example, see Silk's analysis of the Thesmophoria depicted in the Thesmophoriazusae as weaving between real and surreal (2000) 323-4. Page 27 Chapter I - Introduction analyze our analyses for their strengths and weaknesses. I think that the specific method I utilize is one that can be beneficial to other holistic studies on cult. I also think that the interpretation of ancient thought on symbols and symbolic structures should continue, and that more credit should be given to the ancient viewer. Just as we can assign multitudes of values to a single experience, so does he. A single viewer can hold multiple ideas, and understanding of any single symbol is tied to his or her knowledge, understanding, and flexibility of interpretation.
While I have focused on a few architectural elements in my study, many other areas can still be considered using similar methods. The significance of votive offerings and sacrifice are two other avenues that could receive further exploration for this cult. I think the information I have collected about incubation can be applied to other cults, especially mystery cults and the cults of Isis. Topics raised in this paper are also of interest and could merit further study, including the Roman response to Greek culture, the role of oracles in the community, and how the Asklepios cult's reception contrasts with reception of Judaism and Christianity. Page 28 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location
Chapter 2 On Sanctuary Location
I. Plutarch's Summary
94. Ata TI TOV AcrxXrimov TO ISQOV S^OJ T TIOTSQOV OTi Tag etga) dtaTOiflag vyisivoTeoag Is it because [the Romans] considered it svofii^ov slai Tcov kv O,O~TSI; xal yaq "EXXyveg healthier to spend their time outside the city than within the city? The Greeks, as kv Tonoig xal xaSaoolg xal v\]/rjXo7g kmsixajg might be expected, have their Asklepieia tdovfieva TO. Ao-xXrjmsTa s.%ovaiv. situated in places which are both pure and "H OTi TOV Bsov it; 'Enidaugou (isTairsfATrTov high. Or is it because they believe that the god rjxetv vo(ii^ovo~tv, 'EmdavQtoig $' ov xaTa TTOXIV came, summoned from Epidauros, and for aXXa TTOQQO) TO Ao-xXiqmsIov SCTTIV; the Epidaurians, the Asklepieion is not somewhere in the city, but situated far from H OTi TOV dqaxovTog kx T7Jg TQtriQovg xaTa it? TTjv V'TJO'OV anofiavTog xal a(pavi(r%VTog avTOV Or is it because the serpent disembarked IbiovTO Trjv 'tdouo~tv vcprjyalcrS-ai TOV &eov; from the trireme to the island, and there disappeared, and thus they thought that the god himself is indicating to them the site for the building? (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 286C-D) When Plutarch (ca. 46 - ca. 120 AD), a Greek, contemplates the reasoning behind the location of the Tiber Island sanctuary of Asklepios, he suggests three possible alternatives. First, he suggests that environmental and topographical factors associated with "healthiness" determined its placement. Next, he mentions that the chosen place imitates that of the sanctuary from the city of origin, where the spatial relationship between the Epidaurian sanctuary and its city served as a model. Finally, he states that the divinity himself chose the sanctuary's location. Plutarch never indicates his preference for a single answer - he merely proposes possible alternatives. Introducing the question in the first place is evidence that the location of the Tiber Island Asklepieion is a subject of consideration and debate among authors and thinkers of his age. Page 29 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location In spite of ancient interest in the reasons for the sanctuary's location, the precise site of the Tiber Island Asklepieion is unknown today. The single, small (380 by 60 m) island near Rome in the Tiber (Fig. 2.1) is its likely location, with the Asklepieion situated beneath the church of St. Bartholomew at the downstream end.2 Terracotta votives of body parts and cult objects (Fig. 2.2), inscriptions, coins, and architectural members related to the cult were found in this area of the island and within the river itself.3 The nave of the St. Bartholomew church includes pieces of ancient columns, likely taken from an ancient temple or portico. Furthermore, starting as early as the third century BC, but more likely in the first century BC, the entire island was given architectural treatment to render it in the shape of a giant ship, a reference to its foundation myth. An image of Asklepios, complete with staff, carved on a travertine "prow" on the SE side of the island (the St. Bartholomew side) is still visible today (Fig. 2.3). Though the entire island was consecrated to Asklepios, it also contained temples and shrines to additional gods, including Jupiter Jurarius, Semo Sancus, Faunus, Vediovis, Gaia, Tiberinus, and Bellona." Not only did educated and well-traveled Greeks such as Plutarch contemplate the reason for the sanctuary's location, but several Roman authors, notably Valerius 1 Works dealing with the Tiber Island and its Asklepieion include: Jordan (1871-1885) vol. i. 1.402, (1906) 630-8; Gilbert (1883-1890) vol. iii.72-73; Besnier (1902) 135-244; Lanciani (1902-12) vol. iii.246, vol. iv.79, 164; D'Espouy (1896-1905) vol. ii.97, 98, (1906) ii. 144-148; Schmidt (1909); Van Buren (1911) 187-195; Platner and Ashby (1929) 2-3, 281-2; Gall (1953); Guarducci (1971) 267-281; Pensabeneetal. (1980); Roesch (1982) 171-179; Simon (1990) 19-26; Graf (1992) 159-203; Ziolkowski (1992) 17-18; LTUR Steinby (1993) 1.21-2; Beard et al. (1998) vol. i.69-70. The Asklepios sanctuary of Rome is called aedes (Festus De Verborum Significatu 110M), templum (Val. Max. 1.8.2; Ov. Fast. 1.290; [Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill. 22.1-3),fanum (Livy XL1II.4), AcrxXimeiov (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. V.13), and isgov in Greek (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 286C-D). 2 Platner and Ashby (1929) 2-3. 3 Inscriptions: C1L VI.7-20, 30842-30846; IG XIV.966. 4 Besnier (1902) 41-2. 5 Vitr. III.2, Ov. Fast. 1.290-3; Hemerol. Praen. Ian. \;CIL I (2nd ed.) p. 206, 221, 231, 233, 305; C1L VI.379. Fast. Ant. a/7. NS. 1921, 83; Besnier (1902) 247-316. Page 30 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Maximus, Livy, and Ovid, wrote about the Asklepieion's foundation, seemingly delighted by the fanciful and miraculous legend of the divinity's arrival. Explanations for the sanctuary's location offered by these authors varied, but bear similarity to the suggestions made by Plutarch. Like Plutarch, Valerius Maximus (20 BC - 50 AD) proudly recounts the establishment of the Asklepieion (see page 80) and asserts that the god himself chose the sanctuary's location. According to Valerius, under the guidance of the Sibylline Books, an embassy is sent to Epidauros in response to a plague and returns with a sacred snake. The snake guides the Romans to an appropriate location for the sanctuary. Valerius treats the aition with the same sincerity he gives to his discussion of the epiphanies of Castor and Pollux, Juno, or Fortuna. After all, the aition confirms his argument that the gods aligned themselves with Rome throughout its history.6 His report of the Tiber Island Asklepieion is similar to those given by other authors, such as Livy (59 BC-17 AD) and Ovid (43 BC - 18 AD), suggesting that a narration of Asklepios' divinely guided arrival in the city was familiar, widely known among his contemporaries, and a subject of consideration, even in the generations before Plutarch. Plutarch's various explanations for the sanctuary's location are similar to the assessment of Valerius' contemporary, the architect Vitruvius (see page 38). Vitruvius does not refer specifically to the Tiber Island sanctuary in his work, but his generalizations about all Asklepieia become highly suspect if the prominent Roman Asklepieion is not implicit in his discussion. His audience is familiar with the sanctuary o and can refer to it to validate his arguments. 6 Mueller (2002) 41. nU\yPer. XI; [Aur. Vict] De vir. ill. 22.1-3; Ov. Met. XV.622-744; Claud. Cons. Hon. Cons. StilAUAll- 73; Arn. Adv. nat. VII.44-48; Plin. HNXXIX. 1.16; Dion. Ant. Rom. V.13.4; Strabo XII.5.3. 8 Jones (2000) 34. Page 31 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Unlike Valerius, rather than focusing on a divinity's manifestation, Vitruvius stresses the importance of the architect's knowledge in situating religious sites. In discussing a complex architectural principle - propriety - or what he calls "natural" decorum (naturalis decor), Vitruvius asserts that an architect should match the natural elements of the landscape with the character of the divinity. Vitruvius does not provide specific explanations of what elements in the landscape and natural environment correspond to the deities' characters. Vitruvius does this deliberately in order to allow the architect to formulate his own portrait of divine character and determine appropriate matching landscape features. This allows the architect to justify the placement of any sanctuary in nearly any location simply by selecting a combination of elements he associates with the chosen divinity. The architect can justify its location in conjunction with local popular custom and myth, allowing for regional specificity. To explain this point, Vitruvius notes that it is appropriate to situate a sanctuary to Zeus on the top of a mountain. Vitruvius does not justify why mountaintop sanctuaries are ideal. Instead, he allows his readers, presumably architects, to draw a connection between Zeus and mountaintops through their own understanding of myth and culture. In this example, an architect might justify his choice based on the fact that Zeus is born on Mt. Dicte and reigns from Mt. Olympus. Unlike sanctuaries to Zeus, Vitruvius identifies the aspects of the environment that render a site appropriate for the Asklepios cult. Perhaps Vitruvius voices his opinion on the matter because of contemporary discussions about the location of the Tiber Island Asklepieion. Unlike Valerius and the other writers, Vitruvius does not use myth to 9 Vitr. 1.2.1, 5-7. Scranton similarly observes that Vitruvius' discussion of decor bears resemblance to a modern, functional approach to architecture (1974) 498-499. Page 32 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location explain his ideal location, but focuses on practical considerations. He says certain locations are beneficial for those who are sick: "For when sick persons are moved from a pestilent to a healthy place and the water supply is from healthy fountains, they will more quickly recover."10 He encourages the architect to select such a location when planning an Asklepieion. Vitruvius' statement emphasizes the importance of assessing a location and recognizing its inherently suitable characteristics that correspond with the god's character. Consecrating a location or a sanctuary to Asklepios does not make a place healthy. Rather, a location has specific features that are associated with healthiness, which in turn, makes it appropriate for Asklepios. In other words, a location has an a priori character, even before the establishment of the sanctuary. To complement this discussion and justify the principle ofnaturalis decor, Vitruvius further notes that the Asklepieia illustrate the symbiotic relationship that develops between the divinity and a well-situated sanctuary. He writes that if an architect makes an appropriate selection, the divinity "stands in higher esteem and finds his dignity increased, all owing to the nature of his site." Vitruvius emphasizes the architect's role in selecting space since his choices have a direct impact on the community's perception of the divinity. If the architect's selection is appropriate, the divinity is conceived as more powerful and more deserving of attention and care in the form of sacrifices and prayers. Subsequently, the divinity rewards the community for this increased attention with increased acts of beneficence. In comparison with Valerius Maximus, Vitruvius places more importance on the architect's contribution in determining where to situate a sanctuary. Vitruvius stresses the 10 Cum enim ex pestiienti in salubrem locum corpora aegra translate! fuerint et efontibus salubribus aquarum usus subministrabuntur, elerius convalescent (Vitr. 1.2.7). Page 33 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location role of the architect by focusing on the architect's skill at judging the landscape and accumulation of mythic and cultic knowledge. The architect is not instructed to rely upon a divinity's spontaneous epiphany through physical manifestation or dream instruction. In fact, Vitruvius makes no mention of such things at all. Why is there such a difference between Vitruvius and Valerius? Both authors have different intentions in their respective treatises. Valerius is recounting the mythic foundation of a specific sanctuary, whereas Vitruvius is providing specific guidelines for architects to justify their professional decisions to patrons. Vitruvius is trying to increase the profile and reputation of the architect among the Roman elite and explain the concepts of the profession to the layman. His treatise introduces principles and standards for construction. Unlike Valerius' work, it is not intended as a commentary on religion nor is it meant as an analysis of the relationship between man and his divinities. Vitruvius' discussion of sanctuary placement is not a perfect replication of Plutarch's proposals for the sanctuary's placement either. While both imply that the surrounding environment and its impact on health and healing is a consideration in the placement of an Asklepieion, each author stresses different factors. In Vitruvius' text, the healing and healthy character of the place is achieved by being in a "healthy place" with "healthy fountains of water." Plutarch suggests that healthiness is achieved by being outside of the city walls and he specifically mentions the importance of situating the sanctuary in places that are clean and at a high altitude. While the two focus on different environmental factors, both recognize that elements found in the natural landscape are desirable in selecting a place to locate a sanctuary. Page 34 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Plutarch mentions one other explanation for the Tiber Island Asklepieion's placement, related to its foreign or non-Roman character. Plutarch suggests that the sanctuary is located "far from the city" (ou xara TXOKW aXka TIOQQOS) in imitation of its mother sanctuary at Epidauros. His assertion is a perception and is not based on a measurement. At Epidauros, the sanctuary lies five kilometers from its associated polls, whereas the sanctuary on Tiber Island is within the city's boundaries, but outside the pomerium, a boundary that only identified the city limits in its earliest history." The Roman sanctuary is not "'far from the city" in the same way that the Epidaurian sanctuary is. Instead, what Plutarch articulates is the perception that Roman cults lie within Rome's religious demarcation, the pomerium, whereas those that are foreign, like the Asklepios cult, are ideally situated outside the boundary. Other writers discuss that the Asklepios cult is foreign. The second century AD grammarian, Sextus Pompeius Festus, classifies the cults of Asklepios, Magna Mater, and Ceres as peregrina sacra}1 Festus distinguishes the cult as foreign even though at the time of his writing the sanctuary had been a part of Rome for over 500 years. Clearly, foreign status is not related to a cult's historic longevity in the city any more than its status "far from the city" has anything to do with distance. Rather, according to Festus, the term peregrina sacra relates to a cult's method of introduction to the city as well as 11 Plut. Quaest. Rom. 93D. ~ Peregrina sacra appellanlur quae aut evocalis dis in oppugnandis nrbibus Romam sunt contra aut quae ob quasdam religiones per pacem sunt petita, ut ex Phrygia Matris Magnae, ex Graecia Cereris, Epidauro Aesculapi: quae colunlur eorum more, a quibus sunt accepta. Festus De verborum significatione 286L. L> Festus (late second century AD) collected and expanded upon the work of Verrius Flaccus a grammarian and antiquarian of the Augustan age who was responsible for the creation of a calendar in Praeneste. Flaccus was interested in questions of place and location, themes associated with the religious revival of the Augustan era. Flaccus' work is lost and so his remarks on the Asklepios cult, if any, are unknown. It is not clear if Festus took his information about the Asklepios cult from Flaccus, although it is possible. Even so, if Flaccus is the individual responsible for referring to the Asklepios cult as foreign, he is still writing about a cult with a 200-year history in the city. Page 35 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location the nature of its ritual practices. He says peregrina sacra are cults that are introduced to the Roman pantheon following an evocatio during war or are imported in times of peace because they possess religiones. Festus says that once these cults are established, they continue to practice the rights of their mother cult {eorum more, a quibus sunt accepla). They possess foreign content, mos, and priests.14 The, peregrina sacra are different from other groups of foreign cults, specifically those with Greek origins; he describes those that practice Graeca ritu or celebrate the Graeca sacra, such as the cults of Herakles and Apollo.15 While the Gr aeca sacra also represent foreign divinities, there is no mention of their ritual practices. 6 Overall, the array of explanations of various authors suggests that the location of the Tiber Island Asklepieion was a topic of concern and consideration, and that this interest related to more than just a curious aition. Since the Tiber Island Asklepieion was subject to this kind of inquiry, its location must have been meaningful to the Romans and indicative of its status to the city. Vitruvius, Valerius Maximus, Ovid, and Livy made their assessments in the period contemporaneous with Augustus' reign, which was known for its redefinition of old cults. 7 Most of the assessments (except Vitruvius') specifically refer to the cult's Greek origins. Did Greek principles dictate its placement in Rome, as Plutarch states? If so, what were these principles and why were they actively sought? Ultimately, I ask what do placement and considerations about placement reveal about 14 Scheid (1995) 19-21. On peregrina sacra see also Van Doren (1954/5) 488-497. I5Scheid(2003)36. 16 Scheid (2003) 37-8. 17 On Augustus' interest in restoring temples and revival of religion see Grant (1959) 169; Ogilvie (1969) 112-123; Beard et al. (1988) 167-210; North (2000) 42-3. Of course, the Res Gestae outlines Augustus' claims to restore religion in Rome. Page 36 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location patterns of thought and culture, and conversely, how did these types of decisions create culture and reorient patterns of thought? The explanations provided by the ancient authors serve as a starting point for my analysis. Vitruvius, Plutarch, and Valerius associate specific topographical and environmental factors with the Asklepieia. Initially, by comparing their suggestions with the locations chosen for the placement of the Greek sanctuaries, I assess whether the location of the Tiber Island sanctuary was deliberate in regards to certain environmental features.18 Specifically, I examine whether the Asklepieia are consistently placed in "high" areas or in close proximity to large bodies of water, such as rivers and the ocean. I then address Plutarch's other suggested "feature" - a location outside of the urban centre. Based on my findings, 1 examine why these specific factors were desirable and discuss their relationship in regards to epiphanies. Following this, I examine another distinctly "foreign" element to the Tiber Island sanctuary - its foundation legend - and explore its relationship with the aitia of the Greek Asklepieia. II. Antiquity Some scholars consider continuity of place to be the key feature in determining the reason for a sanctuary's placement. According to the Edelsteins, the Asklepieia are set in places "sacred through old tradition" or because "they seemed to have something of the divine about them."Zl The archaeological evidence bears this out, as the sanctuaries often sit over or near sites with evidence for sacrifice and ritual activity from earlier 18 An overview of the scholarship on modern views for sanctuary placement is given by Bergquist (1967) 2-5. 19 Most scholars address continuity from the Mycenean period through the Dark Ages: Nilsson (1950) 447- 84; Dietrich (1968) 153-69,(1970) 16-31,(1974) 191-289; Coldstream (1977) 329-332, (1985) 68-9; Burkert (1985) 47-53; Schachter (1992) 2-4. cf. Desborough, (1964) 40-7, (1972) 278-87; Snodgrass (1971) 394-401; Polignac (1984) 11 -21; Antonacio (1994) 80. 20 Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998)233. Page 37 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location periods. The Asklepieion at Epidauros is located near an area that contains a Bronze Age cult. Excavations conducted by Lambrinoudakis at Epidauros have uncovered evidence for ritual dining and the presence of an open-air altar in the area dating to the Mycenaean period.21 The findings of early akroteria of a satyr and a maenad, as well as fragments of temple ornamentation in the Tiber River near the Island, suggest the presence of a temple that predates the Asklepieion. The preservation of sacred location is continued at some sites to the present day, as modern churches and monasteries often replace the ancient temples.23 A Christian basilica is built just north east of the Asklepieion at Epidauros and the Roman Asklepieion is believed to sit beneath the basilica of St. Bartolomeo (f. 1 Oth century).24 The fact that Tiber Island also contains the hospital of the Fatebenefratelli (f. 1548) reflects continuity of function - once a healing sanctuary, now a hospital.25 Though the Asklepieia were often placed atop older sacred sites, the practice was widespread. Nearly every Classical and Hellenistic Greek sanctuary had a history of occupation that started in the Archaic period if not the Bronze Age. In this sense, there is continuity of human usage. However, occupation does not necessarily mean its function in society was retained.26 In its early history, a site might have been used for habitation or burial (burial in the sense of the ordinary, rather than the extraordinary dead) rather than for worshiping divinities or other religious purpose. Furthermore, even if the site continued to be used for religious purposes, the deities worshiped as well as the way in 21 Apollo Malcatas cult site: Papademetriou (1948) 90-1 1 1, (1949a) 361-383, (1949b) 91-99, (1950) 194- 202, (1951) 204-212; Lambrinoudakis (1988) 13-14, (1990) 45-49, (1991a) 70-78, (1991b) 11-23, (1992) 8-20, (1993) 10-21 (1994) 225, (1995a) 51-53, (1995b) 24-27, (1996) 125-128, (1998) 155-156, (2002) 214; Petrakos (1988) 11-21,(1990) 11-21 (1999)56-58. 22 Helbig Fuherer vol. ii.216no. 1510; Van Buren (1914) 189,(1921)24. 23Burkert(1985)84. 24Tomlinson(1983)47. 25 Macadam (2000) 322. 26 For problems related to continuity of cult activity, as opposed to usage, at various sites between the Bronze Age and the end of the Dark Age, see Schachter (1992) 2-4. Page 38 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location which they were worshiped may have changed over time. Ultimately, the presence of a prior cult did not explain why one site was selected over another. The decision to establish an Asklepieion on an older cult site could have been due to any number of factors: availability of the space, the perceived sacrality of a location, or an attempt to replace and/or introduce a new deity based on the character of the earlier deity. The prior sacred character of a location was not the sole reason for selection. III. Common Topographical Features of the Greek Asklepieia Naturalis autem decor sic erit, si primum Finally, the term 'natural appropriateness' omnibus templis saluberrimae regiones is this: all sacred precincts should be built aquarumque fontes in his locis idonei in very healthy neighborhoods with eligentur, in quibus fana constituantur, suitable springs of water in the places deinde maxime Aesculapio, Saluti, et where the fanes are to be built. This is eorum deorum, quorum plurimi medicinis particularly the case for precincts to aegri curari videntur. Cum enim ex Asklepios and to Health, gods by whose pestilenti in salubrem locum corpora aegra healing powers great numbers of the sick translata fuerint et e fontibus salubribus are apparently cured. When their diseased aquarum usus subministrabuntur, celerius bodies are transferred from an unhealthy to convalescent. Ita efficietur, uti ex natura a healthy spot, and treated with waters from loci maiores auctasque cum dignitate healthy springs, they become well more divinitas excipiat opiniones. speedily. As a result, the divinity will stand in higher esteem and find his dignity increased, all owing to the nature of his site. Vitruvius, De Arch., 1.2.7 -Morris H. Morgan's translation, with amendments IIIA1. Trends Vitruvius refers to the Asklepieia in order to illustrate the importance of choosing an appropriate site for a sacred precinct (templum). For the Asklepieia, he notes that a very healthy, well-watered site (saluberrimae regiones... aquarum fontes... idonei) is Page 39 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location ideal.27 According to Vitruvius, sites are chosen for specific reasons related to usage and the character of the divinity, not necessarily because a superhuman force gives an indicatory sign. The god does not need to be directly involved in the process. Plutarch also notes the importance of the natural location for the establishment of a healing sanctuary. He says that the Greeks specifically situate their sanctuaries outside of the city in places that are clean and high {xai yag "EXXyvsg kv Tonoig xai xaSagoTg xai uifaAoTg smsixwg idgvfisva TO AcrxAqmeTa s%outriv.). Vitruvius and Plutarch both emphasize the use of topographical and environmental features when situating a sanctuary. They mention proximity to water (ocean, river, and spring), proximity to "high place" (citadel, mountain, hill, elevated area),29 and location outside the polis. The two authors do not state that the Asklepieia should be placed in locations inhabited by old deities, where a miracle cure has taken place, nor near previously established sanctuaries dedicated to members of Asklepios' family, such as Apollo. The importance of environmental features also figures into the work of other authors. Even though Valerius focuses on the divinity's epiphany as the aitiology for the sanctuary's location, he also mentions specific natural features of the 27 Vitr. 1.2.7. 28 Plut. Quaest. Rom. 94.286.D. 29 The words for mountain and hill, oros and leoforos, are used interchangeably in Greek literature and seem to refer more to a topographical feature that is distinct from the areas around it, rather than to an actual elevation measure (Buxton (1992) 2, (1995) 81-82; Langdon (2000) 461-2; Larson (2001) 8-9). 1 make no distinction between the two, treating them both as a kind of high place. On mountains, also see Jameson (1989) 7-16; Fowden (1988) 48-59; Hornblower (2003) 999 .s.v. mountains. j0 The two authors also suggest that the sanctuaries should be located in places that are clean and healthy. What is a healthy location? The Hippocratic corpus identifies the components of a healthy location in the Hippocratic work De Aera, aquis, loch. The author states that east facing sites have the most stimulating climate. Unfortuantely, two of the major sanctuaries, Kos and Epidauros, do not face to the east (Burford (1969) 45). Vitruvius also identifies what constitutes a healthy location -though he does not mention the Asklepieia in this context. He says a healthy location is on high ground, free of fog and rain, has a temperate climate, and is away from marshes (1.4.1). Because the elements that render a site "healthy" or "clean" are not measurable, especially considering the impact of climate change, I do not analyze the sanctuaries according to these particular suggestions. Page 40 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location environment in the mythos: a large palm tree situated in front of a myrtle grove and the island itself. In the following sections, I examine where the Greek sanctuaries are located in order to make a comparison with the generalizations of Plutarch and Vitruvius. It is important to bear in mind that even though the literary, epigraphic, sculptural, and numismatic evidence suggests the existence of 513 sites, only a few have been excavated.31 No complete recent study examining the Asklepieia as a whole throughout the Mediterranean has been conducted. The most complete assessment is Semeira's, who catalogues 59 sites on mainland Greece and the islands. Of these, only 6 were mostly or fully excavated and only 26 partially or barely excavated at the time of her publication in 1986.32 Supplementing Semeira's analysis are regional studies documenting architectural evidence, inscriptions, numismatic and sculptural evidence for the worship of Asklepios in specific territories and regions. Jost and Mitropoulou both studied Asklepios' worship in Arcadia, Bouturas in Macedonia, Tiussi in the area of the north Adriatic Sea, ' and McCasland in Palestine/6 Other summary reports of this kind for Thrace and other areas of the Roman Empire are included in the ANRW, usually as part of an inventory of all the cults of a given region.37 Therefore, my conclusions are to be understood as a study in progress that only future identification and excavation of the sites can further confirm or refute. 31 Hart makes the case for 513 different sites on the basis of numismatics, epigraphy, and archaeology (2000) 176. 368 sites are catalogued by Walton (1965). 32 Semeria (1986) 93 1-958. 33 Jost (1985); Mitropoulou (2001). 34Boutouras(1989). 35 Tiussi (1999). 36 McCasland (1939). "Britain: Birley (1986) 19-20. Dacia: Bodor(1989) 1120-1123. Pontus: Olshausen (1990) 1875-6. Spain: Mangas (1986) 315-6. Thrace: Sanie (1989) 1290-1, Velkov and Gerassimova-Tomova (1989) 1354-1357. Page 41 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Analysis of all the known sites reveals that Plutarch and Vitruvius are at least partially accurate in their suggestions - the sites are situated in places that are well- watered and "high." Although not every sanctuary is located outside the city, they all incorporate extra-urban features. IIIA2. Well Watered, High Places Vitruvius suggests that sanctuaries are ideally situated in areas with abundant water sources, springs, or fountains (aquarumque fontes). His suggestion corresponds with practice, as all known Asklepieia contain springs and/or fountains in their precincts, and usually contain more than one."'8 Many sanctuaries sit beside a river or on the sea, and the water source often serves as a natural boundary marking one side of the temenos. The natural boundary sometimes contains the primary entry to the sanctuary, forcing visitors to cross a river or stream. In other cases, the water source is not directly adjacent to the sanctuary, but located along its sacred way, usually within close proximity to the temenos and less than 100 meters distant. The seaside sites include the Skopelos Asklepieion with a modern church known for its healing spring in the vicinity, the yet-to-be located Asklepieion at Corinth's port Kenchreae,4 as well as the sanctuaries at Zea/Pireaus,41 Delos,42 Kalamitza-Kavala,43 J This contrasts with many other prominent Greek sanctuaries where water sources are outside the precinct. For example, there is no water source for the Argive Heraion, at the Olympian Altis, and even at Delphi, the Kastalia spring is outside the sacred ground. 39Semeria(1986)935. 40Paus. II.2.3. 41 Dragatsis (1885) 86-87, (1888) 132-136; Garland (1987) 115 and fig. 1. 42 ID 440.A.50: rbv a'rytaXov TOV ngog T&I A Lebena on Crete,44 Epidauros Limera,45 Lissos on Crete,46 Munichia,47 Paros,48 New Carthage in Spain,49 Smyrna,50 and probably Antium.51 The river or stream-side sanctuaries include the sanctuaries between Amyklae and Therapne, the sanctuary on the heights beside the Alpheius River, and the sanctuaries at Epidauros,54 Gortys,'^ Troizen,56 Tiber island,37 a small sanctuary at Naupaktos,58 and even a Thracian one at Pernik beside the Panega River.59 The sanctuary between Berytus and Sidon in Phoenicia probably sat beside a river as well.60 The Tiber Island, Epidaurian, Alipheran, and Pernik sanctuaries are even located on a land mass that lies between two rivers or an island within a river. The Asklepieia at Veroia, Trikala/Trikke,61 Gonnoi,62 and Dion63 are not set directly on the banks of their local rivers, but are within reasonable walking distance (under 100 m). The sanctuary at Pharsalos is likely located near a river, but excavations 44 Philostr. V A IV.34. Pernier and Banti (1947) 68-75; Brannigan (1976) 493 s.v. Lebena; Sanders (1982) 80. 45 Paus. III.23.6. 46 Blackman (1976) 519-20 s.v. Lissos; Daux (1959) 753-4; Sanders (1982) 171-2. 47Semeria(1986)943. Rubensohn(1902) 199-238. 49 Polyb. X.10.8. 50 Paus. II.26.8-9/VII.5.9. 51 Val. Max.I.8.2. 52 Paus. 111.19.7. 5j Paus. VI.21.4. The Nerovitza hill upon which the Asklepieion is built is partially surrounded on its north, south, and eastern sides by the Fanari torrent (Leake (1933) vol. II 72). From Leake's description, it seems that it is necessary to cross the torrent in order to reach the ancient city (Leake (1933) vol. II 73-4). 54Tomlinson(1983)40. 55 Wyatt (1976) 363 s.v. Gortys; Jost (1985) 205-210. Regrettably, Sineux (2006) was not available to me. 56 Welter (1941) 25-36. 57 Val. Max.I.8.2; [Aur. Vict.] Devir. ill. 22.1-3; Claud. Cons. Hon. Cons. Stil.III. 171-3; Am. Adv. nat. VI 1.44-48. 58 Lerat(l953) 195, vol I. 93, vol II. 154, (1976) 993 s.v. "West Lokris. Naupaktos." 59Lubenova(1980)204. 60 Strabo XVI.2.22. 61 Kastriotou (1918) 67; Theochares (1958) 66-7. 62 MacKay( 1976) 359-60 s.v. Gonnos; Arvanitopoullos (1914) 209; Helly (1973) 149. 63 Touratsoglou (1999) 252-3. Page 43 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location are too incomplete to be conclusive. Although the sanctuary at Pergamon (Fig. 2.4) does not lie beside the river, a visitor using the Heilige Strasse (Sacred Way) crosses a bridge over the Selinos River near the south-eastern corner of the Rote Halle while traveling to the Asklepieion positioned one kilometer from the city.65 Similarly, at Athens, one crosses the Eridanos River when coming to the Asklepieion from the north along the Panathenaic Way, or over the Ilissos River when approaching from the south (Fig. 2.5). Springs, wells, fountains, and bathing establishments are included in the precinct of nearly every Asklepieion known. 7 At the Asklepieia, these water sources are multifunctional, in contrast with other Greek sanctuaries where water is primarily associated with purification rituals. The Asklepieia use water for therapeutic bathing as an element of medical treatment. Bathing - as a social activity and as a treatment — is mentioned in inscriptions and in dramatic writings. The importance of bathing is further indicated by the presence of bathing establishments located in close proximity or even enclosed within the walls of many of the Asklepieia. Perhaps one of the most important 64Theochares(1964)260. 65Radt(2001)51. 66Burford(1969) 19. 67 Elderkin (1941) 125-137; Chamoux (1953) 320; Ginouves (1959) 153; Ninck (1960) 155; Nilsson (1967) 463-4; Burkert (1985) 77-8, 86; Cole (1988) 161-5. Similarly, Roman paragon of piety Aeneas refuses to handle the household gods (sacra... patriosque Penatis) until he has bathed (abluero) in a running river (flumine vivo). He claims it is not permitted (nefas) because he has come from warfare (Verg. Aen 11.717-720). 68 Ginouves (1962) 359; Lambrinoudakis (1994)230-231; Yegiil (1992) 352-355. 69 Inscriptions: Frankel (1895) no. 264. Dramatic writings: \v. Plut. 655-7. 70 Generic introduction to bathing and the rising popularity of hydrotherapy: Yegiil (1992) 6-29, 352-355. Bathing establishments include elaborate bath complexes as well as simply shallow pools that seem intended for bathing. Sanctuaries with evidence for bathing: Athens: Martin and Metzger (1949) 321-323, 348; Corinth: Roebuck (1951) 23, 26-8, 46-51; Epidauros: Martin and Metzger (1942-3) 327-331; Ginouves (1955) 141-146; Gortys: Courbin (1952)245-247, Ginouves and Reekmans (1955)331-334, (1956) 400-401, Ginouves (1953) 263-271, (1959)145-157, (1994)241-2; Regrettably, Sineux (2006) was not available to me; Kos: Ginouves (1994) 240-241 - lake or spa is perhaps a better description than bath; Messene: Touchais (1989) 610-612; Morizot (1994)405 n. 22; Sineux (1997) 9, 18-20; Pergamon: Frankel (1895) no. 264; Trikke: Tziafalis (1988) 182-186; Veroia: Brocas-Deflassieux (1999) 72-3. Page 44 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location aspects of water is that it functions as a conduit for the divinity's epiphanies (see page 63). Not only do the sanctuaries contain water sources, but the sanctuaries themselves are seen as emblematic of a well-watered place. Aristides delivers a panegyric on the water at Pergamon.72 Socrates mentions the coolness of the water at the Asklepieion of Athens.73 Ancient comments are complemented by the assessments of modern excavators who note the generally humid or moist character of the sanctuaries. For example, Leake mentions that the atmosphere of the hill with the Aliphera sanctuary is "sufficiently moist, even in summer, to maintain the verdure and to furnish an excellent pasture for sheep."74 The sanctuary at Beroia is located in a region described by the excavators as 7S "feconde, aux eux abondantes..." In spite of the large number of sanctuaries that are located near the river or the sea, a few healing sanctuaries do not fit into this pattern. These remaining sanctuaries share another consistent feature - they are often located at a "high place" relative to the surrounding topography. They are situated on a mountain, on the side of a citadel, or on a raised plateau; as Plutarch says, "places that are high."76 This group includes the sanctuaries at Athens,77 Alpheius,78 Buthroton,79 Carfhage/Byrsa,80 Delphi,81 Kos,82 71 Ginouves(1959) 152-3. 72 Aristid. Or. XXXIX 1-18. 73Xen. Mem. III. 13.3. 74 Leake (1933) vol.11 73. 75 Brocas-Deflassieux (1999) 32. 76 Kearns points out that both hero sanctuaries and sanctuaries for gods tend to be sited near springs, wells, and on prominent hills (1992) 69-71. 77 Aleshire(1989)21 78 Paus. VI.21.4. The sanctuary at Aliphera has a torrent that partially runs around the south, north, and eastern sides of the hill. As mentioned earlier, access to certain sites requires the visitors to cross a river, even if the sanctuary does not sit directly beside the river. 79Ugolini(1942)200. 80StraboXVII.3.14; App. B Civ. VIII. 130-31; Apul. Flor. 18. 81 Brommelaer and LaRoche (1991) 232-3. Page 45 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Mount Ilius,83 Orchomenos,84 Phthiotidian Thebes,85 Kyphanta,86 a small shrine in the Apollo Maleatas sanctuary at Epidauros, and Corinth. At Rhodes, it is unclear if the sanctuary is located at a great height, but it is certainly located higher than the "bazaar on and Dionysium." The Felsbarre that holds the old cult buildings at the Pergamene Asklepeion is also on higher ground than its surrounding area. In some cases, the sanctuary is positioned both beside the sea and at a height, as at New Carthage in Spain.91 IIIA3. Outside the City Another suggested location for the position of an Asklepieion is its physical position in relation to the city, the polls. Plutarch wonders why the Roman sanctuary is located outside the city lf River may even serve as part of this internal religious boundary. The comparison is 82 Schatzman and Herzog (1932) 1. 83 Paus. III.24.8. 84 Fossey (1988) 353-4. 85 Sismane-Adryme (1991) 209-10. 86 Paus. III.24.2. Wace and Hasluck (1908) 174; Wace and Hasluck believe that Pausanias is actually referring to the Kyparissi in Laconia, since the site they found matches Pausanias' description exactly. 87 Lambrinoudakis (1996) 124-128. 88 Roebuck (1951) 1. 89Diod. Sic. 19.45.4. 90 Hoffmann (1989) 48. 91 Polyb. X.10.8. A notable sanctuary that does not fit into either paradigm of "heights" or "rivers" is the sanctuary of Asklepios at Messene. The sanctuary is located in the foothills of Mt. Ithome, lower than the present day town of Mavromati. It seems that neither river nor torrent is located near-by from the maps that have been published. However, a spring is located in the agora just north of the sanctuary. At the very least, a bathing establishment is located just south of the sanctuary. 92 Plut. Quaest. Rom. 94.286D. Pffge 46 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location misleading because being "outside" does not refer to a measurable, physical distance between city and sanctuary. In contrast with the Romans who seemed to (over-)emphasize the idea that the sanctuary is "outside" the city, the Epidaurians minimized their physical separation from the sanctuary. The Epidaurians were eager to claim and advertise the sanctuary as their own, no doubt since there were competing claims for Asklepios' patronage with Thessaly and Messene. Isyllos' paian to the god identifies Epidauros as his mother city and refers to the city several times over.94 The annual festival of Asklepios started in the town of Epidauros.95 Decrees from the city were placed in the sanctuary. Being "outside the city" meant different things in both cases. For the Epidaurians being "outside" the city referred to measurable distance from the urban centre and its walls. For the Roman sanctuary, the meaning was psychological. I do not mean to imply that the term s^co noAscog did not reflect a physical reality. The sanctuary stood outside the sacred boundary of the city - the pomerium. But since the sanctuary was tangential to the city, and certainly within its inhabited areas, Plutarch's statement had much more to do with perception than with physical placement. Being "outside" related to the belief that the cult was conceived as an "outsider" relative to the community's collective self- identity, and this was confirmed by its location outside the pomerium. 93 Tomlinson(1983) 13-14. 94/G IV21.128, iii,32-iv, 56. 95Tomlinson(1988) 16. 96 On the pomerium, see: Livy 1.44, Plut. Vit. Rom. 11.1-4, Tac. Ann 12.23-24, Varro apudSolin 1.17, Ling.. 5.46-54, Dio Cass. 55.6, Aul. Gell. NA XIII. 14.7, CIL VI.930.14-16, 31537 a-d, 31538a-c, 31539 a-c, 37023-4,. Not. Scav. (1909)44.45(1912) 197; 1913.68; 1933.241. Besnier (1902) 174-170; Fowler (1911) 230-231; Labrousse (1937); Altheim (1938) 243-247; Nock (1952) 213; Rodriguez-Almeida (1978-9); Poe (1984); Boatwright(1986), (1987)64-71; Adreussi (1988); Ziolkowski (1992)265-96; Beard et al. (1998) 177-181; Schied (2003) 61-3; Richmond et. al (2003) 1213-4. The pomerium likely went as far as the Tiber River, but did not cross it. Page 47 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location The pomeriuryi s role and its significance as a boundary is not fully understood. Even the precise route of the pomerium is unknown, although it was probably aligned with the city wall at some point in its history. The boundary did not remain fixed throughout history and the area contained within the pomerium was increased periodically; several emperors extended the pomerium as an honour for extending the boundaries of the Empire. The Romans likely saw the area inside the pomerium as a microcosm for the whole Empire and all that it meant to be Roman; the pomerium was a marker that distinguished what was Roman from what was not Roman. As the size of the Empire increased, the qualities that made up Rome increased and so the city centre was symbolically increased. The pomerium's relationship to Rome was also indicated through the performance of important acts for the benefit of the city and its functioning within its area. The pomerium enclosed the area used for the auspicia urbana. The assemblies that depended upon favourable auspicia to convene, namely the tribal assembly of the Roman people, met within. It was considered dire for the city if the pomerium was polluted. During the civil wars of the Republic, a lustration was held around the entire pomerium after an ill portent occurred on the Capitol — a horned owl found inside in a temple. Perhaps the entire well-being of the empire was thought threatened if the pomerium was polluted. All things un-Roman, threatening to Rome, and possessing the ability to pollute were kept outside the pomerium. Anything associated with warfare was kept outside the pomerium. The centuriate assembly, which was associated with warfare, convened 97 Tac. Ann. XII.23-4; Aul. Gell. NA XIII. 14.3. Syme (1978); Boatwright (1986). /LS 244.14-16. 98 Varro Ling. 5.143 99 Luc. 1.584-604. Page 48 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location outside the pomerium. Military commanders lost their authority within the pomerium, except in cases of the triumph ceremony.1 They were only allowed to cross the boundary under strict surveillance. The camp of the Praetorian Guard was also located outside the pomerium. Burials were also kept outside the pomerium, except in a few specific cases.101 Death v/as a typical taboo as a contagion, while anything associated with war (the soldiers and their weapons) were the cause of death for others. However, even if pollution was the reason for excluding the Asklepieion, Plutarch never suggests that the impurities of illness or death were the reason the Asklepieion was positioned outside the boundary. Nonetheless, the sanctuary's potential to pollute the pomerium must have been a consideration in maintaining its position outside this boundary. In addition to distancing cults associated with warfare for their potential to pollute (a notable exception is the cult of Castor and Pollux), temples and sanctuaries considered non-Roman in character were also maintained outside the pomerium (Magna Mater and Vulcan are exceptional). Temples outside the boundary included those dedicated to Hercules, Diana, Juno Regina, Ceres, Liber and Libera, Minerva, Fortuna, and Apollo.102 Augustus banned Egyptian rites within 100 paces of the pomerium, reviving or I 0^ emphasizing an older custom. ~ His decision is political as well, since Isis was the patron goddess to Antony and Cleopatra, the enemies of Rome and Octavian.104 If so, the ban underscored the idea that characteristically non-Roman religious practices belonged outside the boundary as a threat to order and stability. 5 100 Taylor (1966) 5-6; Magdelain (1968) 57-67, (1977); Catalano (1978) 422-5, 479-91. 101 Beard etal. (1998) 180. 102 Stambaugh (1978) 560. 103 Nock (1952) 213; Ziolkowski (1992)265-96; Beard et al, (1998) 180. l04Scheid(2003)63. 105 A further complication of'the pomerium is that some cults to Greek gods have two temples — one located within the boundary and one outside, and there is no single explanation that accounts for all Page 49 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Vitruvius makes a similar point when he indicates that cults central to civic identity belong inside the city, while those that threaten belong outside the walls. He does not mention the pomerium directly, but this boundary is implicit in any discussion of Rome's founding. He says the architect should situate cults in a newly founded city based on an assessment on the character of the divinities. He quotes the Etruscan haruspices and says that threatening or subversive divinities are better suited to be outside the walls. He identifies several: Venus presumably because of her association with licentiousness and ability to corrupt, Mars because of the potential of armed frays to disturb the peace of the citizens, Vulcan because of the danger of fire, and Ceres with the need for secrecy.106 He does not mention the cult to Asklepios. Both Vitruvius's comments and the pomerium indicate that inclusiveness and exclusiveness were important as religious concepts at Rome. Since the Asklepios cult was located outside the city, the Romans had reasons to explain why it was "excluded" and "not-Roman." The specific features that Festus (see fn 12) used to identify a cult as foreign (peregrina sacra) - foreign mos and priests — were not necessarily applicable. The two most distinct rituals of the Greek Asklepieia, the dedication of votive body parts and incubation, were practiced by the Romans. Terracotta body parts, likely given as situations. Many explanations are possible. The initial intolerance towards a specific Greek deity may have relaxed and a second structure added inside the pomerium. Perhaps those who could not enter the pomerium needed access to a specific deity, and temples were built outside to accommodate. Some cults that were at one time forbidden within the boundary may have became "trapped" as the pomerium was extended by subsequent emperors. 106 Id autem etiam Etruscis haruspicibus disciplinarum scripturis ita est dedicatum, extra murum Veneris, Volcani, Martis fana ideo conlocari, uti non insuescat in urbe adulescentibus, seu matribus familiarum veneria libido, Volcanique vi e moenibus religionibus et sacrificiis evocata ab timore incendiorum aedificia videantur liberari. Martis vero divinitas cum sit extra moenia dedicata, non erit inter cives armigera dissensio, sed ab hostibus ea defensa a belli periculo conservabit. [2] Item Cereri extra urbem loco, quo nomine semper homines, nisi per sacrificium, necesse habeant adire; cum religione, caste sanctisque moribus is locus debet tueri. Ceterisque diis ad sacrificiorum rationes aptae templis areae sunt distribuendae. (Vitr. 1.7.1-2) Page 50 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location thank offerings for successful cures as early as the fourth century BC, have been found in several Roman sanctuaries (e.g. Ponte di Nona).107 Votive body parts have come to light 1 AO in excavations at Etruscan sites. Both Ovid and Virgil describe the ritual of incubation - the main ritual of the Asklepios cult. Incubation is also documented in Rome as early as the fourth century BC in inscriptions found at Tor Tignose near Lavinium,110 despite the fact that the Romans preferred others means of establishing contact with their divinities: ritualized exchange and the interpretation of signs.''' Instead, the historical memory of its importation from Epidauros rendered it foreign. One other aspect that may have contributed to the perception of the Asklepios cult as "foreign" in Rome: its personnel and clientele. Unfortunately, the evidence for this is minimal. In imitation of Greek sanctuaries, the Asklepieion at Rome may have deliberately imported or attracted professional doctors. Evidence for the association of professional medical doctors with the Asklepios cult in Greece is plentiful, both in terms of myth, literature, and physical evidence. Like a mortal doctor, Asklepios is said to be gifted in the healing arts and to strive after medical knowledge. He is called a surgeon.n 3 He teaches the medical arts to mankind.''4 His sons serve as doctors in the Trojan War."5 107 Maule and Smith (1959); Fenelli (1975); Cornelia (1978), (1981), (1982-3); Potter (1985); Jackson (1993) 159-161; Beard etal. (1998) vol. 1 12-13; Scheid with some reservations (2003) 100. For bibliography, see van Straten (1981) 146-8. 108 Alexander (1905); Vangetti (1971); Commella (1982-3); Jackson (1993) 160; Sterpellone (2002) 33-50 109 Ov. Fast. 4.641-672; Verg. Aen V1I.81. 110 Verg. Aen VII.81-106; Ov. Fast.W .649-12. Palmer (1974) 79-171; Beard el al. (1998) vol. 1 13. 111 Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 31-2. Despite evidence of incubation in myth and in an early cult, it is never considered an appropriate or common manner of making contact with the divine outside of the Asklepios cult. It is possible that this aspect of the Asklepios cult is considered foreign. 112 Gifted in healing arts, strove after medical knowledge: Diod. Sic. IV.71.1-4; Xen. Cynegetics 1.1-6. 11J Surgeon: Apollod. Bibl. III. 10.3.8. Practiced medicine: Lucian Phi/ops. 10; Scholia inNic. Ther. 685. 114 Teaches his skills to mankind: PI. Resp III.407 C-D; X.599C; Cornutus Theol. Graec. Compendium Cp. 33. 1,5 Sons as doctors: Horn. //. 11.729-33, XI.833-36; PI. Resp III.407E-408A. Page 51 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Doctors considered him a patron and likely came to the sanctuary to learn and practice their craft.'16 An anecdote states that Hippocrates learned medicine by studying i 1 ~i the posted cures at the Koan Asklepieion. Priests and doctors are said to have offered alternative treatments to the ones that Asklepios indicated in dreams to incubants, 1 1 8 suggesting that they practiced at the sanctuaries. The doctors paid further homage to Asklepios by offering him sacrifices, holding processions, and even participating in medical contests during the games.119 They set up dedications thanking Asklepios for his patronage. Medical equipment, such as cupping tools and instrument kits, appear as dedications in the sanctuaries and even in reliefs depicting the deity.l20 If Greek doctors gathered anywhere in Rome, the Asklepieion would have been an ideal place for them to congregate. During the early Republic, Rome did not have professional doctors. Health and healing traditionally fell on the shoulders of the paterfamilias. Professional physicians started to appear only after the Asklepios cult was introduced in 291 BC, albeit 72 years later, and practitioners were not from Roman families. The first documented doctor arrived in 219 BC, Agatharchos, a wound-specialist from the Peloponnese. He was received warmly by the Romans at first. They honoured him with citizenship and provided him with a surgery at public expense. His welcome faded quickly, though, and he soon earned the nickname Butcher (Carnifex) for using the knife and hot iron in his treatments. Generally speaking, the Romans were fearful of professional doctors and 116 Doctors associated with cult, patronage: Plut. Quaest. co«v.IX.14.4; Galen De Sanitate Tuenda 1.8.20 117 Hippocrates learned at Kos: Plin. HN XXIX. 1.4; 118 Aristid. Or. XLVII.67, XLVIII.20, XLIX.8-9. cf. "These dreams appeared to me while the doctor arrived and had prepared himself to help, as much as he knew how. But when he heard the dreams, being a sensible man, he also yielded to the god. " Arisid. Or. XLVII.57. 119IG II2772; Hippoc. [Ep.] 11; Inscriptio Ephesia VIII.1905 p. 128. 120 Doctors set up dedications, equipment: the Telemachos monument side A (see chapter 3). Page 52 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location believed employment in the profession to be contrary to Roman gravitas. Though the Romans employed doctors, they denigrated doctors as profiteers and murderers in league with the undertakers. In consequence, the profession was largely taken on by foreigners, usually Greeks and people of Greek descent.122 Even the two most renowned Roman doctors, Galen and Caius Stertinius Xenophon, come from Pergamon and Kos, respectively. It was only when Augustus formulated a new medical wing of the military corps that the status of doctors rose. Greek and Greek-descendant doctors at the Asklepieion would have given the sanctuary a specifically non-Roman character, especially considering the Roman distaste for the profession. Unfortunately, given the limited excavations in the area, so far no evidence has come to light yet that suggests Greek doctors spent time at the Tiber Island Asklepieion. On the other hand, there is evidence for the presence of Greeks at the sanctuary. An inscription from the Republican period was dedicated by three members of the college of caprina galla, all with Greek names. Greeks used the sanctuary and that might be what gave the sanctuary its non-Roman character. While the Romans sought a reason to justify the foreign status of the Asklepios cult and its location outside thepomerium, Plutarch's assumption that Asklepieia are found outside the city walls in Greece is only partially validated by the evidence. The sanctuaries at Epidauros,1 Kos, 5 Pergamon,' 6 and Aliphera " sat outside the city 121 Plin. HN29.12-18; Plut. Vit. Cat. Min. 23.3; Suetonius Tiberius I 68.4; Petron. Sat. 42.5; Martial Epigrams l.XLVII. See also Gevrais (1964) 197-213, Manjo (1975) 339-40, Balsdon (1979) 36-37. 122 Nutton (1986) 37; Jackson (1988) 56; D'Amato (1993) 22-25; King (2002) 32-38. On doctors in Rome, see especially D'Amato (1993). l23Besnier(1902)47. 124 Burford (1969)44. There is, however, atemenos to Asklepios in the city of Epidauros (Epidauros Limera) (Paus. 11.29.1). 125 Herzog (1932) 1. 126 Radt (2001) 45-56. Page 53 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location walls. The sanctuary at Beroia was probably outside of the city as it is probably the sanctuary described in the decree as sv ra> smcpavso-raru) TOTTW TTOXBOX;. However, many sanctuaries were located inside the city walls. The Asklepieia at Athens, Corinth, Messene,131 Phthiotidian Thebes,132 Epidauros Limnera,133 and Pheneos134 were located within the city walls. Plutarch articulates a perception about the Greek Asklepieia, rather than a consistent practice. Some sanctuaries may have originally been located at a distance from their cities, but rarely far enough from the urban centre so as to suggest territorial borders. More often, sanctuaries were incorporated into the cities they serviced. As cities expanded over time, they absorbed outlying areas and formed new districts, usually by extending or rebuilding the city walls. Sanctuaries in districts that were once proastios became incorporated into the city itself. The sanctuaries at Epidauros,135 Gortys,136 and 1 ^7 Pergamon were flanked by private homes dating to the Roman period, indicating that these Asklepieia were not necessarily isolated or even located far from the communities of people they served. Pausanias refers to the construction of buildings for those who i -to "live around the shrine of Epidauros." Even though the formal polls of Epidauros was five kilometers distant, a contiguous community was served by the shrine. Other Asklepieia serviced their local, neighbouring communities. A first century AD lex sacra 127 Leake (1933) vol. 2, 73-4; Paus., 26.8.5-7. 128 Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoupos (1988) 12; Brocas-Deflassieux (1999) 69. 129 Hurwit (1999) 219. 130 Roebuck (1951) 1. 1,1 Mylonas (1987) fig 76; Pausanias describes the walls (4.31.5). Messene's walls were rebuilt, but this did not affect the relationship between the city and the sanctuary. 132 Sismane-Adryme (1991 [ 1996]) 209-10. 133 Paus. 11.29.1. 134 Protonotairou (1961/2) 57. 135 Tomlinson (1983) 51; Piteros (1992) 97. 136 Ginouves and Reekmans (1955) 335-340. 137 Hoffmann (1998) 41; Radt (2001) 51. 138 Paus. XXVII.5.6. Page 54 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location from Attica mentions farmers and people in the vicinity (TTQO Asklepieion. Some sanctuaries were deliberately founded within the city walls. Athens' sanctuary was situated on the south slope of the Acropolis, within the rim of the peripatos within the Pelargikon.140 It not only was set within the city's walls, but it was adjacent to, if not within, the city's main religious district on the Acropolis. Some scholars suggest its location was chosen in an attempt to maintain proximity to the sanctuary during a time of warfare in conjunction with the outbreak of the plague.141 Messene's sanctuary was also within the city walls, next to the agora, likely to indicate the importance of the deity to the city.142 Rather than establishing a new sanctuary outside the city walls, the Messene Asklepieion took over an old sanctuary located at the heart of the city. The original sanctuary had been dedicated to the city's first queen and national heroine Messene, daughter of Tripoas, king of Argos. Around the time of Tiberius, Asklepios took over and the sanctuary became known as the Asklepieion.143 A local interpretation of Asklepios and his importance to the city was further emphasized by paintings that depicted him as part of Messene's legendary royal heritage. There was an attempt to identify Asklepios as part of the city's foundation. This also mitigates the irregularity of the choice of location by justifying it with a local myth. u9 LSCG 54 = /Gil21364 140 Peripatos: Hurwit (1999) 219. Pelargikon: Robertson (1998) 295. 141 More on the sanctuary's relationship to the plague will be discussed on page 86. I argue that the plague was not the reason for the introduction of the cult into Athens. Sanctuary's establishment in response to the plague: Garland (1992) 130-132; Parker (1997) 180. The effect of the Peloponnesian War on the cult's arrival: Mikalson (1984) 220; Aleshire (1989) 7; Parker (1997) 180. 142 Themelis (1994) 4-8; Sineux (1997) 10-18. 143 Themelis (1990) 29-31, (1990b) 86; (1994) 4-5. 144 Description by Pausanias IV.31.5; Themelis (1994) 5. Page 55 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Regardless of whether a sanctuary was located within or without the city, there were attempts to bring aspects of the city to extra-urban sanctuaries, and to bring extra- urbanity to city sanctuaries. Sanctuaries located outside the city walls remained closely connected with their associated poleis. City residents were expected to use and visit the sanctuaries regularly. Public announcements unrelated to the sanctuary were placed in the temenos. For example, civic decrees, public records, and manumissions from the city of Epidauros were posted at the Asklepieion.145 The sanctuary setting elevated the status of the decrees and consecrated them by setting them under a divine authority. The inhabitants must have frequented the sanctuary often enough to warrant placement of official decrees outside the city walls and inside the sanctuary.146 City planning was another way that an extra-urban city could be connected to its polls. The grid plan used to design Pergamon extended as far as the Pergamon Asklepieion (Fig. 2.4).147 The elaborate, paved Via Tecta, decorated with statues and tombs of prominent civic leaders from myth and history, led from the city to the sanctuary. The statues reminded visitors walking to the sanctuary of the city's heritage. Sanctuaries found within city walls often contained features associated with extra- urbanity such as springs, grottos, and groves. Typically rural cults such those to Pan and the Nymphs were located within the boundaries of the Asklepieia.148 These extra-urban features were often added or enhanced. For example, the Asklepieia at Athens, Corinth, Lebena, Tissos, Kyphanta, and Pharasalos, contained or are adjoined to artificially 145 Burford (1969) 14. Burford further argues that/wfo-related announcements are not posted in the agora at Epidauros. I am disinclined to accept her analysis since excavations for the city are limited. Cf. Tomlinson(1983)22. 146 In other cities, it is typical to set up one decree in the city centre and copies in key sanctuaries, probably because of the high visibility, as well as because the divinity would protect any oaths. 147 Radt (2001) 51 and fig. 2-6. l48Graf(1992) 178-183. Page 56 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location created grottos.149 These grottos were elaborate constructions that required considerable engineering effort. At the Athenian Asklepieion, the Acropolis rock was hollowed out to form a round grotto.15 Corinth's Asklepieion had two artificial spring houses on two different levels. One was located in the abaton building (Fig. 2.6) and was created by cutting back the rock cap of the hill, adding steps, and piping in water. Roebuck says the arrangement is intended to provide the visitor with "the effect of entering an underground natural spring."151 The spring house on the Lerna level (Fig. 2.7) had multi-chamber draw basins. To give the appearance of a pool in a cave, the architects cut a barrel vaulted roof into the scarp, lined the sides with waterproof cement, and added a basin to collect water from a natural source. ^ Groves also play a significant role in creating an appropriate religious ethos. Birge states that the grove of Eumenides is closely intertwined with the act of heroization and transcendence that takes place there. Groves can be specifically sacred to the divinities, and therefore, places of asylum for suppliants.134 Trees and gardens were planted in and around the healing sanctuaries — Pausanias uses the term alsos when referring to plantings in shrines of deities, as opposed to hero shrines and non-sacred settings.155 Graf identifies groves of olives and other trees at the Asklepieia of Epidauros Limera (olive trees), Kos, Gortys, Titane (cypresses), Antium, Athens, Kyparissia, and Graf (1992) 180-183. Athens: see footnote below; Corinth - hollowed out springs in Lerna: Roebuck (1951)46-50. Lebena: I Crei I.XVI. no. 7. Lissos: Faurc (1960) 215-6 (grotto's location relative to sanctuary not discussed - perhaps they are not related); Kyphanta: Paus. 1II.24.2; Pharsalos: SEG 1.249.4. 150 Athens -- small grotto in back of east stoa: Kohler (1877) 231-234; Versakes (1908) 255-284, (1913) 54- 56; Allen and Caskey (1911) 33, 43; Travlos (1939/41) 54-7; Martin and Metzger (1949) 321-322; Coulton (1976)223; Aleshire (1989) 21; Graf (1992) 180-181; Riethmuller (1999) 129-130. 151 Roebuck (1951) 46-51. 152 Roebuck (1951)96-107 153 Birge (1984) 12. 154 Birge (1984) 14-15. 155 Birge (1994) 238. Page 57 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location possibly also at the sanctuaries of Pergamon and Rome.156 The sacred trees and plants did not need to be located within the temenos, but could be outside the sanctuary. Two leges sacrae of the fifth and fourth centuries BC from Kos specify protection for the cypresses inside and outside the temenos}51 Another lex sacra discusses the care of a garden dedicated to Heracles located outside the gates (nvXa) of an Asklepieion.158 The trees outside the sanctuary transformed the sanctuary into a grove. If a real forest was lacking, an artificial "sacred wood" was planted. Trees appear in votive reliefs dedicated to Asklepios, though they appear as single trees, and do not depict full groves. This type of abbreviation, in which a single object stands in for many, was a typical convention in relief sculpture. In such scenes, the trees were used to mark the setting of the scene or acted as a prop for the figures. Two reliefs depict Hygieia leaning against a tree. ' On the Telemachos Monument, a leafless tree appears just over the top of the temenos wall with a stork on its branches. This might represent the top of the tree that Hygieia leans against. The trees were also shown with snakes wrapped around their branches or trunks. For example, a relief from an unknown provenance depicts a snake curled about the branches of a tree.161 An iamaton mentions a girl who sees a snake in a tree in the alsos. European snakes generally do not climb trees and so this is a melding of two attributes. The snake, which is most often shown crawling up Asklepios' staff or coiled under his 156 Graf (1992) 182-183. See his bibliography on this. Titane: Paus. (II. 11.6). Epidauros Limera (III.23.7). Pausanias identifies the species of trees at these sanctuaries deliberately (Birge (1994) 238). 157 LSCG 150.1 -6A, 150B = Herzog (1928) 11, 12. ^ LSCG 115= IG XII 8.265. 159 According to Ridgway, "both funerary and architectural reliefs eschew any but the most basic of topical allusions - the occasional background tree, the rock on which a foot can be conveniently propped, a few undulations symbolizing the sea" (1997) 195. 160 Athens NM 1333 (Fig. 5.18, Hausmann (1948) fig 6); Athens NM 1335. 161 Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek233a (Fig. 5.10, Hausmann (1948) fig 3). Page 58 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location chair, now curls around a tree. Sacred trees were often identified because they had a fillet wrapped around their trunks, or were hung with votives from their branches. Perhaps the viewer is meant to think of the snake as a ribbon come to life. The snake's presence in the trees transforms an ordinary grove into a grove sacred to Asklepios. The association of the snake on the tree with Asklepios is seen on a series of votive reliefs that come from sanctuaries to Asklepios in Thrace, in Baktun, Glava Pagea, and Pernik.16 The reliefs are inscribed with dedications to Asklepios, and depict the deity as a man riding on the back of a galloping horse — an assimilation of Asklepios with the Thracian Cavalier. '63 On these reliefs, the rider approaches an altar with a snake curled around a tree trunk.164 For these reliefs, the artists excerpted what was recognizable to their patrons, and combined the iconography of the local deity (man on horseback) with that of Asklepios (the tree and snake).165 Finally, Graf mentions that the Asklepieia were frequently grouped with other rural cults.166 Cults to Pan, the Nymphs, the Muses, Artemis, Apollo, Aphrodite, Themis, Heracles, and Isis were located at the sanctuaries, either through a statue, an altar, or even a separate precinct. While Apollo is Asklepios' father, the other deities do not have a familial relationship. They were probably paired with Asklepios because they were perceived as inhabiting or frequenting mountains, woods, springs, groves, and other non- urban spaces and for making epiphanies in these places. Notably, Demeter, Artemis,167 162 Goceva (1984) 900-1. I6j Dobruski (1907) 3-96; Goceva (1984) 897-901. Most recently on these monuments, see Dimitrova (2002). 164 Sofia Mus. Arch 3870, 3413, 3425, 3414; 3401, 3410, 3405. 165 Dimitrova (2002) 214. Dimitrova recognizes that the tree and snake symbol isexcerpted from Greek art, but makes no attempt to ascertain if it is specific to Asklepios. 166 Graf (1992) 183-86. 167 Artemis: See Cole (2000) esp. 479-480 on the connection between Artemis' epiphanies at borderlands, although Cole only discusses Artemis' historic epiphanies in battle. Page 59 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Pan,168 the Nymphs,169 Dionysos/Iacchos,170 the Muses,171 Apollo,172 Aphrodite, and Hermes appeared to mortals, in idyllic places or dreams, and especially when an individual fell asleep in such a location. It is also worth noting that even though the perception existed that these deities have a rural character, they were still worshiped in many urban settings. Most of the Asklepieia contained a cult to at least one of these gods. The Epidaurian sanctuary contained precincts sacred to Apollo, Artemis, Aphrodite, Themis, 1 74 the Bountiful Gods, and Salus. The temples of Asklepios and Isis were grouped together at one end of the harbour of Cenchreae.175 The sanctuary at Sikyon contained statues and cults to Sleep, Apollo, Pan, and Artemis. Inscriptions and excavations reveal that the Athenian, Pharsalian, and Pellenian sanctuaries were placed alongside cult 1 77 sites with a marked rural character (e.g. Pan, the Muses). A fourth-century inscription from a cave near Pharsalos dedicated to Chiron, Asklepios, and Hygieia welcomes visitors to a place holy to the Nymphs, Pan, Hermes, Apollo, and Heracles.178 Inscriptions and literature mentions the worship of Asklepios (aside from his immediate family) in 168 Pan: Hymn. Horn. Pan 19; See also Borgeaud (1988) 3-22, 47-73. 169 Nymphs appear in the mountains: Ar. Av. 1095, Ran. 1309; Horn. //. 6.390, 24.596; Hymn Horn Ven. 5.92-99. Larson cites numerous examples of literature that describe the springs, mountains, and caves that nymphs inhabit (2001)8-11, 20-60. 170 Dionysos/Iacchos: Ar. Ran. 324-326; Hor. Carm. 2.19. 171 Muses appear on mountains and in groves. Ar. Av. 737'. 172 Larson (2001) 78. 173 Larson (2001) 78. l74Paus. 11.27.1-7. 175 Paus. II.2.3. l76Paus. II.10.2. 177 Paus. VII.27.11. Graf (1992) 181. 178 Larson (2001) 16-18 with translation. See also Giannopoulos (1912, 1919); Comparetti (1921-22); SEG (1923)1.247-48, 1.2, (1925) 357; von Gaertringen (1937); McDevitt (1970) nos. 166, 171; Connor (1988) 162-3; Decourt(1995) nos. 72-73. Page 60 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location conjunction with Apollo,179 Artemis,180 Gaia,18' Mnemosyne,182 Aphrodite,183 Hermes,184 Hekate,185 Themis,186 Tyche,187 the Muses,188 the Fates,189 the Nymphs,190 Heracles,191 Demeter,192 and Helios.l93 Several votive reliefs depict Asklepios in the company of other rural divinities. The main reason for incorporating rustic elements, such as springs, caves, grottos, and other rural deities, was to create a pastoral atmosphere associated with epiphany, as Graf suggests. When epiphanies occur in literature, they typically happen in places containing springs, groves, and caves, a type of place known as a locus amoenus}95 Hesiod's encounter with the Muses takes place on Mt. Helicon. Aphrodite encounters the mortal Anchises in the mountains. The beauty contest judged by Paris is held in the 1 Q7 mountains, beside a fountain-fed pool. Pheidippides encounters Pan on the summit of Mount Parthenion.' Even in the Aeneid, Venus meets Aeneas in the woods (in the form 179 Piraeus: LSCG21 = IG II2 4962; Kos: LSCG 150A, 150B = Herzog (1928) 11, 12; Epidauros: LSCG 50 = SEG XXII.114; Kalindoia:'S£G XXXVI 626; Veroia: Allamani-Souri (1984) 205; Thermos: IG IX I2 1.80; Thasos:/G XII.8.367; Pergamon: Habricht (1969) nos. 115, 116, 149, 161. 180 Epidauros: LSCG 60; Pergamon: Habricht (1969) nos. 117, 118, 161. I8i Habricht (1969) no. 161. 182 Piraeus: LSCG 21 = IG If 4962. 183 IG XII.3 no. 248; Pergamon: Habricht (1969) no 129. 184 Piraeus: LSCG 21 = IG II2 4962. 185 Habricht (1969) no. 119. 186 Pergamon: Habricht (1969) no. 161. 187 Pergamon: Habricht (1969) no. 161. 188 Pergamon: Habricht (1969) no. 123; Delphi: Semeria( 1986) 941. 189 Pergamon: Habricht (1969) no. 124. 190 LSCG 152, /. Crel 1.158-9,I Sardis 116B, 12; LSS 116 B.12. Pergamon: Habricht (1969) no. 124; Aristid. Or. XXXIX.3. 191 IG XII.8 no. 265. 192 Pergamon: Habricht (1969) no. 161; Benedum (1986) 193 Piraeus: LSCG 21 = IG II2 4962. 194 Pergamon: Inv. VTS 65/107 (Asklepios, Zeus, Demeter, and Athena) in Horn et. al (1966) 467-9, VTS 65/23; NM 1377 (Hekate); Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 462 (Nymphs, Pan, Bendis); Louvre MA 753 (Artemis). 195 Larson (2001) 8 refers to literature on the locus amoenus: Parry (1957) 3-29, Motte (1971), Elliger (1975)27-147, Thesleff (1981) 31-45. 196 HHAphr. 68-69. 197 Eur. Andr. 284-292. 198 Hdt. 6.105-6. Discussed by Garland (1992) 49. Page 61 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location of a virgin girl).199 Daphnis falls asleep in a cave to the Nymphs and they appear to him in a dream.200 The foundation myth of Zoroaster's first Mithraeum has the location set in "a natural cave in honor of Mithras... it was located in the mountains near Persia and had flowers and springs."201 The types of locations were chosen for the Asklepieia because these were the kinds of places where epiphanies were thought to take place. They are also, as in the Eumenides, places where transformations can take place, as Oedipus transcends at a grove.202 There was an awareness that the locus amoenus was favorable for the appearance of a divinity. Socrates tells a joke that illustrates the point. Socrates and his companions sit beside the Ilissos River at a pleasant spot with a plane tree, a spring, and a shrine for the Nymphs and Acheloos - a locus amoenus. Socrates states that the place seems divine (theios). He jokes, "Truly, the place seems divine {theios), so do not be surprised if I seem to be seized by the nymphs (nympholeptos) as my discourse progresses, for I am already almost uttering dithyrambics." The joke suggests that the place's pleasant ambiance has caused Socrates to abandon his typical method of discourse (inquiry) and instead is garrulous and poetic, as though inspired by the nymphs. By commenting on the ambiance of the place itself- how divine it is - he capitalizes upon the belief that the nymphs frequent such places.20 In doing so, he compares his state of mind to the popular mythological rubric that the nymphs kidnap their favourites (usually beautiful l99Verg. 1.314-409. 200 Longus 1.4, 11.23; Meillier (1975) 121; van Straten (1976) 2. 201 Por. De Antro 6. For further commentary, see Beck (1984) 370-371. 202 Birge (1984) 17. 20j PI. Phdr. 229a-230e. The conversation concerns the gir! Oreithyia who is abducted by Boreas at the river. Phaedrus asks if Socrates believes the tale. Socrates claims that although many wise men do not (believing the girl to have died after being blown off the rocks), he accepts the customary beliefs about the story. 204 Larson (2001) 19. Page 62 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location young men) from specific types of locations. The discussion then appropriately turns to the believability of tales in which mortals are abducted by divinities. A significant difference between the Greek epiphanic divinities (Pan, the Muses, the Nymphs, Artemis) and Asklepios is that the former were associated with extra-urban locations in mythology and they were given epithets that stressed this. Votives depict the epiphanic deities in caves and remote locations (i.e. votive plaques of Pan from Athens). On the other hand, Asklepios did not have an extensive mythology, except local or regional mythologies that attempted a claim as his city of origin. He did not specifically dwell in extra-urban locations nor was he represented in extra-urban locations either, apart from a few scenes that depict him being nursed by a goat after exposure on a mountain. Asklepios did not perform his miraculous healings in extra-urban settings either. In the iamata, only two cures happen in an extra-urban context. In one, he appears at Kronnoi, which could be either a city or a mountain peak, and in the other, he leads suppliants to missing items. Although most of the iamata do not mention locations, a few of the cures definitely take place in the sanctuary and its structures, the temple, abaton, and adyton. In A3, the suppliant plays knucklebones with the god below the temple. In B15, the god orders the suppliant to bring out a ladder and climb up on the naos, presumably of the temple. A6 implies that the god is in the abaton, since the incubant is given instructions to follow when he leaves the abaton. In B17, the god orders servants to carry the suppliant out of the adyton and set him in front of the temple. Even in Page 63 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Aristides' dreams, Asklepios appears in familiar places of the sanctuary. He appears before Aristides at his bed in the sanctuary205 and at the propylaia of the Temple.206 The Greeks believed that Asklepios favoured his own sanctuaries for his epiphanies, but in deference to their beliefs about what the other epiphanic deities preferred, they manipulated the sanctuary space to capture the ambiance of an extra- urban location. This was done by situating the sanctuary, if possible, in a specific place that is associated with epiphany. In lieu of or in addition to that, the sanctuary received cosmetic treatment to create what is most sought. Considerable effort was spent on making the sanctuary as attractive for the god as possible and adding or enhancing natural, appealing features based on what other epiphanic divinities were believed to enjoy. In consequence, even though the sanctuaries occupy spaces reflecting a range of habitation, they consistently project a rustic ambiance. IIIB. Water and Heights as Conduits for Epiphany Water had multiple functions at the Asklepieia. Rivers, streams, and the ocean were used for purification prior to entry to the sanctuary, as illustrated when Plutos bathed in the sea prior to entry. More will be said on this in chapter 4. Water was also utilized in many medical treatments, as other scholars have discussed.208 Water also 205 Aristid. Or. XLVIII.18. 206 Aristid. Or. XLVIII.31. 207 Ar. PL 655-70. 208 Purification: Parker (1983) 226-234 with substantial references given. Medicine: "[Asklepios] has also honoured us in this fashion, by stopping catarrhs and colds with baths in rivers and the sea" (Aristid. Or. XLII.8). Argoud (1987); Lambrinoudakis (1994) 225-236, esp 226; Ginouves (1994) 237-246. Also, pertinent is the Hippocratic treatise De Aera, aquis, locis, as discussed by Winckelmann (1988) 157-170, Jouanna (1992) 368-369. Page 64 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location served one key purpose in that it was used as a conduit for Asklepios' epiphanies; he either appeared at or traveled on rivers, oceans, springs, and fountains.209 Unlike a hero, Asklepios did not stay in a single sanctuary. Like other Olympians, he traveled from place to place. Some of the cures imply that Asklepios' home is at a particular sanctuary, but he visits the others to perform cures. For example, in iamaton B3, Asklepios is said to be away from his home at the Troezen sanctuary {smda(iowrog) and is in Epidauros. Only when he returns to Troezen is he able to complete an operation. In another, he cures an incubant who is journeying home after an unsuccessful visit to an Asklepieion; he appears in the guise of a young man on the road to Pherai, near Kornoi (which might refer to a mountain peak or a city).21' Aristides praises Pergamon for being chosen by the god himself when he came from Epidauros.212 Water is conceived as the means for an epiphany in Alexander of Abonouteichos' schemes. Alexander wants to give the impression of Asklepios' first epiphany at the new oracle.213 Alexander uses water as part of the drama in order both to promote and substantiate the oracle. Alexander hides a goose egg containing a baby snake in a pool of water at the newly dug temple foundations [sXScov in! roiit; Sspi,sXiov^ rov vzu> rove, aqn OQvrrofjJwvg — cruvsicrTrjXBt fis sv avroTg ufitoQ 7} avr65sv no$sv avAXeiffofisvov q si; obqavov 7TSCT6I/).2U The next day, he attracts the whole city to the site of his oracle through a series of antics. In front of this crowd, Alexander wades out into the water (sfifiag sig TO SJBCDQ), 209 Pliny says that waterways are connected. He says, "What is thrown into the fountain of Asklepios at Athens is cast up at Phaleron" (HN 11.106.225). 2,0 B3. On the use of the term smcta/wuvrog see LiDonnici (1995) 103 f. 10. 211 B5. 212Aristid. Or. XXXIX.5. 213 Alexander of Abonouteichos: Nock (1928) 160-2; Dalziel (1936) 90-97; Lane-Fox (1986) 241-50; Martin (1987) 111-113. 2,4 Lucian Alex. 13.The water comes from either a natural source in the foundations itself or as rain from the sky. As discussed below, Asklepios is described by some authors as arriving or appearing in the sky. Page 65 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location dips aphiale, and pulls out the hidden egg along with "water and mud" (sha ipiak^v ahrjirag... Qaidlux; vnofiaAcop avifiarai fiera TOV vfiaTog xai TOV nrjAov TO mbv axalvo av 5)i 6 Ssbg avTcoi xaTsxsxAsio~TO, xrjqcoi Xsuxcoi xai ij/ifiuS-icoi...). The scheme is successful; the people are awed, welcome the god, and begin to pray (avixgayov svS-v$ xai rjcnra^ovTo TOV 3-eop xai T^V TTOXIV sfiaxaqi^ov). Although this example is drawn from a work of satire and Lucian's essay is intended to expose Alexander as a fraud, it is still valuable. Lucian focuses on the ingenious ways in which Alexander deceives people in his pursuit of notoriety, money, and power, and so each of his actions must be seen as deliberate, crafty, and calculated. The cult itself was not a fiction created by Lucian, and its existence is confirmed by coins, statues, amulets, statues, reliefs, and inscriptions.217 The cult flourished for 200 years after its inception.218 One statue of Glykon is 4.67 meters large from head to tail.219 Lucian drew upon real practices observed at the oracle as well as stories told about the shrine. Alexander's method of establishing the oracle had to be believable and carried out in accordance with widespread ritual practices for sanctuary establishment. The decision to hide the egg in a wet place and to pull it out along with water and mud indicates a belief that the god comes from or appears in wet. muddy areas. Alexander did not hide the egg in the altar, the skene, or the sacred tree - constructed and natural features near 215 Lucian Alex. 14. Several votive plaques and sculptures show Hygeia or Asklepios with a phiale or an egg. Usually, the phiale is used to give food, possibly an egg, to the snake: Venice Mus. Arch. 165 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. 2, fig. 42) Vatican 799 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. 2, fig. 82), Istanbul Mus. Arch, sale 13 no. 109 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. 2, fig 98); Malibu Paul Getty 71AA 319; Louvre MA 602 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. 2, fig 252); Leningrad Hermitage A 385 (2386) (Holtzmann (1984) vol. 2, fig 261). Alexander demonstrates his craftiness by associating the attributes of Asklepios with his oracle. 216 Lucian^/ex 14. 2,7 Asklepios-Glykon cult: Lane-Fox (1986) 242. Coins: CIL III 1021-2. Perdrizet (1903) 62; Hind (1992-3) 97-98. Sculpture: Paton (1904) 382; Bordenache (1965); Robert (1980) 398; Hind (1983-4) 75-76, Gilhus (2006)109-111. 218 Gilhus (2006) 110. Coins related to the cult have been found dating to 161 and 251-3 A.D. 2,9 Gilhus (2006) 110-11. Page 66 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location the eventual sanctuary that are named in the text. Alexander's choices were based on what was most convincing and most acceptable - the water and mud in the vicinity of the god's future house. The water was conceived of as the channel through which Asklepios arrived at the site, perhaps as a link between the earth of mortal men and the divine world. Surely, this ruse would have been subject to doubt if Alexander chose an inappropriate place to hide the egg. The holiness of water that comes from a temple is also mentioned by Aristides when he praises the well at Pergamon. In the oration, he claims that the well's holiness comes from the fact that it flows from the foundations on which the temple is erected and that the god is present in the temple. He says, "Everyone believes and trusts that it flows from a place which is both healthy and a supplier of health, since it rises from the temple and the feet of the Savior. For water would flow from no healthier or purer spot than that which flows from here." Fountains and springs decorated with statues of Asklepios are an architectural parallel to the idea implied in Lucian's satire. Fountains and fountain houses were arranged so that the statue of the god sat in or near the fountain, or so that water would pass through the base of the statue into a basin. This type of arrangement is found in fragmentary material remains and is described in literature. Statue fragments have been found in the vicinity of a fountain or a basin, as is the case at Tegea or Lissos.221 Pausanias describes two sites with statues of Asklepios that stand near springs, one at the 220 Aristid. Or. XXXIX.6. 221 Tegea: Norman proposes that a structure holding the statues is found in the area, but none has been found (1986) 430. Perhaps the statue bases simply were placed in or near the fountain. Lissos: Daux (1959) 753; Kret. Chron. (1957) 336-7 Page 67 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Pellene Museion, z and a cave in Lebadeia, Boeotia with the source springs of a river (TOV norafiov TS at •nfj'yat) and standing images of Asklepios and Hygieia with serpents coiled about the figures' scepters.223 Other times, the arrangement is more elaborate, as at Messene, Epidauros, and Pheneos. At Messene, in oikos H (Fig. 2.8), excavators found fragments of massive 994. statues to Apollo and Asklepios and a sarcophagus-like basin. The deities to whom the room was dedicated is further confirmed by an exedra found in situ in the north east corner of the sanctuary and outside oikos H dedicated to Asklepios and Hygieia with fittings on the crown for bronze statues.225 Oikos H featured an apparatus for collecting water into a basin and subsequently draining it. In addition, the statue bases served as water basins: Cet oikos est remarquable par son dispositif ou, des l'origine, la base des statues servait egalment de bassin. Celui-ci etait alimente par une canalization qui descendait a la verticale le long du mur nord de l'oikos. Le trop-plein s'evacuait par une bouche de bronze et descendait le long du petit cote ouest de la base. L'eau conduite vers l'exterieur de l'oikos, en direction du sud, par une canalization couverte, etait dirigee par le grand cote du portique est vers les installations de bains se trouvant au sud de l'ensemble cultuel (E). La presence de ce bassin explique egalement que l'oikos possede un pavage et une bouche d'evacuation dans Tangle sud-ouest, destine a la canalisation qui evacuait vers l'exterieur l'eau repandue sur le sol. (Sineux (1997) 8 after Themelis (1993) 31 n. 3). At Pheneos, a similar apparatus existed. A shrine to Asklepios excavated in 1958, 1959, and 1961, revealed a room with an inscribed base to Asklepios and fragments from colossal statues. In front of the base, excavators found a mosaic floor, a typical indication " Paus. VI1.27.11. It is worth noting that the statue and spring are located near the shrine to the Muses - goddesses associated with agrarian locals and epiphanies. 223 Paus. IX.39.3 224 Orlandos (1960) 113-114,(1961) 159-161; Sineux (1997) 7-8, 18-19. 225 Orlandos (1971) 163-8; Robert (1972) 174; Themelis (1993) 31-2 fig. 4; Sineux (1997) 8. Page 68 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location that the room was waterproofed. Under the room excavators discovered a subterranean reservoir accessible through six wells that surrounded the mosaic. In front of the entry to the room, offering bases were also found.226 At Epidauros, the cult statue itself reportedly sat over a cistern. Pausanias asked the priests why they did not pour water or oil over the state of Asklepios. They told him that both the image of the god and the throne were built over a cistern {km (pQsari).221 Coins often depicted the god seated on a throne - perhaps a representation of this very statue. Chryselephantine statues often had shallow pools in front of them, as is the case for the sculpture of Zeus in Olympia or Athena in the Parthenon. However, excavations by Kavvadias found no cistern in the temple during his excavations, and Martin suggests that the reported cistern may have been shallow pool, rather than deep well.228 Statues were placed in water basins and fountains at other cults. We are fortunate to have a few depictions and descriptions of these types of arrangements. An image of two doll-like votive figures set underneath a water fountain appears on a red figure vase (Athena washes herself at fountain). 9 Quintus describes a cave that flows with cold, crystalline water, "and in niches all around there are stone kraters on the rough rocks... and about them are [statues of] Pans and charming nymphs alike, looms and spindles, and all other skillful works that belong to mortals."230 Here, statues were set up in the niches of a cave along with other cultic objects. The placement of a statue in the water must have been purposeful. It marked the spring as sacred to the divinity, but it also visible recreated the god's epiphany. To some, 226 Protonotairou (1961/2) 59; Daux (1961) 682. 227 Paus.V.l 1.11. 228 Kavvadias (1891) 16; Martin (1946) 363. 229 Paris, Cab. Med 422. See Larson (2001) 51 fig. 1.4, Dernargnel.l (1984)993, 1.2 (1984) p. 751 no. 414. 230 Quint. Smyrn. Posth. 6.469-83. Page 69 Chapter 2 - On .Sanctuary Location it was just a representation and the statue was always a statue. To others, though, statues could come to life and be embodied by the divinity. Some must have believed that a statue of Asklepios in or beside a body of water could become the divinity himself. Perhaps this is the reason that certain springs, wells, or fountains at the sanctuaries were regarded as exceptionally holy with special healing properties. Aristides dedicates an entire oration to the well near the Temple of Asklepios. Some fountains were even seen as untouchable by suppliant or human hands. ~ Perhaps only divinities could touch these water sources. Asklepios was not the only divinity to use water as a means for making a connection with mortals. In literature, "watery" places are used by a range of immortal and deceased heroes, even as early as the period of the composition of Homer's epics. Circe instructs Odysseus to consult with Teiresias at a rock by the junction of two "thundering" rivers (one of which is a tributary from the Styx), along a thickly wooded shore at the groves of Persephone. ' There, Circe tells Odysseus to dig a pit and make libations to the dead.235 Pausanias describes a painting of the scene where the artist emphasized details of the rivers. According to Pausanias, he painted "Water that looks like a river, obviously the Acheron, with reeds growing in it and fish swimming in 2,1 Some Greeks believed statues could embody the divinity and others did not. For example, the early historian, Heracleitus, warns against worshipping statues (Heracleitus B 5). In cults where the worshiper aims to make a personal connection with the divinity, the statues are often regarded as the epiphany, such as in cults to Isis or in the cult of the Syrian Gods. Lucian writes, "Moreover, gods are readily manifest to the inhabitants [of the Holy City]. For the statues among them sweat and move about and give oracles, and a shouting often occurs in the temple when the sanctuary is locked, and many have heard it" (De Dea Syria 10). He implies that the statues are the divinities themselves. On the relationship between statues and occupation by their divinities, see: Corbett (1970) 149-58; Burkert (1985) 90-92. 232 Aristid. Or. XXXIX. 233Aristid. Or. XXXIX. 17. 234 Horn. Od X.508-516 235 Horn. OdX.517-520 Page 70 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location it.. ."236 The belief in watery places as appropriate for an epiphany continues hundreds of years later. Seneca describes an ideal place to stage a necromantic ritual: a location that contains a wooded grove with a stagnant pool, a brackish swamp surrounding a sluggish spring.237 As these literary accounts illustrate, watery places and the wooded grove were regarded as the best places to make contact with the dead. The use of this motif in literature from all periods shows the persistence of this belief over time. Rivers and fountains were not the only suitable watery conduits for an epiphany. The sea served as a conduit for divinities as well. Examples in epic and myth are numerous — Achilles and his mother meet beside the sea, as do Hippolytos and the bull, and Andromeda and the sea monster. In the Aeneid, the two serpents that kill Laocoon come from the sea.23 The snakes "[from Tenedeos], glide across the tranquil water... their immense coils on the sea and making for the shore, their heads held high with blood red crests standing out of the waves; The rest of them is twisting on the surface this way and that and at enormous length; You could hear them thrashing up the salt spray." Once they have completed their task of killing Laocoon and his sons, the two serpents disappear. To do this, they glide up to the sanctuary (summa delubra) of Athena and escape under the goddess' feet and shield. The snakes come via the sea and they escape and disappear or depart under the cult statue. As an epiphanic deity, Isis has many similarities to Asklepios. She too used water as a means to travel, generally by boat, and was especially famed for appearing 236 Paus.X.28.1-29.1 2,7 Sen. Oedipus 530-626. 238 Discussion of the sea and myih: Vermule (1981) 179-209; Buxton (1995) 97-113. Says Vermule, "Almost all sea-creatures have the gift of prophecy" (1981) 190. 239Verg. 11.201-227. 240 Isis is another god who is known for her epiphanies, is closely associated with water, and has several festivals related to boats. The similarities between the two gods are noted. A fuller discussion of this Page 71 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location from the sea.241 Apuleius provides a vivid description of her epiphany at the seaside. Many aspects of the account mimic an incubation. Lucius purifies himself, prays, and falls asleep on the beach. Then, the goddess appears: But scarcely had I closed my eyes when suddenly from the midst of the sea a divine figure arose, revealing features worthy of veneration even by the gods. Then gradually the gleaming form seemed to stand before me in full figure as she shook off the sea water. (Apul. Met. XI.2) Like an epiphany at an Asklepieion, Isis gives Lucius instructions in order to "cure" himself of his "condition." In describing her appearance and then progressing through the transformative cure, the sea motif continues. Lucian mentions that Isis carries a boat shaped vessel, on the handle of which is a serpent (Apul. Met. XI.4). She instructs Lucian to attend a festival that sends the first fruits out to sea on a boat (Apul. Met. XI.5). As opposed to burning the offering, where the smoke rises to the gods, here it is sent to Isis on the sea on a boat, the same way the goddess herself travels. Several representations of Isis depict the goddess traveling by ship. Presumably, these representations refer to aspects of her mythos; in Plutarch's version, she journeyed through the Nile by boat seeking parts of the dismembered Osiris. On the Navigium Isis from the Naples National Museum, Isis is shown traveling by ship. Isis is shown standing on a ship, with Oceanus and the Nile represented as two large heads.242 A relief from Delos depicts her standing on a ship, holding the sails in her hand.243 A boat shaped lamp is decorated with shrines while Isis is depicted at the centre.2 comparison is beyond the scope of this paper. For rudimentary details on Isis in these contexts, refer to Witt (1971) 70-88, 165-184; Martin (1987) 76-81. 241 A full discussion of Isis and her associations with water and the sea is too lengthy to include here, but other studies on the topic exist. See: Witt (1971) 70-88, 165-184; Martin (1987) 76-81. 242 Naples NM 8929. Tinh (1990) vol.2 no. 77; Merkelbach (1995) 507 fig. 26. 243 Delos Mus. A. 3187. Tinh (1990) vol.2 no. 269; Merkelbach (1995) 578 fig. 100. 244 Ostia. Mus. Ostiense 3218. Tinh (1990) vol. 2. no 165. Merkelbach (1995) 672 fig. 212. Page 72 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location The Asklepios cult throughout the Mediterranean also utilizes a ship motif. Plutarch's account and that of Valerius Maximus suggest that ships play a role in the cult's mythos. Boats are correspondingly featured in several plaques that depict Asklepios. The god is depicted traveling by boat or ship. As mentioned, the Tiber Island is given an architectural treatment that rendered the island into the shape of a boat, with a prow carved at the southern end of the island decorated with a relief of Asklepios in the first century BC. A medallion from the reign of Antoninus Pius (Fig. 2.9) depicts the sacred snake disembarking from a ship onto Tiber Island. ' Fragments of a marble relief of two ships supposedly bearing Asklepios are found on the Esquiline Hill in Rome (Fig. 2.10).246 Finally, a gemstone acquired in Italy depicts Asklepios and Hygieia together, with a small boat shown beneath the horizon line that supports the two figures.247 In all likelihood, the ships on these items refer directly to the arrival of the cult and the divinity on the island, since the sacred snake is transported to Rome on a trireme.248 It is also worth noting that in both accounts, the snake swims in the river to reach Tiber Island, again using the water as a way to travel from one place to another. Accounts for the Tiber Island sanctuary focus on the trireme as an important part of its aition, whereas at other sanctuaries a depiction of a ship does not always correspond with the surviving fragments of a foundation legend. In these cases, the ship is mentioned or depicted as a symbol of both epiphany and arrival. For example, the prow of a boat is depicted on Side B of the Telemachos monument at the Athenian Asklepieion Besnier(1902) 175-6. von Stradonitz (1907) 381; Hafner (1990) 65-70. Copenhagen Mus. Nat. 236. Holtzmann (1984) vol. 2 no. 135. Arrival: Hafner (1990) 69. Page 73 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location (Fig. 2. II).249 Scholars suggest that this refers to the arrival of the cult, but the very monument that contains the image contains an inscription that specifically states that the cult came to Athens from Zea (Piraeus) by wagon — overland, rather than by boat.250 Perhaps the cult traveled from Epidauros to the Piraeus by boat, or perhaps the boat refers to the fact the cult first is established in the harbour before coming to the Acropolis. The boat could even be a car outfitted with wheels, not unlike the cult that carried Athena's peplos up the Acropolis. Another feature on both the Antoninus Pius medallion (Fig. 2.9) and the fragmentary marble relief from the Esquiline Hill (Fig. 2.10), is that figures climb up to their desired location on a rocky shore. On the medallion, the snake curls upwards towards the shrine, while on the marble relief, women are helped onto the rocky shore by men who are depicted as though standing on a higher plane, indicated depicting the two sets of figures at different levels. In both, a visual relationship is established between epiphany (the divinity on the boat) and a "high" location for the sanctuary. "High" places seem to be desirable, perhaps for the same reason as "watery" places - such a location is associated with epiphany. Were "high" places selected as sanctuary sites because of their proximity to the sky, or at the very least, to Mt. Olympus, as if to suggest that Asklepios would descend from the air during an epiphany? Some late authors mention Asklepios' association with the sky. Julianus claims that Asklepios made his first appearance at Epidauros in the form 249 Pieces and inscriptions: IG II2 4960, 4961, 4963; Athens MM 2477, 2490, 2491, London BM 1920.6- 161.1, 1971.1-25.1; Padua Museo Civico 14. Bibliography for Telemachos monument: see Beschi (1967- 8a) 381-436. Also see: Walter (1923); Beschi (1967-8a) 381-436, (1982) 31-43; Mitropoulou (1975); Ghedini (1980) 15-18; Aleshire (1989) 33-34; Lawton (1992)242-3; Garland (1992) 119-121; Parke (1997) 177-8; Robertson (1998) 29. SEG XXV.226, XXXVI.275, XXXII.266. 250 Cart or mule: Parke (1997) 177-9. Page 74 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location of the man when he came to earth from the sky.23' Justin says that after being struck by a thunderbolt, Asklepios ascended into the sky (stg ovqavov)?52 Cicero says Asklepios dwells in the air (caelo). Pausanias mentions an argument he has with a Phoenician man who identifies Asklepios as the air (aiga yzvei)?54 Aristides claims to see Asklepios of Pergamon enthroned in the sky in a dream. 55 Late authors identify Asklepios as the sun or the moon. ~ However, Asklepios' association with the sky or the air did not necessarily correspond to the height of a mountain. This may have simply been a way of identifying him as a divinity rather than as a mortal. Rather, in much the same way that water was associated with epiphany, the evidence suggests that "high places" such as mountain peaks were regarded as ideal for epiphanies. The concept originates in Minoan-Mycenaean religious practices, notably in the peak sanctuaries of Crete. The peak sanctuaries were rustic, rudimentary Bronze Age religious sites, located on low-lying mountain peaks, identified by their visibility and proximity to areas of human habitation. Approximately 25 have been located. The crude, hand molded votives representing worshipers and an assortment of votive objects, as well as the architectural remains (altars, simple structures) of the sanctuaries suggest a belief that gods inhabit mountains and that the peak was an appropriate place to approach them. While there is no evidence for incubation at these sanctuaries, there is some evidence that these sanctuaries were appropriate places for epiphanies. 251 Julian. Contra Galileos 200A-B 252 Justin Apol. XXI. 1-2. 253 Cic. Leg II.8.19; Cic. De Nat. D. 11.24.62, 111.15.39. 254 Paus. VII.23.7-8. 255 Aristid.O. L.56. 256 Euseb. Praep. evang. III.13.19-20; Joannes Lydus De Mensibus IV.45; Macrob. Sat. 1.20.1-4; Proc. In Ti. I.49C. 257Peatfield(1992)59. 258Peatfield(1992)59. Page 75 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Epiphany scenes on seal rings and sealings from the Minoan period depict scenes in which a deity appears to worshippers in a rustic location suggestive of a peak sanctuary.25 The epiphany is represented by a small-scale goddess hovering in the air.260 For example, a gold ring from a chamber tomb at Isopata near Knossos (CMS II.3.51) depicts a small figure alighting from the sky towards figures that stand outside (Fig. 2.12).261 Clumps of lilies and jagged lines on the ring suggest that the locale is a peak sanctuary. ' These same types of topographical markers are used to surround a structure set in the mountains on a rhyton found at Kato Zakros (Fig 2.13). A fragment from another vase with similar elements is thought to represent a peak sanctuary.263 The gestures of the figures that identify the worshipers are similar to those made by a clay female figurine found at the peak-sanctuary of Xerokampos (Amepelou).264 The peak sanctuaries share another feature with the Asklepieia, namely - it seems that they were places associated with healing. To begin, the peak sanctuaries have their own version of body part votives. The crude clay hand molded votives found at peak sanctuaries include body parts, some with suspension holes, such as arms, legs, and 259 Not all scholars accept these interpretations. Cain (2001) 27-49 argues against a narrative in the rings. 260Nilsson (1950) 341-88; Matz (1958); Hagg (1983) 184-5; Warren (1987), n.p., (1990) 196; Niemeier (1989), Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 194, Wedde (1999) 185-93; Marinates (1993) 175-88. Other rings with hovering small figures: Ashmolean Museum 1932.1127; Athens NM 7985; Lamia Museum M845; Herakleion Museum 47.1-3; Ashmolean Museum 1932.1129. Corsten (1987) 193-200 and Cain (2001) reject the interpretation of such figures as gods. 261 1550-1450 BC, 2.25 cm long by 1.16 cm wide. The ring and its bibliography appear in CMS 11.3 no. 51 with bibliographic data. Also see: Pini (1983) 39-49; Younger (1983) 109-36, (1995) 151; Hagg (1986) 46- 62; Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 195-196; Cain (2001) 27-49. 262 For the lilies and jagged lines on the Peark Sancutary rhyton of Kato Zakros and a fragment from Knossos, see Shaw (1978)433-5, 440-1. Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 192-198, outlines the importance of spatial elements in reflecting ritual space while arguing against the authenticity of a particular ring: CMS II.3.1. Further comments on this topic will be forthcoming in her works Reading Dumb images. A study in Minoan iconography and religion and "Space in Late Minoan religious scenes in glyptic - some remarks," in CMS Beiheft 3. Younger (1988) treats the serpentine line as a divider between heaven and earth 138. 290. 263 Rhyton fragment from Gypsades. See Shaw (1978) 441 fig. 10. 264 Sourvinou-Inwood (1990) 196; Davaras (1981) fig. 45. Figure now at Hagios Nikolaos Museum Page 76 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location phalloi (Fig 2.14), that are comparable in type and quantity to the votive body parts dedicated at the Asklepieia. 6 The crude anatomical votives are so common at the peak sanctuaries that they are considered defining for the type of site. 66 Although it is impossible to ascertain the precise meaning of the votives, scholars believe that they are left to commemorate or request healing. In addition to the body parts, a few of the votives represent individuals who are sick, such as one from Traostalos depicting a woman with elephantitis (or a swollen leg) and another from Petsophas of a seated, pregnant woman. These more complex votives are also suggestive that the peak sanctuaries were regarded as places to ask for, receive, or give thanks for healing. While it is unlikely that the peak sanctuaries led directly to the development of the Asklepieion, the only Mycenaean "peak" sanctuary in existence is located beside the Apollo Maleatas sanctuary on the hill above the Epidaurian Asklepieion. 6 The Epidaurian Bronze Age sanctuary shares certain features with the Cretan peak sanctuaries: its location on a hillside and signs of sacrificial activity. However, archaeologists have not uncovered votives such as the crude limbs - the best evidence that peak sanctuaries had a healing character and the best evidence for continuity of some ritual practices. However, the proximity of the Bronze Age site to the Epidaurian 265 van Straten (1981) 146, 149. 266 Myres (1902-3) 356-87; Peatfield (1990) 120, (1992) 60-61; Rutkowski (1991) 44-7; Watrous (1995) 399. 267 Peak sanctuary and epiphany: Hagg, R. (1983) 184; Hagg (1986) 41-62; Peatfield (1990) 120; Watrous (1995) 398. Peak sanctuary and votive limbs: Davaras (1976) 246; Peatfield (1990) 120-122, (1992) 60-61, 74; Rutkowski (1991) 42-46; Watrous (1995) 399. 268 Traostalos woman: Davaras (1976) fig. 138; Peatfield (1990) 120-2 fig. 10. 269 The excavators identify the site as a peak sanctuary. For excavations, see Papademetriou (1948), (1949a), (1949b), (1950), (1951); Lambrinoudakis (1981), (1980), (1990), (1991 a), (1991 b), (1992), (1993), (1994), (1995a). (1995b), (1996), (1998), (2002). For peak sanctuary, see esp. Lambrinoudakis (1981) 59-65. The identity of the site as a "peak sanctuary" has been challenged by Hagg (1981) 36; Peatfield (1990) 120-2; Wright (2001) 68. These authors do not deny that the site has a sacred character and is cultic. On the relationship between the Myceneans and Minoans, see Hagg (1987). Page 77 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Asklepieion might be indicative of the general area's sanctity and appropriateness for epiphanies. After the Bronze Age, mountains were regarded places of epiphany, especially in myth.270 Certain gods were believed to frequent the mountains, especially the Muses, who are typically found on Hehkon, Pan m the mountains of Arcadia, and the Nymphs.273 In myth, meetings between gods and men often take place in the mountains. Hesiod encounters the Muses on Helikon.274 Philippides meets with Pan on Parthenion.275 Aktaion and Teiresias meet gods on the mountains. Several sexual encounters between mortals and immortals take place in the mountains, such as Endymion and Selene on Mt. Latmus in Caria, and Anchises and Aphrodite on Mt. Ida.277 Aside from these mythic examples, some magical texts encourage magicians to make contact with divinities in the mountains and seem to suggest that an epiphany will occur if the magician positions himself in a "high" place. For example, one spell instructs the magician to go onto a lofty 77X roof as part of the ritual in acquiring a divine assistant. Unfortunately, the specific evidence for Asklepios' appearances on mountain peaks is weak at best. In one of the iamala, Asklepios heals Sostrata on the road to Pherai. The cure takes place around Kornoi (mgi Kogvovq), where she meets with a handsome man, who heals her. The man then reveals himself as Asklepios. Kornoi is 270 On the multiple roles of mountains in myth: Buxton (1995) 80-96. 271 Hes. Theog. 1. Hymn. Horn. Pan. 6-7. 21' Horn. //. xxiv.614; Hymn. Horn. Kew.257-8 274 Hes. Theog. 22. 275 Hdt VI. 105. 276 Actaion: Ov. Met. 3.138-255. Teirisias: Apollod. Bibl. I1I.6.7; Call. Hymn 5.121-30. 277 Larson (2001) 9; Buxton (1992) 1-15, (1995) 80-96; Fowden (1998) 48-59. Aphrodite: Hymn. Horn. Ven. 278 PGM 1.55-60, PGM 1.70-75. 279 B5. Page 78 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location the operative word here, as scholars seem divided if the term refers to a general location on a mountain peak or a specific city. Kavvadias interpreted the term as "mountain peak," by comparing the cure with mentioned in a third century inscription that distinguishes the territory of Epidauros from that of Corinth with the term kornoi. If he is correct in his use of the term to mean "peak", Pherai is likely apolis located in Achaia and Sostratus' cure takes place on a mountain peak (kornoi) located between Pherai and Epidauros.281 However, Kavvadias' proposed location for Pherai is not the only one. LiDonnici instead argues that the site is Pherai in Thessaly, a region mentioned by Mitsos, and where a •JOT boundary stone is found with the term Kornoi on it. ' Of course, the only problem with this argument is that Thessalians had their own local Asklepieion and it seems unlikely that Sostrata would have traveled to Epidauros for her cure, especially considering that she had to be carried around on a stretcher. However, the Epidaurian iamata include tales from suppliants who come from across Greece (Aegina, Halieis, Troezen, Thasos, Lacedaemon, Thebes, Herakleia, Epirus, Knidos). The boundary stone could still refer to a mountain peak, rather than a town, but it is not clear if that is how it is used in this context. HIC. Heights, Water, and the Locus Amoenus as criteria In sum, both heights and proximity to water were associated with the placement of the Asklepieia, confirming the suggestions made by Plutarch and Vitruvius. The archaeological evidence along with the literary evidence shows a preference for these ;0/GIV2l71 = Kavvadias (i 891)234. 11 Herzog(1931) 18 f. 26,29. 12 Mitsos (1976) 86; LiDonnici (1995) 105 f. 16. Page 79 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location types of locations. These locations are likely chosen because of their association with epiphanies of gods and other divine figures. Another suggestion made by Plutarch is that the sanctuaries are located outside of their respective poleis. This is not always borne out in the actual placement of the sanctuaries, since many are situated within the city walls. However, in several cases, an effort is invested in cosmetically altering the features of the sanctuary in order to "rusticate" it and create an ambiance similar to areas outside the polis. Like proximity to water or location at a height relative to the surrounding topography, this is probably an attempt to suggest or recreate the places where epiphanic gods frequent - wooded groves, mountain peaks, and areas near water sources. The Tiber Island sanctuary followed this pattern for placement. The sanctuary was founded in the middle of the Tiber River - near water. While not set at a height, its depiction on a medallion and on a relief suggests that it was conceived of as higher than the surrounding topography. Like the other Asklepieia, it remained in close proximity to the community it served, though it is located outside the pomerium. Although not physically distant from the city in the way that the Epidaurian sanctuary was located away from its polls, this location meant that the Tiber Island sanctuary was regarded as outside of Rome. The incorporation of all the elements associated with epiphany suggests that the architects of the Roman Asklepieion were familiar with Greek preferences and sought to be consistent with them. Page 80 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location IV. Tiber Island Asklepieion: A Greek Foundation Story^ Sed ut ceterorum quoque deorum propensum huic But let me report also about the friendly spirit of the urbi numen exequamur, triennio continuo vexata other gods towards this city. When for three pestilentia civitas nostra, cum finem tanti et tam continuous years our community had been troubled diutini mali neque divina misericordia neque by a pestilence, and it seemed impossible either humano auxilio inponi videret, cura sacerdotum through divine grace or through human aid to put an inspectis Sibyllinis libris animadvertit non aliter end to such a long-lasting evil, it was discovered pristinam recuperari salubritatem posse quam si ab through the study of the priests who consulted the Epidauro Aesculapius esset accersitus, itaque eo Sibylline Books that the former state of health could legatis missis unicam fatalis remedii opem not be restored unless Asklepios were summoned auctoritate sua, quae iam in terris erat amplissima, from Epidauros. By sending a legation to this place impetraturam se credidit. Neque earn opinio decepit: our city believed, therefore, that through its pari namque studio petitum ac promissum est authority, which was then already well established praesidium, e vestigioque Epidauri Romanorum all over the world, it would be able to obtain the legatos in templum Aesculapii, quod ab eorum urbe extraordinary help of the fateful remedy. And it was quinque milia passuum distat, perductos ut quidquid not far wrong in this belief. For with equal inde salubre patriae laturos se existimassent pro suo eagerness protection was asked for and promised. iure sumerent benignissime invitaverunt. Quorum And instantly the Epidaurians escorted the tam promptam indulgentiam numen ipsius dei ambassadors of the Romans into the temple of subsecutum verba mortalium caelesti obsequio Asklepios - which was located at a distance of five comprobavit: si quidem is anguis, quern Epidauri miles from their city - and most kindly invited them raro, sed numquam sine magno ipsorum bono visum to feel entitled to take and carry home whatever in modum Aesculapii venerati fuerunt, per urbis they might deem wholesome for their country. This celeberrimas partes mitibus oculis et leni tractu labi prompt indulgence of the citizens was instantly coepit, triduoque inter religiosam omnium followed by the divine will of the god himself who admirationem conspectus, haud dubiam prae se confirmed the words of the mortals with heavenly adepetitae clarioris sedis alacritatem ferens, ad complaisance: if indeed the serpent, who was seen triremem Romanam perrexit, paventibusque rarely, though never with small benefit, and was inusitato spectaculo nautis eo conscendit, ubi Q. worshipped by the Epidaurians as an epiphany of Ogulni legati tabernaculum erat, inque multiplicem Asklepios, began to glide through the most orbem per summam quietem est convolutus. Turn conspicuous parts of the town, with mild eyes and legati perinde atque exoptatae rei conpotes expleta soft movements; and on the third day, under the gratiarum actione, cultuque anguis a peritis excepto, pious admiration of all the people, he was seen laeti inde solvernut, ac prosperam emensi exhibiting definite eagerness to reach a more navigationem postquam Antium appulerunt, anguis, renowned abode and turned toward the Roman qui ubique in navigio remanserat, prolapsus in trireme. While the crew was trembling in view of vestibulo aedis Aesculapii murto frequentibus ramis the unusual spectacle, he entered the boat at the very diffusae superimminentem excelsae altitudinis spot where the ambassador Q. Ogulnius had his tent, palmam circumdedit, perque tres dies, postis quibus and there curled himself up most quietly in a circle vesci solebat, non sine magno metu legatorum ne of many folds. Whereupon the ambassadors, as if inde in triremem reverti nollet Antiensis templi they had attained what they had wished for, hospitio usus, urbi se nostrae advehendum restituit, performed the ceremony of thanksgiving and atque in ripam Tiberis egressis legatis in insulam, learned from the priests the rites of the serpent. ubi templum dicatum est, tranavit adventuque suo Then they gladly lifted the anchor and left. At the tempestatem, cui remedio quaesitus erat, dispulit. end of the happy trip, after they had reached (Latin by Bailey, 2000. Loeb edition) Antium, the serpent, who all the time had remained in the vessel, escaped, and in front of the temple of Asklepios he wound himself round a palm tree of tremendous height which was towering above the myrtle grove with its many widespread boughs. And for three days, while they gave him what he was used to being fed on, the ambassadors had great fear lest he might not return from there into the trireme, using the temple at Antium as a refuge. But Page 81 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location again he betook himself to approaching our city, and when the ambassadors had disembarked at the bank of the Tiber, he swam across to the island where a temple has been dedicated; and through his arrival he dispelled the plague for the cure of which he had been summoned. (Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia, 1.8.2 - trans E. and J. Edelstein) Valerius' delightful account of Asklepios' arrival in Rome celebrates the miraculous events that led to the creation of the Tiber Island sanctuary. His narrative is similar to other versions of the same tale, though the details vary: the Romans consult the Sibylline books or an oracular shrine (Delphi) in regards to a plague,1 the Romans are advised to establish a cult to Asklepios and send an embassy to Epidauros, a snake voluntarily appears to the Roman ambassadors,3 the snake curls up on the Roman trireme and the embassy departs for home,4 the snake forces the embassy to stop at Antium,5 and finally, the snake swims across the Tiber River to the site of his eventual sanctuary on Tiber Island.6 In some versions of the aition, the snake disappears upon arrival at the island.7 The Tiber Island foundation story is the best preserved aition for all of the Asklepieia.8 Aitia also exist for the Greek Asklepieia, but they are neither as lengthy nor as detailed, and quite frequently, survive only in fragments. The Tiber Island story survives in different versions, and all of them offer an explanation for the sanctuary's 1 Plague: Livy Per XI; XXIX. 11.1; [Aur. Vict] De vir. ill. 22.1-3; Ov. Met. XV.626-627; Claud. Com. Hon. Cons. Stil. III.171; Arn. Adv. nat. VII.44-48; August. De civ. D. III. 17. 2 Sibylline books or other oracle: Strabo XII.5.3; [Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill. 22.1-3; Ov. Met. XV.628-650; Oros. III.22.5; Am. Adv. nat. VII, 44-48; August. De Civ. D. III. 17; 3 Snake appears to ambassadors at Epidauros: [Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill., 22.1-3; Ov. Met. XV.622-744. 4 Snake curls up in trireme: Livy Per XI; [Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill. 22.1-3; Ov. Met. XV.622-744. 5 Antium: [Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill. 22.1-3; Ov. Met. XV.622-7'44. 6 Snake swims to Tiber Island: Livy Per XI; [Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill. 22.1-3; Ov. Met. XV.736-44; Plin. HN 29.1.16; Claud. De Consulatu Stilichonis III.171-173; Arn. Adv. nat. VII.44-48. 7 Snake disappears: Ov. Met. XV.622-744; Arn. Adv. nat. VII.44-48. 8 Tiber Island foundation story: Besnier (1902); Simon (1990) 19-26; Ziolkowski (1992) 17-18; Steinby (1993) vol 1.21-2. 9 On Greek aitia generally, see Garland (1992) 152-170. Page 82 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location location, demonstrating interest in both preserving and mythologizing the reasons for the selected location. The Tiber Island aition is similar to Roman mytho-historic tales that recount events leading to the establishment of a religious site or sanctuary. These tales explain the reasons for the establishment of sacred places as well as the origins of rituals and traditions associated with the sites. The tradition has a long history in Rome and even is part of the city's "national" literature. The Aeneid commemorates the establishment of Alba Longa and Lavinium, as well as other cities. In the Fasti, Ovid explains how the rites of the Paralia are due to Aeneas' piety. Aitia are even applied to sites that are perceived to be ancient, though modern excavations sometimes prove the accounts to be wishful fabrications. For example, a fourth century heroon at Lavinium is identified as the tomb of Aeneas by Dionysios of Halicarnassos in the late first century BC. The seventh century BC burial within the heroon is certainly old, but still later than the period of the Trojan War.13 While it is unlikely that Dionysios and the composers of the aition knew the actual age of the tomb, its antique air led them to believe it was old enough to belong to Aeneas. By the first century BC, abundant literary and material evidence associating Roman cults, religious practices, and institutions with a tale of origin involving historic semi-divine figures or divinities indicates a widespread interest in foundation stories about Roman cults and religious practices. The dates coincide with Augustus' reign, and 10 Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 173. New cults were introduced to Rome in waves. For example, an increase in innovations, in ritual practice and the acceptance of new deities occurs in the third century BC, from 218- 201 BC (Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 62, 79). 12 Ov. Fart.IV.783-806. 13 Dion. Hal. AR (1.64.4-5). On the heroon: Sommella( 1971-2) 47-74; Holloway (1996) 135-138. Page 83 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location probably reflect his policies and concerns with revitalizing old religious practices. Just as temples are rebuilt from ruins during this period, stories that survived only in fragmentary oral form are recorded and "rebuilt." Through its aition, a cult explained and defended its significance and centrality to the Roman state by narrating its early history and drawing connections with ancient heroes and divinities. Perhaps this was done in order to obtain financial support or patronage, or simply as a matter of pride and prestige. The Romans of this time were attempting to understand better and classify their religious system after a period of perceived civic neglect. The Tiber Island Asklepieion is exemplary of the phenomenon, since its first preserved aitia are dated to the Augustan period even though the sanctuary was constructed hundreds of years earlier. The sanctuary's Hellenic and Hellenically-inspired origins, location, practices, and personnel gave the sanctuary a foreign ethos. The aition explained and justified its presence, propriety, and utility of a perceived "Greek" sanctuary in Rome. The "real" reasons for introducing the Asklepios cult in 256 BC are unknown, but there are several possibilities. Perhaps the Senate used the aition to give civic legitimacy to a cult that had previously been private, but had grown in popularity and now demanded public attention. More recently, Orlin has argued that the cult was sought as part of a change in Roman foreign policy. With the Samnite Wars coming to a close, the Senate sought to increase its activity in the region of Magna Graecia.15 The Romans may have adopted the cult in their efforts to acquire political, diplomatic, and military support from 14 Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 4. 15 Schied (1985) 97-98; Orlin (2002) 24, 105-108. See contra Musial (1990) 234-5. Page 84 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location the South Italian Greek poleis in the area. However, Orlin's argument is flawed in that it treats all Greeks as the sameThe true reason can only be inferred and hypothesized, as the Senate did not advertise or promote its motives. The Tiber Island aition shows elements of Romanizalion - the application of Roman values to a concept adopted from elsewhere. An adopted Greek cult required integration into Rome, which was achieved through the creation or commemoration of a mytho-historic tale. Yet even the tale itself blends Greek elements with Roman ones. For the second half of this chapter, I wish to consider the Romanization of the foundation tale, by examining to what extent the tale was Romanized and why. I do this by comparing aspects of the Tiber Island aition with its Greek counterparts, including the cause of its introduction, the role of human founders, the requirement of divine approval (in some cases, the approval of two different divinities), and the pause before foundation. IVA. Plague A plague was mentioned in several versions of the aition as the reason for introducing the Asklepios cult to Rome. In Rome, a plague was understood and interpreted as a prodigy, an unnatural sign indicating an imbalance in the pax deum, the relationship between the Romans and their gods.17 A typical response to a prodigy was the establishment of a religious structure (e.g. temple) or a prescribed period of religious practices. Livy listed numerous plague prodigies and described the resulting response, 16 Orlin (2002) 107-9. 17 Roman prodigies are discussed primarily Bloch (1963) 77-157; Liebeschuetz (1979) 9-10; MacBain (1982); Levene (1993) 17-37: Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 37-9. An excellent discussion and analysis on the dedications of new temples and its association with the pax deum is given by Orlin (2002) 11-34. 18 Beard et al. (2001) vol. 2 43. Orlin claims that Livy records only two instances of pestilence resulted in the erection of a temple, one to Apollo Medicus and one to Asklepios (2001) 21-23. There were other possible responses to plagues., including driving a nail into the side of a temple (Livy VII.3, VIII. 18). Page 85 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location such as the dedication of a temple to Apollo Medicus in 436/5 BC.19 In response to a plague, the gods addressed were not always related to medical or health concerns. For example, the temple of Venus was established near the Circus in response to a plague.20 Other gods who received temples in response to a plague or pestilence included Ceres, Febris, Tellus, and Verminius, as well as a commemorative altar to the Ara Incendii. So, although one could argue that as a healer, Asklepios was an ideal choice for a prodigy related to a public health threat, a plague did not necessarily require the propitiation of a medical or health deity. The Senate likely had its own set of motives for wanting to introduce this specific cult. Most accounts of the prodigies stressed the fact that the disruption occurred between the Romans and all the divinities, rather than a specific god. The divinity was not identified as the source or cause of the prodigy. The precise cause or origin of the prodigy was rarely identified or discussed, only its physical manifestation or impact. Even when a prodigy occurred at a specific cult site (for example, the cult statue of Mars by the Appian Way), there was no matching averting sacrifice or offering to that specific god.22 Yet specific divinities were associated with the elimination or alleviation of the prodigy.23 Once the correct divinity received an appropriate address, the problem reversed or dissipated. Livy ; IV.25 temple to Apollo Medicus for a plague; 1.3 1 — an early plague prodigy under Tullus; V. 13- 14 - pestilence a mark of divine displeasure and Books of Fate consulted; VI.20 - a pestilence believed to be due to an execution; VII.2, VII.27 - lectisternium instituted in response to a pestilence; X.31 - Temple of Venus near circus built in response to plague; XL. 19 -an epidemic results in a consultation of the Sibylline books, sacrifices, and a special three day holiday; XLI.21 - a pestilence results in promises of two intercession days. 20 Livy X.31; Suet. Ner. 39.1; Dio Cass. LXXII 14.3-4. 21 Stambaugh (1978) 557. 22 Livy XXII. 1. 23 Nock (1925) repr. 1972 1.47; Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 37. Page 86 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Valerius' account illustrates the point. The plague he describes was not associated with a specific social ill or religious transgression. Neither Asklepios nor divinities associated with plagues in mythology such as Jupiter or Apollo were named as its cause. Yet, once Asklepios' cult was introduced to the city, the plague dissipated. Distancing the gods with the causes of a plague was consciously done to disassociate the divinities with anything that destroys or disrupts Rome. To do so would indicate that the gods were against Rome. It would also have tainted the divinity's pure reputation. The god was further distanced from the prodigy because consultation with an intermediary source was required to understand its meaning. Since the Romans could not identify the specific religious transgression that caused the prodigy, its "cure" depended upon the advice of religious authorities who understood the general will or mood of all the gods. To this end, the Romans consulted the Sibylline books in order to understand the best course of action to take as a response. This provided an additional step between the prodigy and the divine - it placed more space between cause and response. In contrast, the Greeks identified plagues either as an offense to a specific god or as arising from entirely atheotic forces. In mythology, plagues were a punishment for offending specific gods, such as the plague sent by Apollo after Chryses' plea 5 or Zeus' plague in the Works and Days as vengeance for Prometheus' theft of fire.26 Sometimes, the Greeks disassociated plagues from religious causes altogether. The fullest description of a plague in Greek literature is given by Thucydides, a victim of the disease himself.27 24 Parker (1983) 257. 25 Horn. //1.46-52. 26Hes. WD 100-4,238-45. 27 Thuc. 11.47.3-54. Many have written about the plague in Athens, but excellent discussion given by Gomme (1945-56) 11.146-62; Shrewsbury (1950) 1-25; Page (1953); MacArthur (1954) 171-4; Salway and Dell (1955) 62-70; Oost (1975) 187-8,; Poole and Holladay (1979); Parker (1983) 218, 275; Holladay (1988); Longrigg (1992); Nielsen (1996); Craik (2001). Page 87 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location In his lengthy discussion, Thucydides identifies not only where the plague starts (Ethiopia) and its symptoms, but he also describes its effects on the social fabric. Thucydides states that he is unable to ascertain the cause of the plague and he believes that no one else can either. He does not suggest that the plague was sent by the gods. Thucydides notes the ineffectiveness of religious actions at controlling the plague. He says that prayers in temples, consultation of oracles, and other religious efforts to stay the plague failed. The fact that some tried to stop the plague by these types of actions indicates that some sought a religious explanation for the plague, while Thucydides describes how those who did not believe it to be divine were equally affected. Thucydides says that men were afraid of nothing — neither gods nor the laws of man — since worshipping the gods brought no positive effect and no one expected to live long enough to be brought to trial. Thucydides does mention attempts to secure oracular advice, however ineffective. The most common method used to interpret both the cause of the plague and the best course of action to follow was determined through oracular consultation. Just as the Romans used the Sybilline books as an intermediary, the Greeks most often turned to Delphi in order to understand the cause and required response. Like the Sybilline books, the oracle at Delphi sometimes prescribed action; a plague might be cured by introducing a cult, a sanctuary, or a set of religious practices. This is illustrated by the scholiast of the Archamians who recounts the introduction of Dionysos Eleutherios to Attica: Pegasos of Eleutherai - Eleutherai is a polis in Boiotia - came to Attica with the agalma of Dionysos. The Athenians did not receive the god with honour, but he did not depart from those who took this decision without exacting a price. For the god became enraged and a disease struck the private parts of the males and the illness was incurable. As they were helpless in the face of disease which proved stronger than human magic and skill, sacred ambassadors were hastily dispatched Page 88 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location to consult the god. When they returned they said that the only cure was this, namely, if they should introduce Dionysos with all due honour. Being persuaded by these reports, the Athenians fashioned phalluses privately and publicly, and with these they venerated the god m memory of their illness. In this account, Delphi helps the Athenians understand why they were stricken with a plague. They did not accept Dionysos. The consequence of this was a plague that attacked something specifically within the god's domain: male genitalia. Initially, the Athenians did not associate the plague with divinities, as early attempts to control it included magic and "skill" - probably medical practices. After consulting with Delphi, the Athenians understood the cause of the plague and the correct response. When the Athenians corrected the activity that caused the plague, by giving Dionysos his due worship and respect, it dissipated. They also proceeded to commemorate the plague with phalluses. While it seems natural to assume that the Asklepieia were founded in response to plagues, this was not clearly the case. The most likely candidate for an Asklepieion built in response to a plague is the one at Athens, but there was a ten year gap between the start of the plague during the Peloponnesian War in 429/30 (a second outbreak in 426/7 was closer in date) and the date of the sanctuary's establishment (420/421 BC). Some scholars conclude that the delay was a result of the war; claiming that safe travel between Athens and Epidauros was possible only after the Peace of Nikias in 420/421 BC.29 The ten-year delay seems lengthy, and contrasts with the situation in Rome, where the cult was introduced just two or three years after the plague's initial outburst. Furthermore, the Telemachos Monument from the Athenian sanctuary identifies a private founder who 28 Scholiast Archarnians 1.243. 29 Mikalson (1984)220; Parker (1997) 180; Aleshire (1989) 7; Camp (2001) 122. Page 89 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location established the sanctuary after he was cured (see below). The plague is not mentioned at all. In fact, most of the Greek sanctuaries were established following a successful cure as a "thanks offerings" to the divinity. Ultimately, the stated cause for the introduction of Asklepios into Rome - a plague -- was probably not borrowed directly from Greek practices, and was much in keeping with the Roman attitudes towards religion. There were no examples in which the Greeks specifically built a sanctuary to Asklepios in response to a plague. That said, the Romans must have seen a parallel between the ambiguous causes of a plague that led to an establishment of a sanctuary and the ambiguous causes of diseases that led to a cure at the sanctuaries themselves. Asklepios was rarely the cause of an illnesses or injury, but he was responsible for its cure. The iamata of Epidauros name the diseases and describe in detail the treatments that worked, yet rarely name the diseases' origins, except in a few very specific cases of hubris. Postings of cures from the stoa of Tebena, Crete, describe the pharmakopeia used to cure the ailments, but not the causes of the ailments themselves.J The Tiber Island foundation story focused on the action of the embassy and the steps associated with the divinity's arrival, the "treatment" that cured Rome of the plague. Just as posted cures for Asklepios did not identify the cause of the disease or ailment, the cause for the plague is not named. Instead, the action taken that worked was remembered and recounted. IVB. Private Founders At Athens, the text of the Telemachos monument states that the Asklepios cult was introduced because a private individual, Telemachos, had a personal encounter with 30 Lebena: / Cret I.XVI. no. 7. Page 90 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Asklepios and returned to Athens to found the cult. A different literary tradition mentioned in the works of several late authors attributes the introduction of the Asklepios cult to another private individual, no less than Sophocles himself.31 According to these late authors, Sophocles was given the title Dexion for receiving Asklepios into his house and setting up an altar. Socrates' encounter with Asklepios likely involved a visitation by the divinity, in the form of an epiphany. While it is impossible to know if these aitia refer to two different cults, both attribute the foundation to a single individual who has had a private encounter with the god. All the Greek aitia for the Asklepieia mention the role private individuals played in their founding. A private encounter led to the consecration of Demos' house to Asklepios in Athens. Inscriptions mention that following an encounter with the god, private individuals established the Asklepieia at Anaphe34 and Gortys.35 Pausanias mentions that the sanctuaries at Epidauros Limera, Pergamon, Naupactus, Sicyon, Titane, Argos, and the one between Amyclae and Therapne were established by men and women (and sometimes heroes) who were healed at Epidauros or another Asklepieion.36 Archias introduces the god to Pergamon after being healed at Epidauros. Private founders are 31 Sophocles' role in the cult's introduction is covered in several sources, notably Plutarch (Etym. Magn. 256.6 s.v. Dexion; Plut. Moralia II.3b; Garland (1992) 123 n. 4). Scholarly debate is focused on certain issues, including how Sophocles and Dexion were associated. Decrees from Athens confirm the existence of a cult to match the literary evidence, and furthermore, mention both the Dexion and Asklepios cult together. However, Sophocles' heroization as Dexion is unlikely. There is no contemporary evidence that Sophocles and Dexion were associated during the playwright's lifetime. Rather, scholars now argue that this is the enthusiasm of later authors to link the playwright and the hero. See Hausmann (1948) 22; Beschi (1967-8a) 422-28; Lefkowitz (1981) 83-4; Aleshire (1989) 10 n. 4; Parker (1997) 185; Connolly (1998) 1- 21. Reithmuller argues that Sophocles is associated with the founding of the Amyneion-Asklepieion, a second cult to Asklepios on the west side of the Acropolis (Reithmuller (1999) 135-6). j2 Plut. Numa 4. Discussed convincingly with comparative evidence by Connolly (1998) 6-10. 33IGU2 4969. 34/GXII.3no. 248. 35/Oe/I.XVIIno. 21. 36 Paus. II.10.3, II.11.5-7, II.23.4, II.26.8-9, III.19.7, III.23.6-7, X.38.13. 37 Paus. II.26.8-9. Page 91 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location mentioned in inscriptions or other documents associated with the Asklepieia at Athens,38 Lokris Ozolis,39 Sikyon,40 Titane,41 Argos,42 and Cilicia.43 Cults and religious festivals in Greece were often founded following the epiphany of a divinity to a private individual. The cult of Pan was introduced to Athens by Pheidippides after the god appeared to him. The Stranger in Euripides' Bacchae claimed to have been given the secret rites of Dionysos by the divinity himself.45 An inscription from Magnesia on the Maeander established a festival to Artemis Leukophyrene after a divine epiphany. 6 The divinities not only appeared to specific individuals, but they often gave instructions to their chosen mortals that outlined specific cult practices or identified the best place to establish sacred space. In the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, after revealing herself as a goddess, Demeter tells Metaneira that the Demos should built a great temple with a great altar at the foot of the acropolis and its walls, over the well of Kallikhoron on a prominent hill. Demeter then says she will instruct Metaneira and her daughters in the secret rites in order that they may perform the rituals in a proper fashion.47 Greek foundation stories stress the partnership formed between the divinity and founder. In the narration of these events, the divinity's role is emphasized through his supernatural powers. The mortal founder is also significant, as his name is often recorded, both to identify him and preserve his name. The Homeric Hymn to Apollo specifically 38/Gil2, 4960, 4961,4963. See: Hurwit (1999) 219. 39Paus. X.38.13. 40Paus. II.10.3. 41 Paus. II.11.5-7. 42 Paus. II.23.4. 43 Paus. II.26.8-9. 44 Hdt. 6.105; Paus. 8.54.6. Suidas Hippias. Garland (1992) 23-46. 45 Eur. Bacch. 265-74. 46 Kern (1900) 32. 47 Hymn, Horn. Cer. 270-275, 293-300. Page 92 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location mentions that the names of those who helped construct the temple at Delphi should be remembered ever after. Apollo selects a place at a glade, under a cliff, near a sweet- flowing spring, and says that he wants to build his temple there. After Apollo lays out the foundations, the sons of Erginus, Trophonius and Agamedes lay a footing of stone and countless tribes of men build the whole temple of stones "to be sung of forever."48 A founder might be commemorated with a statue, such as Pegasos of Eleutherai who introduced Dionysos to the Athenians with the help of a Delphic oracle.49 The commemoration of both divinity and founder gave a sense of partnership in the creation of a shrine. Mortals were subservient to the divinity, but the sanctuary would not exist without their efforts to build the structures and offer sacrifices. This shared role between founder and divinity was even a component in the founding of a colony or a new city.50 The divinity appeared to the colony founder and gave specific instructions. Ammon, in the form of an old man wearing ram's horns, advised Alexander where to build his city - across from Proteus' island.51 Sometimes the divine role in community founding was more subtly indicated. Nausithoos established his new city Phaiakia by building both houses for men and shrines to the gods.52 Although the gods did not indicate to Nasuithoos where to place the shrines, both he and his people had a privileged status with the gods. Athena appeared to his granddaughter in a dream in the form of a peer and gave advice about marriage. Nausithoos had contact with the Cyclopes. Just by 48 Hymn. Horn. Apoll 277-299. Other examples include: IG XII 3.248 (Anaphe); Inschriflen von Priene 196.4-5; Vermaseren No. 423 (Mithraeum in Rome). ^Paus. 1.2.5. 30 For colonization and establishment of religious space, see: Edlund (1987a); Malkin (1987). The establishment of sanctuaries in the emerging polis from a functional and structural point of view is given by de Polignac (1995). On colonization and placement, see also Mazarakis-Ainian (1985), (1988); Coldstream (1985); Burkert (1988) 67-97; Greco (1992); Schachter (1992). 51 Pseudo Callisthenes Alex. Rom. 1.30.6, 32.2. Plutarch says that Ammon appeared to Alexander in his sleep (Plut. Alex. 26.3). 52 Horn. Od VI.7-10. Price (1999) 48. Page 93 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location being a figure in the epic, he was seen by the poet as belonging to an era in which gods and men were closer in status. His decisions and actions were made with implicit divine approval. In the poet's own time, gods appeared less frequently to men and an epiphany was regarded as an exceptional event. When it did happen, the epiphany awarded a mortal man heroic status, and put him on par with the Homeric heroes. He was a chosen of the gods, just as Achilles, Odysseus, and Nausithoos. In later periods in Greece, attempts were made to imitate the Homeric pattern. Sanctuary and colony founders tried to obtain divine sanction and create partnership. When the city of Messene was founded in 369 BC, Epaminondas made enquiries with seers in order to obtain divine consent. Once divine consent was given, Epaminondas sought craftsmen to build streets, houses, temples, and walls." Just like Nausithoos, Epaminondas set aside areas for temples and houses are defined as part of his initial city plan. When a private founder introduced a cult, the process was often incremental. The cult did not immediately move into public sanctuary space, but usually spent time in the care of a private individual and/or in a private home first. The founder brought specific tokens, such as a statue, as a symbol of the cult's transfer. Then, he would maintain it in a private space, and after a period of time, either because of its popularity or for other reasons, civic recognition would be given. Perhaps this entitled a cult to be included in the civic calendar or receive sacrifices on behalf of the state. Following official civic recognition, the cult moved to more substantial sanctuary space. Since several of the 53 Paus. 4.27.5. 54 Paus. IV.27.5-7. Houses and temples/sanctuaries are frequently mentioned as components of a city, but they are always distinguished from one another as separate components. For examples of this separation, see Cicero Dom 50; Paus. IX.22.2; PI. Leges 778c; Tac. Agr2\. Page 94 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location known sanctuary aitia involve court cases, a legal case may have been one way civic recognition was given. The Asklepieion at Athens followed this pattern. Telemachos brought the serpent of the deity on a wagon. It spent time at the Eleusinion. After a period of time, Telemachos founded the sanctuary on the south slope of the Acropolis. The sanctuary was challenged by a court case around the time of its founding. The most complete example of a cult's introduction to a Greek city is recorded in the Delian Aretology ofSerapis. The cult was introduced to Delos by Apollonius I, a private individual, who brought a statue of the god with him from Egypt to Delos (4).55 His son Demetrius set up a shrine in rented quarters, and thereafter sought an epiphany for further instructions. He "always prayed for [Serapis] to select a temple... indicating it to one sleeping at night" (15-16, 49-53). Demetrius' son, Apollonius II received an oracle in a dream to build a Serapeion/ The god told him he would give a sign to indicate the place where the sanctuary should be established (12-18). In this way, the divinity selected both his ambassador and the space he wanted for his sanctuary. The god's role in the selection of the site was further emphasized by the fact that the place chosen was not what was expected; it was regarded as inglorious and unremarkable, full of blood {luthroi) and manure (kupros) (18-19, 53-54). Finally, the new sanctuary was challenged by a lawsuit. The god's important role in the choice of sanctuary site was highlighted when he intervened in a lawsuit by "binding the mouth" of a prosecutor and helped Apollonius II win the case (24-28, 84-92). Roman foundation stories were different from those of Greece. Cults were not introduced by direct revelation, except in a few cases (Hercules Invictus, Juno Sospita, 55 The Egyptians believed the god lived in the statue (Engelmann (1975) 12-13). 56 This remarkable inscription with commentary and bibliography can be found in Engelmann (1975). For translation, see Garland (1992) 15. Page 95 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location and Silvanus)/ Aitia in Rome generally emphasized the military and Senatorial role and the decisions seem more politically motivated. Most temples were built and many cults introduced following an evocalio in war or as a result of military conquest using the CO manubiae of the commander. For example, Helios and Belos were brought to Rome after a military victory by Aurelian in 274 AD.39 Eleven temples were built by military commanders in the years 200-180 BC, and this method of introduction was exploited by Pompey and Caesar. Vows by military commanders for reasons other than battle, such as the stopping of a mutiny, could also result in a temple.61 In a few cases, cults were introduced by the emperor. Emperors established new cults from their cities of origins, such as Elagabalus, who was brought from Syria in the form of an unworked stone by Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.' He also introduced Caelestis from Carthage.63 In these accounts, the divinities did not appear to the Romans, but the Romans offered a deal to the divinities. The first step towards the establishment of the cult came from the mortals, rather than from the deity. Other cults were introduced under the authority of magistrates or the Senate. Aediles built six temples using fines they collected between 304 and 194 BC.64 When Augustus wanted to establish a temple to Apollo on the Palatine, it was the haruspices 57Stambaugh(1978)557. 58 Fest. 209 (Consus); Cic. Nat. D. 11.61 (Honos and Virtus); Tac. Ann. 11.29 (Janus); Liv. VII.294.6 (Juno Moneta); Liv. V.21.3, 22.6-7, 23.7, 31.3, 52.10 (Juno Regina); etc. On Roman temples generally, see: Strong (1968); Stambaugh (1978) 557; Ziolkowski (1992); Aberson (1994); Beard etal. (1998) vol. 1 91- 2; Orlin (2002); Hekster and Rich (2006). 59 Zos. 1.61.2; Augustan History, Aurelian 25.5-6. Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 254. 60 Ziolkowski (1992) 311; Orlin (2002) 194-5, 201-2; Heckster and Rich (2006) 152-3. 61 Liv. XXII.33.7. 62 Dio Cass. LXXX.12; Herod. V.6.4-5. Turcan (1989) 174-80; Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 255-6. 63 Dio Cass. LXXIX.12; Herod. V.6.4. 64 Heckster and Rich (2006) 155. The temples introduced are Concordia, Venus Obsequens, Victoria, Iuppiter Libertas, Flora, and Faunus. Page 96 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location who determined that the lightening bolt was meant to indicate the desire of the gods.65 The Senate was responsible for introducing new state-cults, restricting others, and determining by vote what signs constituted a prodigy and its response.66 Consultation with the Sybilline books or foreign oracles was done under Senatorial control. Although the Senate took advice from various bodies of priests, the Senate always made the final decision about cults. Religious offices were political offices, often with the same men undertaking the major priesthoods of state and magistracies at the same time.68 In Valerius' account and several of the other accounts of the Tiber Island Asklepieion, the Senate is not mentioned explicitly. However, the Senate participated in the process since the decision to see the plague as a prodigy, to consult the Sibylline books, and to send the embassy, was in their hands. However, by remaining tacit in regards to the Senate and by focusing attention on a single member of the embassy, Valerius downplays the governing body's role, while emphasizing the role of a single individual, Q. Ogulnius. He is the only ambassador named and the snake curls up in his tent, as if selecting him as his mortal counterpart. As a result, Valerius' account bears a resemblance to the aitia of the Greek Asklepieia, where a private individual is singled out by the divinity for introducing the cult. 70 65 Aug293. Augustus' innovative method of innovation discussed completely by Heckster and Rich (2006). 66 Beard (1990) 30-31; North (1990) 52; Hekster and Rich (2006) 155. Beard specifically refers to the introduction of the cult of Magna Mater (Livy XXIX. 10.4-8, 14.5-14). For the Senate and prodigies, see Livy XXII.1.8-20, XL.19.1-5, The cults introduced by the Senate after Sybilline consultation are Magna Mater, Aesclapius, Mens, Venus Erycina, and Venus Verticordia. 67 Beard (1990) 31 and esp 31 n 35. 68 Cic. Dom 1.1. Beard (1990) 24-5. 69 Q. Ogulnius is identified as the embassy leader ([Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill. XXII. 1-3). 70 Sanctuary foundation by individual: Rice and Stambaugh (1979) 123, Burkert (1996) 21-29, Price (1999) 48. For a bibliography on this topic, see Burkert (1996) 22 f. 2. The governing bodies are involved in the sanction of cults for the Greek city-states, but the foundation stories emphasize the divinity's role. Page 97 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Valerius' account also resembles its Greek counterparts by suggesting a partnership between Ogulnius and Asklepios. Ogulnius is chosen by the divinity through the snake. Perhaps the fact that a specific individual is named in the account indicates that the account originally had a Greek origin or was written in imitation of the Greek aitia. Just as in the Greek accounts, Asklepios has a private encounter with an individual, so too the Romans wanted to think their sanctuary was established in the same way - and thus Asklepios "appeared" to a member of their embassy. IVC. Two Types of Approval IVC1. The Sanction of the Oracle Two different "divinities" were involved in the establishment of the Tiber Island sanctuary in Valerius's account. First, the approval or sanction of the currently accepted gods was acquired through the Sybilline books. Then, Asklepios gave his approval by selecting a specific location to build the site. When sanctuaries were established in Greece, including numerous Asklepieia, two different "divinities" were involved in the process as well. A two-step approval process was used to establish the Asklepieion at the site at Halieis in the Argolid (B 12) and the Glykon-Asklepios oracle in Abonouteichos, where the "finding" of some bronze tablets in the most ancient Apollo temple in Chalcedon preceded the sanctuary's creation. 71 Lucian Alex. 10. Note that the three sites span a range of dates as well. The iamata are from the fourth century BC and might even reflect earlier tales posted. Valerius' account dates to the first century BC. Lucian's account dates to the end of the second century AD. Page 98 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location In the first part of this process, consultation was made with an oracle or pre- established religious authority. The people of Halieis consulted the oracle at Delphi before establishing a sanctuary to Asklepios. J Delphi was not the only oracle that could give approval and other civic cults could indicate approval in different ways. In Athens, the Asklepios cult initially resided at the Eleusinion, as if initiation into (and subsequently, approval by) the civic cult was necessary prior to sanctuary establishment.74 The phenomenon of consulting an established and respected religious authority was not limited to Asklepieia either, as oracular approval was required prior to the establishment of other sacred sites (e.g. Xenophon's temple to Artemis at Skillous).76 In cases where consultation is not mentioned, it should probably be assumed.77 The Greeks relied on oracular consultation for confirmation of most important religious decisions. Plato believed new sanctuaries should be established by oracle in an ideal city. Through the mouth of the Athenian stranger in The Laws, he stated that in regards to establishing the gods and temples of a new or re-founded city, "no one of any intelligence will try to change what has been laid down by Delphi or Dodona or Ammon, or what has been ordained by the ancient sayings."78 Similarly, in The Republic, Socrates 72 On oracles, see Nock (1942); Parke and Wormell (1956); Parke (1967a), (1967b); Vernant (1974); Burkert (1985)114-118; Price (1985); Garland (1992) 20-21; Parker (2000). 73 B 12. 74 Arist. [Ath Popl]LVlA; Paus. II.26.8; Philostr. V A IV. 18. On the presence of the cult at the Eleusinion: Lawton (1999) 232-234. On the cult and the initiation: Garland (1992) 20, 124; Clinton (1994) 17-34; Parker (1997) 179-180; Gorrini and Melfi (2000) 248-9. Another possibility is that the only space available to introduce the cult was at the Eleusinion since during the plague, all the spaces of the city except the Eleusinion and the Acropolis were occupied with the population influx from the war (Thuc. 11.17). 76 Xen. An. V.3.8-9. For the consultation of oracular gods for cults, see Parker (2000) 84. Similarly, colonies require the sanction of an oracle: Parke (1967) 44-55, Burkert (1992) 27-28, Parker (2000) 85-6. 77There are no examples of problems with religious sites because consultation did not occur. However, in comparison, there is an example of a colony that failed after its founder failed to consult an oracle. According to Herodotus, the Spartan Dorieus who did not consult Delphi failed in his efforts (Hdt. V.42-5). 78 PI. Leges 738b-c. Page 99 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location claimed that the "greatest, fairest, and first of the laws" were those related to the founding of temples, sacrifices, and other divine concerns, a task he ascribed to Apollo at Delphi.79 Plato also indicated what aspects of an oracular source gave it the authority to make religious determinations. Socrates said the oracle at Delphi was consulted because of its ancestry - the oracle played a role in the community for a long period of time.80 This role was maintained over generations, though all manner of historic events.81 Lucian's account of Alexander's Glykon-Asklepios oracle also illustrates that it is specifically the oracle's longevity that was valued. Alexander buried bronze tablets proclaiming the arrival of Asklepios in the temple of Apollo, which Lucian described as "the most ancient (agzaiorarop) shrine for the Chalcedonians." Alexander was relying on the oracle's age to legitimize his bronze tablets. Alexander's choice of location (or Lucian's Active device) to hide the tablets in a shrine that was both oracular (Apollo) and the oldest in the region was not accidental or casual. This choice of location reflected a deeper understanding of what was respected and trusted - a communal religious source that had been used for generations. In contrast, in Rome, oracular consultation was not a necessary component in the establishment of a new cult. As discussed, in Rome, cults and religious structures were introduced using a variety of means, but most often introduced as part of an evocatio 79 PI. Resp. 427b-c. 80 PI. Resp 427b-c. 81 Burkert similarly states, "The places of worship are fixed in ancient tradition and cannot be moved lightly. Sanctuaries are often preserved and tended through catastrophes, revolution, and changes in population" (1985) 84. Burkert is careful to distinguish between worship at a specific place and worship of a specific god (continuation of place vs. continuation of belief). Plato is referring to a continuity of belief - that a specific god or divinity is held authoritative over time. Page 100 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location prior to an attack on a city, rather than an oracular or Sibylline consultation. Orlin records that out of 80 public temples dedicated between 509 and the mid-first century, 48 were created following a vow - more than half. He further states that of the temples for which we have information, "four-fifths.. .were vowed in response to an external, military situation with a foreign enemy." Examples are numerous. Juno of Veii was summoned by Camillus in 396 BC with a promised temple in Rome (the temple was placed on the Aventine - outside the pomerium — under the title Juno Regina).85 A temple to Castor was promised in the heat of battle.86 A god or cult introduced by evocatio required no consultation since divine approval of Rome's gods was implicit in the Roman military success. If the Romans failed in their military pursuits, it was understood that the gods were not behind them and by extension, did not approve the introduction of the new god. A few new cults were introduced into Rome following consultation with an oracular religious authority, usually the Sibylline books - themselves a Greek source - at on the request of the Senate. In all, eight temples were constructed in Rome following consultation with the Sibylline Books: Ceres, Liber, and Libera; Asklepios; Hercules Custos; Flora; Mens and Venus Erycina; Magna Mater; and Venus Verticordia.88 The Sibylline books were consulted usually after a prodigy, especially a pestilence, a plague, Evocatio forumula: Macrobius Saturnalia III.9.7-8. General discussion on evocatio : Wissowa (1907), (1971) 383-4; Basanoff (1947); Dumezil (1970)424-31; Le Gall (1976); Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 34-4, 62; Orlin (1992). 8j Orlin (2002) 18. Orlin notes that the loss of Livy's record between the years 292-219 results in missing data (Orlin (2002) 19). 84 Orlin (2002) 20. The other 1/5 are in response to prodigies. 85 See Scheid (2003) 104-5. 86 Livy 11.20.12. 87 Bloch (1963) 77-86; North (1976) 1-12; Parke (1988) 190-215; Dowden (1992) 32-35; Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 61-4, 79-84; Orlin (2002) 96-115. 88 Orlin (2002) 97. Page 101 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location or the occurrence of a natural phenomenon that suggested an imbalance in the pax deum.8 In some cases, further authority was sought, as is the case when the Romans consulted both the Sibylline books and Delphi regarding the Magna Mater cult.90 The gods introduced by the Sibylline books were primarily, but not exclusively, Greek in origin. The first cult was introduced in 493 BC, a temple to Ceres, Liber, and Libera — the Greek triad of Demeter, Dionysos, and Kore. According to Varro, their temple had a Greek rather than an Etruscan cult statue.91 Some of the older Roman gods were introduced to the city following a consultation with a foreign oracle (e.g. Delphi). Magna Mater was introduced after a consultation of both the Sybilline Books and the oracle at Delphi. The Romans respected the authority of the foreign oracles as well, and considered their approval a necessity in military campaigns. Livy states that the people of Veii were defeated because they were abandoned by their "own seers and by foreign oracles" among other things. The Romans recognized the importance of the favour of foreign oracles. Why did new cults require the approval of an oracular authority with a long history and tradition? Consultation with a religious authority might have helped integrate a new cult into the current pantheon. I emphasize the "might help," since resistance to "new" cults in both Greece and Rome is a complex issue and resistance was not eliminated simply through a positive oracular response. Instead, each cult that was introduced probably faced a certain amount of resistance, and the extent of this resistance 89 Orlin (2002) 87-88. 90 Livy XXIX. 11.6. Thomas (1984) 1502-8; Gruen (1990) 5-53; Beard etal. (2001) vol. 2 44. 91 Dowden (1997) 32. Dionysos AR VI. 17.94. 92 "New" and "foreign" gods are not necessarily unknown, nor do imported cults necessarily arrive in their foreign forms. The rites and practices that accompany introduced cults may also be familiar from well- established ones. Rather "new" and "foreign" cults are best seen as cults to divinities who are not traditionally honored in the public cult. On religious toleration, novelty, and new cults, see North (1979), (1980); Parker(1997) 158-9; Beard etal. (1998) vol. 1 69-70. Page 102 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location should be analyzed on a case by case basis, especially since attitudes vary over time and even among individuals in a single community. The way in which this resistance manifested itself varied as well. The negative treatment of certain cults, especially those attached to charismatic individuals (e.g. Christianity) or those that rejected principles fundamental to established beliefs of Greek and Roman society (e.g. Judaism) illustrate a range of problems a cult could face. The most widespread form of resistance seems to be ridicule by individuals, as indicated through jokes, graffiti, or oratorical pieces that survive. ' At the worst, members of the cult might have faced social ostracism, civic and institutional prosecution, and execution. Obtaining oracular approval did not assure universal acceptance for a cult. The tension between private ridicule and oracular acceptance is evident in Lucian's caustic writings about the aforementioned Alexander. Alexander founded a "cult" that received oracular approval and enjoyed a dedicated following, yet Lucian mocked the cult freely in his oratory . ' Lucian dismissed oracular proclamations that approved Alexander. Lucian claimed that the oracle predicting the arrival of Alexander's Asklepios was a fraud, created or merely taken advantage of to promote the phony cult.96 Lucian mentioned the Paphlagonians' and two Roman governors' belief in the oracle Q7 only to emphasize their ignorance. Since coins and other material evidence (statues, medallions, etc.) related to Alexander's oracle have come to light in numerous cities, the acceptance of and belief in this cult was not merely a fictional device of Lucian. The cult 93 Dowden (1997) 37-42, 80-90. 95 Evidence for the continuance of the Alexander-Glykon cult following Alexander's death, see Nock (1928) 162 n 3, 4. Dalziel discusses the cult statues and coins of Glykon (1936) 91. 96 Lucian Alex 11-12. 97 Lucian Alex. 11. Page 103 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location enjoyed considerable popularity in contrast to, and in spite of Lucian's rejecting essay. Lucian's essays did not reflect an institutional or civic viewpoint, only a private one. The acceptance of an oracle or a cult was a private, individuated decision. This is not to say that all intolerance was private and that the ancient world was a place of religious tolerance. Both the Greek city states and Rome had their own methods of addressing and regulating new cults. Rome's legislation about the Bacchic cult and Magna Mater is well known. In Greece, every polis had its own method for dealing with new and foreign cults. For example, in Athens, foreigners needed the permission of the Assembly to establish shrines to their native deities.98 The Eleusinian first-fruits decree forbid the practice of founding altars in the Pelargikon without permission. A need for permission, though, was not an indication that the cults were ostracized or openly attacked. More often, the legislation regulated the operations or locations of cults, sometimes for tax purposes. For example, some cults were given a time frame for monthly meetings.100 Regulation by civic control might also have been reflected by the distancing of certain cults from the city boundaries or concentration in specific districts. This reflected tradition and familiarity, as much as civic pressure. In Priene, one area of the city containing converted domestic buildings housed cults of newer gods (Alexander, Cybele, and a synagogue). This does not mean the cults were deliberately hidden, although it could indicate a kind of ghettoization; the community transformed a domestic district into a space appropriate for newer cults. Newly introduced cults operated on private property, 98 Price (1999) 76-78. 99IG I3 78.54-56; M/L 73; Garland (1992) 126; Parker (1997) 180. In this case, though, the law related to concerns about boundary and territory. 100 Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 290-294. 10i Priene: Goodenough, E. (1953) vol II. 77; Schede (1964); Bauhan, A. (1989). Page 104 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location perhaps because there was little legal or civic interference. According to Price, "in practice individual citizens may have introduced new gods without seeking permission... foreigners... could have merely rented accommodations for their shrines..." 102 When heavy regulation or overt persecution did occur, it was usually in association with cults whose practices were harmful to the lives of individuals and/or threatened current practices and long-held beliefs of the traditional cults.103 The most familiar example of this is the case brought against Socrates in 399 BC who was charged with refusing to recognize the state gods, of introducing new daimonia, and of corrupting the young.104 Plato's works make the charges seem short-sighted and provincial, as well as vindictive. Rather, one must turn to the Clouds to see comedically that Socrates' teachings were regarded as threatening to Athenian society - in extremis, sons attack fathers, the gods are not given their proper libations and sacrifices, and perjury is committed. Socrates was charged and condemned because he was perceived to be undermining Athenian society. It is worth noting that in The Apology, Socrates states that the Delphic oracle regarded him as the wisest of men. The Athenians do not seem to be troubled by the fact that killing him negates the vote of confidence he received from Delphi.105 In Rome, magic, private divination, and drugs were targeted by laws to regulate their usage to prevent homicide and fraud. Cults associated with these practices were monitored. In Rome, the Bacchic cult was targeted because its members were believed to 102 Price (1999) 78. Similarly, see Parker (1997) 214-216. 10j For problems with the burning of the books of Numa, related to Pythagorean beliefs, see Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1260-261. 104 Diog. Laert. 2.40; PI. Apol.24b, Xen. Ap. 10. W5P\.Apol20E;Xen.Ap. 14. Parke (1961) 249, (1967) 112-113. 106 Beard et al. vol 1 (1998) 262-273. Page 105 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location engage in magic, theft, fraud, immorality, promiscuity, homosexual relations, blackmail, and murder, and also because its form and structure were perceived as threatening, especially to the family.'07 Like the case against Socrates, these cults were targeted for a perceived threat to society - not because they were new. The only cults that seem to have faced regular institutionally-sponsored prosecution are those of the Jews, Christians, and Manichees who were linked to the Christians, and even this varies by location and the authority in charge.109 Ultimately, oracular approval did not guarantee acceptance, privately or publicly (civic or institutional regulation), nor did it guarantee against more variable changes of a city's mood. The oracular approval and divine signs that heralded the introduction of the Magna Mater cult in Rome did not prevent later regulation.110 Furthermore, the validity of any oracle could be challenged, even by another oracle. In Lucian's essay on Peregrinus, one speaker challenges the oracle given by the Sibyl with an oracle given by Bacis.1" In Aristophanes' Knights, the Paphlagonian-Cleon and a Sausage Seller compete to give Demos a better dream oracle of Athena.112 Cryptic and contradictory oracular messages allowed for varying interpretations and only hindsight served as the judge of successful application. In spite of the fact that an oracle could not guarantee community acceptance, oracular approval was sought to justify the introduction of a cult. Reasons for this were 107 Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 95-98, 288-292. Alternative explanation for suppression given by Gruen (1990)65-78. 108 For evidence that the Bacchic cult was probably well established before its destruction, see Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 93. 109 Beard et al. vol 1 (1998) 273-283. 110 Livy XXIX.10.4-11.8, 14.5; Ov. Fast.lV.247-34$. For bibliography of discussion and introduction of this cult see Beard et al. (1998) vol. 1 97 n 89. 111 Lucian De mort. Peregr. 29-30. 112 Ar.Eq 997-1099. Page 106 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location numerous. Plato suggested that oracular approval was sought to maintain tradition.113 The tendency to do what was familiar and repetitive reflected a superstitious belief that one might incur negative results if things were not done a certain way and positive results if they were done correctly."4 This sentiment is found in Lysias' case against Nikomachos. In 399 BC, Lysias composed a speech for an unknown client against Nikomachos, a publisher accused of unlawful conduct in his publication of works related to sacred and secular laws between 410 and 399 BC. The speech charged Nikomachos with malfeasance for the elimination of older sacrifices in favor of new ones. The speaker claimed that the state should continue to perform the traditional sacrifices handed down by Solon "if for no other reason that that of the success which has resulted from those rites." Similarly, Dionysios of Halicarnassos made a similar observation that piety 1 I 7 brought the gods to the Roman side in times of danger. There was a connection between right action and desirable outcome, accompanied by the reverse — a fear that negative consequences could result if right actions were ignored. If consulting the oracle brought about successful results in the past, one must continue to consult the oracle in the future. Not asking the oracle was likely to bring about an unpleasant consequence. Secondly, consulting oracles and other religious authorities affirmed group identity.118 It identified, among other things, the ultimate religious authorities for the asking community and by default, membership in the asking community. It also 113 PI. Resp 427b-c. PI. Leges 738b-c. 114 Parker (2000) sees consultation as "a way of guaranteeing well-being by ensuring that one's cultic arrangements were punctiliously correct" p. 84. Similarly, Sourviou-Inwood also notes that the oracular advice was sought to assure correctness of action (Sourviou-Inwood (2000a) 21). 1,5 On this speech, see Todd (1996); Nelson (2006). 116 Lys 30.18. A similar concern is voiced by Isoc. Areop. 29-30. For discussion, see Parker (1997) 152- 153, Mikalson (1983) 96-7. 117 Dion. Hal. AR 2.72.3. 118 The complexities of being a member of the, polls and axenos, as well as a Greek as compared with a non-Greek at the Apollo sanctuary of Delphi are best explained by Sourvinou-Inwood (2000a) 15-18. Page 107 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location identified who should accept the new cult, though this was not always the case on an individual level. Thirdly, consultation with an oracle or older source was used to integrate a new cult into the community of the city's cults. In a sense, the oracle lent its ancestry and antiquity to a new cult. New cults lacked the long-standing relationships with the other older and established cults in the city that the oracles possessed. New cults were unproven at the outset and not yet rooted in the community's calendar and way of life. By giving its approval, the oracle indicated that the new cult was welcomed into the religious community of the city state and it indicated that the new cult was not meant to replace the older cults. The oracle shared a degree of its longevity to a new cult. The oracle indicated that the new cult would not threaten the communal order as overseen and mediated by the oracle."9 The introduction of something new was potentially threatening to the order of things - it put the community in a liminal position where the older deities of a city risked being challenged and overthrown. Consultation with an oracle indicated that the new cult would acknowledge and respect the previous order of things, even if it overlapped with areas that other gods were responsible for.I21 The oracle, as an ancient source, proven by its past successes, had the authority to use its ancestry to integrate a new cult into the social fabric, just as it had presumably 119 Perhaps this is a parallel to the way a foreigner (xenos) sometimes requires a sponsor (usually a proxenos) to participate in the polis cult. The oracle is a kind of sponsor for the new cult. On the proxenos, see Sourviou-Inwood (2000a) 13-14. 120 Again, Nicomachus' charges are based on the fact that he has introduced new sacrifices at the expense of older ones (Lys 30.18). See Parker (1997) 152-153. There is evidence in the archaeological record of several healing cults (i.e. Apollo Paion) in Attica falling into decline following the arrival of Asklepios and healing hero Amphiaraos 121 Certainly, this is the case for the introduction of the Asklepieia. In Athens, other healing cults were present. With the introduction of the cult of the Asklepios, the cults to Athena Hygieia and Apollo Paion seem to decline. On this, see Hurwit (1999) 221 and Parker (1997) 175-176. This is ignored by Kearns (1989) 14-21. Other cults, such as the hieros iatros and Amynos do not decline (Parker (1997) 176). Parker also notes that at Rhamnous, Aristomachos is entirely effaced by the arrival of Amphiaraos (Parker (1997) 176). Page 108 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location done with other cults that were integrated. If other cults accepted by the oracle had proven themselves beneficial to the community, so too the new cult would prove itself. The oracle declared, perhaps cryptically, but certainly publicly, that the new cult was as part of the accepted Pantheon and not meant to undermine the existing religious order. It allowed a cult to eater within certain boundaries of the city, both psychological and physical. Ultimately, oracular approval was a reaffirmation of community and that the 1 99 cult had become part of the communal fabric. " IVC2. The Sanction of the Divinity A second type of approval came from the recipient of the cult. This was most often done by having the divinity select the most appropriate site for his sanctuary, which could be mediated through signs and agents. As we recall in Valerius' account, Asklepios 19^ himself selected his cult site using a snake an intermediary. All the versions of the Tiber Island Asklepieion aition stressed the snake's role in choosing the location. The snake was not brought by the priests or deliberately taken from Epidauros by the Romans. It appeared by its own volition in Epidauros town and made its way to the trireme without guidance, and disembarked from the ship to select the location of not one, but two sanctuary sites. The embassy simply followed the snake's actions. " An intelligent and recent discussion about scholarly misunderstandings in regards to "new" and "foreign" cults is given by Parker (1997) 152-198, but esp. 157-9. Parker points out that xenoi theoi are not necessarily unknown or unfamiliar, but are more likely a cult that has not been honored in the public sphere of a polis prior. In all likelihood, such a cult was familiar from other Greek cities and the god in question had long since been conflated with Greek deities by authors such as Herodotus. Further important distinctions about foreign cults follow in his discussion. 12j Snakes are associated with the Asklepieia and referred to as fyaxcov and ocpig. See: Paus. II. 10.3, III.23.6. IG IV21.88.10; 102.236,240,279; 121.113-119; 122.69-82. 118, 130; 123.1,94. 125 Paus. III.23.6-7. Page 109 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Valerius' narrative focuses on the significance of the snake's and the divinity's contributions in selecting the sanctuary's location, over those of the embassy. Valerius relates the story in such a manner that each and every action the snake takes is pointed out as atypical and unnatural. These "miracles" confirm that the divinity himself approves of the actions taken by the Romans and is involved in the process. The arrival of the Roman delegation is concurrent with the snake's atypical behavior and public manifestation, as if to suggest that the god indicates his approval as soon as the Romans take the necessary steps to establish his shrine. The odd behavior of the snake contrasts with what was probably expected; the Roman embassy intended to meet with the Epidaurians and return with several representative tokens and instructions for commencing worship. The supremacy of the snake's volition (or the volition of Asklepios) is further emphasized when the party is forced to stop at Antium. The Romans have to wait for the snake to move; they can not coerce him back to the ship. They are afraid that the snake will stay at Antium and not bestow Rome with the healing powers of Asklepios (and so reverse the plague). The delegation's desires and wishes are subject to those of the snake. The spontaneous and immediate actions of the snake in Valerius' account - basically, a series of miracles or prodigies - also confirms the message contained in the Sybilline books and legitimizes their authority. Once the humans act in accordance with divine will, immediately both the new divinity (Asklepios) and the old divine authority (Sybilline books) give indications of their approval. The two divine authorities reinforce one another. Page 110 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location For those who later use the sanctuary, a foundation story that emphasizes the role of both divine authorities in choice of location is reassuring. The site will be regarded as ideal because the gods participated in its selection, whether one emphasizes the legitimacy conferred by the older divinity or the comparatively newer one. At the same time, every miraculous healing at the sanctuary confirms the two divine authorities' decision in choosing Tiber Island, and illustrates the sanctuary's legitimate claim as a sacred space. Those who hear the narration believe the correct course of action was pursued and that all action took place with approving divine backing at all levels. Elements of Valerius' account mirror themes found in the aitia for Greek Asklepieia, notably in the role played by the snake. In Greek aitia, the snakes also engage in atypical behavior by traveling to different places. In the Epidaurian iamata, for example, there are accounts of snakes that travel from the sanctuary by wrapping themselves about the axle of a cart (B 13) or curling up on a human-carried litter (B5). Pausanias states that the Epidaurians carried a snake with them to Kos on a ship.125 The Sikyonian divinity in the likeness of a snake is brought on a mule drawn cart.126 The sanctuary at Athens might have been honored with an Epidaurian snake that came by wagon.127 In most, but not all of the aitia, an element of realism is maintained; the snake does not spontaneously appear as if from thin air. Instead, the snake takes it upon itself to slither to its destinations or is physically carried by individuals. However, quite frequently, the snake disappears once its role is fulfilled. 126Paus. II.10.3 127 Athens: IG II2 no. 4960. Was a snake brought, or attendants? This depends upon the reading of line 14, where a lacuna prevents a secure reading. On this see: Connolly (1998) 11-13. Snake (reads APA): Korte (1896) 316-7; Dragoumis (1901) 97-112. Other versions (reads AAI): Clinton (1994) 23; Connolly (1998) 11-13. Page 111 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Much like Valerius' account, the snake's "appearance" is used to determine sacred locations in a few of the Greek accounts. In the account of the Epidaurian Limera sanctuary, the snake escapes from the ship and disappears on the ground near the sea. At this place, altars and a grove of olives are dedicated to Asklepios.128 In one of the cures from the Epidaurian iamata, a sanctuary is dedicated to Asklepios when a snake comes to Halieis on a wagon axle and cures a man (B 13). From Gortyn on Crete, an inscription regarding the foundation of the Asklepieion states that in order to determine the location for the temple, the god sent favorable omens to Sosus in his sleep and a snake as a guide ib^ajov Sewv ocpiv) while he was awake. Valerius' account shows awareness of its Greek counterparts by noting the theiromorphacy of the snake. Valerius indicates that the relationship between the snake and the divinity is unclear. He carefully states that the Epidaurians regard the snake as the divinity. He adds that at Epidauros, the snake is worshiped as the epiphany of Asklepios. According to him, the Greeks believe the god to be the snake. In contrast, when referring to the Romans, he says that the snake's appearance is a matter of divine will, indicating that the snake is just the agent of the divinity and a sign of his intention. He indicates that the Romans do not believe the snake to be the divinity. The variety of relationships suggested between the divinity and his earthly serpentine symbol might reflect Roman attempts to understand and mitigate the ambiguities of foreign cults. Perhaps this is an attempt to separate Greek from Roman religion and identify a foreign element of the Asklepios cult. Paus. III.23.6-7. /CretlXYUno. 21 1st cen AD Page 112 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Evidence from the Greek sanctuaries indicates that the relationship between the snake and the god is more ambiguous than Valerius implies. The snake's precise relationship to the divinity is probably more a matter of individual beliefs. Representations of the snake show him as the god's symbol, companion, pet, and agent.I30 In depictions the snake is shown sitting beneath the god's chair, crawling up his IT 1 staff, or eating out of the god's cup. Literary evidence also suggests the same. Though the snake can perform miraculous healings, he is secondary to Asklepios. For example, in the Ploutos, Asklepios appears in his mortal form to treat several patients, but he also summons two snakes from the naos to treat Ploutos. The snakes act under the command of Asklepios. They are called by him and subsequently disappear when he does. Though the snakes are capable of performing healing action, they are not the divinity; they are his agents. Sometimes the Greeks identify the snake as the divinity in animal form. At least 1 TO one votive plaque features the snake, rather than the divinity. Other votives show a group of worshipers approaching a large snake, as if to suggest that it is the snake that is the object of their worshipful attention. Pausanias mentions that the Sikyonians claim lj0 Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 228-230. 131 Snake on staff: Athens NM 1809 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 22). Copenhagen Ny Carlsberg Gylptotek 1683 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 45), Brusells Mus. Roy. Art and Hist. R 603 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 122), Copenhagen MN 8631 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 120), London BM 1217 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 124), NY Metropolitan Museum 81.6.91 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 125), etc. Snake beneath chair: Athens NM 1330 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 63), Athens NM 1352 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 65), Athens NM 1381 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 67), Athens NM 1338 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 86), Athens NM 1337 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 88), Athens NM 1354 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 92). Athens NM 2455, Athens NM 2441, etc. Asklepios feeds snake: Athens NM 1393 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 41), Venice Museum Arch. 165 (Holtzmann (1984) vol. II fig. 42), Paris Louvre MA 602, etc. 132 Ar. PI 731-741. 133 Athens NM 2565 134 Athens NM 1407 Page 113 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location I T c that the god was brought to them in the likeness of a snake. ' In Lucian's work about false prophet Alexander, the snake "found" in the temple foundations is regarded as Asklepios by the Paphlagonians. This snake - Glykon-Asklepios - becomes a divinity in his own right. A scholiast in Aristophanes comments that Asklepios could appear as a snake.136 Along these lines, Artemidoros claims that in the interpretation of dreams, the serpent stands for all the gods to which it is sacred including Asklepios - but Artemidorus is dealing with the interpretation of symbols, not an epiphany.137 Valerius states that the Epidaurians regarded the snake as the epiphany of Asklepios. Perhaps the Greeks believed it possible for Asklepios to assume the form of a snake, just as Zeus could assume the form of an eagle or a bull. Just as the Greeks are inconsistent in their belief about the god's ability to transform into an animal, the Romans also seem to demonstrate a range of beliefs about theiomorphism. Livy says that the snake is believed to be the ipsum numen - the divinity himself.138 However, as stated before, Valerius distinguishes between the Greek beliefs and the Roman beliefs on the matter. The topic is still being considered over 300 years later, when Christian apologist Arnobius (d. 330 AD) addresses theiomorphism by questioning the legitimacy of a god who can appear in the guise of a snake. Arnobius would not make such a statement in the first place unless there were people who believed that the god and the animal were one. Yet in formulating the question, he reveals not only that the belief persisted over time, but also that later writers under the influence of 135 Paus. 11.10.3 136 Scholiast Ar. Nub 508. l37Artem. 11.13. 138 Livy Per XI. 139 Arn. Adv. nat. VII.44-48. Page 114 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location Christianity developed a distaste for the vague relationship that develops between divinity and animal. Ultimately, the Greeks were flexible in their association between the divinity and the snake and they allowed for a certain ambiguity - not every snake was Asklepios and Asklepios appeared in more forms than serpentine and most often as a human. Attitudes towards the snake likely varied from polis to polis, and even individual to individual. Yet ultimately, they were more willing to accept the divinity in a variety of forms. The Romans were more careful to identify this aspect of the cult as Greek in origin. IVD. Pause Finally, the last aspect of Valerius' account that relates to the Greek foundation stories is the pause that occurs before the sanctuary is established in Rome. This pause involves a period cf time during which the cult appears to reside in an intermediate location before reaching its permanent locale. This "pause" demonstrates resistance to a new cult, a quasi-formal method of integrating the cult into society in stages that allowed it to be blocked at any point. In Valerius' account, the snake first disembarks at Antium. The snake leaves the ship and the embassy is unable to coerce it to return. After a period of time, the snake returns to the ship on its own and the mission continues towards Rome. An Asklepieion was constructed in Antium as a result of this pause.140 The idea of generating a pause is found in Greek aitia of the Asklepieia. For example, in Athens, the new cult does not reside immediately on the south slope of the Acropolis, but is first established in the Piraeus port, in Zea. Then, it resides in the Eleusinion. Finally, the sanctuary is established on the south slope of the Acropolis. This creates a period of time between the desire to introduce the cult and the sanctuary's actual 140 Antium: Vittucci (2000) 47-52. Page 115 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location establishment. The reason for the gradual introduction is unknown, but might relate to the acceptance of the cult by the community. It is also possible that this is done to transform or disguise resistance to the cult, as if the divinity had intended this outcome all along. This pause is mirrored at other sanctuaries, such as the aforementioned Serapis cult on Delos (see page 94). The sanctuary is not set up immediately when the god arrives from Egypt, but instead spends time in rented quarters before the divinity gives instructions that the time to establish the sanctuary has come. A legal dispute ensues, and the god intervenes to assure the sanctuary's establishment. Again, there is a correspondence here between the Greek sanctuaries and the Tiber Island aition. A pause at Antium is part of the foundation story, where the cult resides until the divinity determines it is time to continue. Similarly, the Athenian cult does not arrive immediately, but progresses in stages towards its final destination on the Acropolis. V. Conclusions The Tiber Island sanctuary serves as a model for determining where best to situate sacred space for an Asklepieion. Authors questioned and commented on the sanctuary's location and this history of its foundation, suggesting that the Romans were grappling with definitive principles that guided its placement. Their comments show awareness of the principles that guided the placement of Greek healing sanctuaries, while ascertaining the appropriateness of this Greek cult in Rome. There is an attempt to classify and define the Greek Asklepieia and recognize the ways in which the Tiber Island one adhered to these principles. Page 116 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location The evidence for Greek sanctuaries suggests that for most sanctuaries, specific geographic and environmental features were sought, especially those that were believed to be conducive to epiphany - high places and well-watered areas. While not every sanctuary is located outside of the city, as Plutarch suggests, many deliberately incorporate rural elements deliberately in order to "rusticate" urban shrines. Caves and springs, places associated with the epiphanies of other gods, are incorporated or enhanced. Furthermore, modifications make it clear that even when the divinity has chosen an ideal space for his or her sanctuary, the space can be made more suitable for human and divine use. These elements were used to situate the Tiber Island Asklepieion, which sat on a river and may have been set at a height, as indicated by the few images that survive. The location for the Tiber Island sanctuary reflects the Roman belief that the Greeks situated their Asklepieia outside the city, even though this was not necessarily practiced. Many Greek Asklepieia lie within the city walls, including the one at Athens, which would have been familiar to elite Romans. Rather, this belief relates to the incorporation of rustic elements at the Greek sanctuaries, the association of epiphanies with locations outside the city, and an attempt to imitate the situation at Epidauros. Whatever the reason, Tiber Island sanctuary is "outside the city" only in the sense that it is outside the pomerium, but within easy access by bridge. Being located "outside the city" had different implications in Rome than it did in Greece. In Greece, being outside the city was not a divorce from the city and the two were often interrelated. A sanctuary might even serve as a way to mark a territory's limit. In Rome, being "outside" the city was a reinforcement of a cult's foreignness - it did not Page 117 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location meet the criteria for falling within the pomerium. The foreign origins of the Tiber Island Asklepieion may have been further emphasized by it is priests, its doctors, and its Greek clientele. Whatever reasons underpinned the choice of location, an aition was composed to explain the sanctuary's origins and location. This is all the more pertinent since being outside the city had implications of foreignness for the Romans. The aition combines elements of foundation stories from both Greece and Rome. This story illustrates the principle of Romanization, insofar as Greek stories were adapted to fit Roman sensibilities, or perhaps, alternatively, Greek elements were added to Roman stories. Certain aspects of the story are similar to what is known of foundation stories for Roman cults. Other aspects of the story are more aligned with what is known for the establishment of Greek sanctuaries. An attempt to determine the sanctuary's origins is itself a product of its time period in which there is renewed interest in determining the history and propriety of institutions in the Roman state. Rome eyed the Greek world with an admixture of fascination and repulsion. The cult's significance is ambivalent. It is not only Greek and related to Greek medicine with its "barbaric" doctors, but also fulfills an important role in the provision of health and healing. The presence and utility of this decidedly Greek cult in Rome demands an explanation that allows the Romans to recognize its foreignness and still utilize its benefits without offending the ancestral, more indigenous Roman pantheon. What is interesting is that no single answer satisfies the Romans. They ultimately suggest various explanations for the sanctuary's foundation that include a range of divine Page 118 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location and human involvement in sanctuary establishment. Plutarch offers several possibilities, but never attempts to reconcile the different viewpoints or demonstrate the superiority of one over the other. Perhaps this indicates that the favored story lay in the social status and beliefs of the individual. Another possibility is that the conflicting views could be held in combination with one another. A final point of interest is the way in which the differing points of view suggest attitudes about the relationship between men and their gods. All explanations for the Tiber Island Asklepieion examine the role of humans as well as the divinity in founding the sanctuary. The location of the sanctuaries is not merely explained as a haphazard demonstration of divine superiority. Instead, it seems that it is a collective or cooperative decision made between deity and mortal, as both have a role to play. The sanctuary becomes the physical expression of the inter-dependence of mortal and immortal. Certainly, the archaeological evidence points to consistency in choice of location, with specific topographical features chosen that have a relationship to epiphanic experience in other cults and myths. Amendments are made to the area in order to improve its religious ethos or make up for what was perceived as lacking. The god, as it would seem, did not select places that were perfect on their own. Man's input is expected so that the place will be transformed to resemble an ideal location held in the minds of both the god and the worshiper. Plutarch stresses the importance of familiarity when he offers the explanation that the snake chose a place similar to what he had at Epidauros. The actions of men are ever under the watchful eye of the divinity. Individuals are chosen by the god through signs and signals. Oracles are sought to approve the introduction of a cult. The god himself might indicate the sacred spot. The god removes Page 119 Chapter 2 - On Sanctuary Location obstacles to the sanctuary location. Yet the divinity does not act without man. The snake in Epidauros does not appear until the Roman ambassadors arrive. No accounts of conflict between divinity and man regarding sanctuary placement arise; the divinity is complicit with man's choices. Even Vitruvius sees the correct application of propriety as a way to glorify the divinity and the benefits he brings to men. Together, both man and god seem to be selecting a place that is ideal for an epiphany. The location of a site is believed to be the culmination of human and divine action, a partnership that reinforces widely held beliefs about the unequal but symbiotic relationship that exists between god and men. The stress on the god's role is meaningless without his human compatriots. The long history of the relationship between men and god reflects a larger belief in a need to repeat what has worked in the past. Consultation with an oracle occurs because oracles were consulted in the past. Sanctuaries are established in places that are similar to those that have worked in the past. Each new sanctuary is a variation on a successful model that has lasted for generations. Page 120 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt Chapter 3. Waiting at the Entryway; Between Anticipation and Doubt I. The Propylon on the Telemachos Monument When Greek artists wanted to represent sacred space, they used selected structural and architectural elements as abbreviated symbols of the location. The two items that appeared in depictions most frequently in vase paintings and other media were altars and temples. In representations of sacrifice and sacred processions, altars usually served as a focal point in a scene of ritual activity. The figures would either approach or surround the altar.3 When depicting a temple, the artist abbreviated the full structure by abstracting elements from its decoration or structure, such as an anta, entablature, and/or a column.4 A few depictions were more ambitious and showed the full face of a temple.5 Sacred space was also identified by a cult statue on a base or in its temple.6 For specific sanctuaries, artists even used easily identifiable structures. Apollo's tripod or omphalos indicated a scene taking place at Delphi. Along these same lines, in scenes that take place at the Asklepieia, the artist utilized an identifiable symbol such as the stibas (a low portable bed) or altar to represent the sacred space. Sometimes, a recognizable object from the cult, such as the sacred 1 Boardman (1974) 206-7, (1975)217. 2 Boardman (1974) 212-3, (1975) 221; Kroll (1979) 352. 3 Hausmann (1960) 57-59; Hanfmann (1975) 12-13; Kroll (1979) 350; Van Straten (1988) 56-67; Mark (1984) 331; Durand (1991). 4 For example, columns supporting an architrave appear on a bell krater by the Painter of London F 64 (Plainer Group). London BM F 64. = ARV21419.1; Robertson (1992) fig. 273. Another example is a red figure volute-krater from Spina by the Kleophon Painter. Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina T.57 C VP — ARV21143.1. See Robertson (1992) fig. 231. 5 Painter of the Birth of Dionysos. Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum 2579. Alroth (1995) 40 fig. 20; RVP 136 no. 2/10 pi. 9.2. 6 Cult statues along with relevant bibliography: Alroth (1995) 9-46. See also Marinatos (1988) 9-12. 7 Ferrara Mus. Naz. 44894 (T 57 CVP) = ARV21143.1. For image, see Boardman (1989) fig. 171. 8 Altar: Louvre 755 (Hausmann (1948) fig 5), Athens NM 1333 (Hausmann (1948) fig 6). Stibas: Athens NM 3369 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 2), Amsterdam Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 2339 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 3). A cult statue in a temple appears on a series of medals of Caracalla from Pergamon: Kadar (1986). To date, there are no representations of the abaton. Page 121 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt snake, pinax, or a votive limb is shown as a part of the scene,9 or appears as an iconic representative image. However, a scene on the Telemachos Monument (Fig. 3.1) from the Athenian Asklepieion does not fit the typical paradigm. This monument contains a representation of a monumental gateway, a propylon, on one face (side B) of a double pinax that tops a four-sided monument. The lower portion of the monument has an inscription commemorating the establishment of the sanctuary in 419/420 B.C. by a private citizen named Telemachos, and information about its history, care, and its priests. The monument's association with the Asklepios sanctuary and his cult is overt; all imagery on the monument depicts objects related to the cult. One face of the double sided pinax (Side B) depicts the propylon with cultic objects amassed to one side, as described in detail below. The reverse side (Side A) depicts Asklepios and Hygieia inside a temple or other building with medical objects suspended above them (Fig. 3.2).13 On the lower portion, small scenes (portarilievi) depict Machaon and the children of Asklepios, a heroic figure, Athena, Artemis, Aphrodite, Zeus, and the Dioscouri.14 The structure represented on Side B might be mistaken for a temple, as the propylon is not a common representation. A few features identify it as a gateway and it is 9 Snake: Athens NM 1407 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 7), Athens NM 1330 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 9).Pinax: Athens NM 3369 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 2), Louvre 755 (Hausmann (1948) fig 5). Suspended votive limbs and philai: Athens NM 5840. 10 Snake: Athens NM 1330 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 9). Votive limbs: Athens NM 1393 (Asklepios reclines on a couch on the reverse). See collection of votive body parts in Foren (1996). 11 Pieces and inscriptions: IG II2 4960, 4961, 4963; SEG XXV.226, XXXV1.275, XXXII.266; Athens NM 2477, 2490, 2491, London BM 1920.6-161.1, 1971.1-25.1; Padua Museo Civico 14. Bibliography for Telemachos Monument: see Beschi (1967-8a) 381-436. Also see: Waiter (1923); Beschi (1967-8a) 381- 436, (1982) 31-43; Mitropoulou (1975); Ghedini (1980) 15-18; Aleshire (1989) 33-34; Lawton (1992) 242- 3; Garland (1992) 119-121; Parke (1997) 177-8; Robertson (1998) 29. 12/Gil2 4960. lj Garland interprets the doorway as belonging to an enkometerion or an incubation chamber (1992) 120, but the wall on either side of the gateway suggest otherwise. 14 Beschi (1967a) 416-428. Page 122 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt similar to other depictions of gateways that survive on pottery and in sculpture.15 The depicted propylon consists of a pair of closed doors set in an architectural framework, flanked on both sides by a wall. The wall does not reach the same height as the top of the lintel of the doorway, suggesting that the doors are an entry through a temenos wall. Also, the structure lacks temple ornamentation; the beams have no moldings and the columns lack capitals and bases.16 The doors are both closed and are decorated with a square grill set above a solid, undecorated rectangular area, probably meant to be wood. Its association with the Asklepios cult is further confirmed by its architectural ornamentation; animals associated with the deity are used as decoration. Two antithetical snakes lie in the propylon's gable. Atop the roof, cocks, in profile, face out in opposite directions. At its peak is an acanthus acroterion. A wall that starts on both sides of the doors' frame extends on either side to the edges of the relief, creating an imaginary sanctuary environment with an exterior and an interior. A large stork on a leafless tree is set to the right of the propylon, behind the wall. A statue of a nude ephebe on a pedestal is to the left of the propylon, in front of the wall. Further to the left is a collection of cultic objects, including the prow of a ship, a horse's head, a recumbent feline, and even a pinax on a base. Since identifying the monument, scholars have attempted to match the propylon on the Telemachos Monument with surviving architectural remains (Fig. 3.3). Beschi 15 See Beschi (1967a) 388-390 on its convincing interpretation as a propylon. See Halm-Tisserant (1995) for representations of doorways generally. 16 Beschi (1969a) 397; Robertson (1998) 294. 17 The proposed shape and size of the pinax relief have been re-evaluated as pieces of the monument have been identified in different collections. Three different reconstructions have been proposed to account for these changes. Initially, Beschi's square reconstruction (1967a) was critiqued by Mitropoulou (1975), who proposed a rectangular shape. Beschi (1982) ultimately reconstructed the pinax using newly identified pieces in a rectangular shape. 18 Beschi (1982) 40. Page 123 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt tries to match the depiction with a gateway (no. 1) in the corridor that turns off the Pelargikon towards the Asklepieion.' His analysis depends upon the plan of the area proposed by Travlos.20 However, Aleshire has since reinterpreted the evidence and has successfully contested Travlos' assessment. She concludes that there are no remains for this propylon.21 The only archaeological remains for a propylon in the area of the Athenian Asklepieion are found southwest of the temple (no. 3) in the western wall of the sanctuary (no. 2). Based on cuttings and an inscription detailing repairs, the sanctuary's propylon is located in the wall that extended from the Doric stoa (no. 8).23 Robertson proposes a second possible propylon at the Asklepieion, located on the eastern side of the precinct, but he claims it was obliterated by the enlargement of the Theater of Dionysos.24 Robertson argues that the propylon represented on the Telemachos Monument corresponds with a gated entry to the Acropolis itself. He makes his argument for the existence of the area by trying to match the Telemachos Monument with Pausanias' description of the area.25 However, the representation is specific to the Asklepios cult. The propylon represented is decorated with cocks and snakes. Furthermore, cultic items specific to the Asklepios cult (notably, a pinax) are depicted to the right of the gateway. Although it is impossible to match the propylon on the Telemachos Monument with specific archaeological remains, at this time, there is no reason to dismiss Beschi's 19 Beschi (1967a) 390-397, (1967b) 511-515. The term Pelargikon means Stork-place. 20 Travlos (1939/41)62, (1971) 127-8. 21 Aleshire (1989) 34. 22 Aleshire (1989) 33-34. 23IG II21046, SEG XXV.226. Aleshire (1989) 33-34. Aleshire rejects Travlos' interpretation that there were two propylaia to this sanctuary, one SW of the temple and one at the corridor between the east and middle terraces. Travlos (1939/41) 62, (1971) 243-44. 24 Robertson (1998) 295. 25 Robertson (1998) 292-295. Page 124 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt reconstruction of the monument. Only his attempt to find its physical remains is faulty, whereas his reconstruction of the monument based on fragmentary pieces is invaluable. The choice of a propylon as a symbol of the cult raises several questions. First off, why depict a propylon? We expect a temple, an altar, the abaton, and even a votive limb to be depicted, since these are identifiable symbols for a sanctuary of Asklepios. Apart from the architectural ornamentation, a propylon does not have an obvious connection to Asklepios. Secondly, why is the propylon shown closed, rather than open? This contrasts with known representations of religious structures, almost exclusively temples, that show buildings with open doors revealing cult statues inside.26 Finally, why are no humans visible in the scene? In most relief sculpture, architectural and landscape elements are only present when they are props for human figures, yet this side of the Telemachos Monument focuses on the propylon, as if it were a landscape. The architectural element is not used as a decorative framing device, as is typical on votive reliefs.27 One reason for depicting the propylon might relate to the text inscribed on the monument itself. The inscription mentions Telemachos' legal dispute over the sanctuary's boundaries with members of the influential Kerykes, a family best known for Wegener (1985) 131-138. A list of 76 doorways on Greek vases, dating from 570-end of the fourth century prepared by Halm-Tisserant (1995) includes 29 closed doorways and 47 open ones. She describes none of them as propylaia, and only some of these depictions are likely meant to represent temple doors in sanctuary contexts (1995) 488-490. Some that she identifies with open doors in a sanctuary include: 67) BM E 505, 68) Volute krater from Naples Museum unnumbered, 69) Apulian volute krater from Taranto unnumbered, 70) Naples H 3231, 71) Milan Coll. HA 239. P, 72) Naples H 3223, 73) Munich 2398; Boardman and Palagia (1988) vol. 2 no. 1679 (A); Para 29%, 74) Boston 69.1142, 92a) BM E 773, 95) Naples 81908; AJA 103 (1999) 247 figs. 24-5, 97) University Heidelberg 25/04, 100) Amsterdam 2579 P. Coins from Pergamon dating to the time of Caracalla depict Asklepios seated in a temple. See Kadar (1986) 31-35 esp p. 33. 27 Ridgway only discusses architectural elements as framing devices (1997) 195-7. Similarly, Wegener also only treats architectural elements as framing devices (1985) 11-62. Page 125 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt holding several hereditary priesthoods at Eleusis. The legal case may have concerned the placement of the propyl on, though others have hypothesized that the Ionic stoa on the middle terrace of the area was at the heart of this dispute. If the legal dispute concerns the propylon, its depiction on the monument could suggest Telemachos' vindication. While this is certainly possible, I take a different stance and in this chapter, I argue that the propylon is represented not necessarily because it matches a literal monument, but because it is a symbol for the role the propylon plays in enhancing the epiphanic experience. I argue that the closed propylon is a place associated with the act of arriving and waiting at the Asklepieion. Using literary and material evidence, I argue that by pausing before entering the sanctuary, incubants are given the opportunity to contemplate the experiences that await them within. The propylon is also used to "generate" a crowd, since crowds are associated with epiphanies. However, crowds are often seen as easily duped, so the sanctuaries must also cultivate a cautious attitude towards witnessing a miraculous healing or an epiphany. Finally, I discuss how the propylon and this process later receive a more formal treatment in architecture at the Asklepieion at Pergamon, where an elaborate forecourt is built at the end of the Sacra Via. IG 11" 4960. Legal battles over the establishment of a new sanctuary are documented elsewhere. The Serapeion on Delos also faced a legal challenge and this is well documented in a surviving inscription, called now the Delian Aretology. The inscription praises Isis and then goes on the recount the events of the sanctuary's establishment, focusing chiefly on a legal battle that was won with the divine assistance. Considering Athenian fondness for legation, a legal dispute is hardly a surprise. See Engelmann (1975). 29 Travlos (1971) 127; Garland (1992) 127. Page 126 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt II. Anticipation and Doubt IIA. Two Texts Raise Similar Issues Passage A. Avrjq atpiKSTO TTOI TOV Ssbv ixsTag A man came as a suppliant to the god. He was so aTSQOTTTlXXoS OVTCOg, (OCTTS Tffi fiXecpaqa ftOVOV blind that of one of his eyes he had only the eyelids z%eiv, svs7fj,sv d'sv ainoTg fi'rjS'sv, dXXd xavsd left - within them was nothing, and they were e[J]fj,sv oXcog. s(j)s(Xco)v dy Tivsg TCOV SV TCOI entirely empty. Some of those in the hieron laughed iaqcbi rav svyS-iav avTOV, TO vofii^siv at his silliness to think that he could recover his sight when one of his eyes had not even a trace of ftAsij/stirS'ai oXcog (ifjdsfiiav ima,Q%av s%ovrog the ball, but only the socket. As he slept a vision OTTTI'XXOV dXX 'rj %coQa[i fiovov. hyxa%[evdo]vTi appeared to him. It seemed to him that the god ovv avTcbi bij/ig scpdvrj. ebbxsi TOV Ssbv eiprjo~ai prepared some drug, then, opening his eyelids, TI cpd[q(x,axov, snejira (SiayayovTa ra flXecpaqa poured it into them. When day came, he departed sy%sai si'g avTa df/,sq[ag M yevo(isv]ag /3XSTTCOV with the sight of both eyes restored, (from IG IV" I. dficpoTv sffiXS's. 121-4 = iamaton A9 app. 350 B.C.) Passage B. Ehd (ioi emvoytrov oixiaxov ov navv (patdqbv Now then, please imagine a little room, not very oude. sig xbqov TOV These two texts are written nearly 600 years apart, yet they demonstrate the continuity of the juxtaposed roles of hope and doubt in healing cults. Both texts describe men (and women) who anticipate the appearance of a divinity. Both also demonstrate the cynicism and disbelief of those who observe and interact with those who await the god's Page 127 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entry-way: Between Anticipation and Doubt manifestation and/or assistance. In both passages, believers are treated as objects of derision and amusement. Using these two passages, along with other evidence, I will examine the recurrence of eager anticipation and doubt as aspects of the Asklepios healing cult, and furthermore, discuss the ways in which these two states of mind are addressed and utilized by the architects of the cuit in order to encourage and enhance the ritual of incubation and the associated epiphany. In Passage B, Lucian gleefully describes the throng of the suppliants who press to see Alexander's snake, here called Asklepios. Lucian is careful in his choice of words to describe the crowds (xai nX^og avS-qdmatv crvyxXvdcov, rsraqa^svcov xai TTQoatarsTtXfi'Yfisvcov xai ratg eXmcriv anauaQovfisvcov): a throng, agitated, awe-struck in advance, spurred on by hope. To Lucian, the people in the crowd are fickle, weak- minded, and easily duped, and he contrasts them with philosophers — Demokritos, Epikouros, and Metrodoros - who would recognize the ploy easily. Elsewhere in the text, Lucian (through the mouth of Alexander) chides the Paphlagonians, rich and poor alike, for being stupid, silly, and superstitious (apS-gconcop h7v Tta%ka)v xai yXiS-lcov rwv inroh^o(iav(Dv... dsicndaifiovag Tovg noXXovg xai nXovtriovg). Lucian believes that the unchecked desire of the Paphlagonians to view the epiphany of Asklepios renders them J The identity of the divinity of Alexander's oracle is a nebulous amalgam of several gods, though Asklepios is predominant. The snake is at first called Asklepios, but is eventually referred to as Glykon or Glykon-Asklepios (18, 39, 43). Alexander initiates his oracle by planting some bronze tablets announcing that Asklepios and his father Apollo will be taking up residence at Abonouteichos (10). Alexander is said to share blood with one of Asklepios' sons, Podaleirios (11). Alexander sings hymns in honor of Apollo and Asklepios, and calls the snake Asklepios (14). The ceremonies established for the oracle include an enactment of the birth of Asklepios (38). When Sacerdos asks, "Master Glykon, who are you?" the response is, "I am the new Asklepios." (43). Lucian ironically refers to the snake as a new-born Asklepios (14), as an Asklepios from Pella (15), and as a canvas Asklepios (26). Of course, the amalgamation of several deities into one is typical of religion during and after the Hellenistic period. On the amalgamation of deities in the Hellenistic period and as part of the phenomenon of syncretism, see Martin (1987) 10-11, 111-113, 155-163; Fox (1989) 34-5. jl Lucian Alex. 9 Page 128 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt gullible and susceptible to deceit. Their inherent character and their maniacal enthusiasm allow Alexander to fool them with a phony oracle. Initially, one is inclined to dismiss Lucian's account as exaggeration for the sake of the satire. His criticisms sound like ethnic humor; he singles out and generalizes about an entire community of people. Yet the traits that Lucian mentions - stupidity and silliness - are the same traits named in the chiding remarks heaped upon the suppliant of Cure A9 from the Epidaurian miracle cures from Passage A. Here, satire is absent and the critique is given in earnest. The suppliant is referred to as silly or even naive {rav evrjS-iav avTov) for believing that the god can heal his seemingly irreversible state of blindness. Asklepios is not identified as part of a deception or ploy, but as a legitimate divinity. Those present in the hieron with the blind man express a belief in the limitations of divine power and their doubts are sincere, not exaggerated for humorous effect.32 In both passages, opposing states of mind and attitudes are presented and played off each other. Lucian contrasts the eagerness and superstitious beliefs of the Paphlagonians with his own (and his reader's) critical eye in order to generate an amusing analysis of contemporary society. Cure A9 from Epidauros contrasts the sincere beliefs of the incubant with the cynical attitudes of other worshipers in order to emphasize the magnitude of the miraculous cure and the drama of the cure itself. The Paphlagonians who come to visit Alexander's Glykon-Asklepios oracle and the suppliant at Epidauros express anticipation and hope in their respective situations. At the same time, objections and resistance to the belief and faith of those present is given. Lucian and those in the hieron explain fervency as silliness, simplemindedness, and superstition. The hieron is a sacred area within the sanctuary at Epidauros. I will discuss its relevance in Chapter 4. Page 129 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt The inclusion of the mockery in the cure from Epidauros is not necessary to understand the cure; reporting the blind man's cure alone illustrates the god's powers. In fact, reporting doubt seems to run contrary to promoting the cult. Inclusion of these doubtful sentiments in the iamaton serves some further purpose; cure A9 describes a double miracle in which two cures take place. Initially, the man's blindness is cured. This is likely the first reason for recording and posting this cure - it gives a report of the events. But secondly, and perhaps more importantly, the doubtful are "cured" of their disbelief. Those who were once skeptical and critical have seen an irrefutable miracle and now must acknowledge their error. They are transformed into believers. Several of the other miracle cures include descriptions of people who are "cured" of their doubts. For example, cure A4 reports that Ambrosia from Athens ridicules some of the presumably posted cures as she walks through the sanctuary "as being impossible and unlikely, the lame and the blind becoming well from only seeing a dream" (nsQisQTTovaa ds xara TO IZQOV TO)V iafiarcav riva faeyeXa XUikovc, xai TU (A4).33 Posting these types of accounts publicly serves a didactic function and communicates multiple messages, mostly reassuring. Future suppliants are shown typical patterns of behavior to follow and are reassured of the potential for a cure. Asklepios' abilities can cure even the most seemingly hopeless situations. Those who are hesitant, uncertain, or mistrustful of the miraculous cures can be proven wrong if one persists. Just as those in the hieron laugh at the man for his beliefs, no doubt the reader of the iamata 33 Other examples: A3, A10, B16. Page 130 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt can envision Asklepios laughing at those who scoff at his powers. Furthermore, they serve as a subtle warning to those in doubt that Asklepios might surpass their expectations. In this case, the doubtful are taught that they should admit their erroneous beliefs gracefully and indicate this through a tangible, physical object. One other purpose for recording disbelief is that it lends credibility to the shocking miracles that take place. Doubtful witnesses are regarded as less easily deceived by the devious. Lucian states that those of firm, less impressionable minds, such as the philosophers Demokritos, Epikouros, or Metrodoros, would not have been duped by Alexander's ploy. A person reluctant to believe what he observes is seen as more trustworthy when he gives an account. He accepts what he observes only after he has exhausted all plausible explanations and possible alternatives. On the other hand, those who are willing believers are seen as easily misled by their desires and hopes. They trust things unquestioningly and are so caught up in their enthusiasm that they are easily deceived by sleight of hand tricks or other reports without subjecting them to serious considerations about their veracity. The doubtful are likely included in Cure A9 because their testimony is necessary to confirm a miracle that seems impossible otherwise. While a reader of the posted iamata might disregard cure A9 for being fantastic, he is made aware that others once held similar thoughts. The miracle that took place was convincing enough to sway those who were once doubtful. IIB. Anticipation, Crowds, Rumors and Associated Problems Page 131 Chapter 3 -- Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt The blind man in cure A9 comes to the sanctuary with certain preconceived notions about what will happen to him there. He believes that the ability "to see" will be restored for him, shown by the use of the future tense (vo/ti&v flAsipsTcrSai). This presumes that the god possesses the power to heal him of his ailment. Cure A9 is different from most of the other iamata insofar as it discusses the expectations of the worshiper and presents them in a positive light. In general, the iamata are formulaic in structure, identifying the individual involved, the disease or ailment, the action taken, the cure, and the thank offerings given. They rarely discuss the anticipatory thoughts of the worshiper, except those that focus on the reversal of doubt. In such cases, either the incubant or others express skepticism about the miraculous cures. Positive anticipatory thoughts about the cure and faith are found elsewhere. In these examples, there is a loose association made between having faith and receiving a successful cure. Since the association is implied, rather than a direct condition, we are likely looking at the development of a religious belief that faith is becoming a necessary component of membership in a religious group. The cure never became contingent on an incubant's faith because disbelievers were cured, as shown by the example given above with Ambrosia. A fifth or sixth century copyist from the Anthologia Palatina records an epigram of Aeschines the Rhetor (390-314 BC) given as a thank offering. The epigram states that Aeschines had all his hope (iXTTi2a) in the divine when mortal doctors failed to cure his illness. According to the epigram, he left Athens and came to the grove of Asklepios (probably Epidauros): 34 A3, A4, A10, B16. See also LiDonnici (1995) 24-25, 28, 47. Page 132 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt 51$ ds TO hzhv sXmda namv '£%w, •aQokmm sunaiSag Atymg iaSrjv iAStov, Ao~x?i7]TTia, Tigog TO o~ov akcroq. The epigram stresses Aeschines' faith and celebrates his cure at the same time. He records his devotion to the divinity, by stating he was hopeful before he has received his cure. The epigram implies that by being so faithful towards Asklepios, Aeschines was assured success. Of course, it is very easy to associate the two in retrospect. Aristides also emphasizes the importance of hope in his cures and implies that it is his faith in the god that is responsible for his cures. For example, when he leaves Aliani for Pergamon to cure his current illness, he says of his situation ".. .and again, I had hope." That night, he hears the voice of someone telling him "You have been cured."36 On his journey to Poemaneos, a spa in Mysia with a famous temple to Asklepios, he indicates the effect that having hope has on his mental state. He says he is in "high spirits, as on a pilgrimage. The weather was marvelous, and the road inviting... I composed many lyrics to the Savior himself, while I was sitting in the carriage, and many to the Aesopus, the Nymphs, and Artemis Thermaea, who keeps the warm springs, to free me from all my troubles and to return me to my original state."37 The positive reports of cures of single individuals, such as Aristides, attract large crowds and ancient authors are aware of it. Strabo attributes the fame of the city of Epidauros to the belief (nsntaTsu/isvou) that the epiphany (T cures diseases. He says that as a result of this belief, the hieron is always full of the 35 Anth. Pal. VI.330. 36 HL\\\.5 37 HL IV.4 Page 133 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt sick.38 When Palestinian bishop and Church Father Eusebius of Caesarea (c. 260-340 AD) recounts the destruction of the temple of Asklepios at Aegae (Cilicia), he describes myriads passionately aflutter (jiugicov snroiQfiavcDv) over Asklepios because he appears to those incubating through an epiphany (imcpatvo/iiuq) roTg iyxaS-sufioucri) and sometimes heals the bodies of the sick.39 Crowds of all sizes are described at the Asklepieia. In iamaton A9 (Passage A) a group of worshipers are present in the hieron. In Aristophanes' Ploutos, Carion describes the other worshipers who incubate at the same time in the same room, including Neokleides and "many others having all sorts of diseases" (eregoi TS TTOXXOI navTodana voo-'Tj^ara S%OVTS$) (665-678). Hope not only attracts a crowd, but it stirs up the enthusiasm and eager anticipation for both individuals and groups alike. The effect of these reports is best captured by Aristides who describes the crowds that come to see his divinely inspired speech in Smyrna. Even before he enters the city, "people came to meet me as in the oracle which I received."40 Once in front of the assembly, he says "it was impossible to see anything except men's heads, and there was not even room to shove your hand between the people. Indeed the shouting and good will, or rather, if it is fitting to tell the truth, the frenzy was so great from all sides that no one was seen to sit either during the introduction or when I arose to contend, but they stood from the first word, felt the emotions of anguish, joy, and fear, assented to what was said, cried out things which were never heard before, and every man counted it his gain, if he should bestow some very great compliment on me."41 >sStrabo VIII.6.15 39 Euseb Vil. Const. 111.56 40 HL V.29. 41 //Z-V 32-33. Page 134 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt The crowds are drawn for different reasons. Some come to see an event, while others come because they are uncertain and want to see for themselves if it is true. For example, Aristides states that several friends assembled to see his cure in a river because they did not want to hear it from another's report. As proof of the success of his cures, Aristides says that those who were present at each event would know the condition of his health. He appeals to their eyewitness in the face of seemingly unbelievable miracles. A crowd attending a religious event, espeically to witness an epiphany or a miracle, is not a quiet, reverent entity, but instead is noisy, tumultuous, and bustling, and its members engage in discussion. For example, Ovid describes crowds who throng to meet the arrival of the Epidaurian snake in Rome: hue omnis populi passim matrumque patrumque obvia turbo ruit, quaeque ignes, Troica, servant, Vesta, tuos, laetoque deum clamore salutant.44 The whole populus comes out, including mothers, fathers, and those "who tend the fires" (the Vestal Virgins). The crowd tumbles down (ruit) in a tumultuous meeting (obvia turba). The people pay their respects (salutant) with a joyous call (laeto... clamore). Aristides also describes crowds at the Asklepieia as noisy, bustling, and frenzied. In one case, Aristides mentions that he had to avoid the warm springs because "the whole place was packed with a noisy multitude, so that it was impossible to find shelter."45 This excited type of activity in anticipation of a religious event is captured on the Ionic frieze of the Athenian Parthenon. Scholars have labelled the divine and mortal u HL II. 51. 13 HL II. 56. 14 Ov. Met. XV.729-731. K HL V.13. Page 135 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entry way: Between Anticipation and Doubt figures as peaceful,46 casual,47 aloof, and even indifferent. 8 A modern expectation of quietude and reverence at a religious event leads us to call them unfocused as they talk to one another while the fabric cloth is folded or struggle with rowdy cattle. Rather, their discussion and activity is a typical component of the religious event. Their movement and activity represents their excitement and eager anticipation. The greater the interest and more animated the conversation, the more important the event. The members of the crowd discuss their expectations about the event as well as rumors about what is going on and what has happened in the past. This type of discussion augments the anticipation and feeds into the hopes that crowd members have towards an epiphany. The discussion in the crowd might help prime its members for the event by suggesting what will occur and by reviewing reports of prior occurrences. The members of the crowd then celebrate and expect the event. An example of the way in which crowds cause individuals to become excited about an epiphany occurs in the Ploutos. Carion announces the good news, Ploutos is no longer blind. The chorus retorts Aijsig (ioi xaqav, Aeyeig (ioi j36av. Carion then approaches his master's wife, who asks what the shouting is about and what the announcement is. Probably the shouting of the chorus has fed into her curiosity. Carion relates the story, and then his master's wife responds by praising the power of Asklepios: "Great is Asklepios!"50 She believes what she hears from others and Carion provides confirmation 46 Harrison (1996) 206. 47 Harrison quotes Maria Shaw: "I just can't believe that anything tragic is going on; these people look so ordinary, as if they were doing something that they do all the time" (1996) 206. 48 Root (1985) 106; Mark (1984) 335. 49 Neils looks at the gestures of the divinities and says that the figures allude in subtle ways to pompe and "reinforce the theme and festive spirit of the frieze" (1996) 193. 50 Ar. Plut. 748. Aristides similarly declares "Great is Asklepios" in a dream, after his first cure (HL 11.7). Page 136 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryvvay: Between Anticipation and Doubt for her. The report of Ploutos' recovery spreads and attracts more people. When Ploutos arrives in Athens, he is accompanied by an immense crowd {o%Xog imsQywrjg). In Lucian's account, Alexander also depends upon rumors and gossip to generate interest and enthusiasm for his oracle. When Alexander's pre-buried tablets announcing the arrival of Asklepios and Apollo are uncovered, Lucian states that "the opportune discovery of these tablets caused this story (™ Xoyov) to spread quickly to all Bithynia and Pontus, and to Abonouteichos sooner than anywhere else."52 As a result of this rumor, the people of Abonouteichos immediately vote to build a temple. Alexander also relies upon rumors to generate enthusiasm and interest in his cult after the Glykos- Asklepios snake's epiphany. Alexander wants more people to enter into the city, so he remains at home, "expecting what actually happened - that as the news spread, crowds of Paphlagonians would come running in" ('Hfiigag fiiv oh nvag o't'xot S/ASIVSV skm&v OTTSQ yv, vixo r The epiphany of Asklepios is not the only one that attracts a crowd through rumor-mongering and many examples exist. In Chariton's novel Chaereas and Callirhoe 51 Ar. Plut. 749-750. 52 Luc. Alex. 10. 5j Luc. Alex. 15. 5A Luc. Alex. 18,30-31. 55 Luc. Alex. 24. Page 137 Chapter 3 -- Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt (1st century BC-lst century AD) crowds gather to see Callirhoe, believing her to be the epiphany of an immortal. In the novel, Dionysius arranges to marry Callirhoe, who is rumored to be the epiphany of a goddess or Nereid. Large crowds come out to witness the event: People were talking about who the bride was. Because she was so beautiful and unknown, the common crowd was convinced that a Nereid had come up out of the sea or that a goddess had appeared from Dionysius's estate; those were the rumors spread by the sailors. All had but one desire - to see Callirhoe; and the crowd gathered round the temple of Concord... not a child nor an old man remained in the houses, or even at the harbors; the crowd packed tight, and people even climbed on the roofs of houses. Callirhoe's status as a divinity begins as a rumor spread by sailors that precedes her public appearance. Based on these rumors, the entire town comes out to see her. As with other crowds, discussion ensues about her identity. Herodotus also describes enthusiastic crowds, drawn by rumors of an epiphany. The historian recounts the crowds that come to see the "epiphany of Athena" who accompanies Peisistratos' return to Athens. When Peisistratos returns to Athens, he is accompanied by Phya, a young, tall, beautiful woman dressed as Athena: In the village of Paiania there was a handsome woman called Phye, nearly six feet tall, whom they outfitted in a suit of armour and mounted in a chariot; then, after getting her to pose in the most striking attitude, they drove into Athens, where messengers who bad preceded them were already, according to their instructions, talking to the people and urging them to welcome Peisistratos back, because the goddess Athena herself had shown him extraordinary honor and was bringing him home to her own Acropolis. They spread this nonsense all over town, and it was not long before rumor reached the outlying villages that Athena was bringing Peisistratos back. The people in the city believed that this woman was the goddess 56 Chariton Chaereas et Callirhoe 3.2. 57 In the same novel, rumors can also be used to generate fear and anxiety. Callirhoe is initially married to Chaereas. Her rejected suitors plot to destroy her first marriage by inciting his jealousy. One suitor tells Chaereas that he has something important to tell him that will affect his whole life, and insinuates that his young wife has a lover. "By talking like that this wretch set the young man's mind agog and filled him with hope and fear and curiosity" (Chariton Chaereas et Callirhoe 2.4). Just as rumors can be used to build anticipation and excitement about the arrival of a deity, they can also be used in a negative manner. Page 138 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt herself and offered prayers to her, for all that she was only human, and they welcomed Peisistratos. The Athenians treat Phye as Athena and respond to her appearance with a show of piety, either because they enjoy participating in the spectacle or because they truly believe the goddess has appeared before them.59 Lucian also describes both individuals and crowds who become so overenthusiastic in anticipation of seeing a god, that they cease to be rational and are easily deceived by others. Lucian spares no invective in describing Roman official P. Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus' zeal for Alexander's oracle. Lucian calls Rutilianus a wretched old man and describes his response to the cures of the Asklepios oracle as inflamed and crazy (i^ixaiov ovv rov aSXiov yioovra xai sig fiaviav SQQO)(ISV7JV ivsj3aXov). Rutilianus is depicted as a dupe. He is so excited by the reports of his messengers that he champions them everywhere and even adds some of his own invention. At last, Rutilianus compels the entire court to visit the oracle (svinAijosv ovv TTJV TTOXIV xai discraXsvasv ovroq, xai TOJV kv TTJI auXiji roi/g nXsioTovg dis^oqu^rjasv). His actions precede his encounter with the divinity. Rumors of the oracle excite him about the oracle, even before he has made a visit. 58Hdt. 1.60. 59 Herodotus might be mistaking the enjoyment of playing-acting in spectacle for sincere belief and scholars have critiqued Herodotus for his naive interpretation. Instead, these scholars argue that the Athenians are well aware of Phye's mortal status, but they choose to participate in the spectacle they are witnessing (Connor (1987) 44). Even if the Athenians are aware that Phye is not a goddess, they engage in the type of crowding and activity that one would engage in if a real goddess had appeared - their actions suggest appropriate behavior for the arrival of a deity. 60 Luc. Alex. 30-31. 61 Luc. Alex. 31. Page 139 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt Lucian pokes fun at the Paphlagonians for allowing their hope and excitement about the god's epiphany to rob them of their wits and good sense. As stated in Passage B above, Lucian describes the Paphlagonians as spurred on by hopes, agitated, awe struck in advance. Upon the "birth" of Asklepios, the entire population follows Alexander to his home. They are full of religious fervor (J'wS-o/) and crazed through hope (fis^vorsg uno Tcov sXm2cov).63 No doubt, the population was eager to experience the god's cures. Lucian's satire also demonstrates the role of crowds in enhancing anticipatory hopes. While waiting to see Alexander and Asklepios, crowds gather in the city — "the city [of Abonouteichos] becomes over full with people, all already bereft of their minds and hearts" (ami M VTTSQSTTSTTX^O-TO av^Qumtov rj -noXig, airavTiov roiig kyxeyakovg xal Tag xaqdlag TTQoe^tQrjfiavcjov). Although Lucian claims that the crowds are "already" stirred up and eager, they become still more frenzied and senseless as they wait. The act of waiting seems to generate more enthusiasm for the anticipated spectacle. Lucian says that the crowd is deprived of its brains and sense (rovg ejxstpdAovg xai rag xagdiag •nQoa^rjtQrjfiavcov) and compares the people to a flock of sheep or a herd of cattle (ng6/3aTa). 62 Can humorous pieces be used to explain real situations? I think so, including the works of Lucian. There are two ways to take Lucian's account: either Lucian exaggerates their real response in extremis or he is pointing out how extreme and misplaced the believers' behavior is. It is a mistake to dismiss his account on the basis that it is presented through a satiric essay. Lucian's humor primarily operates through ridiculing real situations and spotlighting their inappropriateness. Furthermore, even if in reality the Paphlagonians were indifferent to Alexander, and Lucian is describing a fictive response, the essay would fail to be funny if the reader could not conceive of the possibility of extreme behavior described. The point of Lucian's essay is primarily that Alexander and the Asklepios oracle associated with him are fraudulent, yet so many chose to believe in it as genuine in spite of incorrect oracles and easily disprovable sleight-of-hand tricks used to create an ambiance of divinity. See Lucian's own introduction on this (1-2). 63Luc.^/ex 14. 64 Luc. Alex 15. Crowded cities are also associated with increased frequency of disease. On this, see Kosak (2000) 35-54. Page 140 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt Both Herodotus and Lucian analyze the situations they describe with considerable skepticism, bringing to light an important "problem" associated with crowds. Herodotus and Lucian regard the crowd as easily susceptible to manipulation and unthinking because of its eagerness and hopefulness. Both Herodotus and Lucian regard the entire event as a horrific trick, contrived by a sly, devious individual. Herodotus deems the crowd as silly and simpleminded. He says that Peisistratos "has perpetrated the most simple-minded thing (nQ^j^a avSetnarov), in my judgment, that has ever been; for the Greek stock from the most ancient times has been distinguished from the barbarians for its cleverness (hfydjrsQov) and for being free from such silly simplemindedness (svyS-tyg TjXiS-fov), and, of the Greeks, the Athenians were reputed to be the very first in intelligence; yet these men perpetrated the following trick on the Athenians." Lucian is also disgusted with the gullibility of the Paphlagonians; through Alexander, he calls them slow and silly (ira%icov xat rjAiSicov). At the Asklepieia there is a fear that the incubants are being deceived and that the miracles are not legitimate. Deisidaimonia, the charge lain on Theophrastus' superstitious man, must have been rampant, as those who are desperate are often willing to believe anything. It was recognized that a duplicitous individual could easily manipulate the situation to serve his own ends. Lucian's entire satire focuses on Alexander's ability to prey upon the gullibility of others. Aristophanes makes fun of the credulity of those in the sanctuary of Asklepios. In order to cover up for his theft of a bowl of soup, Carion pretends to be a snake and "mouths" an incubating woman with his hand. Believing this 65 Hdt 1.60. Note that both Herodotus and the compilers of the Epidaurian iamata utilize the same word for silliness: svvjSiav. 66 Luc. Alex. 9. Lucian and Herodotus both use the word for simple minded: rjAiS-iog. Page 141 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt to be the god she shivers and draws her covers more tightly around her.67 Carion also makes a point that the priest takes the food from the altars, rather than the god.68 Aristophanes contrasts Carion's behaviour and that of the priest with what is later witnessed — Asklepios performs a real cure. Throughout Greek and Roman literature, charismatic religious figures are often accused of taking advantage of others and acting solely for financial gain and improved social status. The theme is common in literature, which suggests the practice was common. In the Odyssey, the seer Halitherses is accused of giving a corrupt prophecy in hope of receiving a reward from Telemachos.6 In the Bacchae Pentheus accuses Tiresias of introducing a new daimon or divinity because he intends to make a profit by examining the associated flights of birds and burnt offerings. Because deception is such a problem, it becomes necessary to distinguish legitimate miracles from artificial ones. Authors such as Lucian go to great lengths to disprove frauds, pointing out every possible explanation for what others conceive to be a miracle. Yet even with a careful logic and well-argued points, believers continue to follow their chosen leaders. Lucian's essay certainly did not shut down Alexander's oracle. The Athenians offered worship to Phye. IIC. The Crowd at the Gateway The architects and personnel of the Asklepieia were certainly aware that crowds were susceptible to suggestion and used this to their advantage to facilitate the healing 67 Ar. Plut. 688-693. 6SAr.Plut. 676-681. 69 Horn. 6W. 2.178-86. 70 Eur. Bacch. 255-7. Page 142 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt process. The literary and material evidence suggests that the architects and personnel generated crowds artificially in certain areas of the sanctuary, usually by containing people in an enclosed or restricted space for an indefinite period of time. One specific place where this activity took place is at thepropylaia, prior to entry into the sanctuary.71 One way to create a crowd was to keep a group of people in a small space. Alexander uses this technique in setting up his oracle. He chooses a room that is dim and small. The constraints of the space, as well as the constant movement caused by incoming crowds force those within towards an opposite facing exit at the antithuron (TO avriSygov). Lucian sees the physical environment of the room as a component of the experience of the co-called miracle (TSQOOTIOV...T6 Tzgdj/^a) as the cramped space of the room allows Alexander to operate his phony oracular snake undetected. Another way to create a crowd is to force them to stop in a single location before they can progress forward. Crowds often gather outside doorways (thyra) and gateways (propylaia) at the Asklepieia. The role of a closed door in generating crowds is best indicated by the accounts that discuss what happens when the door is opened and the throng pushes through. Crowds push through an open doorway in a mime by the Greek poet Herondas. In the mime, two women and a slave offer sacrifices to Asklepios at the Koan sanctuary. One of the women, Kynno, tells her two companions to wait since it is daytime, "the pushing and shoving is greater" (xyni (is^ov (bS-shai), the doors (Svgai) are open and the inner chamber (mzo-To$) is visible. The women deliberately avoid the crowd because it is noisy and tumultuous. There is no implication that the crowd is in any 71 I treat doorways and apropylaion as similar. A propylaion is a formal doorway or entryway into a sanctuary. It usually contains at least one set of double doors. For discussion on propylaia, see Lauter (1986)201-205. 72 Herondas Mint. IV.54. Page 143 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt way violent or disrespectful or even atypical. The fact that Kynno states, "it is daytime" suggests that these types of crowds are a regular feature of the sanctuaries during the day. Kynno's description sheds light as to how closed doors are used at the sanctuaries to create a crowd. From these few lines, we infer that a closed door blocked access to the inner chamber. A crowd gathered at the door, awaiting access. Once the door was opened, the crowd rushed through, into the space. The "pushing and shoving" suggests that the crowd is full of eager suppliants, hoping to get a better place inside. Unfortunately, the precise location where the events take place in the sanctuary is lost to us; the crowd Kynno describes might be located either outside the sanctuary, inside the sanctuary boundaries, or even inside the hieron, the most sacred area of the sanctuary. In Lucian's satire, a crowd also pushes through an open door. At the Glykon- Asklepios oracle, the onlookers are pushed along through a room by the crowd behind them. They are given a chance to glance briefly at the spectacle of Alexander and the Asklepios oracular snake and then are pushed back out through a second exit (aAAij 'i^odog). The crowd flows through the room constantly, in one door and out the other. Lucian says that the bustling is essential for Alexander to perpetuate his ruse, as a lengthier look might reveal the false oracle for what it truly is. In Herondas' drama and Lucian's essay, the crowd pushes along because a door has been opened. In both cases, an open door allows a crowd to move freely through a sacred space or approach a holy location, whether it is the supposed epiphany of a deity or simply an inner chamber where presumably, an epiphany could take place. The door serves as a channel allowing access. These examples relate to open doors and one can Page 144 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt only hypothesize that initially these doors were closed and a crowd gathered, awaiting its opportunity to pass through. We do have other accounts where the doorway or a. propylaia serves as a meeting place, which implies that people regularly waited at them. In one dream, Aristides stands at the propylaia of the Asklepieion (kv TiQonvXaioig ehai rov AcrxAigniou). There, he meets a friend and has a conversation with him. They continue to talk and walk as they continue on into the hieron. They see several statues and learn that the priest is behind the temple (TO VSCO). In the dream, Aristides eventually peers inside the hieron through the doors (thyrai), even though the area is closed off. Access to a sacred location is blocked. In another dream, Aristides recounts how he stands "at the propylaia of the Temple. Many others were also gathered together, as whenever there is a purificatory ceremony at the Temple. And they wore white garments, and the rest was of an appropriate form. Here among other things which I cried out to the god, I called him 'the -I A arbiter of fate,' since he assigns men their fates."' Even though the crowd and the door are described in the context of a dream, Aristides compares the situation to an event that others participate in during their waking lives: a purification ceremony at the Temple. So, in both a purification ceremony and in Aristides' dream, the crowd collects at the propylaia. This specific dream is valuable because Aristides describes his mental state during an epiphany of the god. His description, although not very lengthy, is a rare glimpse into the epiphanic experience of the incubant. We are fortunate that he describes his feelings with some detail: HL\. 10. HL II.3. Page 145 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt [A]nd to be between sleep and waking, and to wish to look up and to be in anguish that he might depart too soon, and to strain the ears and to hear some things as in a dream, some as in a waking state. Hair stood straight, and there were tears with joy, and the pride of one's heart was inoffensive. And what man could describe these things in words? If any man has been initiated, he knows and understands.73 Aristides describes his experience as an exceptional and deeply moving event. He describes it as a extraordinary experience that few will undergo in their lifetimes. To help his reader understand his state, he compares his mental and physical sensations to ritual acts that are more familiar — a purification ceremony or an initiation. Aristides' description of his epiphany at the doorway is not accidental. Doorways are treated in literature and imagery as places where emotional states are heightened. A closed door is used to represent both a physical and mental division from desired objects and knowledge, and becomes a place where individuals ruminate while their anxiety increases. In literature, a closed door is mentioned in epigrams of the Greek Anthology as a place of waiting and blocked access in regards to love.76 For example, in an epigram by Asklepiades, the narrator spends the entire night pacing in front of the doorway of his lover, Cypris.77 The narrator of Meleanger's epigram wonders what he will find and what his beloved is doing beyond a closed door. In The Golden Ass, Lucius' inability to obtain the things he desires is symbolized by closed doors and confined spaces.79 The use of the door as a symbol of blocked access extends to representations in art as well. The representations rarely relate to a sanctuary context, but closed doors are 75 HL 11.31. 76 A somewhat hasty discussion of the use of the door in literature is given by Haight (1950). 77 Anth. Graec. V.189. Note the patronymic - Asklepiades - perhaps a poetic device that connects the narrator with a cult associated with waiting before a doorway 78 Anth. Graec. V.191. 79Seelinger(1986)361. Page 146 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt used as symbols of blocked access to the home, city, and even the world of the living. A closed door at an Asklepieion could symbolize blocked access to a state of health. Halm- Tisserant catalogues the uses of doors in Attic and Italiote vase painting, focusing primarily on the separation between the space of women and the household within from the world outside. In vase painting, doors also symbolize changes and rites of passage. Again, while these themes are appropriate for the Asklepieia, in the sense that suppliants seek a change in their health, the representations are not specifically religious. Instead, Sabetai says that doors are used most often in wedding scenes, the actual transfer of the bride from her O 1 home, as well as her symbolic transfer to a new life. Halm-Tisserant catalogues doors that are shown open as a symbol of transition, usually marital. For example, on a lekythos by the Amasis Painter, the entry to a house is shown with one of its two doors open, revealing a human occupant, the bride to be, within. The door is approached by the groom and his party on a cart with horses. Comparatively, an open doorway at an Asklepieion would symbolize the transition from the verge of death to life, from sickness to health. Doors do appear as symbols in a religious context, but such representations are rare. Halm-Tisserant states that doors are a means of communication between the exterior world and the interior of a temple where the pilgrims take refuge.84 In these representations, mostly vase paintings, the doors are shown open, usually to reveal a cult 80 Halm-Tisserant (1995) 478-486. 81 Sabetai (1998) 325 n. 13. 82 Halm-Tisserant (1995) 480-482. 83 New York Met. 56.11.1. = ABFV 77 = Para 66. 84 Halm-Tisserant (1995) 481-2. Page 147 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt statue inside the building.85 For example, on an Apulian calyx krater dating to 400-385 B.C., a temple is shown with both doors open and a cult statue of Apollo inside.86 The god himself sits beside the temple, depicted in a freeer, more fluid manner than the statue inside. This method of depicting a god inside a temple is paralleled in sculptural relief.87 On a model of a shrine of Kybele, from Sardis, dating to approximately 540 BC, the go goddess stands in an open doorway. Here too, the cult statue is shown in frontal, stiff manner, with its arms held against the body. Boardman describes it as similar to "a rather awkward kore," possibly the result of melding eastern and western styles. In all the aforementioned examples the door is part of a larger scene, an index for the figures and a symbol of the activity taking place. In sum, the generation of eager anticipation is an important part of the sanctuary's operations. Excitement about what is going to happen helps incubants prepare for the rituals they will undergo. This state of mind is enhanced by waiting outside a closed doorway. A closed door can be used to create a crowd of people, which is useful at the Asklepieia because crowds often engage in discussion about epiphany and their expectations. A crowd readies its participants for the event it has gathered to observe. Doors serve a further purpose. Much like doors are used in literature and art, the closed door forces an incubant to wait, to pause, and to think about what takes place on the other side. The door gives the individual in question the opportunity to assess his thoughts about the object of his desires on the other side. The agony and fears expressed by the 85 Richter( 1970) figs. 196: Wurzburg , 197: Naples Museo Nazionale F 81 (H3223), 198: see f. 86 below. 86 Painter of the Birth of Dior.ysos. Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum 2579. Alroth (1995) 40 fig. 20; RVP I 36 no. 2/10 pi. 9.2. 87 On painterly techniques employed in sculptural relief: Kroll (1979) 350; Ridgway (1983). 88 Manisa4029. Boardman (1995) fig. 207. Page 148 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt narrators in poetry who wait are probably very similar to what a suppliant experiences outside the closed gate of a sanctuary. IID. Development of Faith and Skepticism In the evidence that survives from the Asklepieia, there is a correlation between the incubant's faith in Asklepios' powers and a successful cure. This is not a dogmatic cult regulation. Nowhere is it stated that belief in the god and faith in the process are necessary for a cure. However, the evidence indicates that recommendations are made to the incubants that their faith can help them achieve their desired ends.89 This is done through the recollection of successful cures in which a faithful incubant is cured. In addition to the development of a belief in the correlation between faith and cure is the acceptance of expressions of disbelief, skepticism, and doubt in the god's powers. Returning to lamaton A9 from Passage A at the start of this chapter, doubt and faith are contrasted with one another even in the epigraphic material found at the sanctuary itself. These types of cures recur in the iamata, suggesting that doubt is expressed, and that sanctuary personnel do not attempt to silence it. By posting such expressions of doubt, the sanctuary personnel in fact draw attention to it. This is done purposefully, since expressions of doubt are useful for validating miraculous cures. In iamaton A9, the doubtful claim that a blind man's sight can not be restored if there is no eyeball present. How reasonable they sound to us. It is easy for us to sympathize with the rationality of those in doubt, skeptical that an incurable illness can 89 The culmination of the association between faith and successful cure can be found in accounts of Jesus' healing miracles. For example, Jesus heals the lepers, but he tells the Good Samaritan that he is saved by his faith alone (Luke 17:14-19). A distinction is made between faith in Jesus and his teachings and confidence in Jesus as a miracle worker. Similar examples where the sick are told they are saved through their faith are found in Mark 5:25-34, 10:46-52; Matt 9:20-22; and Luke 8:43-48. For commentary, see Betz(1971)315-6. Page 149 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt be miraculously healed by a divinity. On the whole, we do not even believe in divinities, or if we do, we tend to think they have no interaction with us. We justify so-called modern miracles with logical explanations that discredit the supernatural and unbelievable. We often assert, perhaps cynically, that anything we cannot understand is a matter of trickery, illusion, a salutary myth, or a principle not yet understood. But, again, we approach the world armored with scientific certainty, convinced that the repetitious results obtained in the sterile, controlled environment of a laboratory and backed by the opinion of experts constitutes Truth, and all else constitutes an Error. We use all means necessary to discredit a miracle. However, we must recognize that when we analyze past beliefs, it is important to remove our own modern prejudices about faith healing. In the ancient context, a blanket statement of doubt borders on irreligious and can constitute hybristic behaviour. The acceptance of doubt in the Asklepios cult reflects a complex belief system about divine abilities in which certain cures are conceivable and others are not. In Cure A9, the doubtful are not those who seek to discredit the god, but instead likely are cure-seekers themselves as they are in the hieron, the most sacred part of the sanctuary. They are hoping for a miraculous cure, while simultaneously claiming that there are cases in which such an act is impossible. Their doubt indicates that even those who seek the god's powers also recognize this power as limited and fallible. The compilers of the Epidaurian iamala are quite conscious of the contradiction and use it to demonstrate the extent of the god's powers. The narrative of iamaton A9 juxtaposes the blind suppliant's belief and the doubt of others. Where he is certain, they are uncertain. He is thought to be "silly" or "simpleminded" for his belief that he can be made to see. Perhaps even an ancient reader could identify with the skepticism of those in Page 150 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt the hieron. Yet, in the face of the miraculous cure, those who doubt appear to be silly and simpleminded. Ultimately, the inclusion of this cure not only demonstrates the god as doubly powerful; he has the ability to heal a blind man and the doubtfulness of others. Other cures purposefully contrast faith and belief. For example, Ambrosia of Athens ridicules the iamata as unlikely and impossible, specifically because she does not believe that a drearn is the agent of healing (mQiignovo-a ds Kara TO iaqbv TW lapbdrcDv riva (SieyzXa In other cures, the god gives a range of responses to doubt from bemusement to apathy.92 Aristides also describes how the doubtful change their beliefs. When he bathes in his river as part of his cure, Aristides' skeptical friends accompany him because they want to investigate or are concerned for his health. They want to ascertain if Aristides is being mislead or deceived, or even if Aristides is a fraud himself. When Aristides is cured, those who were once in doubt immediately praise the god, indicating a change from incredulity to acceptance. "There was much shouting from those present and those coming up, shouting that celebrated phrase, 'Great is Asklepios!'" Those who were once reluctant or uncertain are now convinced. The doubtful quickly turn into believers. Given all these examples that relate to the reversal of doubt, we should pause to consider when and if doubt is a sign of irreligiosity or impiety. Furthermore, we should 90 Ambrosia walks about the sanctuary. This activity is still done by Aristides, who finds himself with some leisure time and also looks at the posted cures to pass time. 91 A4. The same term is used for both a transaction fee and a physician's fee: (uo-%<;. 92 A3, A4, A9, A10, B16. 93 HL 11.21. Page 151 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt also consider what is considered irreligious. Unfortunately, it is difficult to ascertain the precise attitude towards a lack of faith, since it is ambiguous at the Asklepieia. In other cults, faith is not stressed, but piety (sebeia), as expressed through the performance of ritual action, is of utmost importance. It is possible and acceptable to engage in religious acts -- a demonstration of one's piety - without believing in a godhead. Piety consists of engaging in prescribed religious activities, while conversely, impiety consists of not engaging in specinc religious activities. This attitude is reflected in Herodotus' accounts of non-Greek cultures. He does not examine the religion of other cultures by asking, "What gods do they believe in?" but instead, as Bremmer puts it, he considers "what (other) gods do they worship and how?"95 The emphasis is on finding a name or identity of the divinity and the types of actions that are directed towards that divinity. A focus on action is also suggested in the Bacchae.96 Dionysos does not overtly state that he is concerned with what Pentheus thinks or believes of his divinity. Rather, he is concerned that Pentheus fails to engage in pious activity: sacrifice, prayer, offerings. Dionysos is enraged that Pentheus "thrusts me away from his offerings; does not mention my name in his prayers. Therefore, I shall prove to him and the Thebans that I was born a god. And when my worship is established here, and all is well, then 1 shall go my way and be revealed to other men in other lands."97 Dionysos wants to be honored with signs of piety -offerings, prayers, and the 94 Burkert (1985) 274-5; Zaidmann and Pantel (1997) 11-15. 95 Hdt. 11.42-45, 122-126, IV. 106. On Herodotus' attitude to religion see Gould (1985) 7, (2001b) 367-77; Burkert (1990) 1-32; Rudhardt (1992) 219-38; Bremmer (1994). 96 The Bacchae, which was performed after Euripides' death in 406 B.C., dates between the founding of the Athenian Asklepieion in 420 B.C. and the official posting of the iamata that includes cures A1-A10 from Epidauros in 350 B.C. (but possibly contemporaneous with the posting of the pinakes on which those iamata are likely based). The attitudes raised towards faith and belief in this play are therefore contemporary and relevant to the iamata. 97 Eur. Bacch. 45-50. Page 152 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt establishment of worship. Dionysos even summarizes that piety is important when he states outright that his mysteries "abhor an impious {asebeia) man." He does not say that the mysteries abhor a man who does not have faith. Hence, not thought, but a failure .... 99 to engage in ritual action is impious. The Asklepios cult similarly emphasizes piety and it also does not necessarily regard lack of faith as an act of impiety. When discussing the acts of the doubtful, the term "impiety" asebeia is not used in the Epidaurian iamata or elsewhere. The doubtful are not said to "sin" or "make an error," as suppliants do in texts in propitiatory inscriptions to other deities from Phrygia and Lydia. Asklepios punishes suppliants who do not make or deliver promised dedications — essentially when they fail to take required, pious action. Echedoros is marked or tattooed when he fails to deliver the offering of Pandaros. Hermon of Thasos is cured of his blindness, but becomes blind again when he fails to offer a thank offering. Amphimnastos' fish are struck by lightening and burnt when he fails to dedicate a promised 1/10l to the god.103 Doubt and mockery are not discussed in these cures. The suppliants do not fail to complete their dedications because of their beliefs (or lack thereof). Rather, they are acting in a manner that is impious by failing to fulfill a contractual agreement or a promised action. These cures are likely recorded and displayed as a kind of warning to those in the sanctuary that impious action will be punished. M Eur. Bacc. 476 99 As a final note, the Euripidean play might be a response to or reflection of the reactions of the Athenians to the arrival of Asklepios in Athens (or other cults), but this is an issue that will not be pursued here. 100 For propritiatory inscriptions from the 2nd and 3rd century AD, see Chaniotis (1995) 324. The word for sin in these inscriptions: a/iagrsTv, afiaqTia. m A7. 102 B2. Page 153 Chapter 3 - Standing at the F.ntryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt Where the Asklepios cult seems to differ from other cults is that faithfulness is rewarded and this is also emphasized in the inscriptions. Although an incubant is not be punished for being doubtful, but he might be rewarded for extraordinary acts of faith. At the Asklepieia, the faithful are often identified in a positive light for their beliefs and a correlation is made between their faith and the success of the cure. Iamaton (Passage A) shows that a faithful incubant is rewarded with a cure in spite of the doubts of others. Aristides emphasizes his own faith as a component of his cures by mentioning how he follows Asklepios' recommendations instead of what doctors recommend (see page 159). Even the temple of Asklepios at Epidauros contains an inscription that warns that those about to enter should "Think pure thoughts" indicating that what an incubant thinks, rather than what he does, is important. But sometimes disbelievers are cured, so faith is not an absolute necessity and the correspondence not absolute. The doubtful are not cured for changing their beliefs, but for demonstrating their piety, usually by "supplicating in earnest" (xaS-ixsravo-a^) after committing an act ofhybris. Perhaps in these examples we are seeing the development of an understanding that the performance of acts is an expression of one's beliefs. Impiety is not just a lack of engaging in required action. It can also be an act that offends Asklepios, such as an act ofhybris. In a fragmentary cure from the iamata, Kaphisias is punished specifically for his act ofhybris but cured following earnest supplication (xaSixsTeterag). The lacunas in the text make it difficult to ascertain what Kaphisias has done. He pays no heed to something and then has a response to the iamata. Herzog suggests that Kaphisias laughs at the cures, indicating that he does not believe in 104 'Ajvov XQV vaoTo Hk/cofieog ivrig tovra e/yisvai a/yvsla S'icn! tpgoveTv ocria. The quote survives from the works of Clem. Al. Strom. 5.1.13.3 and Porph's Abst. 2.19.5, quoted by Cyril. Adv. Iul. 9.310 (PG 76,977). Page 154 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt them. He then says something that offends the god that begins with the phrase, "If he had the power..." a further suggestion that he does not believe in Asklepios' abilities. Kaphisias is then punished for hybris {rag u^Qiog noivag Xafifiavcolv ovx sXaS-s]).106 In another cure, the word hybris is not used, but Aeschines (not likely the same individual as the aforementioned Aeschines the Rhetor) is punished for irreverence. Here, though, it is not clear if Aeschines is punished for his action or lack of a specific action. He climbs a tree, peers into the abaton, falls, and is blinded. The precise cause of his punishment is not stated, although we can infer, based on the injury he receives to his eyes, that he has looked upon something he should not have seen. The crime and its punishment are interesting because he is blinded for looking into a place whose name means "non-walking" {abaton), rather than non-observation. So perhaps the crime is not so much that he has spied on the abaton as much as he has looked on sacred things without undergoing the necessary purification. In this case, he has offended the god by not fulfilling a ritual action. Like Kaphisias, by supplicating in earnest (xaS-txsTsvcrag) and sleeping at the sanctuary, Aeschines is cured. Supplication merits a more thorough discussion here since it differs from ordinary prayers and vows (arai, lilai, euchai). When supplicating, a suppliant assumes a recognizable physical position. He sits upon the ground and touching the knees and face 106 Herzog's original suggestion is, "If the god says he has healed lamed people he is lying; for, if he had the power to do so, why has he not healed Hephaestus?" (1931). Herzog's suggestion does not seem to be based on anything other than his own creativity. The portion of the stele with this cure is fragmentary, with a large lacuna. The word "hubris" does appear on the surviving fragments. LiDonnici has corrected the error, as she recognizes the lacuna in the text and translates the material as such. However, in the Edelsteins' translation, Herzog's quote is included. While a careful reader will be aware of these problems, sometimes problems occur when scholars attempt to utilize the faulty translation as part of their arguments, as does Chaniotis (1995) 326. 107 All. 108 Aubriot (1994) 3-18; Pulleyn (1997) 6. Page 155 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt of the person in power while making an entreaty. He may also sit on an altar or grasp an image of the god in the form of a cult statue. The goal of this action is to create a sacred compulsion to provide protection and aid. If a plea for supplication is accepted, the suppliant's rights are "usually upheld and enforced by the gods."112 A transgression on the suppliant becomes a transgression on the gods. Supplication is used when making important requests, usually involving life and death.'13 For example, the Athenians return to Delphi as suppliants after an oracle predicts their defeat by the Persians."4 It is also used to obtain protection or escape a punishment in myth and dramatic works. Although referred to as "suppliants" (hiketeis), it is not clear if everyone seeking cure at the Asklepieion literally supplicates the god. An individual on the brink of death had far more reason to supplicate the divinity than an indivdual seeking a lost object or the repair of a cup. The suppliants at the Asklepieia probably engaged in many forms of divine address that include prayers, paians, and supplication, although in the iamata, except in the aforementioned two cases, most of the suppliants never specifically "pray," let alone "supplicate.""5 They are never described in the physical position of supplication. Though the visitors to the Epidaurian sanctuary of Asklepios refer to themselves as suppliants, as hiketai, these suppliants likely pray to the god in a non- 109 Pulleyn (1997) 56-7. 110 Sinn (2000) 156, 159-60 with figures 1 (Volute krater, Ruvo J.494), 2 (Volute krater, Naples 1760), and 3 (Amphora Hermitage, no number given) as illustrations of supplication in a sanctuary. 111 Pulleyn (1997) 56, Sinn (2000) 155-158. 112 Pulleyn (1997) 56. 113 Gould (1973) 81. 114 For example, in order to obtain a favorable oracle, the Athenians use supplication. When the Athenians do not like the oracle they get from Delphi about the forthcoming Persian invasion, they approach the oracle as suppliants: hiketes. When they approach the oracle, they ask the oracle to be moved to pity by their suppliant boughs and state that they will never go away but will remain there until they die. This results in a more favorable oracle (Hdt. 7.140-141). 1 '5 In the iamata, the only behavior a suppliant engages in is the performance of sacrifices and the doing of customary things ngosSvcraTo xal... vo/ii^ofisva (A5). coa-neg sixog ijv is a phrase also used in the Ploutos (662). Page 156 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entry way: Between Anticipation and Doubt supplicating fashion.116 On the other hand, those who hyper-supplicate katahiketeuein are singled out in order to emphasize that they have done something so extremely offensive that an extreme form of response is required. Hyper-supplication serves a didactic purpose in the iamata by discerning what is hybristic and punishable from what is merely an expression of disbelief. While supplication is mentioned only in specific cases of the Epidaurian iamata in order to emphasize the consequences of hybristic behaviour, the evidence for supplication in other texts variest. Behaviors associated with supplication such as prostration are described. A paian composed in honor of Isyllos describes how he prays, "stretching forth his arms in suppliant fashion."118 However, it seems that this type of behavior is seen as inappropriate in many cases, as well as ineffective. Diogenes sees a woman kneeling ungracefully, throwing herself at the gods (aoxfl(i0V^aTSQ0V T0 7rQocmi7TTovcrav) and he dedicates aplekte (a braided cord) to beat up others who fall on their faces at the sanctuary (km orofia mirroYraq)} Arnobius describes the futile efforts of suppliants who have prostrated themselves before the gods and have swept the thresholds with their lips (cum per omnia supplices irent templa, cum deorum ante or a 1 Of) prostrati limina ipsa converrerent osculis). Marcus Aurelius supplicates Asklepios 'l6 Pulleyn (1997) 57. Hiketai is the word used to describe the suppliants at the Asklepieion (Pausanias 11.29. 2). The hiketai do not necessarily engage in an act of supplication. Instead, they are said to use prayer "euchos" and to pray "euchomein." (Philoslr. V A 1.12; Marinus Vila Prodi Cp. 29). It is worth noting that at other sanctuaries, a distinction is made between the suppliants and those who participate in the cult, even though they might lodge together and worship together. Sinn (2000) 164-5 with ns. 28, 29. 117 Some scholars claim that protection afforded by sanctuaries was only effective in the early period and that supplication lost its effectiveness by the fifth century B.C. While this might be true in some cases, the examples from the fourth century B.C. Epidaurian miracle cures suggest that supplication was still a part of sanctuary life after the fifth century B.C. Schaefer (1932) 46; Sinn (2000) 161; Gould (2001a) 101. 118IG IV2126.64-77. ll9Diog. Laert. Vl.37-8. 120 Arn. Adv. Nat. I. 49. Page 157 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt (Aesculapio supplico),121 as does Augustine (debeas supplicare)}22 In an inscription from Rome, Gaius is instructed to prostrate himself at the holy statue base (hieron bema).m Ordinary prayers are the most frequent form of divine address, whether making requests or celebrating a success afterwards. Prayers are used before and after incubation. A lex sacra from Erythrai commands to sing a song of thanksgiving (paian) following an incubation, a sacrifice, or a sacrifice made in accordance with a vow. A prayer is addressed to Asklepios and Hygieia over Philumena's sickness (sit hiiius oro).125 A Cilician man is told by Apollonius to go to Asklepios and offer whatever prayer (su%ov) he wishes.126 Proclus prays to Asklepios and Hygieia in the more ancient manner (zv%o^ivov M avTov TOV agzaioTegov TQOTTOV). Inscribed copies of prayers survive at Epidauros and elsewhere. Prayer is probably more popular because of the problem inherent with supplication. A binding contract on the deity makes it very difficult to account for failure. If Asklepios is bound to uphold the suppliant's rights, it seems like a contradiction if that suppliant then dies because Asklepios has failed to cure him. Failures are certainly abundant and recorded. One text from the Hippocratic corpus points out "Asklepios... failed in many instances, as the prose books impart to us." Suppliants die in spite of 121 Fronto, Ep. III.9.1-2. 122 August. De civ. D.IV.22. 123 IG XIV.966 124 LSAM24 = I Erythrai 205. Graf (1985) 254; Bremmer (1998) 136-7. 125 Ter. Hec. III.2.337-8. 126 Philostr. V A 1.12 127 Marinus Vita Prodi Cp. 29. What might this more ancient manner of prayer be? Proclus prays at the Athenian Asklepieion, so perhaps this ancient method is simply the Greek manner of praying to the divinity and concluding the prayer with a sacrifice, which is mentioned in the text. This passive is suggestive for the continuity of practice at cult sites — that prayer was maintained over time at the sanctuaries. This prayer may have been supplemented with new ones, but old ones continued to be recited. 128 Fronto, Ep. 20. Page 158 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt their earnest endeavors or return home uncured. Asklepios failed to restore the health of Alexander Severus despite his many supplications and prayers. 9 When a cure fails and a suppliant dies, an explanation is sought. The rationalization given usually is open-ended and most failures are recast in a way to serve a didactic purpose. Sometimes, failure is even seen as a success. Aristides casts failures as successes. He calls the deaths of his friends and relatives miracles. According to Aristides, Asklepios prolonged their lives. His friends eventually had to die since death is ] -J i inevitable for everyone. Generally, though, the incubant is blamed for the failed cure, rather than Asklepios. He is accused of being too impatient or of being impious. By shifting blame away from Asklepios, cures that fail to happen can be justified without tarnishing the reputation of the divinity. It is easy to find suppliants who are too impatient. Some cures required the suppliant to spend months, if not years, at the sanctuaries. In one of the Epidaurian miracle cures, a patient is told to stay at the sanctuary for four months and is cured only within the last days of his stay. Aristides describes two years of his treatments at Pergamon. Certainly, many suppliants returned home uncured because they gave up. An indefinitely long time frame is a source of comfort for the faithful and a source of frustration for those who are not. Leaving the time frame for a cure in the hands of the divinity provides a renewable source of hope for a devoted suppliant. He perpetually awaits the god's assistance, assured that his turn will eventually come. He can always tell himself to wait one more day. On the other hand, for those who are not 129 Cass. DioLXXVIII. 15.6-7. 130 A discussion of how the ancients rationalized a failed incubation is also given by Dodds (1951) 112-121. 131 For example: Zosimus - HL 1.69-77, the daughter of his foster sister and her brother-///. V. 17-25. 132 C21. 133 Price (1999) 111. Page 159 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt faithful, awaiting the god's assistance perpetually is a source of frustration. Many suppliants grew impatient and returned home. Several of the cures described in the Epidaurian iamata take place on the road or at the home of the suppliant following an unsuccessful visit. These successes suggest that giving up too soon might lead to failure. Unsuccessful cures are also attributed to Asklepios' lack of interest in a suppliant who has failed to prepare himself properly for the cure. This might include a willingness to undergo treatment or even entail undergoing ritual purification. Suppliants identify specific reasons why the god ignores their pleas. In Plautus' (c. 254-184 B.C.) play Curculio, Cappadox leaves the sanctuary of Asklepios, claiming that the god does not "care for me or want to save me." These reasons might include a lack of desire to take the necessary action to be cured. An Assyrian who suffers from dropsy is not cured because he continues to drink. He is unwilling to follow the prescribed treatment. Apollonius tells him that Asklepios will not cure him because the god "gives to those who desire it, while you do things that irritate and aggravate your disease.. ."'36 In other cases, failure is explained as an inability to understand the god's messages. Aristides says that Zosimus would have lived longer if he listened to the god,137 whereas he attributes his own health to his willingness to submit to the god's wishes, in spite of what others thought was the correct means of treatment.138 Aristides receives advice about his illnesses from doctors, even while at the Asklepieia, but he 134 B5, B13,C2. |j5 Plaut. Cwrc.ll.1.216. Discussion of the play's relationship to Attic comedy, see Elderkin (1934) 29-36. 136 Philostr. VA 1.9. 137 HL 1.76-77. 138 HL 1.61-68 Page 160 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt ultimately submits to the deity's orders.139 This suggests that not all of the Asklepios' commands make sense to the incubants and they are uncertain what to do when they receive conflicting information from medical doctors, priests, and their dreams. Some of the iamata celebrate incubants who followed the advice of the divinity, which suggests that in many cases, the recommendations went ignored. Another common explanation for failure is that the incubant did not enter into the process in a pure state. In the abstract, this refers to religious purity - the need to be free from contaminants through washing. But, more than this, the incubant can be seen as polluted (or impure) both physically and mentally. I discuss these issues more thoroughly in Chapter Four. Although we assume that purity is achieved strictly through washing, "being pure" is far more ambiguous than modern scholars usually understand. The inscription on the temple of Epidauros states that entrants must be pure prior to entry, and then clarifies the state of being pure with a vague definition: "to be pure is to think pure thoughts."140 Much like the famed "Know Thyself of Delphi, the message is open-ended. How can one demonstrate pure thoughts? The only action one can take is "thinking" and thinking is neither observable, measured, nor calculated. The emphasis on thought over action does not fit with our usual understanding of ancient Greek religion, where piety is demonstrated by action, not belief. In fact, Bremmer has even argued that this phrase is a later invention. The vagueness of the enjoinder on the Epidaurian temple is probably b9 Especially Theodotus. HL 1.13, 56; 11.34, IV.21.38, 42; V.51. Treatment contrary to doctors' opinions: 1.61-68,73. 'Ayvbv XQV vaolo Suwdsot; SVTOI; livra s/M/Msvai ayvaia S'SUTI cpQoveTv oaia. The quote survives from the works of Clem. Al. Strom. 5.1.13.3 and Porph's Abst. 2.19.5, quoted by Cyril. Adv. lul. 9.310 (PG 76,977). 141 Bremmer has recently argued that it dates to the second century AD based on the fact that literary comparanda only appears in the Is' century AD and later. He also finds it odd for combining the ideas of hagnos and hosios (2002) 106-108. Page 161 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt intentional. It allows for those who are not immediately cured to explain their continuing illness as a personal, individual failing. As soon as they ascertain its cause, they can correct it. One thing is sustained through all the explanations for failure. The suppliants in these examples do not express doubt in the god's powers. Instead, they emphasize the importance of the god's will. Asklepios determines the time frame of the cure according to his wishes and desires. This affirms that the do ut des formula so often associated with ancient prayers, sacrifices, and votives is not a symmetrical exchange.142 Prayers and sacrifice might earn a suppliant favor, but do not guarantee a desired outcome. In Greek religion, there is no human activity that can coerce or bindingly obligate a deity.143 No activity can secure a cure, though there are ways to improve its likelihood.144 This contrasts with magic, where the correct application of sympathetic and contagious elements brings about specific results.145 Rather, doubt is expressed in anticipation of failure. This occurs when diseases and illnesses are believed so severe that their treatment is regarded as impossible and a cure hopeless. The blind man in cure A9 (Passage A) is the perfect example of an individual with this type of condition. Those present in the hieron can not conceive of a treatment able to restore a missing an eye. The aforementioned Ambrosia laughs at blind people cured in a dream. A broken pot is considered un-mendable.146 " The asymmetry of exchange between mortal and divine is discussed in regards to prayer and gifts by Bremmer(1998) 127-128 and in regards to sacrifices by Parker (1998) 114-125. Similarly, see Festugiere (1976)369-418. I4j An excellent discussion of the relationship regarding these matters and various phraseology for matters of obligation and exchange is provided by Pulleyn (1997) 12-13, 16-18, 26-38, 204. 144 Similar statements made by Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 181; Garland (1992) 2. 145 For a recent discussion of definitions related to magic, see especially Luck (2000) 203-222. Page 162 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entry way: Between Anticipation and Doubt The incubants believe that only some diseases can be cured by Asklepios. Namely, the disease must be able to be treated using skills from the repertoire of the iatroi and other practitioners: drugs, pessaries, diet, blood letting, surgeries, and fumigations. Ordinary medical practices such as these are stressed at the Asklepieia.'47 The cures posted on pinakes and the Epidaurian iamata all use common treatments such as vomiting, bathing, combinations of pharmaka, and surgery. Aristides is instructed by the god to bathe, to take certain types of exercise, or to refrain from specific foods - advice that professional doctors routinely give their patients. Prescriptions or pharmaka are extremely common, and part of the reason for posting the cures must have been to maintain the list of ingredients that worked in each case, so they may be repeated in the future. Specific prescriptions appear in the cures posted at both Lebena and Epidauros, and even use current medical terms to describe diseases and their treatments.148 The iamata from Lebena in Crete describe the equipment (cupping instrument), plants, and food used in the medical concoctions.149 Foodstuffs and other items that are part of the cure appear in inscriptions from other sanctuaries, including Pergamon (pepper, onion), Athens (pork), Aegina (cheese, bread, celery, lettuce, lemon peel, milk, honey), and Rome (wine, pine cone seeds, honey).150 147 Fox (1986) 152. 148 Chaniotis (1995) 330. Recognizable diseases from the Epidaurian iamata: XIS-IWV, Ss/iaXsag, uSgama, TTodayqa, (pajsSaiva. At Lebena, the pharmaka of the cures include greens, Italian wine, starch with water, egg, pine resin, pitch, iris with honey, quince, barley meal, figs, goat's fat, milk, olive oil, etc. (/ Cret I.XVII.17;/OeN.XVII.18) 149 / Cret I.XVI1.9, 12, 17, 18, 19. For example, the terms used include 'urxtaXyixoc, oroiiaxixbg -novoq, iaqnrq, ninegi, %vXbq, //.ugrog. 150 Pergamon: Mttller (1987). Athens: Suidas, Lexicon, s.v. Domninos. Aegina: IG IV 1.126.IG XIV.966. Rome: SIG 807; Besnier (1902) 214-215. Note that the Roman inscriptions are written in Greek. Page 163 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt Pliny mentions that Hippocrates began his study of medicine by studying inscriptions of what had helped the sick become free of disease at Kos.151 Medical equipment is also utilized at the sanctuaries for treatment. Lists of medical tools appear in inventory lists from the Piraeus Asklepieion and representations of medical equipment appear on the Telemachos Monument, hanging behind the god.152 Dedications of doctors' toolkits at the sanctuaries are common. When Asklepios treats incubants, he often acts as a doctor does.153 In Aristophanes' dramatization of events in the Asklepieion, Asklepios prepares medication using a pestle, mortar, and a medicine chest. He does not make his medications from thin air or come with them pre-made. In the case of the blind man of iamaton A9, Asklepios prepares a drug that he sprinkles in the empty socket. Yet, Asklepios is more than a glorified iatros. In some of the cures, he uses supernatural abilities. But, in general, the emphasis is on his extensive medical knowledge, rather than his inexplicable and mystical abilities. Asklepios is a god who knows more rather than does more. Asklepios' extensive medical knowledge is identified as a reason that the cure seekers come. In an account by Aelian, when Euphronios' disease is thought to be stronger than the knowledge of doctors, he is brought to the Asklepieion.154 Presumably, Asklepios can augment the knowledge that doctors lack and he will have a better sense of what to do. This sentiment also underlies the experience of Thessalos of Tralles. Asklepios informs Thessalos that in order to succeed as a doctor, he must learn about 151 ?\m. HN 29. \ A. 152 Inventory: IG II 47; Similarly observed by Parker (1997) 184. See relief fragment in Ghendini (1980). 153 Mytho-historic commentaries on Asklepios frequently stress his relationship to professional medicine. For example, Asklepios is called the leader of physicians and celebrated for teaching medical arts to men. See Plut. Quest, conv., IX, 14, 4; medical arts: Corn. Theol. Graec. Cp 33. 154 Ael. Fragmenta 89. rvjc; TMV mTQaw smtTTrj/iTj^ /3IO,I6TSQOV rjv TO vocr^fia. Page 164 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt seasonality. Since Asklepios understands the concept, he communicates its specifics and application to Thessalos. The knowledge necessary to practice medicine is not beyond the abilities of man to understand and carry out nor is it necessarily exclusive to divinity. Asklepios' recommended treatments are sometimes shocking because they are the opposite of what it is expected that a physician or a priest would prescribe. Aristides bathes in freezing weather despite the protests of friends and priests. Unusual items are sometimes included in the pharmakopia of the cure. Yet, none of the items are necessarily inaccessible or unknowable in the way that the ingredients of magical spells are. Rather, ordinary items and ordinary treatments from medical practice are utilized to produce extraordinary results. Incantations, making contact with divine forces, or other activity that has an element of the magical to it, is not utilized. Part of the success of the Asklepieia has been attributed to their willingness to embrace the medical practices of iatroi. 53 Recording medical information (prescriptions, procedures) was extremely useful, as it allowed future cases to repeat the actions that worked for others in the past. Ultimately, even the recordings of faith and piety serve the same purpose. If being faithful and acting pious earned Asklepios' favour, it is logical that it should also work in the future. If the information is recorded, it is possible to follow the same course of action in the future. Faith, piety, and medical procedures are in this sense part of the overall cure, and the personnel at the sanctuaries were able to utilize all available forms of treatment instead of preferring one to the other. When recording or recollecting impossible and unlikely cures, an expression of doubt is desired. In situations where an individual believes himself to be cured through means that exceed what is observable or conceivable, the cure is likely to be seen by 155 Parker (1997) 184. Page 165 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt others as fraudulent and the reports unreliable. Not only is the incubant conned into believing he is cured, but those who are observing the cure are seen as taken in as well. This returns to an earlier point - that there is a fear at the Asklepieia of being deceived and that the cures are not genuine. The crowds present at the Asklepieia are regarded as susceptible to being conned because of their fervor and desperation. Presumably, a doubtful witness can provide an attestation to the veracity of the event. The doubtful witness is reliable because he questioned the mechanism of the cure and subjected it to analysis. If he finds better and more logical explanations for what he observes, he dismisses the cure as a sham. This is the precise point made by Lucian in Passage B. While the Paphlagonians are subject to satire for falling for Alexander's trickery, Lucian offers himself as a direct contrast. He easily spots the devices Alexander uses to create his oracle. On the other hand if a person who doubts and who examines the cure from all angles is later convinced of its validity, the cure is also seen as true. A doubtful witness is a believable source. His apprehensions require irrefutable evidence and he needs to be dissuaded of his doubt. By recording and posting cure A9 (passage A), the expectations of limitation held by the doubtful in future generations are challenged. As stated before, in the cure itself, the doubt is as much a part of the narrative as the resulting successes, rendering the refutation of skepticism an aspect of the cure and an aspect of the narration. The inclusion of this particular incident on the stele is itself a deliberate choice to assuage the doubts of those who read it.15 There is an amount of self-reflection that is demanded of the reading, whether the identification is made with the suppliant or with the doubtful. To 156 Evidence for reading the cures is given in the narrative of several cures, including A3, A4, and possibly B16. LiDonnici(1989) 12. Page 166 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entry way: Between Anticipation and Doubt one who is hopeful of a cure, identification with the suppliant reassures that there is hope for even cases regarded as impossible. The fact that the suppliant was cured in spite of the doubts of others renders the cure more miraculous and Asklepios' powers more unpredictable, unknowable, and more outside the rational. For those who identify with the doubtful, they are encouraged to challenge what they see and to reassess as necessary. Their hostility to the likelihood of cure makes their acceptance of its success more trustworthy. In sum, then, expectation, crowds, and doubt play a role in the incubant's passage into and through the sanctuary. Expectation and excitement help prime incubants for the rituals they will undergo. These kinds of sentiments are built up through rumors which discuss the divinity's epiphany and the incubant's anticipated experiences. The incubant is told that there is a correlation between pious action and a successful cure. Furthermore, incubants also receive suggestions that there is a correlation between faith in the deity and a successful cure. In order to ready the incubant for the experience of an epiphanic dream, the incubant is placed in a crowd, usually outside a doorway. Crowds often gather in anticipation of an epiphany in other cults, so the incubant probably draws a parallel. Also, crowds are associated with frenzy and excitement, which can be problematic for the cult. Excitement builds to such a degree that the members of a crowd are seen as senseless and susceptible to deceitful actions. It is difficult to believe what members of a crowd say in the future and they cease to be reliable eyewitnesses to events. However, deceit is tempered if there are doubtful witnesses present who are skeptical of what they see and hear. The doubtful are not easily convinced and it is assumed that they will subject Page 167 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt miracle cures to careful consideration before accepting them as true. If a doubtful individual ultimately believes what he has witnessed, the reports are regarded as more trustworthy and valid. For this reason, expressions of doubt are permitted in certain circumstances without being seen as a mark of impiety. III. The Significance of the Propylon MA. Designed for Anticipation and Doubt The expression of positive expectations and doubts is so significant that the architecture and topography of the sanctuaries provide a location for these sentiments to be generated and expressed. I have already mentioned that a doorway is associated with the enhancement of anticipation and states of high anxiety. Outside the propylon, especially when it is closed - a crowd can gather, perhaps artificially, and discuss its concerns. The space around the entryway is given treatment as a forecourt in order to contain this crowd in a confined space. These ideas find expression in the propylon forecourt of the Pergamene Asklepieion. Furthermore, the role of the propylon in building states of excitement explains the appearance of a propylon on the Telemachos Monument (Fig. 3.1). The entry is worthy of depiction because it is part of the ritual of expressing anticipation and doubt prior to incubation. MB. Pergamon's Propylon and Forecourt The Asklepieion at Pergamon is entered through an elaborate complex consisting of a propylon and a forecourt. The entry is designed to collect and contain a large group of people and present them with a view of a propylon prior to entry. According to its inscription, the propylon was built by Claudius Charax, a Pergamene historian and Page 168 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt consul, during the reign of Antonius Pius and presented to the city. The propylon is built in the local Pergamene Hellenistic style, and consists of a tetrastyle amphiprostyle temple facade fronted by a flight of steps (Fig. 3.4). Both east and west sides are likely similar, though the eastern gable that faces the forecourt is fronted by only two steps and contains a medallion with the aforementioned inscription. The doors into the sanctuary lie between the columns. The space to the north of the propylon, where one might expect a doorway, is a niche, presumably for sculpture. It is perhaps no coincidence that the relative location of sculpture and gate (to the right of one approaching it) at Pergamon corresponds to the relationship between gate and statue depicted on the Telemachos Monument. The facade of columns on the western, reverse side of the propylon that faces into the temenos blends it into the entire eastern facade of the sanctuary (Fig. 4.14). Since the western facade of the propylon is deliberately less ornamented than the side that faces the forecourt and takes up only a small portion in the vast space of sanctuary in contrast with the eastern facade of the propylon, which dominates the entire forecourt entryway, it is the view of the eastern side of the propylon that is emphasized and meant to impress visitors. The propylon replaced an earlier structure, probably positioned slightly to the west, with most of its remains under the Roman replacement. This suggests that as the sanctuary grew and its architectural components were rebuilt, the placement of the propylon relative to the Via Tecta and the sanctuary was significant. Rituals or other actions connected to the propylon and the sacred way were maintained and these rituals 157 Ziegenaus (1981) 9-10, 142; Hoffmann (1998) 50. 158 The propylon does have a predecessor, though its remains are problematic. Unfortunately, DeLuca and Ziegenaus state that propylon and Sacred Way of the Hellenistic sanctuary are difficult to locate, let alone describe in any detail, owing to the scant remains (1975) 44-5). According to Ziegenaus and Deluca, the Roman propylon deviated little from its predecessor (1975) 45. Page 169 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt relied upon a relationship between the sacred way and the propylon and the propylon and the rest of the sanctuary. The propylon forms part of the western side of a forecourt. The forecourt consists of an open square, surrounded on three sides by Corinthian colonnades (Fig. 3.5). It is between the Via Tecta to the east and the sanctuary to the west.139 The Via Tecta at Pergamon runs 820 meters from the northern, higher portion of the city, over the Selinos River, and down towards the sanctuary to the south-west (Fig. 2.4). It follows the natural terrain lines of the city and passes several sanctuaries along its path, including the Red Hall.160 Since the late classical period, the street was lined with graves and tombs, including a mausoleum dating to the reign of Augustus.161 The last 40 meter stretch of the Via Tecta before the sanctuary was given special treatment during the reign of Hadrian. In this period, the street was lined with columns and the pavement was covered with andesite blocks. Since the Via Tecta arrives at an oblique angle to the sanctuary, the forecourt is used to reorient the arriving visitors and re-angle their approach so that they face the propylon head-on. In order to enter the forecourt from the Via Tecta, visitors pass through one of the three entrances that lie on the forecourt's eastern side. The narrow space of the Via Tecta contrasts greatly with the open space of the forecourt within. The foot traffic approaching the sanctuary is channeled into three narrow paths that lead to the entryways. The three doors might have had a formal use, whereby those entering the northern door would continue northwards in the colonnade, while those entering the southern door would 159 Complete excavation report of the Roman propylon and its forecourt: Ziegenaus (1981) 5-29. l60Radt(2001)51. 161 Covered street: Boehringer et al. (1966) 448-455; Ziegenaus and DeLuca (1975) 45. Heroon: Boehringer et al. (1966) 448-455; Deubner (1984) 345-351. 162 Radt (1999) 232. Page 170 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt continue southwards. Those entering through the middle door would walk directly out into the central court area. The entries guide the visitors so that they enter the forecourt underneath the shelter of the colonnade. The two side doors are set equidistant from the central door, and both side doors utilize a short flight of three steps to bring worshipers into the level of the forecourt's colonnades. There is an additional side entrance to this forecourt that allows access behind the colonnade on the southern side. The benefit of this design allows visitors to remain sheltered, while still being collected in a single area. Another feature of the design is that the width of the forecourt swells wider than the Via Tecta (the Sacred Way). This suggests that the traffic that progresses along the Via Tecta from the city, is meant to collect in the forecourt. If it was simply meant to continue the Via Tecta, there would be no reason, except perhaps aesthetics, to enlarge the area or give it any decorative treatment at all. The Via Tecta could simply advance directly to the propylon. Since the propylon itself has three narrow entry ways and is essentially not a highly permeable division, visitors would again have to wait before streaming through, even if the doors were open. The forecourt is usually regarded as an extension of the Via Tecta because its columns are identical to those of the columned section of the Via Tecta. However, it also includes elements found inside the sanctuary, namely "rustic" features. The floor of the three colonnaded halls closest to the walls is not paved, but consists of beaten earth and natural rock on three sides. The north hall and part of the eastern hall are beaten earth, while the remainder of the eastern hall and the south hall have a rock floor that rises above the level of the stylobate.164 Ziegenaus suggests that this is done for 163 Radt (1999) 232; Ziegenaus (1981) 6. 164 Ziegenaus (1981) 10. Page 171 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt therapeutic purposes.165 The unpaved, natural surface connects the forecourt with the interior of the sanctuary where natural bedrock is left exposed as well. It gives a hint to visitors what they will encounter on the other side of the propylon. It also suggests that this is a location favourable for epiphanies. As discussed in the previous chapter, rustic elements are associated with places where epiphanic gods appear. The natural flooring might be associated with a cave or other element from the natural environment. The very fact that the suppliants arrive within the space included under the roof of the colonnade, rather than into the open space is a useful amenity. The colonnade allows the incubants to wait while avoiding the hot sun or inclement weather. The visitor is meant to move within the space of the colonnade, perhaps continuing all the way around until approaching the propylon itself. The colonnaded court is likely intended as a place where one is meant to spend time, such as at a stoa or in an agora. The forecourt does not seem to be an area meant for performance. It lacks tiered steps such as one would find at a theater or other theatra! area. Rather, it is designed to collect visitors and present them with their first view of the sanctuary - a monumental gateway. The propylon occupies the court's western side and several aspects suggest it was meant to be viewed. Its visual symmetry is maintained for a viewer from the forecourt, making it a focal point of attention. It is here that the inscription of its dedication is placed, further suggesting that it was meant to be viewed from this side. Finally, the eastern side receives greater elaboration in its decoration - for example, its columns are twice the size of those in the surrounding stoas — which suggests that viewers were meant to linger here and appreciate the propylon entryway, whereas once they had passed Ziegenaus(1981) 10. Ziegenaus and De Luca (1975) 1. Page 172 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt through, into the sanctuary, the propylon was not as an important consideration in comparison with the other structures. The space of the forecourt itself allows individuals to collect and wait, further suggesting that they were meant to wait outside the propylon. The forecourt and propylon complex at Pergamon is therefore a point of transition. It is no longer an area of procession, as the Via Tecta is, but of collection. One is no longer meant to go forward, but to stand still and be present before the sanctuary's propylon. The distinctiveness of the floor from the paving of the Via Tecta provides a tantalizing suggestion as to what lies behind the propylon, while suggesting to visitors that they are entering a place to expect an epiphany. Finally, the propylon and forecourt is designed to introduce visitors to the sanctuary gradually and ready them for the physical and psychological changes ahead by altering the environment around them. Passing through the entryways off the Via Tecta must have seen like a complete change architecturally, which is meant to be mirrored in a psychological and emotional change. They move from a narrow area into a wide one, from a dark and enclosed area into the bright light of the open air roof. This transition must have given the sense that they were entering a healthy location. They go from a formal roadway into the rustic decoration of the colonnades, which must have given the sense that they were entering an area favourable to epiphanies. Even the decoration of the entryways contrasts with what they encounter on the other side. The first three entryways off the Via Tecta lack ornamentation, whereas the propylon inside is elaborate, indicating the superiority of the divinity within in comparison with the surroundings. The decorative elements of the propylon are hidden to visitors approaching, since high walls prevent visitors from seeing the forecourt before entering, increasing its mystery. This gradual Page 173 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt revealing of ornamentation adds a festivity and grandeur to the sanctuary, showing the importance of the sanctuary through decoration. It also gives a sense that one progresses through the sanctuary in stages towards an epiphany and a cure. By committing himself to each stage and leaving behind whatever is necessary, the incubant comes closer to his desired end. He must wait at each stage before progressing. Ultimately, though, each stage brings the incubant closer to something more beautiful and more desirable - the divine presence. Also, this movement serves as a physical symbol of the physical and emotional transition that those visiting the sanctuary undergo, a change from sickness into health. IIIC. The Propylon on the Telemachos Monument Revisited: a Symbol for Anticipation As mentioned earlier, the representation of a propylon on side A of the Telemachos Monument (Fig. 3.1) is an unusual choice for the artist. The propylon on the monument is iconic, a highlighted symbol, and likely a focal point in the scene. As discussed, the propylon on the Telemachos Monument is unique when compared to other representations of doorways as it is shown closed and there are no human figures paired with it. Since doorways are most often associated with passage at periods of life transition (i.e. from unmarried to married), this doorway should also be seen as a representation of transition. Certainly, the gateway is meant as a symbol of the suppliant's passage from the secular to the sacred, as well as serving as a metaphor for the movement from sickness to health. Sickness and illness are associated with being outside the sanctuary in Page 174 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt the profane world. Once past the boundary, one enters into the realm of the deity, a sacred and pure space. Here, a cure from illness can be found. The propylon represents the boundary that must be crossed in order to return to health. Yet, when its doors are closed, it does not allow for passage. Instead, it becomes a place where those seeking a cure must wait. While waiting, anxiety and anticipation about the potential to achieve health and healing amass. When observing the representation of an architectural element, a viewer is able to draw a parallel between the propylon on the relief and the actual propylon at the Athenian sanctuary. Although it is impossible to assess the location of the propylon based on the current remains, perhaps specific features, such as the sculptural ornamentation or the statue of the ephebe depicted in the relief, refer to observable features. If the Telemachos Monument was positioned outside the sanctuary and the viewer was waiting in front of the actual propylon to enter, the relief could symbolize his act of waiting. Or, if the Telemachos Monument stood inside the sanctuary, the viewer could recollect the entryway he has just crossed. Closed doors are blocked access, and so at a sanctuary, worshipers who approach closed doors are expected to wait, to collect their thoughts, to speak with others, to develop and express their beliefs about what they expect to occur on the other side of the doors. The closed door marks a point of pause. The subject choice of a propylon with closed doors embodies a range of subconscious and conscious symbols which are brought to the forefront and highlighted through a depiction. Rather than depicting human figures and their actions the subject of the monument, the stages that the viewers undergo themselves - passage, transition, change, waiting, anticipating, examination, fear, hope - Page 175 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entry way: Between Anticipation and Doubt are the subject of the relief. The viewers become an active part of the scene. They look upon the door in the relief and interpret it according to their own understanding of its meaning. This allows for variance based upon their diverse experiences, education, belief system, and other factors. Their interpretation is very much a part of the relief. The relief propyl on symbolizes the anxiety of the worshipers awaiting entry, uncertain of what lies beyond, through specific details that hint at what is contained on the other side of the propylon. The ambiguity and mystery is highlighted by suggestions of the contents of the sanctuary. The monument depicts a leafless tree with a stork sitting on its branch. The rest of the tree is hidden behind the wall, as are most of the contents of the sanctuary. By showing only the top of the tree, the relief asks its viewer to propose possibilities for objects and experiences on the other side. Might the leafless tree refer to a statue group, as there are representations in relief of Hygieia leaning on just such a tree?167 Perhaps he thinks of Hygieia and Asklepios banqueting inside the sanctuary, as is shown on Side A of the Telemachos Monument pinax. Perhaps he imagines Hygieia and Asklepios standing beside or leaning on this tree, receiving offerings. Perhaps he imagines a sacred snake crawling on the tree, another possible image.168 The massed votives to one side of the scene allude to successful cures. On the opposite side of the monument, a suggestion of the activity within the sanctuary is given - a banquet scene. These are unambiguous reminders that Asklepios and Hygieia are within, waiting for their suppliants. The votives hint at what must have happened in the past and the viewer contemplates what his experience at the sanctuary will bring and if he will be able to contribute monuments of his own. 167 Hygieia and tree: Athens NM 1333 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 6), Athens NM 1335 (Holtzmann (1984) fig. 96). 168 Athens NM 1335 (Holtzmann (1984) fig. 96). Page 176 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt Ultimately, the imagery reflects the experience of the suppliant's reality. Just as he imagines the activity and contents that lie behind the propylon in the relief, so too he ruminates on the contents that lie beyond the real doors of the sanctuary. No doubt, over the wall of the sanctuary, he is given hints of what to expect within - the roof of a temple, the top of a stoa, a tree. Perhaps he considers whether or not Asklepios and Hygieia are within the gates, banqueting in their temple or engaged in other activities. Perhaps he wonders if they are away at Epidauros. Most of all, he probably wonders if he will receive healing. Overall, then, a closed propylon is a wholly appropriate choice of subject for the symbol of the sanctuary. What lies within is only suggested, allowing the viewers to draw their own varied conclusions and discuss with others their fears and hopes. By depicting a closed door, the monument refers to a real experience of the sanctuary and shows it being used both to prevent access and to force those who have come to the sanctuary to wait. While waiting, the suppliants view the votive relief with an image of a propylon that matches the one before them (or, alternatively, they recollect the period of time in which they waited prior to entry). They recognize that waiting is part of the process; they are meant to hypothesize and imagine what lies beyond the gates. This monument finds a later parallel in the elaborate structure and forecourt at Pergamon. The Telemachos Monument is a visual metaphor for waiting before the doorway, just as the forecourt is used to collect visitors before they enter the sanctuary. On the Telemachos Monument, ornamentation and votive deposits give the visitor things to observe and consider, just as the architecture of the Pergamon forecourt has an elaborate design. The walls in the Telemachos Monument that hide a sanctuary beyond Page 177 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt correspond with the walls at Pergamon, that initially hide the court itself and then hide the sanctuary beyond the propylon. Ultimately, both illustrate that arriving at the sanctuary is a significant part of the ritual of incubation and priming visitors for the epiphanic process.. In sum, the depiction of a propylon on the Telemachos Monument is deliberate, a recognizance of the importance of the act of waiting and the architecture that is used to generate it. Waiting and contemplating the forthcoming activities was part of the experience of incubation. Debating the god's powers, or at least expressing doubtful hesitation about a cure, could be utilized as a way to confirm an actual miracle. The importance of this process finds architectural formalization by the construction of an elaborate forecourt propylon complex at the Pergamene sanctuary that seems designed to contain visitors as they wait. Waiting truly becomes part of the ritualized activities one engages in at the Asklepieia. IV. Conclusions The entryway into the sanctuary plays a role in the incubatory process of the Asklepieia. By creating a space in which to wait, crowds are artificially generated, allowing for anticipation to build. This anticipation is typical of a response to an epiphany. Doubt, skepticism and speculation are permitted, as these are a way to temper the senselessness associated with crowds and over-eager individuals. Doubt is also encouraged because the testimony of a doubtful witness is more credible to others than one that comes from a fervent believer. The propylon and its forecourt together are utilized to artificially generate a crowd so that anticipation can build for those about to Page 178 Chapter 3 - Standing at the Entryway: Between Anticipation and Doubt enter. A closed door forces the incubants and suppliants and their associates to wait. The importance of this structure and its role is highlighted by its depiction on the Telemachos Monument. Furthermore, waiting, crowding, expressions of doubt and anticipation find architectural formalization in the Roman period at the prominent sanctuary of Pergamon. Here, an elaborate forecourt and propylon were designed to collect and contain incubants before allowing them access to the sanctuary. Page 179 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Chapter 4 Internal Boundaries I. Division of Sacred Space at Epidauros IA. Division of Sacred Space in Both Text and Sanctuary Space Kkeo) irsvS' 'hf] ixuvjos. Avra TTSVT' sviavTovg Kleo was pregnant for five years. After the ydy xuoucra no! rov SSOP ixerig dcpixsTO xal fifth year of pregnancy, she came as a evexdS'euSe h rail d^drcoi. (bg M rdzKrra suppliant to the god and slept in the abaton. eijvjASs s^ auTOu xal ex rov taoou hys.vs.TO, As soon as she had left it and was outside XOQOV ersxe, oq svSvq JBVOIX,SVO<; avroc, airo rag the hieron, she gave birth to a son who, as xqavaq SXOVTO xal d(j,a rdi fiarq} nsgiTJgns. soon as he was born, washed himself in the TV%ovo~a fti TOUTCJV km TO dvSrefia k-nsyQa^/aro. fountain and walked about with his mother. 'Oil f/.i'yeS'og m'vaxog Savfiaareov, dXXd TO Bswv, TTSVS-' ST7] (hq kxvrjos ky jaoTol KAscb After this success, she inscribed upon an ftdgog, BCTTS ifxaTaxoifid^orj xa'i fitv S&TJXS offering, "The wonder is not the size of the pinax, but the act of the god: Kleo bore a (from LiDonnici (1995) 84) burden in her stomach for five years, until she slept here, and he made her well." (translation LiDonnici (1995) with amendments Levine) [Al] Kleo's iamaton is the first cure inscribed on one of the Epidaurian stelai dedicated to the wonderous healings of Apollo and Asklepios.' The decision to post this cure first is not a haphazard accident of survival, but an intentional decision by those who compiled the narratives. On one hand, it memorializes a miraculous cure, but on the other, it edifies future visitors who read the iamata about the workings of the sanctuary and the ritual of incubation. The plausibility of the tale is increased not by the presence of a doubtful witness, but by mentioning locations in the sanctuary that visitors can confirm by observation for themselves. The cure would cease to represent a conceivable reality and instead be subject to doubt if it were to take place in an imaginary location. 1 A recent discussion of the composition and bibliography on the cure stelai is given by LiDonnici (1995) 15-19, with bibliography 15 n. 1. 2 Some suggestions as to its importance including its antiquity are made by LiDonnici (1995) 24, 44, 50, 56. Also, see Dillon (1994). Page 180 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Kleo's tale contrasts with the other iamata because it contains features that distinguish it from the other tales and suggest it has a didactic function. It does not occur during the course of a dream and she does not have direct contact with Asklepios. Her cure does not take place in the typical location, within the abaton. The narrative makes it clear that her cure takes place in a specific location within the sanctuary, outside of the hieron. These unusual features suggest that the Epidaurian sanctuary is divided into different locations in order to manage the tension between the need to maintain purity and the pollution associated with childbirth and death. Generally, in Greek religion, the temenos is literally a cut-off sacred space with uniform restrictions related to purity.3 At the Asklepieia, because the incubants are often polluted or have the potential to become polluted through death or childbirth, the temenos of the sanctuary is subdivided so as to accommodate as many people as possible. In this chapter, I look at the textual and archaeological evidence related to the sectioning of the temenos and access based upon an incubant's degree of purity and/or pollution. By taking a closer look at Kleo's cure, Pausanias' description, leges sacrae of the other Asklepieia, and the archaeological remains, I explore the nature of the divisions in the temenos at Epidauros. Several other sanctuaries serve as comparanda. The division of sacred space at the Asklepieia indicates that purity is not an all-or-nothing status, but exists in a hierarchy, where an individual can be pure, polluted, or partially free of pollution. This division is significant, because it allows almost everyone access to some 3 Bergquist (1967) 5-8; Parker (1983) 160-190; Casetvitz (1984) 85-87; Burkert (1985) 86-7; Zaidman and Pantel(1997)56. Page 181 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries areas of the sanctuary, including those incubants who are unable to achieve complete purity. IB. The Vocabulary Used by Kleo and Pausanias IB1. Hieron Kleo's miraculous birth inside the sanctuary challenges our present understanding of the maintenance of purity in sacred spaces. Kleo should be forbidden as birth and the act of giving birth are considered sources of pollution. A person who is polluted is generally forbidden from entering a sanctuary without purification, as this constitutes an act of impiety (asebeia). Even Pausanias claims that giving birth within portions of the sanctuary is not religiously tolerated (hosios).5 Several leges sacrae from other sanctuaries outline sanctuary regulations about those who have been polluted through childbirth.6 Generally, each lex sacra specifies a waiting period with an exact number of prescribed days, as the pollution of childbirth dissipates after a defined period of time and purificatory washing. A cathartic law of the fourth century BC from Cyrene to Apollo forbids anyone who had been inside a house where a woman has been in childbirth from entering the sanctuary for three days.7 A second century BC marble stele forbids contact with childbirth for ten days.8 A lex sacra from Delos to Agatha Tyche suggests a seven-day waiting period, while one from Lindos suggests a three-day wait. 4 Paus. II.27.1. Parker (1983) 50-52. For a discussion of the various restrictions, see Dillon (1997) 149-166. 5 Paus. 11.27.6. For definitions of hosion see Parker (1983) 330-1. 6 Parker (1983) 48-55, 59-60, 63-64; Cole (1992) 109-110; Lupu (2005) 207. 1 LSS 115 A 16-20. Parker (1983) 336. 8 LSCG 171.16 = SEG XIV529. 9 LSS 54.5, 91.15 = / Delos 2530 Page 182 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries However, some leges sacra do not forbid entry to the sanctuary, but instead list restrictions about participating in certain activities or entering named locations. A lex sacra from the cult of Athena Nikephoros at Pergamon (133 BC) states that citizens and all others who enter the temple of the female god must be pure, and furthermore, must wait two days and wash if they have either touched a corpse or been in labour.10 A stele to Isis and Sarapis from Arcadia (200 BC) indicates that a person wishing to sacrifice must be pure from childbirth by nine days. While there are no surviving leges sacrae from any of the Asklepieia that specifically mention the pollution of childbirth, Pausanias' account indicates that both birth and death are taboo in at least part of the Epidaurian sanctuary. He begins his description of the sanctuary as follows: The sacred grove (TO M ieqbv akaoq) of Asklepios is surrounded on all sides by boundaries (OQOI navra%6^ev). No death or birth takes place within the enclosure (evTog TOV nsQtftoXov); the same custom prevails also in the island of Delos. All the offerings (^4"sra),whether the offerer be one of the Epidaurians themselves or a stranger, are entirely consumed within the bounds (xaTamAio-xovcriv svrbg TUIV OQ(OV). At Titane too, I know there is the same rule.12 The Delian restriction he mentions is familiar from Thucydides' account of Pisistratos' removal of burials from Delos. The Athenians purified Delos by removing burials first from the area in sight of the sanctuary, and eventually from the whole island.13 The reference Pausanias makes to the rules of sacrifice at Titane likely relates to the presence of an Asklepieion there.14 Pausanias' familiarity with the birth/death restriction as well as with the laws related to sacrifice at Epidauros suggests that he read publicly posted laws 10 Frankel (1890) 255 = ISAM 12.7 11 Lupu (2005) 206. 12 Paus. 11.27.1. 13 Thuc. 111.104. 14 Paus. II. 11.5-8. Asklepieion in Titane: Papachatzes (1974-1981) 112-114. Page 183 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries or that he and other visitors were informed of these laws prior to arrival. More on these laws will be discussed below. Pausanias' description of Epidauros is often translated so that "peribolos" refers to the bounds surrounding the entire sanctuary, and in consequence, indicate that birth and death are forbidden everywhere in the sanctuary.1' Yet, Pausanias describes a structure specifically built in the alsos of the sanctuary intended for giving birth and dying. He says that the Roman senator, Antoninus, restored the Portico of Kotys so the Epidaurians who lived in the vicinity of the sanctuary {'Emdavqicov ds ol negi TO hqov (laXia-ra haXaiTtcoqouv) could give birth or die while respecting the laws of sacred purity and remaining hosioi (ocrioi). From this, we can conclude that the peribolos does not contain the alsos or the Portico of Kotys. Therefore, the peribolos - the area in which death and birth are forbidden - is not a wall encircling the entire temenos. It is a portion of the temenos, and the temenos itself is subdivided into at least two sub-sections. Kleo's actions complement Pausanias' description in that they also suggest that the temenos of the sanctuary contains at least two subsections. In her cure, Kleo leaves the hieron in order to give birth. Some might argue that she leaves the sanctuary altogether, but it is unlikely that the first cure on the stele takes place outside the sanctuary. Furthermore, no fountain is located in this area. If Kleo leaves the sanctuary via the propylon (Fig. 4.1 no. 1), the believability of her cure is lessened because there is nowhere for her son to wash. The only water source in this area is the stream (Fig. 4.1 no. S). The legitimacy of her miraculous tale is compromised if the physical remains do not correspond with the ones mentioned in the inscription. On the other hand, water sources, ,5Tomlinson(1983)41. 16 Paus. II.27.6. Page 184 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries including fountains, wells, springs, and baths are scattered throughout the temenos (Fig. 4.1 nos. 1A, 4, 6, 7, 8,11,16,17) and it is more likely that Kleo's son washes himself in 1 7 one of these. If Kleo does not leave the temenos, where does she go? Although her cure does not name a specific location, she probably goes into the alsos, an area of the sanctuary identified in another iamaton. The next cure on the stele also describes a miraculous birth that takes places specifically when the incubant leaves the abaton and the hieron.18 Pregnant women begin their stay at the sanctuary in the hieron before transferring to another area in order to give birth so as to respect sanctuary regulations. Both the iamata and Pausanias' description divide the sanctuary at Epidauros into at least two distinct areas with different restrictions that concern the pollution associated with birth and, as I will discuss shortly, death. These two areas are identified with slightly different vocabulary in the two accounts; the first is called the hieron in the iamata and the area "in the peribolos" by Pausanias. The second is called the alsos in both sources.19 Death and birth are forbidden in the hieron, but permitted in the alsos. The temenos includes the alsos and the hieron, and the alsos either surrounds or is tangential to the hieron. From Kleo's cure, we know that the abaton is located within the hieron, and the fountain is in the alsos. There are two specific difficulties concerning the use of the term hieron that require further comment. One problem is specific to Pausanias' account. Pausanias uses the term hieron, but his use of the term differs from the iamata. He uses the term hieron 17 For example, the well in the stoa building. Burford (1969) 51; Tomlinson (1983)46. 18 A2. 19 For the purposes of this paper, the term hieron refers to a distinct area within the sanctuary and not a temple or the sanctuary in its entirety. Page 185 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries when referring to the entire sanctuary, rather than just a portion of it. He says the theater (Fig. 4.1. no. 33) is located in the hieron. Unfortunately, even a cursory glance at the archaeological remains indicates that the theater is located a considerable distance from the area identified as the hieron. In fact, the theatre seems to be situated in the alsos. There are several possible explanations for Pausanias' use of the term. First, Pausanias might be using it in its broadest sense. The term hieron in many contexts refers to a generalized sacral area, rather than to a subsection of one or even a shrine (See Page 282). Second, perhaps the hieron at Epidauros is shaped so as to include the theater. It is possible that a path went to the theater and this path was part of the hieron. Third, there might be more than one hieron located in the temenos and the theater is located in one of these other hiera. Certainly, Pausanias names several hiera in or near the Epidaurian sanctuary that are dedicated to other gods: Aphrodite and Themis, Apollo Maleatas. Or fourth, perhaps the term's use changed over time. There are nearly 500 years separating the iamata and Pausanias' description and it is entirely possible that the term took on new meaning and was used differently to refer to the whole area in the later period than the composition of the iamata. Finally, it is possible that Pausanias is simply misusing the term. Although the term's precise geographic meaning may have changed, the term hieron almost always implies restrictiveness and control of access. Elsewhere in his work, Pausanias uses the term hieron when describing several sanctuaries at Sikyon that are accessible only by specific individuals: a sanctuary of Asklepios and a sanctuary of Aphrodite. In the Sikyonian Asklepieion, the hieron has an inner room, called the 20 Tomlinson suggests that the iamata were created at the time of development in the sanctuary, around the fourth century (1983) 20. Page 186 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries endoteron, restricted to the priests. This room is dedicated to Apollo with a chryselephantine statue of the god.21 For the hieron of Aphrodite, Pausanias notes that visitors had to view the statue from outside and only two female attendants who were virgins or did not have intercourse were permitted within.22 Since at Epidauros, Pausanias identifies restrictions for the inner portion of the Asklepieion, the area "in the peribolos" {kvrbt; TOV -nsQifioXou), it seems likely that this section corresponds with what is elsewhere called a hieron. The other problem likely relates to different uses of the term hieron (recognizable to students of Doric diaiect as hieron or hiron in Attic) in a more generalized sense.23 The term can be applied adjectivally to a specific building, such as a temple or shrine or substantially to name a place that is consecrated to a divinity.24 This location can range in size from a single building to an entire sanctuary. In the context of the iamata on the Epidaurian cure stelai, the term hieron is used substantively and refers to a generalized location that includes the abaton,25 the pinakes and iamata^ and, in the context of a dream, trees. The area is surrounded by some fencing or thorns. Pausanias is probably describing this area when he talks about the buildings found "in fas, peribolos''': the abaton (he refers to it as the place where the suppliants of the god sleep) and the monumental cure stelai with the iamata. Other structures he names are located in this area as well: the cult statue, the temple, and the tholos. The leges sacrae from other 21 Paus. II.10.2. 22Paus. II.10.4. 2j The Epidaurian cure stelai use the Doric form, hiaron. Hieron: Hewitt (1909); Corbett (1970) 150-1, 155- 6 n. 11; Casevitz (1984) 82-85; Hollinshead (1999) 208. 24 Corbett (1970) 149. 25A1,A2, A15, A17. 26A3,A4. 27A18. 28 A M. Page 187 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries sanctuaries compliment the iamata and Pausanias' account by using the term hieron to refer to an area that contains the temple and other buildings as a sub-section of the temenos.29 A lex sacra from the Koan Asklepieion mentions the hieron and temenos separately. Many of the inscriptions mention buildings in the hieron, so it is unlikely that the term is restricted to just a temple or single structure. In an inscription related to repairs to the Athenian Asklepieion, the hieron is distinguished from the naos, the temple. One from the Asklepieion at Piraeus says that money for other sacrifices is collected in the oikodomia of the hieron, or more literally "the constructed building/edifice of the hieron''' (eg ryv bixo$o{iiav TOV IBQOV). Finally, an inscription from Anaphe records an oracle whether to construct a naos for cult statues in the hieron of Apollo (hi T(~OI ISQCOI TOV 'AiroXkcovog TOV Kajzkata) or of Asklepios (hi TCOI ISQCOI TOV AcrxAamov). From the leges sacrae, we can determine the kinds of ritual activity took place in the hieron. One specific activity that is mentioned is sacrifice. A Koan lex specifies that sacrifices to the nymphs are made on an altar in the hieron of the Asklepieion.34 The Pergamene lex sacra says that the priest is entitled to the right leg and skin of all the sacrificial animals offered in the hieron and the other things dedicated on the holy tables.35 It may also contain houses or living facilities. Priests and sanctuary notables " Along these same lines, the phrase tou Asklepiou or en Asklepiou probably should be extended to a larger space than just the temple. The phrase can refer to the temple of Asklepios as well as the entire precinct of Asklepios. Context is rarely clear on what location is meant and it is better to be cautious rather than rash in translating the phrase. In translating, I translate only the precise terms naos and aedes with the word "temple" and that is the practice I adopt here. 30 LSCG 150 = Herzog (1928) 11, 12. 31 LSCG 44 = /Gil2 1046. 32 LSCG 11.10 = /G I3 255. 33 LSCG 129 = 1G XII 3.248; Lupu (2005) 36-7. 34 LSCG 152. 35 Frankel (1890) II no. 251. 13-15. Page 188 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries sometimes live in this part of the sanctuary. Apollonius lives in the hieron of the Asklepieion at Aegae.36 The hieron is also used as a place to display important documents. A decree from Pergamon notes that the priest is responsible for general good conduct in the hieron and copies of the document are to be set up in the hiera of Asklepios in Pergamon and Mytilene and the hieron of Athena on the Acropolis.37 IB2. Alsos The alsos is mentioned in both the iamata and Pausanias' account. An alsos is mentioned in several leges sacrae (see page 233). Kleo's tale does not use the specific term, but it presumably is the area where she gives birth. The tale immediately following hers is similar; Ithmonika of Pellene gives birth when she rushes out of the abaton and is outside the hieron.''9 Here too, the term alsos is not used. Fortunately, the location is named in another iamaton that distinguishes between the hieron and the alsos: a girl walks into the hieron, but sees a snake moving near a tree of the alsos. This cure indicates that the alsos is visible from the hieron, suggesting that the two areas are tangential, or at least within eyesight of each other. This cure mentions a tree in the alsos. Perhaps the area was named alsos because it contained trees like a sacred grove. Pausanias gives a fuller description of the area that suggests it is sizable. He says that the sacred grove (alsos) is surrounded in all directions by boundary stones (horoi). A smaller precinct might have used a wall to mark its edges. He further gives a 36 Philostr. VA VIII-IX. 37Frankel(1890)Uno.251. 38 For alsos see Casevitz (1984) 91-93. Casevitz discusses the fact that the alsos usually is associated with a spring or water. 39 A2. 40 CI. LiDonnici(1995) 117. 41 Paus.II.27.1-7. Page 189 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries sense of the size of the sanctuary when he says that Tithion and Cynortium Mountains, along with the hieron of Apollo Maleatas, lie above the alsos, as if to imply that the alsos stretches to the foot of these mountains. The size of the area is also suggested by the types of structures that Pausanias lists in his description of the alsos: a temple to Artemis, a statue of Epione, a hieron of Aphrodite and Themis, a stadium, and a fountain. In his discussion of the Epidaurian sanctuary, he names several other buildings that are likely located in the alsos as well, but they are distinguished for being recent additions to the sanctuary: the Portico of Kotys, a bath of Asklepios, a sanctuary to the Bountiful gods, a temple to Hygieia, Egyptian Apollo, and Egyptian Asklepios. The inclusion of such a wide variety of structures indicates the area is large. Furthermore, the presence of a bath and stadium suggests that the area services sizable crowds of visitors who come for festivals and other occasions. These are facilities that are used for more than the most basic ritual practices of sacrifice and incubation. A stadium indicates that games took place in the sanctuary. From Pausanias' account, we learn of at least one ritual activity that takes place in the alsos: dining on sacrificial offerings. After stating that the alsos is surrounded on all sides by horoi, Pausaninas then says that all offerings must be consumed within the horoi - or, in the alsos. The area must provide facilities for dining, as well as altars and equipment for preparing and roasting the splanchna of a sacrificial offering. He also says that the same law is practiced at Titane, indicating that other sanctuaries not only contain an alsos, but that ritual dining in the alsos is common at the Asklepieia. Based on Pausanias' description, we know that just as the term hieron refers to more than just a building, the term alsos refers to more than just a stand of trees. It is a Page 190 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries broad area with structures in which ritual activity, notably dining and festival activities, take place.42 The term is used in a broad sense as early as the composition of the Iliad43 Pausanias' description read together with the iamata creates a picture of the Epidaurian Asklepieion sanctuary with at least two subsections that cater to different aspects of the overall cult and have various restrictions. The key cult buildings are in the hieron, a place where death and birth are forbidden. Other minor cults and festal activities take place in the alsos. The two areas also tolerate visitors based on their degree of purity. Pausanias repeats the laws of the area "in the peribolos" because they restrict birth and death. Then he repeats the law that requires offerings to be consumed within the alsos. His distinction between the two areas is well-illustrated by Kleo's actions, in which she must leave the restrictive area in order to give birth in a location with the loosest restrictions related to purity and pollution. IC. Archaeological Evidence The iamata and Pausanias' description correspond well with the archaeological evidence to illuminate the divisions of the temenos at Epidauros (Fig. 4.1). The sanctuary includes two main divisions, the hieron (Fig. 4.1 shaded pink) and the alsos (Fig. 4.1 left unshaded),44 as shown in the figure. Some of the structures located in the hieron (Fig. 4.2) and the alsos are further subdivided as well. These divisions are meant to regulate access, especially to the most sacred buildings, the abaton and the temple, as indicated by the leges sacra and the topography.. Cf. altis of Olympia. 43 Horn. //. 2.50.6. 44 The section in the figure shaded purple may also be part of the hieron, but the line of votives suggests that this is two separate sections. Page 19! Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries The sanctuary is not walled off and technically one could enter the sanctuary at any point. This matches Pausanias' comments that the alsos is marked by horoi in every direction. Archaeological evidence further confirms Pausanias' comments; to the south of the sanctuary, archaeologists found an inscribed stone on the road to Ligurio, possibly a boundary stone or road marker. LiDonnici says that the stone likely corresponds with a ten stadia stone named in the iamata. In addition to the horoi, the sanctuary's outer limits are also defined by natural features, such as two streams (Fig. 4.1 no. S). The importance of the northern stream as a boundary is indicated by the propylon (1). Also, several houses (1C) indicate the boundaries of the sanctuary as well. It is unlikely that private property was constructed on sacred property. From Oropos, for example, a lex inscribed on a boundary stone states that no private individual can build within the boundaries.46 Within this outer boundary is an inner area that is marked off by a late Roman rubble fill wall (RW) enclosing the temple (13) and other central structures. Unfortunately, published information about the wall is limited. It consists of two parallel walls separated by a trench filled with rubble.47 Kavvadias says that it was built from marble taken from various older structures, but its its significance and date are unknown.48 LiDonnici, citing Frazer, claims that the wall has no clear purpose or date.49 Tomlinson says it is late-Roman in date (fourth century AD) and rebuilt with earlier material, but there is no evidence for a predecessor.50 / Oropos 284: oqog (irj TOI%O$O(I~SI/ evrog rutv oqwv idtwTrjv. LiDonnici (1995) 14; Frazer (1965) 2.238; Tomlinson (1983) 38. Kavvadias (1891) 9. LiDonnici (1995) 14 citing Frazer (1965) 2.238. Tomlinson (1983) 38, 53. Page 192 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Even if the rubble fill wall has no earlier constructed precedent, there may have been an understood boundary. In such a case, a boundary is probably not marked because its perimeter is common knowledge or it is unofficially marked by removable items such as boundary stones, fencing, or votives. Certainly, the architects of the wall are careful not to cut across important buildings, make a point of enclosing certain structures within, and purposefully destroy others. We can trace the path of the wall and observe the buildings it contains. It runs from the west side of the abaton (15) and travels around a central area, encompassing the tholos (14), the temple of Asklepios (13), and the altars (12, 21). Building E (22) is located within, as is the abaton (15) itself, though these two structures lie on the perimeter of the area. A small temple to Artemis (23) straddles the wall and is probably meant to mark the border. The wall has been shifted at the point of this temple in order to avoid destroying it. The wall continues on the other side of a Roman bathhouse (25) and turns north to continue towards a portico building, identified as the portico of Kotys (3), and ends there.3 The portico of Kotys lies against the northern edge of the enclosed area without being contained inside of it. Only three buildings are cut by the wall (19, 20), all of which have been identified as workshops. The area encloses several water sources (15) and excludes others (16, 6, 7). Since a row of votives (VM) cuts through the area, it is possible that the original hieron was smaller, but the wall was eventually enlarged to the 51 Roux and Tomlinson both identify building 3 as the Portico of Kotys. The 63 by 31.5 m structure likely dates to the Hellenistic period and includes an internal courtyard surrounded by rows of rooms on at least three sides. The south and west walls contain a Doric stoa that faces the central part of the sanctuary and the road. Kavvadias' original choice for the Portico of Kotys (25), while certainly dating to the appropriate period, is not a portico, but a series of rooms arranged around a courtyard. (Roux (1961) 291; Tomlinson (1983)48) Page 193 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries east (shaded purple). The area that has been added over time is shaded in purple in order to indicate its unconfirmed status as part of the hieron. Another portion of this wall stretches along the Sacred Way from the propylon (1) towards the area of the hieron alongside a path (shaded green).3 This second wall ceases after several meters, but the temple of Themis (2) is positioned facing the path that follows where the wall would have continued had it not been destroyed.5 This path continues until it reaches a row of exedrae and bases (VM) that forms a perpendicular path across this "Sacred Way." There is a space between the northwestern exedrae and the construction to the west of it - perhaps this is where the entry point to the hieron is located, unless it started at the propylon itself. Although we do not have archaeological evidence for a predecessor to the Roman wall, a literary one is mentioned in the iamata. Aeschines climbs a tree in order to peer into the abaton and then falls onto some fencing or thorns (and TOV Mv^eoq nsql o-xoAonag nvaq Tovg bmiXKoig afupinaio?). Several features of this cure suggest the presence of a wall or boundary that surround and contains the abaton and the hieron. First, the activity in the abaton is not readily visible from the ground, or else Aeschines would not have to climb a tree to look inside. It is likely that there is a protective boundary around the building that reaches to eye-level height or greater. Since activity in the abaton is still visible from outside the building - perhaps through the roof, through a window, or even through a curtain stretched over the entrance to the structure - the visual impairment is 5'Tomlinson(1983)46. 5j The identification of this temple is insecure. However, the date of this structure (320 BC) corresponds with the date that a temple of Themis was built in Athens and likely just before a temple of Themis was built at Rhamnous (Burford (1969) 73). 54 All. LiDonnici(1995) 14. Page 194 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries probably not set too high. Secondly, Aischenes injures his eyes against something sharp when he falls from the tree, indicating a cultivated or constructed boundary. Other than the wall, the structural and landscape elements mentioned in Aischenes' iamaton are matched with excavated (and partially reconstructed) structures at the sanctuary. The abaton mentioned in the iamata is identified as the stoa building (Fig. 4.2 no. 15) that marks part of the late Roman rubble fill wall border. Since this building is set on the edge of the contained space, the tree Aeschines' climbs is likely outside the location, although probably beside it. A tree would of course be an appropriate in an alsos. Ultimately, Aeschines likely climbs a tree in the alsos in order to look at a structure contained in the hieron that is otherwise blocked by a wall. The small size of the temple (13) also suggests that the central area was bounded.3~ The ornate decoration on its interior indicates that the sanctuary personnel had money to spend on the building; finances were not a limitation in its size. The fourth century temple did not replace an earlier structure, a common dictate for temple placement, and so it could have been placed anywhere." There are many unused areas throughout the entire sanctuary that easily could accommodate a larger sized building, but they were not selected. These facts suggest that its location is a deliberate choice and a more significant consideration than its size. Its exact position probably reflects a desire "to keep the 'ultra'-sacred buildings together." The architects were intent on placing the temple inside the hieron and focused their energies on monumentalizing the structure 55 Kavvadias (1905) 144; Burford (1969) 54-5; LiDonnici (1995) 10. Temple architectural details: See Tomlinson (1983) 54-60 and Martin (1946) 352-36. 56 Martin (1946) 353-354. Attempts to locate an earlier temple have been unsuccessful. Some scholars suggest Building E may have served this purpose. No earlier temple: Tomlinson (1983) 55. 57 LiDonnici (1995) 10. Page 195 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries through a decorative interior rather than building a structure of large size elsewhere in the • , 58 precinct. There is also a building associated with the hieron that can be regarded as a boundary marker between the alsos and the hieron: the temple to Artemis (23).59 Artemis' sanctuaries and shrines are situated on borderlands or in liminal places.60 For example, her sanctuaries are especially found at ill-defined and disputed boundary areas such as the ones at Gorgopis, Hyampolis, Karyai, and Limnai.61 Her shrines also are situated at the gateways of larger sanctuaries, such as at Eleusis and Didyma.62 The placement of the Artemis temple beside the hieron marks a place of transition between the alsos and the hieron. Certainly, it rests against the Roman rubble fill wall. The Artemis temple is used in its traditional role as a marker between two different areas, in this case the alsos and the hieron. In situ votive dedications (benches, exedrae, statue bases) suggest where the boundary of the hieron at Epidauros lies (Fig. 4.3).6 In his final publication, Kavvadias provides only a few generalized statements about these monuments and focuses primarily on their epigraphic content, rather than their placement in the sanctuary.64 Fortunately, his plans indicate the placement of these monuments and many of them remain in their original positions today, providing comfortable seats for modern visitors. The monuments are located on the south side of the temple (Fig. 4.2 no. 13) and a line of them in the 58 Other suggestions for the temple's small size include lack of money and a shortage of skilled craftsmen: Burford (1969) 54-5; Tomlinson (1983) 55. 59 Tomlinson (1983) 75-8. 60 Schachter (1992) 49-51, esp. n. 23. 61Schachter(1992)50. 62 Schachter (1992) 50. Note that here, Schachter also includes Epidauros in the list, but I disagree that this is a gateway into the sanctuary and instead it is an entry point into the hieron. 63 Tomlinson (1983) 70-1; van Straten (1992) 285. 64 Kavvadias (1891) 10,23-112. Page 196 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries central area helps define space around the altar of Asklepios (12). They form a border that indicates the likely edge of the hieron. This convention is also observed at other sanctuaries and at the agora, where bases and exedrae form rows that frame sections of the open spaces.65 The direction that exedrae and bases face indicates where pathways are located. The open end of the exedra faces towards the path in order to allow its contents to be viewed. In consequence, although not intended as boundary markers, their presence indicates where pedestrian traffic must have gone. Epigraphic evidence confirms that these monuments were placed along pathways. A lex sacra from the Rhodian Asklepieion orders dedicators not to set up their votives in any place "where votive offerings (anathemata) prevent people walking past."66 The warning suggests that the votives must have been so numerous along the paths that they began to crowd the functional space. Incubants who had been successfully cured probably wanted others to see their pinaxes and monuments and put them along pathways. The Epidaurian sanctuary is not the only one where votives mark borders and pathways. The exedrae and statue bases at the Asklepieion of Messene (Figs. 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7) also mark spatial boundaries. We are fortunate that these small structures are well documented due to the contemporary stress on systematic excavation and also due to the fact that Messene's sanctuary is less disturbed. The recording and publication of the in situ find spots of the Messene's bases is revealing about how their arrangement defines the open spaces of the precinct. 65 e.g. Priene's Agora, Thasos Agora. Exedra : Lauter (1986) 209. ' ?/' lq aXkov nva TOTTOV iv o) (TTaSivTa TO, ava^fiara xwXucr&i roug negmaToug. LSS 107; van Straten (1992) 271. Sokolowski translates peripatous as the porticoes, whereas van Straten translates the word as pedestrian traffic (Sokolowski (1962) 176; van Straten (1992) 271). Page 197 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries At the Messene Asklepieion, votive bases and exedrae are arranged in rows (Figs. 4.6, 4.7).67 For example, bases and exedrae, one of which is dedicated specifically to Asklepios and Hygeia, are located around the outside of the temple (Fig. 4.6). These exedrae are placed with their backs to the building, so they are visible to those walking around the outside of the temple rather than to those who are within the temple's colonnade.68 Several areas around the temple do not have any votives or bases: the space near the ramp that leads to the interior of the temple and the rear of the temple on the side closest to the opisthodomos. Finally, the space between the temple and the altar is kept free of votives and bases, though they are clustered around the short sides of the altar.69 The Messene Asklepieon is surrounded on four sides by a colonnade. Within the open space of the colonnade, exedrae and bases are found in the precinct around the edges of the enclosed space (Fig 4.7). Instead of facing the colonnade so that those walking under the shelter of the roof can observe them, the bases and exedrae are turned with their backs to the colonnade. The exedrae and bases mark the furthest limits of the precinct while bounding an area within. At the same time, they suggest the location of the walkway within the precinct. As for the colonnade, it is possible that small reliefs and votive objects hung from the columns or the interior walls, attached by cords. Hanging votives in a stoa is a typical practice. A lex sacra from a sanctuary to Apollo from Miletos warns "It is forbidden to 67 Bases and exedra were predominately uncovered during excavations in the early 1970s. Orlandos (1970) 107-117, 121; (1971) 112-115; (1972) 160-163; (1973) 69, 71-78. The clustering of votives is also observed at the Asklepieion of Athens (van Straten (1992) 250). Girard vaguely states that the ex-votos were found all in the same place (1878) 5. No discussion of their location is given by Girard in the earlier publication (1877). 68 Orlandos (1970) 99-111, 121-129; (1971)113; (1972) 160-163; (1973) 69-83; SEG (1988) no. 339. Also, it is worth noting that the bases do not face towards the temple, suggesting that pedestrian traffic perhaps did not walk on the stylobate of the temple. 69 Orlandos (1971) 114-121. Page 198 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries fasten to the woodwork of the new stoa in the sanctuary of Apollo either a votive tablet or anything else, to prevent the woodwork from being damaged, nor to the columns. And if someone wishes to place any votive offering in the new stoa, he must place it against the plastered sections of the walls, underneath the stone course supporting the beams."70 Certainly at the Messene Asklepieion, both the colonnade and the propylon have stretches of uninterrupted wall that easily could have been used to hang votive bases. However, votives have not turned up within the colonnade that surrounds the precinct nor in the, propylon. The in situ location of the bases and exedrae indicate a conscious effort at the Messene sanctuary to use these votives and bases to create separate areas, whether by an articulated law or by precedent.71 The votives are grouped together in specific, allowable areas whereas other areas are entirely without bases. The greatest number of bases and exedrae are found near highly sacred structures (temple, altar). Furthermore, the bases are organized. They are not clustered together haphazardly, but form straight rows. The position of the votives also suggests that there is a correct point from which to observe them. Their position indicates that they follow a pathway along the edges of an enclosed space within the temenos. Another indication of division is the concentration of small sanctuaries to other deities concentrated on the eastern side of the temenos. These tiny sanctuaries are small, fenced-off hiera in their own right. Three of these shrines were explored more thoroughly in excavations conducted under the auspices of the Committee for the Preservation of the 70 LSS 123. VanStraten (1992) 271. 71 More general arguments for the specific location of votives in a sanctuary have been made by van Straten (1992) 248-250. Furthermore, the aforementioned Rhodian restriction for its Asklepeion mentions that dedicators are not permitted to set up an image or a votive offering in the lower part of the sanctuary. Other instructions are given where it is permitted to set up votives both in the temenos and the hieron (LSS 107). Page 199 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Epidauros Monuments in the years 1987-88, 1991-93, and 1996.72 All three shrines (Y, O, and P) are located in the area east of Building E (22) and contain simple cult buildings within a walled precinct. A fourth sanctuary bounding the main hieron is to Artemis. All of these hiera may have been used for incubation, which would allow those who could not access the main hieron a place to make contact with a divinity through an epiphanic dream. The key features of all three tiny hiera is that they were likely intended for a chthonic healing cult, as suggested by their simplicity, access to water, and divided interiors. Sanctuary Y (Fig. 4.8) consists of an open-air, bipartite structure and its altar contained within an enclosure wall. According to Lembraki, Sanctuary Y was used for propitiatory and purificatory sacrifices on its eastern side prior to incubation, with ritual dining taking place on the west.74 Structure O (Fig. 4.9) is a square building with a balustrade separating the building into two halves. One half held cult statues on a semi circular base.75 The other half has a cistern and a drain. Lembaki compares it to oikos Z at Messene and believes it may have held the cult of the Epidotes. An inscription of the fourth century BC refers to the Epidoteion, and so gives us the date for this structure.76 The last structure, Sanctuary P (Fig 4.10) is a rectangular building associated with a cult 77 for Isis and Serapis, perhaps the Anakeion. The antechamber of this sanctuary was supplied with water through a pipe. The building was overbuilt with a small hall with an 72 Lembidaki (2002) 123-137. 7j Lembidaki (2002) 123. Lembidaki does not explain what she means by a chthonic aspect to the Asklepios cult. 74 Lembidaki (2002) 129. 75 Lembidaki (2002) 129-133. 76Tomlinson(1983)50. 77 Lembidaki (2002) 133-136. Page 200 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries apse in the third century AD. The waterworks at these hiera could be used for both purification and as a way of creating an idyllic ambiance appropriate for epiphany. The location of these three structures suggests that the area east of the main Epidaurian hieron at the Epidaurian Asklepieion was the ideal location to situate cults to different gods. The only possible exception is Sanctuary Y, which might lie in the hieron of the Asklepieion, but its peribolos wall transforms it into an independent sanctuary. It is also possible that the hieron boundary did not extend this far. A fourth complex that may have been located in the alsos and may have been used for incubation is the temple (or precinct) to Artemis (Fig. 4.1 no. 23). Although usually identified by just its temple, a paved court and an altar suggest that this area was more complicated than a single structure. The Artemis precinct is located on the edge of the hieron, as if to mark the edge of the sacred area. It too seems to have been used for incubation, as Dionysios dedicated an inscription to Artemis Orthia in accordance with a dream xar'omg.7S Usually, this term xar'ovag is used to indicate that the incubant received his or her cure in the context of a dream. Dionysios likely set up his inscription after being cured in a dream by a deity, presumably Artemis. Other dedications to Artemis on were found at the sanctuary, but they do not mention incubation. The provision of facilities for incubation outside the main hieron of the sanctuary allows those who could not access the main areas of the sanctuary to participate in the healing cult without being impious. 78 Kavvadias (1885) 197 no. 98. 79 It is possible that the dedicator was sleeping in the hieron and received instructions from Artemis in a dream there. 80 i.e. Kavvadias (1883) 151 no. 48. Page 201 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Sanctuaries Y and P and Structure 0 all divide their interior space through balustrades or walls. Division of interior space reflects a further desire to partition and separate areas. The best correspondence is found in the cult buildings at the Messene Asklepieion that also divide their interior space. The temple of Artemis (Figs. 4.4 no. K, 4.11) that lies along the western side of the colonnade at Messene is partitioned using columns and other objects. The entryway is subdivided into three portions by two transverse, Ionic columns, but low balustrades only allow access between the centre space between the columns. The interior of the temple is divided into three areas by four Ionic columns. These are further subdivided into areas of different function. The central portion of this tripartite temple contains a shrine with a long base (Fig. 4.11 no. 1), a table for bloodless sacrifices (2), and bases for statues of priestesses arranged in a circular pattern on either side of the long base (5, 6, 7, 8, 9,10,11,12,13,14,15).82 The statue bases touch the Ionic columns, but do not cross into the side wings of the interior. Their arrangement cuts the shrine lengthwise. They also allow a visitor to walk into the temple and walk between them in order to view their contents or approach the shrine without entering into the side wings of the interior of the temple. The position of bases 10 and 11, along with low balustrade walls that adjoin the columns at the entry prevent a visitor from entering the side wings of the building without approaching the shrine (1). The spaces created between bases 7 and 8 and bases 12 and 13 are the only way to access the two side wings of this structure. The votives are used to direct movement through the structure. ''Orlandos (1963) 124-5 !2OrIandos(1963) 126-7 Page 202 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries The side wings in the interior of the temple probably served a different function than the central portion. Both wings contain lion-footed benches that line the walls, usually associated with ritualized dining. The two wings also may have functioned differently from one another. The southern wing is free of statue bases, whereas the northern one contains two large square bases (16,17) that nestle into the benches and probably held statues. Their usage is unknown. II. Division of Space at Other Asklepieia HA. Kos Many of the excavated Asklepieia are divided into distinct areas. Notable examples include the sanctuaries of Kos, Corinth, a lesser-known sanctuary from Pernik or in Thrace, and Troezen. All of these sanctuaries achieved their most developed form in the Hellenistic period. Pergamon also shows evidence that its sacred space was divided, though this is less obvious than at the other sanctuaries. The terraces on the South slope of Athens' Acropolis might be part of a single sanctuary divided into separate sections, rather than separate sanctuaries, depending on how one interprets the evidence. One general comment about all these sanctuaries is that though there is evidence for the division of space, the nature of this division is unique to each sanctuary. The Asklepieion at Kos (Fig. 4.12, 4.13) makes use of the natural hillside and terracing to create divisions. A considerable amount of scholarship on the site has 8'Orlandos (1963) 126-7. 84 Orlandos (1963) 123-126. Statues from shrine including priestess with Hermaic stele: Orlandos (1963) 127-129. 85 Roebuck suggests that the area is divided into a sacred area with the temple and its related buildings and a secular area (1951) 25. Page 203 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries discussed this fact.86 Pollitt even uses the Koan sanctuary in order to highlight a 87 • Hellenistic interest in theatricality. The initial publication of the site and subsequent publications are too limited to provide complete discussion, but the plans and analyses published are sufficient to determine that the sanctuary has at least three distinct areas, each centered on a separate terrace. In its fully developed form in the late Hellenistic period, the visitor progressed up the terraces towards the most important structure, a large temple to Asklepios, constructed at the top level. The sanctuary was not built piecemeal over a long period, but planned and constructed as an entity.88 Even the structures built during its first phase of construction are oriented in anticipation of the buildings on the upper terraces.89 Its overall appearance and layout are designed to have an effect on the visitor. The terraces are as follows, from lowest to highest. After entering through the propylon (4.13 no. 2), the visitor progresses through the lower terrace towards a stairway opposite (9) that ascends to the next level. This lower terrace, developed in the late fourth and early third centuries BC, serves as a waiting area prior to entry up the steps to the next level. It consists of a U-shaped stoa (5), a small shrine (20), several wells (8), and possibly a fountain house (7). A propylon on the north side leads to the middle terrace.90 At the second level, developed in the third century BC, the visitor finds the altar (10) and the old temple to Asklepios (14), a temple to an unknown god (11), an exedra (13), a small stoa (12), a building that served either as priests' rooms or as a fountain house (15). 86 Many introductory textbooks on Greek art and archaeology utilize the topography of Kos as an illustration of Hellenistic sanctuary planning. For example, Pedley (1998) 321-3; Herzog and Schazmann (1932) 1-2. Publications of the site include the work by Herzog and Schazmann (1932), Berve and Gruben (1963) 67; Gruben (1966) 379-87; Lyttelton (1974) 205-8; Sherwin-White (1978) 334-359. 87 Pollitt (1993) 231-233. 88 Herzog and Schazmann (1932) 1-2; Sherwin-White (1978) 341. 89Sherwin-White(1978)342. 90 Lowest Terrace: Herzog and Schazmann (1932) 42, 47-8; Sherwin-White (1978) 342. Page 204 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries This terrace also has a raised area or shelf without any buildings on it located at its rear.91 Finally, the visitor ascends another set of stairs (16) to the uppermost level, where a Doric temple (17) surrounded by a U-shaped portico (18), all constructed in 160 BC. This terrace may have contained a grove of sacred cypress trees. The epigraphic evidence from Kos also confirms that the sanctuary was divided by naming different subsections including the hieron and suggests that pollution and purification were a consideration in these divisions. One inscription discusses the construction of a thesauros, a box or pit used as a place to make payments for sacrifices, in the hieron in the Koan Asklepieion. ' Kaminski places this thesauros in the bothros of building D (15), prior to entry into the hieron. The translation of the inscription is not secure, as Herzog and Schazmann, followed by Gorrini and Melfi, read the word hieron as naos, and regard the thesauros as a rectangular block found in Temple B (14), also a structure outside of the hieron. The retranslation of the word as hieron is appealing for the purposes of this study in that it identifies the hieron as a distinct area in the Asklepieion. However, whether the word is hieron or naos, the inscription indicates that a payment must be made before entering the most sacred part of the sanctuary and participating in ritual activities that take place there. The inscription must be placed outside this area in order to make sense. Another lex sacra distinguishes between the temenos and the hieron. The lex concerns the cutting and carrying off of cypress inside and outside of the temenos.94 The 91 Middle Terrace: Herzog and Schazmann (1932) 25-33, 40-1, 49-51, 73; Sherwin-White (1978) 342-3. An inscription related to the temple: LSCG 155 = Herzog (1928) 14. 92 Upper Terrace: Herzog and Schazmann (1932) 3-24; Sherwin-White (1978) 342-3. 93 LSCG 155 = Herzog (1928) 14; SEG 4\ (1991) no 683; Kaminski (1991) 133-145. Herzog and Schazmann read the word as naoi instead of hieroi (1903) 190. Gorrini and Melfi follow Herzog and Schazmann (2002) 262. 94 LSCG 150.1-6A, 150B = Herzog (1928) 11, 12. Page 205 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries inscription says that the perpetrator is required to pay a fine because he profanes the hieron (TO lagov atrsfisiTco). The inscription distinguishes three areas (inside the temenos, outside the temenos, the hieron), but it is impossible to determine the nature of their relationship to each other. Since the law specifically mentions that the hieron is profaned, rather than the temenos, this is likely a small section of the temenos. IIB. Pergamon Pergamon's Asklepieion (Fig 4.14 Pergamon) is divided into different areas. Because the Pergamon Asklepieion was rebuilt in the Roman period and lavished with the attention of wealthy Pergamenes and foreigners, it represents the culmination of ideas about sanctuary planning and spatial organization. It embodies elements of the other sanctuaries and presents them in a more self-aware light. The sanctuary is divided into three general areas. The first section is the forecourt (Fig. 3.4) that leads off the colonnaded Via Tecta, as discussed in Chapter 3. The second area is the precinct itself (Fig. 4.14), which is surrounded by colonnades (12,14,20) on three sides and projecting to the west is an adjoining stoa (off 16). Several buildings associated are accessible through this colonnade: a library (11), a temple to Zeus- Asklepios (6) with adjoining cistern (7), a treatment building (9), latrines (18, 19), a room of unknown use (17), and a theater (13). In general, these structures are not the focus of the cult's ritual activity. The most important structures are grouped together at the centre, located on the Felsbarre, a 50 by 40 m rock barrier at the center of the sanctuary, elevated to a maximum of 2.89 m on its south side. From the earliest days of the cult, the Felsbarre Page 206 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries was the focus of building activity and the rest of the sanctuary developed around it.95 The Felsbarre contains key buildings of the sanctuary that are related to incubation, sacrifice, and washing. The structures found in this section include a small Ionic temple to Asklepios-Soter (26), a spring (24) an altar (32), an incubation hall (27, 28) and a rustic 3 by 3 m basin for washing carved into the rock with steps leading down 1 m into the pit (22).% Other cult structures were located here (23, 25). Much like the central hieron of Epidauros, the Felsbarre is the focus of the sanctuary. Passage through the Pergamene Asklepieion is highly regulated. Instead of allowing visitors to walk across the central area of the sanctuary between the Felsbarre and the colonnade, an underground passageway (21) was built to connect these structures through the basement of the treatment hall. The passageway indicates a desire to control and regulate traffic in the sanctuary by keeping people off of the central area of the sanctuary between the Felsbarre and the colonnade. Whose access was restricted is not altogether clear. The underground passage has been seen by at least one scholar as an additional incubation chamber. 7 Most importantly, this passage allowed incubants access to the most sacred part of the sanctuary without crossing through the open portion of the sanctuary. IIC. Corinth At Corinth, the Asklepieion is also separated into distinct areas (Figs. 4.15A, 4.15B, 4.15C, 4.16). Although no sacred laws survive for this Asklepieion, modern excavations, systematic records, and Roebuck's excellent, detailed publication allow for a 95 Ziegenaus and de Luca (1975) 5. 96 Ziegenaus and de Luca (1975) 9; De Luca (1991) 333-340. 97 Hoffmann (1998) 54. Page 207 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries more thorough analysis of its components. According to Roebuck, the area is divided in two; the upper eastern precinct is the sacred area dedicated to Asklepios, while the lower western Lerna "resort" (the Lerna hollow) is a secular part of the complex. A ramp adjoins the two areas, and Roebuck says that the entire precinct is accessible through the upper portion, though the western portion was disturbed and restoration is conjectural." Roebuck's interpretation warrants a fresh analysis in light of the evidence at Epidauros, Kos, and Pergamon. I believe Lerna may have served as a formal entry to the upper sanctuary, similar to the forecourt at the Pergamene Asklepieion or the lower terrace at the Koan sanctuary. Much like these sanctuaries, terracing is used to situate the most important components of the sanctuary at the highest levels. At Corinth, the lower precinct, the Lerna resort, is situated four meters lower than the upper precinct containing the sacred area of the Asklepieion. The Lerna resort (Fig. 4.15B, 4.16 no. 2) consists of an open, paved square court, surrounded by a continuous colonnade. The key features of the sanctuary are reached through the colonnade. Behind the eastern colonnade is the bottom floor of a two-storey abaton building - three dining rooms from the building are accessible from the Lerna cort (Fig 4.15B), while its upper portion (Fig. 4.16 no. 5) adjoins the Asklepieion above. Behind the southern colonnade is an enclosed, sub-ground spring house (Fig. 4.17, Fig 4.16 no. 1). A ramp (9) connects the two levels. The spring house (1) collected and stored water from a natural spring located in the south-east corner of the lower precinct. Four chambers were constructed to contain 98 Roebuck (1951) 25. 99 Roebuck (1951) 67. 100 Roebuck (1951) 65. 101 Paved court: Roebuck (1951) 85-86. Colonnades: Roebuck (1951) 86-91. Page 208 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries the water, with a narrow corridor providing access to all. This spring house was built in the Hellenistic period by cutting back into the clay and rock of the scarp. Nine steps led down to the original platform and basin 1.27 m below the colonnade floor level. The spring house continued to be used in the later periods, as niches were carved in the wall in the Medieval period and the structure was converted into a chapel in the seventh century AD. The ramp on the southern side (9) joins Lerna to the Asklepieion in the upper precinct. The ramp likely went out of use in the mid-first century AD. It is open to the sky, with a propylon (8) at its western end that is aligned with the eastern facade of the lower level of the abaton building (5).1 A fountain house (10) accessible from the ramp is located on the south side of its eastern end (closer to the Asklepieion precinct), constructed in the third century BC.105 Nail holes are visible in the blocks of the walls of the ramp, and Roebuck hypothesizes that votive limbs or tablets may have been hung here.106 In order to enter the Asklepieion, there is a gap in the wall between the ramp and the precinct, approximately near the eastern water basin (11). Roebuck could not clear this area, and so the nature of this connection is not clear. Presumably, visitors would ascend the ramp and enter on the south side of the upper terrace and enter into the sanctuary where the upper precinct eastern water basin is set, and the southern colonnade of the upper precinct breaks off. The fact that the southern colonnade of the Asklepieion Roebuck (1951) 96-108. Roebuck (1951) 65-96. Roebuck (1951)67-8. Roebuck (1951) 69-74. Roebuck (1951) 66. Page 209 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries (16) seems to break off at this point makes it more likely to regard this as a point of access off the ramp. According to Roebuck, visitors entered the Lerna resort sanctuary under its colonnade through an Ionic propylon (8) located at the eastern end of the Lerna court, and at the start of a ramp (9) on the south side of the Asklepieion. 7 The propylon was part of a small court area measuring 11.30 by 9.15 m that included the end of the sloping ramp.108 The walls of the propylon court were painted with the same blue stucco as the ramp itself. Its eastern half had a pebble floor, while the western part was cement like the floor of the colonnades in the Lerna court. Roebuck proposes several entries to the entire complex. Multiple entry points lead into the Lerna resort, including a ramp from the east, located along the top of the city wall, which he does not include in his plans. ' He also restores a small entry in the north corner of the western side of the precinct (18). The stairs (3) in the abaton building would have provided entry as well. He locates the main entry (8) to the Lerna court on its eastern side, at the bottom of the ramp that comes from the upper precinct of the Asklepieion. According to him, visitors would enter the Asklepieion through an entrance (12) and then follow the ramp down to Lerna, passing through a gateway. Roebuck is too cautious in his conclusion that the lower level Lerna "resort" is a separate secular area112 and his interpretation of the sanctuary should be re-examined. Even he admits that his restorations are primarily hypothetical, since most of the material 107 Roebuck (1951) 74. 108 Roebuck (1951) 74. 109 Roebuck (1951) 74. 110 Roebuck (1951) 91. 111 Roebuck (1951) 91. 112 Roebuck (1951) 25. Page 210 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries for the sanctuary was pillaged or destroyed above the surface level. I propose that the Lerna resort is the formal entry to the precinct, instead of Roebuck's hypothetical entry proposed to the east of the precinct. Roebuck situates the entry (12) to both the entire upper and lower complex on the east side of the upper precinct, though he admits that he could not clear this area during excavations.114 He restores the entry based on the presence of the eastern water basin (11) of the upper precinct, the orientation of the temple (7), and cuttings in the bedrock 4.60 m east of the altar (13) for the east wall of the upper precinct. 5 There are several weaknesses with his decision to position the entry at this location. First, Roebuck does not identify a road that connects with the entry on this side. He does, however, identify an early road from the southwest the heads towards the Lerna precinct. Secondly, the eastern water basin found close to the north wall of the ramp could be used for visitors who arrive once they have come off the ramp into the precinct, just as the well is located within the propylon at Epidauros, or a series of wash basins are located on the Felsbarre at Pergamon. A thesauros (19) could also be for visitors leaving sacrifices.116 Thirdly, the rock cuttings that Roebuck uses to determine the position of the entry do not extend as far as his proposed entrance. He says they are associated with a structure at the entry, but their location suggests they might have been used for another structure or removable item. Furthermore, Roebuck positions this entry opposite the temple. This is not a typical arrangement, as usually entry into a Greek temenos does not bring the visitor directly in- 113 Roebuck (1951)25-26. 114 "The Greek levels, however, were largely cut away in later building activity so that the entrance itself was not discovered... a fuller investigation was not possible since the cutting lay at the edge of the excavated area" (Roebuck (1951) 26). 115 Roebuck (1951)26. 116 Roebuck (1951) 28-9. 117 Roebuck (1951)26. Page 211 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries line with the temple's front facade, but will position a visitor so that s/he looks at the 1 1 Q temple's rear facade or even at its side. Of course, the greatest weakness is that Roebuck could not excavate the area. The location he proposes for the entry, the south eastern corner of the upper precinct at the upper end of the Lerna ramp, was impossible to clear during excavations. Rather, I believe that the main entry must have been on the western side of the Lerna precinct. Roebuck himself says that the western colonnade is badly damaged and its rear wall is entirely robbed out. It very well could have contained an entry. He even proposes a simple, informal entry (18) on this side on the northern part of the western wall.121 The Pergamene Asklepieion has a simple, unremarkable tri-part entry to its forecourt; the forecourt itself does not need an elaborate propylon. Another indication that there is an entry on the west side of Lerna is indicated by the presence of late cart- ruts (Fig. 4.15A) that go down the ramp and turn from the southeast corner towards the northwest part of Lerna1 s court. Although the cart ruts date to a period after the destruction of the precinct, their direction seems to indicate that some kind of road was located near the northwest corner of Lerna. Since roadways rarely go out of use, perhaps an earlier road led to north western corner of the Lerna precinct and continued to be used even after the destruction of the Asklepieion and Lerna. Although Roebuck does not 118 For example, the propylon entry to the following sanctuaries does not bring the visitor directly in view of the temple front facade, but either to the side or to its rear: Athens: Aleshire (1989) 33-4; Epidauros: Kavvadias (1891) 17; Delos: Robert (1952) 53 fig 38; 65-68, 71; Troezen: Faraklas (1976) fig. 24. 119 Roebuck (1951) 26, 26 n.5, 66. 120 Roebuck (1951) 88. 121 Roebuck (1951) 91. 122 Roebuck (1951) 82-84. Page 212 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries identify any roads to Lerna during the Greek period, he does say that the sanctuary's 19"! earliest form, there was access to the Lerna resort from the northwest. Like Pergamon, the formal entry to the Asklepieion is through a propylon that is contained within this entry court. Roebuck identifies the propylon (8) at the western end of the ramp. Its stylobate is flush with the level of the Lerna court, well below the level of the upper sanctuary, and it aligns with the abalon building (5). Visitors to the sanctuary likely entered the Lerna resort from the west and then used the ramp to reach the upper precinct Asklepieion by passing through the propylon. Finally, the colonnaded court of the Lerna resort is similar to the forecourt entry at Pergamon. It allows visitors to collect in a single area and wait entry to the upper portion. Here, they can undergo purification through the spring in the southern colonnade. This arrangement is also similar to the Koan Asklepieion, in that it progresses from a lower level to a higher level, with the most sacred areas located at the top. Ultimately, I argue that the primary entry to the entire precinct was through the western side of the Lerna resort. There are a few pottery finds that can be used to associate the Asklepieion and the Lerna resort; a fragment of a votive limb was found in the fill of the packing north of the median wall of the north colonnade of the Lerna 1 9S Resort. But moreover, in light of the evidence from the other sanctuaries, the Lerna resort and the Asklepieion are probably two different subsections of one temenos. There are physical connections between the upper precinct and the Lerna resort; the ramp connects the lower level of the abaton in the Lerna court with the upper level of the 123 Roebuck (1951) 8. 124 Roebuck (1951) 75-76. 125 Roebuck (1951) 90. Page 213 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries abaton in the upper precinct and the abaton building services both precincts via a stairway. The Lerna resort probably was the entry court to the Corinthian Asklepieion, not entirely unlike the forecourt at the Pergamene Asklepieion or the lowest terrace of the Koan Asklepieion. The visitor entered the Lerna portion of the precinct from the west, and likely waited in this area until allowed to advance. When permitted, he advanced to the upper portion, passing through the propylon forecourt and then walking up the ramp. The visitor would be able to wash and purify himself several times during the course of this path. He could wash himself first in the spring house (1) behind the southern colonnade on the Lerna level. He could take advantage of a fountain house (10) found off of the ramp at its eastern end before entering the Asklepieion.126 After turning left into the precinct, he could wash himself again at a basin (11) contained at the eastern end of the Asklepieion level, near where the ramp adjoined the upper precinct.127 Before using the altar (13) for sacrifices, he could pay any required fees in the offeratory box or thesauros (19) located near the altar. Like other Asklepieia, the Corinth Asklpieion is further subdivided. These include 1) an entry area with the eastern water basin, 2) the eastern area of the precinct with the altar and thesauros, 3) the western area of the precinct, and 4) the abaton building adjoined to the north colonnade. The temple (7) sits at the center of these areas, crossing between the eastern and western parts of the precinct. Two square cuttings (15) of Roebuck (1951) 69-70. Roebuck (1951)26-28. Roebuck (1951)28-30. Page 214 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries approximately .60 m deep, symmetrically set near the eastern end of the temple, divided the temenos into its east and west subsections. The first area of the upper precinct is the entryway off the ramp (9). At this point, the colonnade (16) does not continue as far as the water basin (11), creating a deliberately uncovered space between the entrance and the water basin itself.130 Situating the basin in the open air of the precinct unifies it with the rest of the structures in the eastern half of the precinct: the temple facade, the altar, and a thesauros. Also found in this area are the remains of several votive bases, notably in front of the temple on either side of its ramp (not unlike Epidauros), and on the short side of the altar.132 As noted above, the western half of the upper precinct is distinguished from the east by two large, square cuttings (15) set symmetrically on either side of the temple (7) and aligned with its pronaos. Roebuck gives no satisfactory explanation for their function, suggesting that they may have been pits for snakes or alternatively, water tanks.133 Whatever their practical use, they do seem to have another, topographical function of separating the enclosed precinct into an area in front of the temple, and an area behind the temple facade. The division is further suggested by the fact that certain types of votive remains are clustered west of these two square cuttings. West of the two cuttings on either side of the temple are small circular cuttings for wooden posts that may U) Square cuttings: Roebuck (195 1) 40-41. 130 Roebuck (1951) 62. 131 Offeratory box or thesauros: Gorrini and Melfi (2002) 262; Roebuck (1951) 28-30. 132 Bases against temple: Roebuck (1951) 30-32, 40; The two bases on the short side of the altar: Roebuck (1951) 28-30. Two bases are placed symmetrically to the axis of the temple along the long side of the altar. Roebuck suggests that these may have held a statue or other important votive offering (1951) 28. The carefully aligned symmetrical placement to the altar and to the temple suggests that these bases were not ordinary votives, but were put deliberately set up by the temple personnel, perhaps to contain important statues or inscriptions. 133 Roebuck (1951)40-41. Page 215 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries have held votive limbs. J Also north of the temple, west of the two cuttings, is a row of irregularly spaced crude cuttings that Roebuck suggests may have formed an artificial grove,135 though it seems just as likely these held wooden posts to support votives. On the western side of these two cuttings, west of the temple lies the abaton (5), a complex structure that mediates the upper level Asklepieion and the lower level Lerna court. The lower level contains dining rooms, while the upper level contains a lustral room and a large hall. A stairway connects the two levels. This building can be seen as a distinct area in the precinct because of its position at the western end of the upper precinct, set furthest from the entry. Access from the lower level colonnade to the upper storey, as well as access from the northern colonnade (14) into the building of the structure, is controlled through doorways. The presence of a wall rather than a colonnade on the east side restricts access to its interior.137 Why all this restricted access to the rooms of the upper level? Perhaps this was the ideal place to encounter the divinity, the most sacred part of the sanctuary. The distinct feature of the abaton is its southern room, which is divided by a partition wall. The southernmost part of this room contains access to a water reservoir through a circular shaft. The northernmost part of this room has a small lustral feature (Fig 4.16 no. 4; Fig. 4.18) that contains six steps leading down to a platform and a draw basin to create what Roebuck describes as "[the] effect of entering an underground natural spring."138 This 134 Roebuck (1951) 40. 135 Roebuck (1951) 41. 136 Description and reconstruction of Abaton: Roebuck (1951) 42-57; De Waele (1933) 423-24, 431-32. 137 Roebuck (1951) 43-44. L's Roebuck (1951) 46-51. The fact that the lustral room went out of use after the Hellenistic period is likely connected to the fact it was no longer safe for usage (Roebuck (1951) 50-51). Roebuck does not suggest what may have taken its place. Page 216 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries lustral room and the entry to it from the western part of the open precinct is emphasized by a small porch built some time after the construction of the abaton building.139 The northern colonnade (Fig 4.16 no. 14) of the upper precinct bridges the three subsections of the upper precinct Asklepieion. ' It has a doorway that allows access to the abaton building, while its colonnade travels the length of the upper precinct along the eastern and western halves. Its depth is 5.10 m, with a length of 37.30 m.'4' Roebuck restores a bench, but there were no traces found for such a feature.142 It is possible that incubants brought their own stibadas or slept on the floor. Perhaps during periods of incubation (i.e. night), access between the columns would not be tolerated and incubants would enter from the abaton building after receiving purification at the lustral room. By allowing the colonnade to remain open, those who were within still could view the temple and its altar. How did the sanctuary of Asklepios at Corinth function? Both an increase in elevation along the terrace and water sources are used to mark the transition from one area into the next. I propose that Lerna served as the formal entryway to the sanctuary. Within the Lerna resort, a spring house allowed access to water for visitors to wash and purify themselves. From there, the visitors would continue along the southern side towards the ramp and its propylon. Moving up the ramp, the visitor encountered another spring house. Again, this could be used for further purification. Then, he turned into the main sanctuary, where he could purify himself again and perform any necessary sacrifices at the altar. The thesauros could be used for requisite payments. All quotidian 139 Roebuck (1951)60-61. 140 North colonnade: Roebuck (1951) 58-60. 141 Roebuck (1951) 58. 142 Roebuck (1951) 59. Page 217 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries ritual activity, such as a sacrifice or fulfillment of a vow, could take place here. The architectural elements found here — the water basin, the altar, the offertory box (thesaurus), and access to the interior of the temple - could have been used for preparatory rituals for incubation as well as ordinary worship of Asklepios. After performing any necessary sacrifices, a visitor who wished to incubate could continue west of the temple, where he would be able to observe more votive offerings, and eventually enter the abaton. Here, a visitor would have access to the abaton along with its specialized ritual washing area located in the interior. The bench-lined north colonnade might have been where visitors waited before entering. Within the abaton, some visitors may have incubated in the upper precinct, whereas others may have been brought to the lower level, where the dining area could equally have served for incubation. The emphasis throughout the sanctuary is on purification and restricted access. IID. Other Sanctuaries Other Asklepieia show evidence for internal divisions of their temenos, though lack of publication or incomplete excavations limit full interpretation. A few examples include the sanctuaries at Troezen, Delos, Gortys, Aliphera, and Pernik. At Troezen (Figs. 4.19), walls separate the sanctuary into three different areas. The northwest part of the enclosed area contains the major cult structures: a propylon (2) and a secondary entrance (E), a temple (7), a small stoa (6), a fountain house (8), and a complex of rooms with a well (9,10). There is also a walled off precinct containing Geometric remains (3) and a small shrine (4). The southeastern part of the precinct 143 Faraklas (1976) 38-39. Page 218 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries includes a peristyle court (a) surrounded by rooms (b) and a colonnaded hall (c).144 Even further to the south are another hall (12) and its associated courtyard (13). Entry to the peristyle court appears to be only possible if one enters the sanctuary first, and the peristyle court is probably the location for incubation. Like the Asklepieion at Corinth, this sanctuary probably could be re-examined to see if the peristyle court is in fact the entry area, but the key publication about the site is too cursory to assess. At Delos (Fig. 4.20), though the remains are too scanty to get an overall sense of whether or not the precinct may have been divided, it is clear that it contains a temple area to the north with evidence for a large peristyle court to the south.' Incomplete excavations at the site of Gortys (Fig. 4.21) make it difficult to assess what belongs to the sanctuary and what does not. However, the distance of the stoa (portique) from the temple (temple) suggests that it is connected to the site, but possibly in a separate area of the sanctuary. The rarely mentioned Asklepieion at Aliphera (Fig. 4.22) also fits the pattern of having its interior space divided. Excavations of the site conducted in 1932-1935 revealed a precinct divided by low enclosure walls. The southernmost part is at a lower elevation and includes a square peristyle structure (3).146 The northern portion of the precinct includes a temple (1) and an altar (2), enclosed by a wall {a 0 y 9.30 m) and simple in structure. It faces the rectangular altar. Finally, division is seen at another sanctuary of Asklepios found at Pernik, in Thrace (Fig. 4.23). The sanctuary was entered from the east through a symmetrical pairing of bases shaped as l44Faraklas(1976)39. 145 Robert (1952) 55-62. 146 Orlandos (1967-8) 199-202. 147 Orlandos (1967-8) 169-171. 148 Orlandos (1967-8) 171-182. 149 Orlandos (1967-8) 182-199. Page 219 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries altars. The temenos is surrounded by 2.80 m high walls. Along the walls of the sanctuary are porticoes or sheds that held dedications. Inside, the interior is divided into two parts by a row of wooden columns. The temple entrance and altar lie on one side, whereas the sides of the temple and an additional portion of the continuous colonnade are on the other.150 Even though the division of sanctuary space is a common feature of many Asklepieia, this information does little to settle the debate regarding the middle terrace of the Asklepieion on the south slope of the Acropolis at Athens (Fig. 4.24).I51 The eastern terrace contains the major buildings of the Asklepieion: the Doric stoa (1), the round rock cut spring house (2), the bothros (3), the temple (4), the altar (5), and the Ionic stoa (6). The terrace to the west, the so-called middle terrace as there is one lower, has buildings to Themis and Isis (10), a boundary stone (9), a stoa (7), and a separate spring house containing a cult to Pan and the Nymphs (8). Between the two terraces is a corridor, where Travlos incorrectly restored a propylon. It is possible that the corridor was used as an "entry" area to the Asklepieion, before its propylon, as at the aforementioned sanctuaries. At any rate, some scholars divorce the two terraces, arguing that the Asklpeios cult is contained exclusively on the eastern terrace. 32 Other scholars join the 1 S^ two terraces together. ~ Although my findings suggest that the two Athenian terraces could be part of a single sanctuary, I have not been convinced by arguments for either side. The arguments 150 Liube (1980) 20-27, 204-5. 151 Recent discussions on the middle terrace: Aleshire (1989) 22-32, Walker (1979) 243-57. Bibliography on subject provided by Aleshire (1989) 23 n. 5. 152 Walker (1979) 247-8; Aleshire (1991) 22-32; Riethmuller (1999) 128. 153 Koumanoudis (1877) 24; Koehler (1877) 181-184, 237-239, 255-60; Girard (1881) 5-6; Versakis (1908) 274-8, (1913) 72-74; Travlos (1939/41) 60, (1971) 127; Martin (1944/45) 340-374; Martin and Metzger (1949) 344-350; Tomlinson (1969) 112-117. Page 220 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries that favour separating the two terraces are very sensible. Generally, when the temenos is divided, the divisions group the ultra-sacred buildings separately from buildings of general cult function. An entry court to contain visitors prior to entry sometimes constitutes a third division. This is not observed at Athens - the middle terrace is not designed as a formal gateway or as a holding area. It does not contain generalized festival buildings such as theatres or libraries. Walker also makes a case to separate the two terraces because of inscriptions found on boundary stones erected at the same time the Asklepieion was established. According to her, the stones are used to distinguish to what terrace the cults in the area belonged. ' One is the boundary stone for the sacred spring (9). 5 The other is an inscription naming Hermes, Aphrodite, Pan, the Nymphs, and Isis as the "tenants" of the middle terrace.156 Asklepios is not mentioned on the stone, indicating that these cults were territorially distinct. Finally, there is another stone with an inscription found between the two terraces, which likely is a horos for the Asklepieion.157 However, there is also merit to the case for a joining the eastern and middle terraces as one, especially in light of the arrangement of other sanctuaries with a sub- sectioned temenos. The presence of the Asklepios cult does not preclude the presence of other cults. The boundary stone listing the cults may simply be listing the cults contained within the larger precinct. Other Asklepieia contain cults to other deities in their precincts, often with their own hiera. Furthermore, the deities worshiped on the middle terrace at Athens have also been found amongst the cults contained in other Asklepieia. Aphrodite is associated with Asklepios at Alpheus, for example. Statues and buildings 154 Walker (1979) 247. 155 Aleshire (1989) 22-23, IG I 874, Riethmuller (1999) 128. 156 IG II 4994. ,57/GI2861. Koumanoudis (1877) 28; Travlos (1939/41) 61; Riethmuller (1999) 128. Page 221 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries dedicated to Themis and Isis are found at other Asklepieia.158 Finally, a priest from the Isis cult at the very least visited the Athenian Asklepieion. A base dedicated to Asklepios found north of the Acropolis was dedicated on behalf of Eukarpos Phylasios, who served in various priesthoods (zakoros and hagiaphoros) of the Isis cult.159 In general, the temenos of every Asklepieion is divided. The divisions are marked. This can be done using natural features, such as terracing or a hillside, to help to distinguish one section from another. Walls might be built if necessary. Votive reliefs indicate the edges of a precinct because they followed pathways through the sanctuary. A water source or a thesauros often marks the entry point from one section into the next. There are usually two different subsections to the temenos. All the sanctuaries have an area containing the most important cultic buildings: the temple and altar. Other important structures, such as the abaton and additional facilities for washing, are included in this area. Votives are found in this area as well. The rest of the sanctuary contains support structures and festal structures, such as theaters, libraries, additional rooms of incubation. This secondary area might even contain hiera to other deities, including healing deities. Finally, some sanctuaries have a third subsection - a forecourt meant to hold visitors before they progress through apropylon into the sanctuary. III. Internal Boundaries. Why and Where IIIA. The Deities and Purity Space is divided in order to facilitate incubatory ritual by maintaining purity. The goal of incubation is to bring the incubant in contact with the divinity. The closer an Themis: Epidauros: Paus. II.27.5; Isis: Aegina: Paus. VII.26.7. IG II 4772. Page 222 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries incubant comes to making contact with the divinity, the purer he has to be. In order to achieve this state, incubants must purify themselves through both positive of active actions (washing, thinking pure thoughts) and negative or abstaining ones (avoiding pollution or contagions). Architecture and topographical planning facilitate this by dividing the space of the sanctuary to keep the area where contact is made with the divinity as free from contagions as possible while simultaneously providing the facilities for incubants to engage in necessary purifying actions. Furthermore, accommodations are provided for individuals whose health concerns might introduce polluting contagions (potential death, association with birthing). Such individuals can still use the sanctuary, access areas of it, and even receive cures, but not threaten to pollute the sanctuary or its other users. The avoidance of pollution is essential when approaching the gods. The gods avoid contagions, especially those related to death or childbirth. Drama gives voice to the belief that the Olympians purposefully stayed away from pollution. Artemis departs from the dying Hippolytus, saying, "Farewell. It is not permitted for me to look upon the dead or stain my eye with the exhalation of death." 61 Apollo departs from a house because he does not want to be polluted by death.1 " Auge comments that it is unfair for Athena to receive blood-stained spoils while punishing the land with barrenness after Auge gave birth at Athena's shrine. Similarly, Iphigeneia complains that Artemis 160 Parker (1983) 33. 161 Eur. Hipp. 1437-8. 162 Eur. Ale. 22-23. 163 Schol. Ar. Ran. 1080; Apollod. 3.9.1; Eur. Fr. 266 ap. Clem. Al. Strom. 7.23.4, p. 17 St. Page 223 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries takes pleasure in human sacrifice, but "if a mortal is involved in bloodshed, or touches a new mother or a corpse, she shuts him out from her altar as polluted."164 Birth and death are the two most familiar sources of pollution and certainly the two most relevant to the Asklepieia for their connection to health. However, they are not the only sources of pollution and every sanctuary has its own list of specific contagions. For example, propitiatory inscriptions of Lydia and Phrygia warn against eating forbidden foods, wearing unclean clothes, having sexual intercourse, damage to sanctuaries and their possession, failure to fulfill a vow, refusal to offer services to a god or to attend the mysteries, perjury, unjustified curses, theft, and fraud.165 Presumably, these cause pollution and threaten to contaminate the temenos. At the same time, the architects and personnel of the Asklepieia attempt to include men and women who might potentially pollute the sanctuary in the incubatory cult in a limited manner. To allow them access, the temenos is subdivided into at least two subsections. One section includes a hieron and contains the key cult buildings related to Asklepios' cult. This area has the most stringent rules for purity. In fact, as I discuss shortly, even buildings within the hieron include additional prohibitions. The second subdivision might contain cults to other gods as well as festal buildings. This area is also used for sacrificial dining. Logically, restrictions are posted before the start of each subdivision in order to indicate who is permitted. Although the restrictions are present, it seems that most people have access to all areas of the sanctuary. Only when they are on the brink of contaminating an area do they need to move. For example, women who are pregnant can enter the hieron, but as soon as they are about to give birth, they must move Eur. IT380-4. Chaniotis (1995) 326-327. Page 224 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries to another area of the sanctuary. Perhaps the same restriction applies to those with fatal conditions. They could remain in this hieron until close to death. I now take a closer look at how each section of an Asklepieion is managed through architecture and laws. IIIB. Purity Restrictions for Each Area of the Sanctuary IIIB1. At the entry - laws for pollution, laws for sacrifice At the Epidaurian Asklepieion, visitors were instructed about pollution and purity when they arrived, perhaps even prior to entry at the propylon. Pausanias' account begins with a cursory description of the sanctuary's boundaries followed by two overarching prohibitions (a taboo against childbirth and death), and instructions on sacrifice. The grouping of this information together at the start of his discussion suggests that he encountered instructions about appropriate sanctuary behavior as he was approaching the sanctuary. Since he mentions horoi, he may have seen this information on boundary stones. He also may have read posted laws on them or received instructions about the sanctuary's specific laws and regulations. To some degree, the archaeological and epigraphic evidence correlates with Pausanias' description. A boundary stone with an enjoinder not to carry arms into the precinct (see page 225) was found outside the sanctuary,1 6 and leges sacrae containing other prohibitions have been found at other Asklepieia. Water sources are found near the entry to the sanctuary in order to allow for purificatory washing before entry, and even the propylon, which is sandwiched between a well and a stream, marks a transition point from profane to sacred. 166 SEG XXVI.448. Mitsos (1976) 83-91; LiDonnici (1995) 93 n. 24. Page 225 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Boundary stones are used to mark the extreme outer limits of a precinct and identify the deity to whom the property is sacred.167 They often contain inscriptions with laws of a religious nature that are upheld in the sanctuary, but do not necessarily apply outside the precinct. Specific individuals might be forbidden from entering because their presence might be impious or impure, or more specifically, they may be considered not hosios or not themis. A boundary stone from Pontic Herakleion forbids burial in the hieron.{69 At the Epidaurian Asklepieion, a boundary stone found 150 meters from the sanctuary on the road from Ligurio contains a prohibition against carrying weaponry, stating "Do not carry weapons for war" {onXa (ir) kmykqew km noAi^coi), likely a reference to the potential for weaponry to pollute a sanctuary because of its association with death. The warning on the boundary stone from Epidauros is an abbreviated version of lists of laws related to purity and pollution that are posted at other sanctuaries. Such laws must have been posted at or near the entry of the precinct, since they usually list items that are forbidden. A lacunose law related to the Andania Mysteries lists the things visitors can not carry with them when entering the sanctuary.171 Another law from the precinct of Alektrona also contains a list of forbidden objects. It states: "Law. Things that are not allowed to be carried when entering or carrying into the hieron and temenos of Alektrona." Another law from the Letoon in Xanthus also states what objects visitors 167 Parker (1983) 160. 168 An excellent discussion of restrictions against xenoi at several sanctuaries is provided by Butz (1996) 75-95. In the case of the restrictions of foreigners, their presence is seen as "not hosios" and "not themis" Furthermore, Butz distinguishes that in some prohibitionary inscriptions, access to the precinct is allowed, while participation is certain rituals is not. For this, see especially her discussion of case 3 (1996) 86-88. 169 LSAM 83: oogog TO isga. row evdog py MTTTSIV. Lupu (2005) 21-22. 170 SEG XXVI.448. Mitsos (1976) 83-91; LiDonnici (1995) 93 n. 24. 171 LSCG 65. 172 LSCG 136. Lupu (2005) 14-15. Page 226 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries can not carry into either the hieron or the temenos. These last few laws distinguish between the hieron and the temenos, indicating that the two areas are treated separately at these sanctuaries. It is possible that an additional list was posted for the hieron alone. In addition to general prohibitions, visitors to the Asklepieia were given different sets of instructions to follow on the basis of their intent. These inscriptions often outline the rituals that each visitor needs to follow at the sanctuary, including specific sacrifices and payments that must be done before anything else. Reasons for these types of payments and sacrifices are not specified, but they likely served as a form of payment for the priests and the deities. These sacrifices are also seen as purificatory in nature. The instructions outlined are tailored to fit the intent of the visitor. At the Asklepieia, a distinction is made between those who wish to incubate in the sanctuary and those who are coming for other reasons (e.g. sacrifice). This separates the sick and injured from those who come to participate in the ordinary cult. A lex sacra from the Asklepieion at Amphipolis gives instructions to those who come to sacrifice and lay down in the shrine; they are instructed to pay a drachma first.17 Unfortunately, the rest of the inscription does not survive. A lex sacra from the Pergamene Asklepieion is better preserved. It has instructions for those who intend to inquire on their own behalf and instructions for those who come for another reason that is unknown (text lacuna).175 The ritual procedure outlined is similar for those who come for either reason. In both, pre- sacrifices prothumata are given to various gods, payments are made, sacrifices are given at night, and the visitors are told to abstain from certain foods and sex.176 The key 173 SEG XXXVI 1221. 174 Veligianni (1994) 392-394; SEG (1994) 140-1 no. 505, 1-7. 175 Sokolowski (1973) 408. l762-3, 16, 17, 19. Frankel (1890) III. no. 161. Inv 1965.20. Page 227 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries differences are that those who are making an inquiry on their own behalf must sacrifice a pig and make a payment of three obols, while those who come for the other reason must 1 -7-7 offer to perithuein, another type of sacrifice. Finally, a well-preserved inscription from the Asklepieion at Erythrai specifices four different groups of individuals who come to the sanctuary.178 The inscription provides instructions for sacrifices to those who sacrifice on behalf of the city, private individuals (presumably, those who are about to incubate), those who have already incubated, and those who have made a vow.179 The instructions given are specific. In the portion of the lex that survives, those who come to make a sacrifice to Asklepios must do so in accordance with the things written on the decree and must recite a paeon to Apollo around the altar of Apollo.180 Specific rules concerning what to do with sacrificial remains are also posted. Pausanias mentions that offerings must be eaten within the horoi of the Epidaurian Asklepieion. As discussed, he probably mentions this rule early in his discussion because he encountered the lex at or near the entry to the sanctuary. Leges sacrae that discuss specific rules related to sacrifice are found at other healing sanctuaries. On a statue base honoring Asklepios from Hellenistic Lissos, those who wish to sacrifice are told: "Meat may not be removed from the premises. The skin belongs to the god."181 A stele from Attica for the sacred temenos of Asklepios and Hygieia says that the meat can not be removed.182 From the Amphiaraos shrine in Oropos, a fourth or fifth century BC 177 Sokolowski (1973) 408. 178 LSAM 24 = / Erythrai 205. Worrle (1969) 172-3. 1791 Erythrai 205, 25-33. 180 / Erythrai 205, 29-38. 181 IG II21.1364; SEG2S (1978) 750. I82Z,5'CG'54=/(7[I21364. Page 228 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries inscription informs visitors that they may sacrifice what they wish, but "there shall be no removal of meats from the temenos." Regulations about the distribution and consumption of meat are captured in a mime that takes place at the Koan Asklepieion. The characters (two women and a slave) leave behind a chicken leg and its liquid remains (probably blood, or perhaps a mixture of honey and wine), but take the rest of the meat home. In this case, it seems that the women are allowed to take some of the meat with them, but must leave behind certain portions for the priest. Similar regulations have been found in the leges sacrae that specify to leave meat for the sanctuary personnel. In a dedication from Amphipolis, the worshiper is instructed to dedicate the leg and thigh bones to the priest.185 Some leges even specify where the meat should be placed in the sanctuary. A stele inscribed with a lex from Pergamon tells visitors to dedicate the right leg and splanacha upon a table.186 Eating meat or leaving behind certain portions of meat within the sacred precinct is a polysemous act and beyond the scope of this analysis. Among other things, the meat is a payment or thank offering for services rendered or expected. The visible remains of sacrificial offerings in the sanctuary send a message to future worshipers about the successful cure they likely celebrate. The offerings may also be given in an attempt to secure the god's benevolence. The meat might be considered sanctified to the god and his property, in much the same way a dropped wallet remains property of the 183 LSCG. 69 = IG VII 235 = / Oropos 277. Petrakos (1968) 177-179; Petropoulou (1981) 50. 184 Herondas 86-93. The neokoros then tells the women to give him his holy bread, as it is more important than the loss of his "holy portion" (93-95). 185 SEG (1994) 140-1 no. 505, 9-10. Veligianni (1994) 391, 396-7. 186 Frankel (1890) Inv. 1965.20.1 -2; 7-8. Worrrle (1969) 167-176; Sokolowski (1973) 407-13. Commentary is provided by Worrle (1969) 167-176. 187 Discussion of sacrifice and its meaning: Burkert (1985) 54-60; Gould (1985) 16-19; Zaidmann and Schmitt-Pantel (1992) 28-39; Mikalson (2005) 25-29. Page 229 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries god.188 If this is true, the leges sacrae indicate that it is irreligious to remove property of the god from his sanctuary. Legislating for visitors to consume meat within the premises serves a further purpose. It assures that sacrificial dining is a public, social activity and prevents it from being a private one. Dining is always done in the presence of others who can observe the amount and type of meat consumed. Since different animals are specified for different activities in the laws, observers can ascertain the reasons a person is sacrificing, whether it is in anticipation or in fulfillment of a cure or other request. Just as witnesses are important because they observe cures and can testify to their validity, a witness can also observe the sacrificial dining that follows a successful cure. The consumption of meat is an immediate, visible memorial to the cure and the god's powers. One specific type of sacrifice mentioned in leges sacrae from several Asklepieia is the prothumata.n9 This type of sacrifice is also mentioned in Aristophanes' Plutos.190 The prothumata are sacrifices made to several gods and goddesses and are performed prior to incubation. Unlike thank offerings, prothumata are both propitiatory and purificatory at the same time. They are performed to secure the favour of specific deities who might help in a cure. In the Pergamene lex sacra, the prothumata to Artemis and Gaia are followed by a second round of sacrifices performed to Tyche, Mnemosyne, and Themis at night.192 Both Artemis and Gaia are known for their role in childbirth, while 188 Laws at some of the sanctuaries concern the leaving of offerings. An anecdotal story discusses a dropped wallet. The wallet's contents are removed, but the wallet is left behind since the laws forbid picking up what is on the ground (xa! ran fisv VO/ICDV TO TTSCTOV em Trjv yijv K(I)\VOVT(H)V avaigsTcr&ai) (Iambi. VP. 27.126). 189 LSCG 21 = IG II24962. IG II2 111.4962; IG IV2 1.128 (nQGnov...$v Tyche, Mnemosyne, and Themis might be helpful for their assistance in delivering and remembering dreams. The prothumata or pre-sacrifices also function as a purification sacrifice. Sacrifices given for purification are documented in literature and cult. Pausanias explains that in order to consult Amphiaraos at Oropos, incubants first had to purify themselves through sacrifice to Amphiaraos and all the other deities listed on the altar. Epimenides cleanses the Athenians through a sacrifice designed to propitiate the offended gods.194 In all likelihood, prothumata served multiple purposes, since they are performed by more than just incubants. A stele from the Asklepieion in the Piraeus says that the priest will sacrifice the prothumata on behalf of the city. 3 The association of purification and appeasement makes sense when we realize that something unpolluted is delightful to the gods. The location where these leges are presented remains vague, as none of the stelai were found in situ. On the basis of Pausanias' comments about the regulations of the sanctuary (the taboos and the sacrificial instructions) that are very much in the same vein as the rules legislated in the lex sacra, it seems as though visitors must have received this information very early in their visit. Pausanias presents the laws just before he mentions the boundary stones, and certainly before discussing the buildings themselves. If he is presenting the information as he encountered it, it is likely that he read these laws near the entrance to the sanctuary, on or near a boundary stone, and at a point before the hieron. Furthermore, while it is impossible to ascertain the placement of the lex sacra for certain, posting instructions of this type near the entry point is logical. Those coming to 193Paus. 1.34.5. 194 D.L. 1.110. Parker (1983) 209-210. 195 /Gil2 47;LSSU ==/GII247. Page 231 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries visit are made aware of the behavior expected within the sanctuary bounds so that they do not violate them. Another indication that purity was a concern prior to entry is the position of the propylon. As discussed in the last chapter, some sanctuaries had forecourts that could be used to contain arriving visitors. The forecourt is usually separated from the sacred way and the temenos itself. At Pergamon, two entryways are used for this purpose: one set of doors leads into the forecourt from the Heilige Strasse, while a formal propylon leads into the temenos of the Asklepieion. A forecourt is an ideal place to instruct visitors about the specific prohibitions for the sanctuary. Unfortunately, the sanctuary at Epidauros does not have a forecourt of this type, but it does have a propylon (Fig. 4.1 no. 1), which defines a formal entrance and marks the transition into the sacred space. Since there is no continuous, external temenos wall, incubants theoretically could enter the sanctuary from any point. However, the addition of a propylon in the third century BC (or earlier) created a formal entry and distinguished a single entrance. The use of this propylon is not forced by a continuous temenos wall, but likely occurred as a matter of custom and propriety. It is also located between two water sources that could have been used for purification. The propylon at Epidauros has an unusual form; it lacks doors, a gate, or cross wall.196 Instead, it is designed with a small room at its centre, surrounded by Corinthian columns. In terms of access, a lack of barrier means that in theory access to the sanctuary was never restricted; the door is always open. Yet, since the design of the structure includes a square space in the middle, it is likely that visitors would pause in this area or engage in an activity or ritual before they continued on to the rest of the sanctuary. Tomlinson (1983) 45-6. Page 232 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries The propylon's role as a transitional monument is highlighted because the structure is sandwiched between two different water sources - a stream (Fig. 4.1 no. S) to the north and a well (1 A) to the south. Since the stream lies just outside the precinct, it is likely that the water here was used for an initial purification. These incubants could wait within the propylon itself before advancing to the well on the other side, inside the sanctuary, where they could purify themselves again. As mentioned in the second chapter, water is important for the sanctuary and serves many purposes. Water and an idyllic location, especially beside a stream, are associated with epiphany, and their presence suggests that one is entering into a place where epiphanies take place. A stream could be used for purificatory bathing as well. Pausanias states that one does not sacrifice to Telephos or go up to the Asklepieion at Pergamon without first bathing (TTQO XOVTQOV}}91 An inscription from the imperial period in Pergamon that details a list of preliminary rituals for the Asklepieion mentions bathing (\ov The well on the other side of the propylon is also significant to the cult. The well is one of the earliest structures at the sanctuary, constructed in the sixth century BC. Although the propylon could have been positioned at any point along the northern stream boundary, its position is deliberate in order to locate the entry between this well and the stream. The emphasis on this well indicates that purification at the stream was not enough, and a second water source in the interior of the precinct but near the entry, is 197 Paus. 5.13.4. 198 LSAM24 =1 Erylhrai 205. '"Ar.Pl. 655-6. Page 233 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries required. Perhaps each water source served a slightly different function. Just like the stream, the well likely had multiple meanings, partially associated with epiphany and partially associated with purification. The well could be seen as a means to communicate with chthonic deities. It could also be used to draw pure water up for purifying visitors. Another use for the well is that it may have marked a fork between the alsos and hieron. At this point, visitors could choose to continue south to visit the hieron or may have turned westward into the alsos. The construction of the third century propylon between these two water sources indicates that dual purification is important. Keep in mind that water sources are also associated as places of epiphany as well (as discussed in Chapter 2). Purification at the stream and well together are a component of the cult from its inception, even before monumentalization with structures such as the propylon.200 IIIB2. In the alsos Both Pausanias and the iamata name an alsos at Epidauros. As mentioned previously, this refers to an area in the temenos, rather than just a stand of trees. Other texts do not give the area a name, but instead indicate that the temenos consists of at least two separate sections, one of which is the hieron. The evidence for an identifiable area in the sanctuary that is separate from the hieron is mentioned in a lex sacra from Kos.201 The lex separates the temenos into at least two subsections when it discusses the protection of the cypress trees inside and outside the temenos. Anyone who cuts the trees or carries wood out of the temenos is said to profane the hieron and must pay a fine of 1000 drachmas. The transgressor does not profane the entire temenos through his actions, 0 Lambrinoudakis (1994) 226-7. 1 LSCG 150 = Herzog (1928) 11, 12. Page 234 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries just a specific portion - the most sacred area. This indicates that there is a second area in the temenos that is not profaned by this action, perhaps even the alsos, which is not named in this inscription, but mentioned in another. The archaeological evidence corresponds with the textual evidence, in that the Asklepieia usually divide their temene into two subsections. The hieron with the sacred buildings constitutes one portion, while the alsos constitutes the rest. The alsos contains within it cults to various deities, including smaller hiera. It also often contains festival buildings, such as the stadium and the theater. The alsos'' looser restrictions at Epidauros are expressed by the fact that the purity laws do not seem to pertain to this area, whereas laws that concern sacrifice do. As Pausanias says, "The sacrifices, whether offered by an Epidaurian or a foreigner, are consumed within the bounds. The same thing is done at Titane." Laws concerning sacrifice are typical of most sanctuaries and the leges of the Asklepieia often outline required actions based on intent. As discussed, such laws indicate where to sacrifice, the cost of a sacrifice, to whom one sacrifices, what one sacrifices. There is no mention of prohibitions or special concerns about purity for this area, although rules applicable to most sanctuaries likely held true here. Certainly there is a boundary stone mentioning weaponry, so armaments are not permitted within. Kleo's cure, as discussed at length above, demonstrates that purity laws are relaxed. She is able to give birth in the area, even though giving birth is a known contagion. Ithmonike also gives birth in the alsos. Another example of a potential pollution permitted in the alsos is alluded to in the cure of Aeschines the rhetor. TO de Sv6/j,eva, %}v TB Tig 'EmdavQiam ai/Tcov yv TB ^svog b Svow yi, xaravaXiaKou/Tiv svTog TCOV OQWV. TO de CLUTO jivifhsvov olda Ma! hv Tnavrji. Paus. 11.27.1. Page 235 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Aeschines has his festering head wound cured in the alsos. He states in his cure that he "despaired of the skill of mortals." In other words, his wound was chronic, likely fatal, and untreatable. Since his state of health was probably so precarious, he was brought to the alsos rather than the hieron. From these cures, we know that incubants who are forbidden in one area of the sanctuary can be brought to another without threatening the purity of the sanctuary. They are kept away from the ultra-sacred buildings, but still within the temenos. At the very least, the archaeological evidence at Epidauros confirms that visitors to the alsos had to be partially pure by undergoing rudimentary washing prior to entry. The well and stream, discussed above, were likely used by visitors in order to be at least partially pure. The presence of water sources throughout the area also suggests that the maintenance of purity through washing was essential as well. When Kleo gives birth to her son, his first act is to wash himself in the fountain. While this might be to remove afterbirth, it probably also was an act of purification since he had made contact with a woman who was giving birth - namely, his mother. Provisions for incubatory healing are made in the alsos. At the Epidaurian Asklepieion, the Portico of Kotys is specifically constructed for those who threaten to pollute the sanctuary by dying or giving birth. Other small precincts dedicated to various deities with facilities for incubation are located in the alsos (Sanctuary Y, Sanctuary O, Structure P). These precincts may or may not have had their own purity restrictions. Enclosure walls are used to separate these precincts from the rest of the alsos, which 20j Anthologica Palatina, VI, 330. Note that this is unlikely a reference to the Asklepieion at Epidauros. Probably, this is another Asklepieion with its space divided into an alsos and a more sacred area like the hieron. Page 236 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries might have been a means to keep the impure outside the boundaries.204 In order to emphasize the minimum need for purity, facilities for washing are provided. Sanctuary O has its own ablution cistern and drain to the west, allowing a visitor to purify himself before approaching the precinct's statues on the other side of a balustrade.205 This suggests that when using certain facilities in the alsos, notably independent hiera, the purification incubants undergo to enter the alsos alone is not enough and additional washings are necessary. IIIB3. Hieron The section of the sanctuary with the strictest restrictions in regards to purity is the hieron. In his discussion of the sanctuary at Epidauros, Pausanias names the structures "in the peribolos" or what is elsewhere called a hieron. These constitute the most significant structures used in both everyday worship and incubation: the cult statue, the place where the suppliants sleep against the temple, the tholos and several paintings inside of it, and the cure stelai. He also observes and describes the iamata in enough detail to note their Doric dialect and that they contain specific information about the incubants. He observes the pictures of the tholos and comments on them, indicating that he is able to enter some of the buildings. The area seems to be accessible to anyone who wishes, provided they meet the minimum levels of purity. Pausanias describes this area in considerable detail, even though he gives no indication that he is sick. This suggests that the hieron was accessible 204 Lembidaki (2002) 123, 126. 205 Lembidaki (2002) 130. 206 Tholos: Kavvadias (1891) 13-16, (1909) 536-40; Defrasse and Lechat(1895) 104; Caton (1900) 10-12; Elderkin (1911); Noack (1927) Robert (1939) 259-358; Roux (1961) 175-84; Burford (1969) 63-68; Yalouris (1976) 311-314; Tomlinson (1989) 61; Committee for the Preservation of the Epidaurian Monuments (1988) 225-298; Meier (1989) 61-76. Page 237 Chapter 4 - internal Boundaries to both incubants and visitors who came for everyday worship, such as sacrifice.207 In all likelihood, healthy visitors come to this part of the sanctuary because it contains items necessary for ordinary worship: the altar, temple, and the cult statue. Perhaps they came to read the iamata and observe the pinakes of cures as well. Certainly, the presence of healthy visitors provides a steady supply of witnesses who can legitimize and confirm successful cures. However, there are times when access to the hieron must have been restricted. In the literary evidence, the hieron is sometimes described as closed off. In a dream, Aristides says that the hieron is closed and the neokoros is bringing keys, presumably to open the area. Although in the context of a dream, Aristides' dreams are situated in real locations from the Pergamene Asklepieion. He also mentions the propylaia of the hieron in another dream; the presence of a gateway suggests that the area could be closed off.209 Nonetheless, certain demands are placed on those entering the hieron in regards to their purity and other requirements. Prior to entering the hieron, healthy and incubating visitors must pay for the sanctuary's services. This is a kind of user fee or preliminary tax paid before engaging in ritual activity the sanctuary. The leges sacrae usually associate this payment with the two key cultic activities of the hieron: incubating and sacrifice. A lex sacra from Amphipolis instructs both those who wished to sacrifice and those who wished to lay down (eyxabavfoiv) in the hieron to pay a drachma first.21' This payment is 207 From the archaeological evidence, we know the altar was located in this area. 208 Aristid. HL\.\\. 209 Aristid.//L 11.31. 210 Gorrini and Melfi (2002) 259. 2n SEG 44 (1994) no. 505. 1-7. Lupu (2005) 243-248. Page 238 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries meant for the deity. A lex from the Athenian Asklepieion asks for a drachma for Asklepios.212 Although visitors may have received the information about what they owed prior to entering this area, once they were near it, they had to make the payment in a thesauros, a box or pit meant to hold money. The Pergamene lex sacra says visitors should place three obols in the thesauros and mentions a second thesauros for Asklepios Iatras.213 The thesaurus might correspond with a bothros found near the Middle Altar associated with the early Hellenistic form of the sanctuary .2I4 Thesauroi are found at many of the sanctuaries, usually within the hieron, but outside of their most restricted buildings and usually near the altar. At Messene, a bottomless pithos was inserted into the ground at the southwest altar of the altar. At the Corinth Asklepieion, a thesauros is located at the southwest corner of the altar. Some thesauroi are located inside sacred buildings, especially the temple. The Asklepieia at Lissos, Crete and the one in Pheneos, Arcadia, both contain thesauroi in their respective temples. !' An inscription that mentions the thesauros at the Koan sanctuary located either in the hieron or possibly in Temple B, as discussed above (see page 204). The temple for Asklepios at Epidauros also contained a 1.18 m by 2.70 m hollow with a depth of .50 m that may have functioned as a thesauros. In addition to payment, those who enter the hieron receive further instructions about what they must avoid while within the area. These dictates are often for specific 2,2 Meritt (1936) 401 no. 10. 213 Veligianni (1994) 392-394; SEG (1994) 140-1 no. 505, 8, 23, 31. 214 Ziegenaus and DeLuca (1968) 31. 2i5Themelis(1987)90, 94. 216 Lissos: Sanders (1982) 84; Kaminski (1991) 126. Arcadia: Protonariou-Deilaki (1961/2) 59. 2l7Tomlinson(1983)60. Page 239 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries buildings in the hieron itself, so perhaps the surrounds are less restricted than the structures contained therein. Visitors sometimes receive the cautionary warning to "be pure." For example, a lex sacra from Pergamon instructs visitors to be pure {AjuevsTO)) and then lists contagions to avoid based on their chosen building for incubation.218 A lex sacra from Astypalaia for an unknown sanctuary, possibly an Asklepieion, says not to enter hieron if one is not hagnos. The inscription then specifies that both mental and ritual purity are required ('Eg TO ISQOV (iq SO-SQTTSP otnig iiij ajvog karri, r\ TSXBI § avrm kv vm kovshai). We do not know all the specific things that visitors avoid before entering the hieron at Epidauros beyond childbirth and death. However, staying in the hieron for a period of time likely requires the visitor to avoid a more lengthy list of contagions. One longtime visitor is Apollonius, who is allowed to live in the hieron of the Asklepieion at Aegeae because of his purity.22 In one passage, Philostratos reports that Apollonius abstains from eating meat and wearing animal products. He also walks barefoot and grows his hair long.221 Being "pure of mind" is a highly abstract form of ritual purity. In contrast, the visitors who enter the hieron have purified themselves through visible ritual actions such as offering prothumata, making regular sacrifices, and washing. The presence of purity of mind cannot be demonstrated through action. Instead, purity is achieved through a personal summation of previous actions and self-perception, as will be discussed below. 218 Frankel (1890) III. no. 161. Inv 1965.20. 219 Pergamon: LSCG 130 = IG XII 3.183. 220 Asklepios tells the priest that he is delighted to have Apollonius as a witness for his cures of the sick (I.VIII). 221 Philostr. VA I.VIII. Page 240 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Entering the hieron when polluted is a serious offense. It desecrates the shrine and is seen as an impious act. Worse, it is an act that angers the gods, which presumably is the one thing an incubant did not want to do. In one passage, Apollonius warns that the gods begrudge and punish those who enter the hieron in a state of impurity, whereas they 999 are beneficent to one who is healthy, whole, and unscarred by vice. In another passage, Apollonius tells the priest to send a man away from the hieron because he is a scoundrel (miaros). As it turns out, the man is polluted because he seduced his wife's daughter.223 IIIB4. Buildings in the hieron IIIB4a. Enkoimeterion, adyton, abaton After legislating that visitors who enter the hieron should have purified themselves through washing, sacrifices, and payments, and that they further have avoided specific contagions, the buildings located in this part of the sanctuary maintain even stricter codes in regards to purity. Each building has its own set of requirements and the stringency of the list changes based upon the structure in which the visitor chooses to enter. For example, as noted above, a lacunate lex sacra of Pergamon that concerns itself with purity and pollution tells visitors that they must be pure (AJPSUSTCO) and then lists contagions to avoid based on specific buildings. Those entering the enkoimeterion ([si'crnoQsvlofiswg sic; TO iyxotfcrjT'fjQiov) are told to be pure of the "aforementioned things" {ano rs rtbv 7rgos.iQri(is[ucw iravfraiv) as well as sex, goat meat, cheese, and a list of other things {acpQohcrlcov xal aiysiov xQsajg xai TVQOV xa[i]).~ ' Visitors are also told to be pure Philostr. VA I.XI: otrov eToXjivjaav ml isga eipoirav fir) xaSago! ovre$ 223 Philostr. VA I.X. 224 Frankel (1890) III. no. 161. Inv 1965.20. 225 Frankel (1890) III. no. 161. Inv 1965.20 1ns. 11-13. Page 241 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries before entering the small enkoimeterion. Since at least two buildings are named in the full inscription, visitors had to have received this instruction prior to entering the location that contained these structures - likely at or near the entry of the hieron. Although lacunae in the text obscure the things incubants initially had to avoid, we can be certain that incubating in the large enkoimeterion took the original list and added further restrictions. There is an attempt to keep the enkoimeterion more pure than whatever structure or area is listed before it. Furthermore, incubation in the small enkoimeterion may have built upon the original list as well, but here again the lacunae prevent us from being certain. The other buildings associated with incubation in the hieron are the abaton and adyton. Even the name of these two structures implies a kind of restriction. An abaton is literally a place of non-walking, whereas an adyton is a place of non-movement. We can not be certain if these terms referred to specific buildings, such as the temple or its interior, since the term "adyton" has been applied to oracles, hero shrines, caves, subterranean structures, temples, and parts of temples.227 All that can be assessed is that an adyton is a place of restricted access. In inscriptions from the Asklepieia, these two areas or structures are also singled out as places with special restrictions. A lex sacra from an unidentified Asklepieion states that one must first offer a sacrifice to Apollo Maleatas before going down into the adyton of the Asklepieion.228 No doubt, this is a purification or propitiatory sacrifice to secure the benevolence of the deity. Restrictions for these structures are also emphasized through didactic tales in the iamata. Aeschines Frankel (1890) III. no. 161. Inv 1965.20 Ins. 18-19. Hollinshead(1999) 194. IG IV 1.128. Page 242 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries tries to peer into the abaton by climbing a tree in the alsos. He falls and is blinded. Aeschines is likely blinded for looking upon what should not be seen. Another feature that emphasizes the need for purity in the abaton and the adyton is the presence of special facilities for washing. More will be said on this in the next chapter. But, each of the structures that have been identified as being these areas features a man-made spring or basin in order to allow the incubants to wash while within the building. IIIB4b. The special restrictions of the temple Of all the buildings in the hieron, the temple (naos) has the most restrictive and most ambiguous requirements for purity of all. In addition to the list of usual contagions to avoid, the visitors who enter the temple are instructed to be pure of mind. A lacunate lex sacra from Rhodes, possibly from an Asklepieion, states that visitors should be pure of mind before entering the temple. It also contains a typical warning, that visitors should avoid sex, beans (kuamori), and heart (kardias). A similar restriction appears in another lex sacra from Rhodes, dating to the first century AD from an unknown sanctuary. It states, "It is necessary for one going into the holy temple to be pure. Not clean in regards to bathing, but in mind" {ayvbv xQ'h vaoTo Svco^sog evrbg lovra 'dvfisvai, ov XOUJTQOI aXXa vom xaS-agov).2 ' The inscription also names two objects associated with Asklepios and his cult, a cock and a thesauros, which suggest that the lex sacra is from an Asklepieion. The Epidaurian Asklepieion's temple's inscription about purity was well known and often cited in antiquity. The couplet's popularity in the later periods is undeniable; 229 Perhaps, like Tiresias, who sees two snakes mating and is blinded. 230LSS108. 231 LSS 130.4-8 = IGXU 3.183. Page 243 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Christian writers quoted it and its theme of mental purity was adopted into gnostic literature.23 Porphyrius and Clement of Alexandria both quote the inscription: ajvbv XQV vyoTo Sutodsog evrbc; lovra 'ififjbsvai, ayveiv) d'spri CPQOVSTP ocria "Pure (hagnon) must be he who enters the incense-scented temple; purity (hagneia) means to think things that are pure (hosion)." The Epidaurian quote defines two different concepts about purity in terms of one another. According to the definition, being hagnos (pure, awe-inspiring, free of pollution) is achieved by having your mind and thoughts be hosia (pure, untainted, pleasing to the gods). Hagnos is an adjective that indicates inviolable sanctity, and is often applied to nor in the mysteries, supplication, sanctuaries, and oaths. It also connotes a withdrawl from things that are taboo and polluted.236 Usually something becomes hagnos after completing visible, ritualized actions, such as washing or completing a sacrifice that symbolize its sacral elevation. Hosios means "permitted or enjoined by the gods, pleasing to the gods."237 Being pure is one component of being hosios™ In pairing the two concepts of purity together, the Epidaurian temple inscription implies that the incubant wants to become the property of Asklepios, and that to do this he must be pleasing to Asklepios. In other words, to enjoy success, the incubant must engage in both positive and negative actions, some of which can be demonstrated and displayed, while others are internal. 232 Ps.-Phyocylids Sent. 228; Anth. Pal. 14.71, 74. Parker (1983) 324. 233 Vorph Abst. II, 19; Clem. Al. Strom. V.1.13. 234 Pfister (1935); Stukey (1936); Parker (1983) 323-325. 235 Parker (1983) 148. 236 Zaidman and Pantel (2002) 9. Also see Parker (1983) 146-154. 237 Parker (1983) 330. 238 Parker (1983) 330 n. 18. Page 244 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Porphyrius further interprets the quotation from the temple and provides more insight into its meaning. He says that purity is not achieved through action alone, but instead is part of one's ethos (jiSog) and one's soul (ipu%^). He further states that it is not enough to wear a shining garment or have a shining body. In this regard, he interprets purity as neither a measure of physical cleanliness nor appearance. An incubant is not pure enough to enter the temple simply because he was washed himself the requisite number of times or offered the correct sacrifices. The incubant must transform his inner life in order to become hosios. Purity is an aspect of character and behaviour beyond what one does within the sanctuary. The enjoinder on the temple adds the dimension of thought and intention to the status of purity. Previously, in other areas of the sanctuary, the incubant merely had to observe ritual procedure. Instead, immeasurable and unverifiable qualities are demanded. Thought is now as important as action when incubating, and visitors need to be pure in regards to both. Even more so, the incubant is being instructed to distance his thoughts from his bodily concerns and anything that might cause his illness to higher considerations. His thoughts should become separate from his body, especially since his body is sick, and therefore corrupted and impure. It is to render one's thoughts so pure that polluted things can not and dare not reach them. What does it mean to think pure thoughts or thoughts that are pleasing to the gods? Our authors and inscriptions are largely silent, providing no discussion on the matter. Perhaps this is because at this time, the importance of thought and intention in religion is developing. Certainly, as discussed previously, belief and faith are being integrated into religion from the late Classical period onwards. There is a growing Page 245 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries understanding of a correspondence between faith in the deity and desired outcome. No doubt, this is one facet of a growing interest in the importance of the individual and a stress on his private concerns from the late Classical period onwards. Although we have little discussion of pure thoughts, there are many examples of impure thoughts or behaviors and their consequences. This might include concealing past wrongdoings by pretending to act in a way that is pious. The intention of one's behaviour is impure, despite the fact that one's actions would typically be considered pious. The actions do not correspond with what one knows about oneself. For example, in Apollonius' account, a Cilician man is guilty of concealing impure thoughts when he makes lavish offerings at an Asklepieion for his blind eye. His lavish offerings are technically pious. However, the Cilician man is using the sacrifice to try and escape punishment for his wrongdoing. Namely, he has raped his adopted daughter.239 Sleeping with a relative is considered anosios.240 Apollonius intuits the discrepancy between the Cilician man's behaviour and his intention quickly and tells the priest that the Cilician should not be welcomed in the hieron. Apollonius specifically names the hieron, and not the rest of the sanctuary. The Cilician's presence in the hieron is a double pollution, since this is an area that requires a higher degree of purity than other parts of the temenos. Because he is in the hieron and is polluted from a prior crime, Apollonius calls him a scoundrel (fiiagog). He further says the Cicilian man has not come to offer sacrifices as a votary (Svstv ou S-vovrog ka-riv), but as a man who is begging to be released from the penalty of some horrible and cruel deeds (naQairoufisvov rrx^rXicDv TB xal %a\ena>v egycov). The priest confirms Apollonius' 239 Philostr. VA 1.10. 240 Eur. Phoen. 1050; Soph. OC 946; Ar. Ran. 850; PI. Leg. 838b. Page 246 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries suppositions, and mentions that the man's offerings are surprising, as the Cilician has not prayed, stayed at the sanctuary for any length of time, obtained health, or secured the things he had come to ask for. Ultimately, Asklepios appears to the priest and asks him to send the man away with all his possessions as he does not deserve his other eye.241 He is kicked out from the entire sanctuary, not just the hieron, for his offense. In this case, both the initial blindness as well as the failure to restore the man's sight can be attributed to a lack of purity. He is miaros.242 The man is sent away partially because his ritualized activity (sacrifice, prayer, staying at the sanctuary) does not match with his intent and partially because he desires to be cured of a disease that is a punishment or penalty for wrongdoing. Not only is his crime terrible (incest), but after engaging in a polluted act, he enters the hieron in a polluted state, a further offense. In consequence, his offerings are not pleasing to Asklepios. The gargantuan size of his offerings is not an extremely generous gift, but a further affront to Asklepios. It suggests that he is attempting to buy health by creating a debt of charts with the divine. His thoughts are impure because he seeks to imbalance the order of things, to force the hand of the divine to go against what must happen. His disease is a punishment for his incestuous behavior, rendering his lavish sacrifices not a thank offering, but a bribe to escape a punishment he has earned. 241 Philostr. VA 1.10. 242 Miaros is a word with multiple meanings. According to LSJ, it is used in Euripides to mean stained with blood, but it is used elsewhere to mean "disgusting" or "coarse." Its meaning is discussed briefly by Parker (1983) 3-5. According to Parker, the term miaros refers to a condition that can make someone ritually impure and unfit to enter a temple. It can also convey a less extreme condition of simply being shameless or disgusting. Parker does not indicate clearly if being shameless or disgusting constitutes the adjective or implies a state of impurity when used in its less extreme manner. Page 247 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries The idea that one can not "buy off the gods with sacrifices is indicated by the disastrous portents of Tiresias' sacrifice in the Antigone. Tiresias warns Creon that the gods will not accept prayers or sacrifices from a city guilty of murder.244 According to Parker, this is "proof that offerings from a polluted city are far from pleasing to the gods."245 A person who thinks impure thoughts has engaged in action that is asocial and is not yet cleansed of its consequent punishment. It is ignoring the customs and belief systems that legally and/or religiously bind the society. The elements that constitute a pure thought are not expressed, because they are not fully comprehended. Several other incubants in the iamata engage in pious behaviour, but in fact are concealing their selfish or self-serving intent. Their behaviour need not be "polluting," in the sense that it involves contact with a contagion, but usually is the consequence of cheating another person. These individuals are usually punished in some way. For example, Echedoros is supposed to give money to the Asklepieion on behalf of Pandaros as a thank offering for the removal of some tattoos. Echedoros fails to hand over the money, since he intends to use it as his own thank offering. When he fails in his original mission, the god punishes him by giving him a second set of tattoos.246 Echedoros is not keeping the money for personal use; he still will purchase a dedication (an inscribed image) for his own cure. Ultimately, the money still ends up as goods for Asklepios. Echedoros might even be making a dedication of equal or greater value than the original one Pandaros sought. However, Echedoros' actions indicate that his intent is 243 Soph. Ant. 999-1033. 244 "And so the gods no more accept prayer and sacrifice at our hands, [1020] or the burning of thigh-meat, nor does any bird sound out clear signs in its shrill cries, for they have tasted the fatness of a slain man's blood." 245 Parker (1998) 110. 246 A6, A7. Page 248 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries questionable, not the fact that Asklepios will receive a thank offering of a specific value. The display is secondary to his intention. Echedoros is breaking several common religious practices. First, he is failing to serve as an honest agent for Pandaros' offering. Secondly, he is lying outright about his role as an agent. And thirdly, he is attempting to bribe the god into a cure through an offering that should have been given on behalf of another. While it is not clear which of Echedoros' actions is the one which merits retribution (and quite likely, the combination of all of his actions is collectively the cause of his punishment), all of them are still signs that Echedoros is being dishonest. In other words, even when following the ritual dictates, such as staying and sleeping at the sanctuary and making an offering, an incubant is not necessarily pure. Purity is related to the sincerity and authenticity of one's intents. A comic example is in Ploutos. Neoclides is punished by Asklepios for cheating others. Carion describes Neoclides as a man who "is blind, but who steals from others who can see more clearly." When Asklepios treats Neoclides, the deity prepares an astringent salve of garlic and vinegar and applies it to his eyes. The astringent is to 947 prevent him from "going and perjuring himself before the Assembly." In other words, it is meant to stop him from lying and causing harm to others. Neoclides is not necessarily engaging in an "impious" act, but he is not conducting his life at an acceptable standard. Even Carion praises the god for making Neoclides "more blind" than before. In these cases, the god rewards those who do not come "thinking pure thoughts" with punishments that suit their transgressions. The same idea is raised by Apollonius 247 AT. PI. 715-720. Page 249 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries when he says that a man should ask for what he deserves from the gods. By extension, this means that a good man will be rewarded in kind, whereas a wicked individual will earn punishment equal to his crimes, and receive further punishment for offending the gods for entering the hieron in a state of impurity. Purity of mind is not demonstrated through visible display and so contrasts with the more cathartic requirements for the other buildings. In this way, the requirement is perhaps the most difficult to fulfill because of its ambiguity. While it is fairly clear what it meant to think thoughts that are impure, thoughts that are pure are not indicated. This allows hindsight to determine the incubant's state of purity. If the incubant is impure, the god will not come to him or her in a dream. If the incubant is pure, the god will. Again, the inability to obtain a cure falls upon the incubant's failings, not the divinity's.248 Furthermore, by remaining ambiguous, the command pushes a sincere incubant to strive even harder to turn his thoughts towards his own conception of purity. Each incubant must have understood the meaning of this command differently and developed his own perception of what he needed to do in order to make his present physical state match with the behavior that he had engaged in before. He could reflect on what past transgression may have caused his illness if necessary. If nothing else, this approach is useful as a way to explain any unsuccessful cures as a personal failure. The incubant did not think thoughts that were pure enough. He had done something terrible or inexcusable and had engaged in ritual acts without suffering his punishment. Finally, a future point of exploration might be to look at how dreams are related to thought. If one wants to have a dream in which the divinity appears, one's thoughts must be free enough from pollution to create a pure dream space. A possible point of exploration is the relationship between the phrenes, the act of thinking phrenein, and the parts of the body responsible for dreams. Page 250 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Several scholars have suggested that a lex indicating the necessity for purity of mind is a late addition to the sanctuary, reflecting an interest in moralization. However, the underlying concept — that being pure requires purity of intent and prior conduct in addition to action - appears in other works of literature that date earlier than the first century AD. There is nothing specific in the iamata that discusses thought. But, purity of mind and its relationship to ritual purity is addressed in many other Greek works. The chorus in the Frogs warns that one who has not cleansed his mind, danced the rites of the Muses, or been inducted into the Bacchic mysteries should stand aside, be mute, and not join in the sacred dances. The chorus also warns that those who have engaged in acts such as bribery and defiling Hecate's shrine should not join in either. Here, both purity of mind and purity of action are discussed. In the Hippolytos, Phaedra is able to distinguish that her hands are hagnos (of blood), but her heart or thoughts, \\QX phrenes, are polluted (miaros). In Eurpides' Orestes, a distinction is made between being pure of action, while being polluted in one's mind. Menelaos qualifies his own right to handle holy water (chernibori) by stating that his hands are pure hagnos. Orestes then challenges him when he points out that though ritually pure, Menelaos' heart or thoughts, his phrenes, are not. ~ Plato adds that the wicked (kakos) have impure (akatharos) souls (psyche), whereas the opposite is pure (katharos)2^ Xenophon states that the gods take pleasure in good acts (hosiois ergots) no less than in pure offerings (hagnois hierois). 54 249 See Dodds (1951) 128 n.60. More recently, its date is examined by Bremmer (2002) 106-8. 250 Ar. Ran. 253-371. 251 Eur. Hip 316-317. 252 Eur. Orestes 1604-5. 253 PI. Leg. 4.716e. 254 Xen. Ages [1.2. Page 251 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries In addition to laws that helped distinguish a temple as a place of special purity, the layout of the interior of the building is further subdivided to create areas of even more restricted access. Temples occasionally contain a sacred enclosure or shrine (sekos) in the interior. The sekos is mentioned for two different buildings at Epidauros: the temple255 and the tholos.256 A sekos is also mentioned in inscriptions from the Athenian Asklepieion,257 though it likely refers to the bothros attached to the stoa building. Subdividing the temple would allow it to serve multiple functions and keep each function separate. This would allow the temple to be used for incubation and the storage and display of votive monuments. Aleshire's analysis of the inventory lists from the Asklepieion at Athens reveals that a large number of votives are kept inside the temple and some are even placed in the hand of the cult statue.258 Aleshire found that votives from specific groups of people, such as the priests, as well as specific categories of votives, such as anatomical ex-votos and typoi, are generally (but not exclusively) grouped together in the temple. For example, the typoi (small plaques with representations of individuals) are found predominately on the left wall of the temple.260 The separateness of the temple is also indicated by its inviolability. It holds the precious objects of the sanctuary, presumably because it is a crime to remove them from this building, more so than for other areas. Plutarch mentions a watchdog that successfully thwarts the theft of the gold and silver offerings from the temple: nagagguslg JCLQ avfycuTrog Big rbv vsiov TOV AaxX^mov ra euoyxa TOJV aqjvQcov xai XQVCT&V sXa0sv 255IG IV2102.11, 15, 17. 256IG IV2103.124, 125, 133. 257/Gil21685.27, 30, 74. 258 Aleshire (1991) 43-44. 259 Aleshire (1991) 44-45. 260 Aleshire (1991) 45. Page 252 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries apa^/j,a.T(ov.26} Aelian gives a nearly identical account, but he simply describes the theft as taking place eg Ao-xX^mov, which could refer to either the temple or the entire precinct.262 Though Aelian does not name the location from where the votives come, he does mention that the missing items are identified by their record in catalogues (a! ygacpai) and empty spaces (ai %a>gai). As Aleshire shows in her analysis of the inscriptions from the Athenian Asklepieion, the votives in the temple are listed in catalogues. So, presumably, Aelian's account implies that the items were taken from the temple. Finally, a third piece of evidence that the votives were kept in the temple at Athens comes from an inscription from Athens that authorizes the sanctuary priest to remove votive tablets that block the cult image of the god, which presumably would stand within the temple.263 Other Asklepieia also contain votives and even other iamata within their temples. For example, Pliny states that Hippocrates learned medicine from inscriptions in the temple of Asklepios at the Koan Asklepieion. According to Pliny, it was a tradition to write down one's cure "in the temple" for future reference and Hippocrates copied this information down: is, cumfuisset mos, liberatos morbis scribere in templo eius dei quid auxiliatum esset, utpostea similitudoproficerei, exscripsisse ea traditur atque... templo cremato insitituisse medicinam banc... Pliny even records a cure for an antidote against venomous animals that he says is taken from a stone in the temple of Asklepios at Kos: incisam in lapide versibus Coi in aede Aesculapi. 5 At Pergamon, a votive offering is placed in the temple of Zeus Asklepios kv Aioq Ao-xXtjmov. Other authors are less 261 Plutarch De sollertia antmalium 969E. 6 Aelian, De Natura Animalium 7.13. 263 LSCG 43 = IG II2995; Van Straten (1992) 271. 264 Pliny NH, 29.1.4. 265 Pliny NH, 20.24.264. 266 Aristides Oratio L. 46. Page 253 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries forthcoming about their placement; Strabo mentions that dedicated pinakes that record the cures are also found at Kos and Tricca in the hieron.261 Livy says, in reference to Epidauros, that the templum is currently rich in traces of broken votives but previously was rich in thank offerings. Templum, of course, can refer as easily to the temple building as it can to the sacred area generally. Not only are votives found within temples at several Asklepieia, it is also clear that access to the interior of the temple was provided. Hippocrates was able to enter the building and read the inscriptions there. One could argue that Hippocrates was merely granted special permission. But, at Athens, the inventory lists recorded by Aleshire suggest that at least one of the temple doors was kept open. Based on the number and placement of the votives, Aleshire is able to determine that the wall behind the left door was free of votives, suggesting that this door was kept open, blocking the space on this wall. She also states that the 20 votives on the wall behind the right door suggests that * 960 this door was closed, keeping the wall space available. Finally, it is worth noting that the practices of the Asklepieia are by no means unique. The division of separate space with different areas of purity is dictated at the leges sacrae in the cults in other cultures as well. For example, in the Herodian temple in Jerusalem, Josephus identifies a special sacred enclosure called the Holy (hagion) which 970 has a stone balustrade around it. Stelai were located around this balustrade dictating the restrictions against entry. Two stelai in Greek contain copies of this law, and use the word hieron to identify the special sacred area. The law states, "No gentile shall enter 267 Strabo 8.6.15. 268 Livy Ab Urbe Condita XLV.28.3. 269 Aleshire (1991) 43. 270 Joseph A/ 5.193-194. Page 254 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries within the balustrade and peribolos around the hieron. Anyone caught will be the cause for the ensuing death for himself. Mrftkva aAAoysv'rj sicrnoQevscr^ai svTog TOV TVBQI TO IBQOV TQv IIIB4c. Where were the iamata located? One other consideration related the hieron relates to the location of the iamata and pinakes that celebrate successful cures at Epidauros. Unlike other votives, the iamata should be treated as a single "monument" created during the monumentalization of the sanctuary in the fourth century BC, probably as part of a periodic removal of older votives.272 This is suggested by the fact that the type of stone used for their creation - a grey limestone - seems to be used solely for this purpose at the sanctuary. 73 The stelai that contain the iamata are all also roughly the same dimensions, as though the blocks were cut at the same time. Pausanias refers to them as a unit and they were likely displayed together, rather than in scattered locations. The wear patterns and unfinished backs of the stone indicate that they rested against a wall and under a roof. The stelai were likely set up under a shelter or in a structure meant to contain them and they likely remained on display for several centuries. 7 When Pausanias reads them, he comments that "six survived in my time" - perhaps there had been others. The supposed fourth century BC date of the original stelai and Pausanias' observation over half a century later is evidence for their continued care and maintenance over time. 271 OGIS 598; SEG VIII 169. Discussed by Lupu(2005) 20-21. 272 LiDonnici (1992) 28-29. 273 Kavvadias (1883) 198; LiDonnici (1995) 15-16. 274 LiDonnici (1995) 15-16 after Kavvadias (1883) 198. 275 LiDonnici (1995) 17-18. 276 LiDonnici (1992) 29; IG II 1532-1537; van Straten (1981) 97-122. Page 255 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries LiDonnici and others have commented that the iamata are a collected record, likely drawn from votives that have been taken down and disposed of at various periods in the sanctuary. In this sense, the iamata might be seen as an inventory list or kathairesis list. A kathairesis list is essentially a record of objects removed from the sanctuary, and examples survive from the Athenian Asklepieion as well as a few other sanctuaries. Following a fire in 350 BC, The Lindian Temple of Athena on Rhodes compiled a list of objects in 99 BC, of objects that were extant in 330 BC. 7 The list was inscribed on marble stelai and set up in the sacred precinct. The list details what the object is and its historical record, including any sources that provided information about the object. The objects on the list were dedicated by both mythic and historic figures. The iamata and the kathairesis lists have many similarities. Both are inscribed on stelai and set up in the sanctuary. Both record the names of dedicants and the objects they dedicated. The Athenian katharesis list and the Epidaurian iamata describe items that are periodically removed from the sanctuary, most likely because the items are being melted down and re-cast into new cult equipment or cleared out. In this way, both share the same function of replacing permanent items that have been removed. But here the two diverge. A kathairesis list has an economic function; it keeps track of the sanctuary's accumulated wealth. The iamata replace votives of presumably little to no monetary value, but of other value to the sanctuary (didactic, cultic). The iamata probably do not list all the removed plaques, but only those that were worth recording because they were instructive or 277 LiDonnici (1992) 29. 278 Aleshire (1989) 104. Examples are found in IG II 839, IG 11 840 (Hero Doctor), IG II 841 (unknown goddess), IG VII.303 (Oropos), ID 442B.118-125 (Delos), inventories V (IG II1534B and 1535), VI (SEG XXVIII. 116), VII (/Gil 1539), VIII (/Gil 1536), and IX (/G II 1019) (Athens Asklepieion) 279 Thank you Margaret Miles for this suggestion. On the Lindian Chronicle, see: Blinkenberg (1915); van Buren (1922) 338-342; Blinkenberg (1941); Higbie (2003); Shaya (2005) with bibliography. Page 256 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries striking. There is a conscious effort to group stories together in order to convey certain messages. Another difference is that the Athenian kathairesis inventory may not have been placed on public display, whereas the iamata were read by visitors and incubants.281 However, it is likely that the Lindian Chronicle was visible to others, as it demonstrated some of the historical visitors to the sanctuary. The iamata are not mere lists of information, but encoded with important messages about expectations and behaviours. Kavvadias believes the iamata were displayed in the stoa building, which he identifies as the ahaton (Fig 4.2 no. 15). Kavvadias reports a base found in the abaton with a groove the same length as the width of stele A.282 Furthermore, several of the iamata fragments come from the abaton area of the sanctuary, though they were used as fill for the walls of a medieval house. Another fragment comes from the area of the propylon, which is near. The wear pattern of the stone suggests the stelai had been protected under a roof; the abaton would allow for such a situation. Finally, other sanctuaries have cure inscriptions associated with their respective stoa buildings. The iamata from Lebena on Crete were not just found in the stoa, but inscribed upon the walls of the building.285 Situating the iamata within the abaton is also appealing because it allows the cures to play a suggestive or priming role in any incubation that would take place in the abaton. 280 LiDonnici (1992) 38-40; Dillon (1994). 281 Paus. II.27.3; Plin. AW 29.1.4, 20.24.264; A3, A4. 282 Kavvadias (1883) 217, (1891) 17-18; (1900) 121-128; Followed by: Defrasse and Lechat (1895) 129- 141, Martin and Metzger (1942-3) 327-334, Burford (1969) 62-63. 283 For bibliography of the fragments and various editions, see LiDonnici (1995) 15 n. 1. Find spots of the fragments: Kavvadias (1883) 197; (1918) 155-9. 284 LiDonnici (1995) 17-18 285 It is not clear if the inscriptions were placed on the interior or exterior of the building. Only brief reports of the site are available: I Cret 150; Halbherr(1901) 300; Halbherr, F. and G. Porro (1914) 373; Sanders (1982) 80-83; Savelkoul (1985/1986) [1987] 47-56. Page 257 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries Despite the arguments that suggest the iamata were housed in the abaton, I find the proposal unlikely. First, the space of the room in which the single base was found is too small to contain all six stelai which are described by Pausanias. We can even presume there were even more since he says "six survived in my time" as if there had been many others.286 Perhaps the cures were spread throughout the building, but due to spatial constraints, they can not have been placed in a single room together. Second, if Pausanias' description of Epidauros reflects the literal path he followed through the sanctuary, he describes the iamata after the tholos, likely on the south side of the walled precinct, rather than on the north side where the abaton is located. To this end, several scholars, such as Holwerda, suggest that the stelai were located in building E.287 Third, the narrative accounts in iamata themselves suggest that the cures may have been located throughout the hieron rather than in a specific building. In cure A3, the suppliant walks about the hieron and expresses doubts about the pinakes. In cure A4, Ambrosia walks about the hieron and laughs at the iamata. However, it is just as likely that these two incubants are reading everyday plaques, rather than the monumental ones Pausanias describes. But, since Pausanias has read the cures, they are likely in a place where non- incubants read them. If the abaton is a building with specific restrictions against entry, it seems unlikely that Pausanias would be allowed to enter it. Fourthly, and practically, it seems unlikely that detailed text would be placed in the rooms of an abaton where they would have to be read by lamplight during a ritual that supposedly takes place at night, in Kavvadias is sadly unclear about the number of bases he found and whether or not they were found in situ. For problems on this, see LiDonnici (1995) 18 n. 15, n. 18. 287 Holwerda (1902) 289-293; LiDonnici (1995) 19 n. 21. Page 258 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries the dark. Fifthly, the base found by Kavvadias might have held a stele containing other information. A lex sacra states that a dormitory register of all incubants should be kept in the abaton at the Oropos sanctuary of Amphiaraos. A dormitory register may have been kept here or other document relevant to the space. Because of these problems, I am inclined to think that the iamata were not put inside the abaton. They are public documents and the abaton is by definition a restricted area. It seems more likely that the iamata were displayed openly throughout the hieron. Possible locations that may have featured the monumental iamata include placement outside the walls of the temple still protected under the roof. One appealing thought to placing the cures around the temple is that they are situated in the vicinity of the pinakes and votives they are replacing. While votives were undoubtedly set up throughout the sanctuary, evidence from the other Asklepieia suggests that votives (especially expensive and important votives) were placed inside the temple. At Athens, the inventory lists and anecdotal tales suggest that the temple served this purpose. However, the temple much like the abaton, was probably restricted. I am inclined to place the iamata in or near the temple because it seems likely that they would be set up near the original votives they were meant to replace. Furthermore, from the order in which Pausanias describes the items he sees, it is as though he is looking at votives that are placed alongside or near the temple, suggesting the contents that were once held within. Even though the evidence for Epidauros must be regarded 288 Holwerda (1902) 289-293, from Aleshire (1989) 29. Certain rituals are likely dictated for the "evening" rather than at night in the Pergamon Lex Sacra (165.20 In 9). 289 A number of authors state the sick sleep in the hieron and/or pinakes are located in the hieron (Strabo 8.6.15; Phiostratus, VA 1.8, 1.9, Vita Sophistarum 1.25.4; Paus. 7.27.2; Suidas Lexicon, s.v. Domninos; IG II no 4514; IG IV.1 no 126. I do not take this term to refer to the temple exclusively and instead think it applies either to the entire sacred area or to a smaller, specified sacred area that includes the temple. For example, when Strabo describes the city of Epidauros and the epiphany of Asklepios, he says that the hieron is always full of the sick and the dedicated pinakes that record the cures (8.6.15). Page 259 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries with some caution, overall, it seems more likely that the stelai with the iamata were located within or near the temple, perhaps under the pteron, rather than the stoa building though confirmation would require evidence of cuttings in the stylobate. IV. Conclusions Purity is a major concern in the Asklepieia and the sanctuary space is physically divided in order to create areas where greater levels of purity are required. The closer one comes to the god, the greater the restrictions and more stringent the requests. Like other sanctuaries, posted restrictions tell the incubants what is expected of them. The laws distinguish behavior based upon one's intent at the sanctuary, outlining both cathartic law and other information. The division of intent is matched by archaeological evidence. Walls and other topographical features are used to enclose space. The alsos is likely the least restricted area. Some laws concern the protection of the trees as well as a need to eat meat within the temenos. Restrictions increased in the area of the hieron, where leges sacrae outline restrictions. Usually one had to be free from consuming certain types of food and other pollutants for a certain number of days. Restrictions vary by sanctuary. Finally, the greatest restriction is related to the incubatory spaces and the buildings within the hieron. Different buildings had different types of restrictions. The vaguest of the laws concerns purity of the mind and was posted on the temple at Epidauros. Although there is no archaeological evidence for such a law dating before the Hellenistic period, the conception of purity of thought and an association between purity of thought ritual purity exists in other literature. This law is useful for explaining both successful and failed incubations. All successful cures can be attributed Page 260 Chapter 4 - Internal Boundaries to the incubant achieving an appropriate level of psychological purity, whereas an unsuccessful cure can continue to be attributed to an incubant's personal failings. Page 261 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Chapter 5 Incubation and Dreams I. Introduction Incubation takes place in the last space of the ritual, concurrently in the physical world of a building in the hieron and the atopic dream space.1 Incubation is both a public and a private ritual, one in which the individual is simultaneously present and absent: the incubant is present in the sense that his physical body is located inside the abaton with others; absent in the sense that his consciousness and thoughts are not with his physical body, but in his dream. The dream is the most significant part of incubation as it brings the individual and divinity together - the epiphany. The experience can only be recounted afterwards by the sole participant; there is no confirmation of the events by corroborative observation. The result of this meeting, either the successful cure or the advice collected, is the only tangible evidence of the epiphany. The extraordinary nature of the experience, the epiphany of the divinity, and the dream-setting all contribute to our perception that incubation at the Asklepieia is secretive and mysterious. The evidence points to the contrary; it is not a deliberately On incubation, with references to its practices in healing cults: see Deubner (1900) 57-109; Pley (1916) col 1256-1262; OCD3.?.v. Incubation 753-4; Bouche-Leclercq (1879)273-329; Lefort (1906) 107-109; Hamilton (1906); Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 145-158; Meier (1967) 300-304, (1989) 49-60; Behr (1969) 34-35; Tomlinson (1983) 19-21; Martin (1987) 50-52; Holowchak (2002) 151-164; Lupu (2005) 246. The terms used for incubation in Greece include KaraxXiaig, eyxoi/Aijo-is. Aristides refers to his incubancy as a kathedra (Aristid. HLW.10, 111.44, IV.14). 2 On epiphany, including cultic, dramatic, and epic considerations: see Pfister (1924) cols 277-323; McKay (1967) 184-194; Wachsmuth (1975) cols 1598-1601; Gill (1980) 137-46; Hagg (1986) 41-62; Fox (1986) 102-167; Borgeaud(l 988); Versnel (1987); Garland (1992) 15-18,48-50, 163; Pucci (1994) 15-46; Graf (1997) cols 1150-1152; Capdeville (2003) 23-39. Page 262 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams hidden ritual nor is it a mystery cult. There are parallels with mystery cults, including an aim to bring the worshiper into closer association with a deity, and physical similarities, such as the nocturnal setting and the enclosed location. In one instance, Aristides even treats some of the information he receives in a dream at the Asklepieion as secretive: "[He] told me certain phrases, which it is proper to say in such circumstances since they are efficacious. And while I remember these, I do not think that I should reveal them purposelessly."4 Some mystery cults employ incubation as part of their rituals.5 Yet, an important aspect of mystery cult is its mysteria, rituals or initiation reserved for participants only, whereas incubation at the Asklepieia is accessible to almost everyone and there is no attempt to prevent non-participants from hearing about its activities.6 Leges sacrae list the specific payments, sacrifices, and prayers that must be offered. Details about incubation survive in both the material and literary remains, including detailed conversations between deity and incubant. Aristophanes parodies incubation in the Plutos. Aristides describes how the epiphany of Asklepios affects him physically and mentally. Incubation is the illustrated subject of a votive plaque that comes not from a sanctuary to Asklepios, but a contemporary healing deity, Amphiaraos (Fig. 5.1). The votive, dating to the first half of the fourth century BC, comes from the Amphiareion at Oropos, a small sanctuary on the east coast of Attica. The relief depicts two scenes of healing. One man is seen lying on his side, his upper torso propped up by a pillow J On mystery cult, see Burkert (1987) esp. pgs 7-11. Recent work on mystery cults include the collection edited by Cosmopoulos (2003). 4 Aristid. HL\.1\. 5 Especially known for Isis and Serapis. See Martin (1987) 80; Griffiths (1975) 279. 6 Behr (1969) 34. Even some individuals who are potentially a source of pollution such as a pregnant woman are allowed to participate in the incubation partially. 7 Athens NM 3369. Page 263 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams (perhaps folded in half, perhaps a double pillow) with a man standing before his head. A large snake curves over his back to lick his upper arm. Another man in the foreground of the picture offers his injured arm or perhaps his shoulder to another male figure, the god/hero Amphiaraos whose divine status is recognizable from his unnaturally large scale. The background of the scene contains a post with a large, square plaque set atop it, cut ever so slightly at an angle along the bottom - a votive relief or pinax. The entire scene is contained within an architectural framework with antae on either side supporting a roof complete with antefixes. Above this, two eyes peer out at the center. The bottom contains the phrase, "Archinos dedicated [this] to Amphiaraos." The exact find spot of the relief in Oropos is unknown, but it was published in 1916, along with Teonardos' o excavations of the altar area, temple, and stoa. This votive is unusual in its composition because it appears to contain a double depiction of the dedicant.9 The man reclining and the man healed by the deity in the foreground are markedly similar in dress and hairstyle. They both receive healing attention towards their upper right arm/shoulder area. Both appear to be beardless, although the face of the figure reclining is badly damaged. A double figure in a votive relief is unusual for the date of production. During this time period, panel relief pictures contain single figures - almost always a monoscenic narrative. Several scholars have 8 Bibliography for Oropos plaque: Leonardos (1916) 119-120 no. 2; Herzog(1931) 88ff; Hausmann (1948) 55-58; Himmelman-Wildschultz (1957) 19; Hausmann (1960) 19; Karouzou (1968) 149-50,(1979)74; Petrakos (1968) 122; van Straten (1976) 4 and fig 10; Neumann (1979) pi. 28; Krauskopf (1981) no. 63, pi. 564; Boardman (1995) 136 fig. 142; Ridgway( 1997) 195-197; Osborne (1998)210-212. 9 Ridgway (1997) 195-6. Some scholars suggest there is a triple depiction of the dedicant including Petrakos (1968) 122, Boardman (1995) 131-2, Ridgway (1997) 195 and esp. the references in f. 13 (1997) 220-1. 10 On narrative types, see Robert (1881); Hanfmann (1957) 71-8; Stansbury-O'Donnell (1999) 3-8 . Ridgway discusses another exceptional votive from the Athenian Asklepieion dedicated to Herakles (Athens Acr. 7232; Boardman and Palagia (1989) no. 1386). This curious votive might depict a worshiper Page 264 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams attempted to explain the repeated figure. Ridgway suggests that this panel is a prequel to scenes of continuous narrative, a representation that illustrates the developing plot of a myth or a story by depicting the same character multiple times in a single landscape.1' Petrakos argues that it is a cyclical narrative, with the main figure shown three times - once arriving at the sanctuary, once lying on the bed, and once meeting with the deity.121 will argue that the complexity and sophistication of the groups of figures is not a continuous narrative, but rather is a representation of an incubation and its epiphany. Two different activities take place at the same time and involve the same man: The dedicant is shown sleeping in the enkoimeterion (the designated area for incubatory healing) and beside this is a depiction of his related incubatory dream. In defense of this, the figures in the plaque are broken down into two separate groups so as to analyze their activity in conjunction with the archaeological and literary evidence from the Asklepieia. Although the plaque is from an Amphiareion, the imagery and activities associated with sanctuaries dedicated to both deities are similar. Then, I will examine how the votive illustrates attitudes and beliefs about the location and ritual of incubation. II. Was the Amphiaraos Plaque intended for an Asklepieion? Since NM 3369 comes from an Amphiareion and not a sanctuary for Asklepios, it is necessary to justify material from both sanctuaries as comparative evidence. Amphiaraos was not worshiped at the Asklepieia nor was Asklepios worshiped at the once as disecla membra and healed as an entire body. For this, see Ridgway (1997) 219-220 n. 7 along with her related bibliography. " Ridgway (1997) 195-6 makes the suggestion of a prequel to Roman continuous narrative. 12 Petrakos (1968) 122. 13 van Straten and Herzog similarly interpret the scene as an incubant and his related epiphanic dream, but neither account for all the figures. See: Herzog (1931); Van Straten (1976) 4. Page 265 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Amphiaraia. However, aspects of the imagery and cult suggest that material from the Asklepieia generally, and the Athenian Asklepieion in particular, was likely adopted, utilized, or copied for the Oropian Amphiareion. At this sanctuary, Amphiaraos is seen as a healing deity and the imagery used to represent him is borrowed from the Asklepios cult. The rituals enacted at the Oropian sanctuary utilize the same vocabulary to describe their practices, even when there are minor differences in their execution. Athenian control of the Oropian sanctuary shortly after the public monumentalization and development of the Athenian Asklepieion led to the diffusion of these features into the cult at the Amphiareion. Unlike Asklpeios, Amphiaraos is neither a healer nor a deity. Both literal and visual representations reflect his diversity of roles. In mythology and literature, Amphiaraos is a prophet and a warrior, notably participating as a member of the Seven against Thebes. Like many heroes, he ultimately dies an extraordinary death; he is swallowed by the earth, along with his chariot.16 Even when authors were familiar that Amphiaraos received worshiped as a divinity at neighbouring locations, they chose to focus on his heroic role. In fragments of Euripides' Hypsipyle Amphiaraos is a prophet 1 n and religious figure (priest). This play was written after the Athenians had control of the Oropian Amphiareion, so his cultic function as an oracular healer would have been 14 Observations on the similarities between the cultic Amphiareion on Asklepios are also made by Gorrini and Melfi (2002) 249-251. 15 Apollod. Bibl. 1.8.2,1.9.16; Stat. Theb. 3.516-521.Information on Amphiaraos in literature and mythology, along with bibliography in Krauskopf 691-693. 16 Trophonios met a similar fate - being engulfed by the earth. He also had an oracular sanctuary dedicated to him that providing oracles for healing. 17 Cropp (2003) 131-2. Page 266 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams familiar to Euripides. Instead, though, the playwrite emphasizes his mythic and heroic features, rather than cultic ones. Artistic representations of Amphiaraos depict him as a hero or warrior, rather than as a healer. On vases from Corinth and Athens, ' he is shown in full warrior panoply, wearing a helmet and cuirass, carrying a shield and/or sword (Fig. 5.2). Often, he mounts a chariot. Two votive plaques from the Amphiareion at Oropos show him riding a chariot, accompanied by a charioteer. Only on some votive reliefs and in statuary does Amphiaraos appear as a deity. His divine status is indicated by bare feet, a staff, a himation, and a snake. Representations that depict Amphiaraos as a deity come exclusively from sanctuary contexts at Oropos, Rhamnous and a yet to be located Amphiareion in Athens.22 Dedications at these sanctuaries focus on the healing aspects of the divinity in contrast with representations from other places that show him as a hero of epic.23 Two of the votive scenes depict Amphiaraos performing a cure. The first is Archinos' plaque, NM3369. In the other votive, Amphiaraos lays his hands on the head of a patient (Fig 18 Cropp (2003) 141-2. In contrast, Cropp notes that Aristophanes' play, the Amphiaraos, probably involved an old man's cure at the sanctuary (2003) 142. 19 Found in Ceveteri (now lost). Berlin F 1655. For imagery, see Krauskopf (1981)691-693. Perhaps the best known depiction of the chariot mounting scene is on a Corinthian Krater that was once in Berlin (Berlin F 1655), described at length by Himmelman (1998) 88-90 and earlier by Robert (1874) 86-7. 20 Athens NM Acr. 2112 = ABV 58.120. Krauskopff (1981) vol. II fig. 8. 21 Petrakos (1968) nos. 38,39. " Again, see Krauskopf (1981) 701-702, nos. 51-65. These come from Oropos (nos. 51, 53, 54, 55, 58, 62, 63, 64), Rhamnous (nos. 56, 61, 82), Athens Agora (no. 57), Athens near the Theseion (no. 65). Amphiaraos also appears in a Totenmahl scene from the Oropos Amphiareion (nos. 66, 83). 2j This analysis is based upon the material presented by Krauskopf in the LIMC 691-713. Out of the 86 catalogued pieces, 69 depict Amphiaraos in a non-healing and non-divine context. Of these 69 non-healing representations, at least 25 come from places that are not Amphiaraia, and the rest are catalogued without a context. Page 267 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams 5.3), a gesture that is seen in votives representing Asklepios.24 In another scene, a group of worshipers with sacrificial paraphernalia approach Amphiaraos (Fig. 5.4).25 This type of scene is more typical of votive reliefs to Asklepios and other deities. Amphiaraos' divinity is also emphasized when he is depicted in the company of other divinities such as Hygieia. In one plaque, a semi-nude Amphiaraos stands in the foreground, leaning on a staff while Hygieia sits beside him upon an omphalos. In the background is a head of Pan and the edge of his cave. One votive shows him as a banqueting divinity (Fig. 5.5), reclining on a couch while Hygieia sits beside him on a chair and a slave stands behind him. Four worshipers, shown in smaller scale, approach him as he dines. Two other fragmentary votives from the Oropian sanctuary depict other deities, possibly in the company of Amphiaraos. One depicts a line of draped female figures, possibly the nymphs (Fig. 5.6), while the other one depicts Apollo playing a lyre (Fig. 5.7). The date of the representations of Amphiaraos as a divinity corresponds with the time that the Athenians controlled the sanctuary, the end of the fifth century BC, shortly after the Oropian sanctuary was founded. Athens acquired control of the Amphiareion " Second representation of Amphiaraos performing cure: No museum inventory number, but catalogued by Krauskopf no. 62, Petrakos (1968) no. 21, pi. 41b. Discussed by Petropoulou (1985) 170-171. Asklepios performs cure by laying hands on head of patient: Piraeus 405, NM 2373. 25 Athens NM 1397 from Rhamnous. Similar scenes include Petrakos (1968) nos. 41B, 43A 26 Athens NM 1396. 27 From Oropos. No museum inventory number, but catalogued by Krauskopf (1981) no. 64, Hausmann (1948) no. 77, Petrakos (1968) no. 27. 28 Petrakos (1968) no. 42A. 29 Petarkos (1968) nos. 40B, 43B. j0 The sanctuary's occupation history is complex. It was initially independent, then fell under Athenian control from 431-415, then Eretrian control from 411-402 B.C., Theban control from 402-387 B.C., was independent from 387-367 B.C. but under Athenian control. Athenians took full control in 377, then Thebes in 367, followed by independence until 338 when the sanctuary was dedicated to Athens by Phillip II. Roesch (1984) 175; Petrakos (1995) 7-8. According to Petropoulou, the sanctuary was founded between 420 and 414 B.C. (1981) 39, 57-58. Roesch claims the sanctuary was founded between 431 and 415, with organization taking place between 387 and 338 B.C (1984) 175. Page 268 Chapter 5 - incubation and Dreams at Oropos (420-414 B.C.) around the same time that the Asklepieion on the Acropolis started its operations (420/419 B.C.). According to Petrakos the Amphiareion was founded while Oropos was an Athenian possession, thought it is likely that the Athenians developed a small, local sanctuary into a more monumental one. The same sculptors and architects who produced works for the Asklepieion in Athens likely also handled works at the Oropian Amphiareion. Since imagery representing Amphiaraos as a healing divinity is not present before the Athenian occuptation, the Athenians are likely responsible for promoting Amphiaraos' imagery as a healing deity or promoting the healing and/or divine aspects of Amphiaraos. In contrast with Amphiaraos, health and healing are the thrust of Asklepios' cult and his role as a healer is well established in his mythology and emphasized in imagery. Though Asklepios was regarded as a hero in Homer, and may have continued to have been regarded as a hero in some cult locations, he is recognized almost exclusively as a divinity by the fourth century BC. The imagery of Amphiaraos as a healing deity is almost indistinguishable from -5-3 representations of Asklepios as a healing deity.' Only through inscriptions, such as the one on NM 3369 (Fig. 5.1), and the context of the statuary and reliefs at an Amphiareion is it possible to identify the figure as Amphiaraos. The two deities are shown not just with the same style of dress and hair arrangement, but Amphiaraos is accompanied by members of Asklepios' entourage, notably Hygieia and the sacred snake.34 Hygieia appears on lead tickets from the sanctuary that served as proof of payment for entry (Fig. 31 Petrakos (1995) 7. '2 On Asklepios as a hero, refer to Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 1-64. 33 Krauskopf( 1981) vol. 1 710. 34 Snake: Krauskopf (1981) vol. 2 figs. 51, 52, 54, 59, 63. Hygieia: Krauskopf (1981) vol. 2 figs. 58, 64, 65. Page 269 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams 5.8) and a statue of her was dedicated at the sanctuary by Euxenippos son of Ethelokrates. Several inscriptions mention Amphiaraos and Hygieia as the joint recipients of a dedication.36 The altar of the Oropian sanctuary has space dedicated to Asklepios' daughters: Panacea, Iaso, and Hygieia. The sacred snake appears on a round plaque from the Amphiareion at Oropos (Fig. 5.9). The inclusion of Hygieia and the other goddesses of Asklepios' family in the art of the Amphiareion at Oropos suggests that the Asklepios' symbols were applied to the imagery of Amphiaraos. Hygieia is Asklepios' daughter and/or wife.39 She has no familial or mythological connection to Amphiaraos. Amphiaraos' wife in myth, Eriphyle, is not included in any of the imagery that survives from Oropos, although she is associated with other cult sites to Amphiaraos. For example, the Amphiareion at Argos was situated near the tomb of Eriphyle, associating hero and wife.41 Instead, the Oropian sanctuary emphasizes Hygieia over Eriphyle, and it is not the only Amphiareion to do so. Hygieia also appears in material from the yet to be located sanctuary in Athens.42 Because Hygieia appears in material at the Oropos sanctuary, which fell under Athenian control, and from the undiscovered sanctuary at Athens, it is likely that the Athenians are responsible for pairing Hygieia with Amphiaraos, and exchanging Asklepios with the Oropian hero in order to emphasize his divine healing role. 35 Krauskopf( 1981)701 no. 58; LIMC 1.701.58, 11.564.58; Pctrakos (1995) 15-17. 36IG VII 283-286; IG VII 372. 37 Paus. 1.34.3. 38Petrakos(1968)no. 48G. j9 See Larson (1995) 62-63 for a discussion of the relationship between Asklepios and Hygieia and reasons for her introduction. 40 Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 88-90. 41 Pausanaias II.23.2 42 Hygieia also appears on votives of Amhiaraos from Athens. Hausmann (1948) nos. 20, 74; Larson (1995) 63. Page 270 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Another reason to associate NM 3369 with the Asklepieia relates to the manner of healing depicted on the plaque. The ritual shown corresponds closely with incubation as practiced at the Asklepieia while diverging from what was practiced at the Amphiaraon.43 Prior to incubation at the Amphiareion, the participants fast from wine for three days and can not eat.44 The incubant offers sacrifices to all the gods on the altar for purification, then sacrifices a ram and lies upon its skin.45 The typical thank offering for a cure is to throw coins into the sacred spring.46 Furthermore, a lex sacra from the Oropos Amphairaion says that men and women should sleep on separate sides of the altar.47 None of these features are represented on NM 3369. The bed is draped with a fabric whose folds suggest a sheet, not a ram's hide. The reclining figure rests his head upon a pillow, not a ram's head. The clothing of the sleeping figure is not a ram's fleece. There is no indication of sacrifice to the multitude of divinities who shared the altar. No altar is represented. There is no spring and a votive plaque is shown instead. The elements represented correspond more closely with the imagery of an incubation from the Asklepieia: a bed or stibas, a sheet,' a votive plaque, and a snake. Furthermore, the deity is shown engaged in specific acts that are recognizable from votive plaques from the Asklepieia, such as the laying-on of hands and the approach of a worshiper.53 43 Practices summarized by Petrakos (1968) 132-135, (1995) 15. 44 Philostr. VA 2.37. 45Paus. 1.34.2-5. 46 Paus. 1.34.2-5. Coins might be offered in lieu of dedicating a votive plaque. 47 LSCG 69 - IG VII 235 = / Oropos 277. 48 Absence of these features noted by Petropoulou (1985) 175-6; van Straten (1995) 73-4; Lupu (1993) 324- 5. 49 Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek 233a, Piraeus 405, NM 1841, NM 2441, NM 2373 50 Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek 233a, Piraeus 405, NM 1841, NM 2441, NM 2373 51 Athens NM 1330, Louvre 755 52 Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek 233a, NM 2445. More discussion of these features to follow. 5j Laying on of hands: Piraeus 405, Athens NM 1841, 2373. Appearance of divinity before assembled line of worshippers and/or altar with worshippers: Athens NM 1330, 1331, 1332, 1333, 1334, 1335, 1338, 1341, 1344, 1345, 1377. Page 271 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams However, we should assume that a viewer understood the plaque's meaning, even with misapplied or erroneous details. The plaque stood in the Amphiareion and has a written dedication to Amphiaraos; its meaning is explicit even though its image is generic. It is unlikely that the artist simply lacked the representational vocabulary for Amphiaraos and used the imagery of a more familiar deity - Asklepios - instead.54 Several other contemporary plaques from the Amphiareion refer to activity from the cult. For example NM 1395 (Fig. 5.4) depicts a sacrificial procession with animals (a pig and a ram) that are appropriately sacrificed to Amphiaraos. Another fragmentary votive (Fig. 5.3) shows an incubant reclining on an animal fleece, a reference to the fleece incubants slept on when making a consultation.' The animal sacrifice and the animal skin in these two plaques negates the argument made by Lupu who suggests that the lack of cult- specific details in NM 3369 has more to do with the fact that Pausanias is describing the cult in his own time, not practices of "400 years earlier." Rather, the absence of anything related to Amphiaraos, his family, or his sanctuary, suggests that the image had a different original purpose. The presence of the attributes of Asklepios (the snake), as well as similar features to plaques from Athens suggests that this votive (or its design) was originally meant for dedication in the Asklepieion, but was utilized in the Amphiareion instead. The preparation of generic votives or stock pieces that could be personalized by inscription begins in the Late Classical Period.57 For example, a relief from the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron depicts 54 An entirely different interpretation is given by Lupu (1993). Lupu suggests that the absence of these details corresponds with a relaxation of sacrificial laws in the sanctuary. Lupu states, quite intelligently, that Pausanias describes norms that "were not necessarily the rule, at least not some 400 years earlier." 55Petrakos(1968)no. 21. 56 Lupu (1993). 57 Ridgway (1997) 201-2. Page 272 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams the goddess approached by a line of 14 devotees led by a male figure, but the inscription names a single dedicant, Aristonike, wife of Antiphates. Aristonike bought a pre-made piece, even though there were more figures represented than the dedication includes. Funerary stelai similarly show generalized symbolic scenes that are personalized through inscription as well/ Furthermore, the form of the dedication - a votive plaque or pinax - is a thank offering that is particularly Athenian in character. Each Asklepieion specializes in a particular type of permanent dedication, likely reflecting the expertise of the votive makers in the vicinity. At the Corinthian sanctuary, for example, representations of body parts dominate the sculptural dedications.60 The Epidaurian sanctuary is characterized by the written iamata and statues of the god. At the Athenian Asklepieion , the most common type of dedication that survives is the votive plaque. These plaques usually depict Asklepios receiving a line of worshipers or the god himself. NM 3369 is quite similar to these plaques and I will discuss the details of this correspondence in the ensuing sections. NM 3369 is not the only feature that the Amphiareion at Oropos shares with the Asklepieia. The terms used to describe activity and structures at the Amphiareion of Oropos are the same as those used at some of the Asklepieia. I do preface this parallel of language with a caution: the vocabulary used to describe specific activities at the Asklepieia varies and, furthermore, the same terms are used in many types of sanctuaries, 58 Brauron Mus. 1151 (5), Kahil and Icard (1984) 518 no. 974 (d. 330); Van Straten (1993) 249; Ridgway (1997)201. 59 Ridgway (1997) 163-166 with bibliography. 60 Finds include votive dedications of 7 heads, 5 ears, 3 eyes, 1 tongue, 3 male chests, 11 female breasts, 18 male genitals, 14 arms and parts of arms, 11 hands, 3 fingers, 21 legs, 17 feet, a hair, a bone, and a stomach Roebuck (1951) 119-128. 61 More than 200 reliefs were found according to Riethmuller (1999) 125 and esp n. 11. Page 273 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams not just those dedicated to Asklepios. Nonetheless, it is still evidence that the rituals and furnishings of the Oropian Amphiareion were understood in terms familiar from the rituals at the Asklepieia. A lex sacra from Oropos62 concerning regulations for sacrifices uses terms familiar from the Asklepieia: rs/iswg, kyxaSsvfoiv, S-ycrauQog, /3a)fi6g. Temenos and bomos are extremely common religious words, but the term kyxaSeuhiv is documented specifically at the Asklepieion of Pergamon. The term Byo-avQog describes a structure found at many of the Asklepieia and is frequently mentioned in the leges sacrae and inscriptions for the sanctuaries. Pausanias describes the ritual activity at the Amphiareion using familiar terms, though he notes a specific feature of the ritual is purification through sacrifice and he does not refer to those who seek oracles at the Amphiareion as incubants.67 He says that he believes Amphiaraos devoted himself to the exposition of dreams (s/j T-TJV yzfayyo-tv TWP OVSIQCDV). Amphiaraos set up a dream oracle (bvsiQOfiavTsTov). The visitors are not called incubants, but are described as those who go to consult the oracle (s'e%srai ha va Xaftrj %Q 62 LSCG 69 = IG VII 235 = / Oropos 277. 63 renvoi: :Ar. PL 659; Paus. 11.23.2, V1I.23.7; Polyb. XXXII. 15.1; LSCG 54 = IG II2 1364 , LSCG 150.1- 6A, 150B = Herzog (1928) 11, 12. . 64 £7xa$svfciv. Ael. NA VII. 13; Insc v. Perg 264. 65 $7) This suggests that the priests and personnel responsible for the inscriptions and leges sacrae conceived of at least some of the activity of the Oropian sanctuary in terms that were familiar to them from other sanctuaries, including the Asklepieia, even though its activities were different. The Amphiareion did not develop its own separate, specialized vocabulary to describe its furnishings and activities. The understanding and comprehension of ritual activity as expressed through language and visual representations was transferred from one sanctuary to another, even though the practices likely differed at both sanctuaries. For example, at the Oropos Amphiareion, the inscriptions suggest that men and women incubate in different places. In the Plutos, which takes place at an Asklepieion, men and women sleep in the same room. Written documents demonstrate Athens' influence over the Amphiareion as well. A few inscriptions are in the original Boeotian dialect, such as one that specifies the payment of a Boeotian drachma and uses two distinct, non-Attic clauses. But, on the whole, this is atypical, and most inscriptions from the Oropian Amphiaraon use Attic conventions.7 Dots are used as punctuation marks, an Attic convention.71 The letter 79 forms are Ionic. Perhaps Athenians inscribed these stelai and/or Athenians were responsible for commissioning them and so asked for the inscriptions in a familiar style. One inscription that discusses the construction of a pipe for the men's bath, a fountain and bath, along with the need to set up a decree honoring an Athenian responsible for the 68 Professor Miller has suggested that men and women would not recline together in the same room and that Aristophanes is taking poetic license for the sake of comedy. I disagree, preferring a more literal reading of the text, which assumes a more liberal interaction among men and women than many assert. See chapter 1 for my justification on reading Aristophanes so literally. 69 LSS 35 lines 2, 6. 70 Argoud (1993) 38, 46. This contrasts with Sokolowski who claims that one of the inscriptions (LSCG 69) comes from the period of independence for the sanctuary (1969) 141. A second inscription with Attic conventions discussed by Argoud (1989) 246. Attic conventions noted by Petropoulou (1981) 43. 71 Petropoulou (1981) 43-44 and esp. 44 n. 17 with bibliography. 72 Petropoulou (1981) 40, 43. Page 275 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams building a fountain at Oropos, uses Attic epigraphic conventions.73 This inscription also indicates that the Athenians are responsible for beautifying the sanctuary, especially those parts that use water. Perhaps in this case, just as with the Asklepieia, water sources were used for purification and for generating an ambiance appropriate for epiphany. If the Athenians offer such provisions, they are converting its original form to fit with their expectations of appropriate topography, while simultaneously serving as patron and demonstrating Athenian control of the sanctuary. In sum, the Amphiareion at Oropos was heavily influenced by the Athenian understanding of the Asklepieion. Athenian control and dominance of the sanctuary created a climate in which Athenian conventions could be applied to publicly displayed documents and structures built. The Athenian influence resonates most strongly in the imagery at the sanctuary. As mentioned, votives depicting Ampharaios are dissimilar to works depicting the hero as a warrior, but are very much in the same vein as those produced for the Athenian Asklepieion. In the depictions and in inscriptions from the sanctuary, Amphiaraos is accompanied by Asklepios' consorts and family members, rather than the ones known from his own myths. The rituals at the sanctuary are described and understood in terms of what was familiar from the Asklepieia, possibly because the sanctuary was founded around the time the Asklepios sanctuary in Athens began its operations. In fact, NM 3369 may have originally be intended for the Asklepieion in Athens, and that the generic image of a healing deity became "Amphiaraos" only when the label was added by Archinos. Because this relief is so similar to what was displayed at the Asklepieia, it can be used to shed light on how incubation was understood at other healing sanctuaries. 73 Argoud (1989) 246. Page 276 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams III. Incubation IIIA. Incubation Overview Incubation is the term used to describe the act of sleeping, usually collectively, at a sanctuary with the intent of meeting a god in a dream. It is one of the principle rituals at the Asklepieia since it allows the divinity and incubant to meet. Usually, the sick or injured person undergoes the incubation for himself or herself, though there are instances where a family member acts on behalf of someone else. " Incubation does not usually take place privately or alone. While incubating, priests, attendants, friends, family members, and other incubants are present in the room, usually to serve as witnesses. From the evidence that survives, in order to undergo incubation, the visitor did not have to engage in complicated rituals. Preliminary rituals include bathing for purification, the sacrifice of prothumata, regular sacrifices, and payment of a fee in a thesauros.76 The incubants were likely shown evidence of other successful cures prior to incubation.77 Depending upon where a visitor wished to incubate, he was given instructions about certain sacrifices that had to be offered and what contagions to avoid, such as sex or meat. The most stringent laws were associated with specific buildings for incubation, such as the temple, where the incubant received an ambiguous warning to think pure thoughts. None of these instructions were secret. Leges Sacrae informed visitors about required behaviour. 74 See footnote V. 1. 75 Weinreich (1909) 85; Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 148. Family members: Bl, B4. 76 Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 149. Bathing: Ar. PI 656-7 Offering of cakes (popana and prothumata): Ar. PI 660-1. neosSvcraTo xal STTOTJ/TS TO, vo/uCo/isva: A5. Payment: Petropoulou (1981) 39-41; Gorrini and Melfi (2002) 258-260. Page 277 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams The physical and mental purity of the worshiper was stressed both through the performance of these activities and through laws and exhortations inscribed on stelai and the structures themselves. The space of the sanctuary was divided in order to create areas of heightened or increased purity, as discussed previously. Once entering into the sacred part of the sanctuary, incubants lay down and their position might be assigned or predetermined by others.78 They were instructed to sleep and to remain silent by a temple servitor (propolos of the god).79 Then, they would remain in the dark, at night.80 Perhaps other coverings were necessary in order to isolate the incubants further, especially if they were lying in the same room.81 In the Plutos, Carion wraps himself in a cloak - though in his case he points out it is threadbare in order to justify that he observes what transpires.82 Once settled within the incubatory location, incubation focuses on the individual and his experiences are private. The incubants sleep and have a dream, hopefully one in which the god or one of his cohorts appears (an epiphany) and performs the cure during the dream.83 Sometimes the incubant receives special instructions while dreaming or a coded message. The dream is the only portion of the ritual that can not be confirmed by the observations of others, but its account comes entirely from the incubant's testimony. Even coded messages received in dreams can only be interpreted by others (experts or 78 Lying down in the sanctuary: ejxaraxXiS-ei;: Mean. Papyrus Diodoticmab.\-\5; xaraxXivsiv. Ar. PL 411, 662; Ael. NA IX.33; nagaxa-rrusTo orifidda: Ar. PL 663; iyxexoi/j,i(r/iivcuv: IG IV" 1, Al 1. "Being arranged"; xocr/iicog xaTsxsf/is^a: Ar. PL 671. 79 Sleeping: xabsuhw. Ar. PL 669, 672; svxahuhiv. Al, A3, A4, A6?, A7, A8, A9, Al 1, A13, A15, A19, Bl, B2, B3, B4, B5, B7, B8, BIO, Bll. B12, B13, B14, B15, B17,B18, B19, B20, B21, &22;ir; IIIB. Literary Renderings The act of incubation appears in literary works, providing a dramatic or narrative like portrait of the ritual. These include Aristophanes' Plutos,86 Aristides' descriptions of his dream visions in the Hieroi Logoi, and Thessalos' account of his meeting with Asklepios in a face to face meeting in an oikos. In each account, the author captures aspects of the ritual that do not appear in other evidence. The Plutos contains a scene in which Carion recounts the events surrounding the miraculous cure of Plutos' blindness. The deity Plutos is brought to an Asklepieion where he experiences an epiphany. Carion is present during the entire ritual, even though he is not at the Asklepieion as an incubant. First Plutos bathes in the sea, and then he goes with his companions to the temenos. There, they offer sacrifices of round cakes ipopand) and prothumata on the altar (bomos) (659-661). These include burnt sacrifices (661). Plutos is laid out "as was proper" (662), whereas those who accompany him each use a 84 Philostr. VAWA 1; Aristid. O.XLVIII.31-35, XLVII.57; A2, A7, B4, B17. 85IG IV 1 A 16, A17, A20, B5, B6, B13, B23. 86 Specific comments on incubation in Aristophanes: Roos (1960) 55-97; Behr (1969) 34; Edelstein (1945 repr. 1998) 145-6. 87 Behr (1969). 88 Festugiere (1967); Smith (1978), Moyer (2003) 220-30. Page 279 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams stibas (663). The patients lay down side by side in a single room (742),89 and might be grouped about a central point, possibly an altar (708).90 The incubants include a full range of society members, both rich and poor, men and women (665-668, 688).9I The sick do not incubate alone, but are accompanied by friends and family members who sleep alongside them (662-663).92 Even those who accompany the incubant wear garlands or wreaths (stemmata) (686). A propolos, a temple servitor, turns down the lights, an indication that the setting is at night and presumably occurs in a closed location (668). The propolos gives instructions. He announces that they should sleep, remain silent, lie down as arranged, and stay still even if they hear a noise (669-671). While they incubate, a priest (hiereus) passes through the room and takes the cakes (phthoi) and the dried figs (ischadaf) from the sacred table (trapeze hiera), and then takes the round cakes (popana) left behind from the circle of altars (bomoi), though this may be part of the satire to emphasize the hypocritical and selfish behaviour of supposedly religious individuals (676-680). In Aristophanes' drama, several details he mentions match with objects depicted on the votive plaques. In the play, non-incubants (and probably the incubants) sleep on low, portable beds, the stibades and they wrap themselves with coverlets and cloaks. In incubatory scenes from the votives, the incubants also sleep on low, portable beds, best illustrated on the votive from Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek (Fig. 5.10), where a stibas is being raised by four individuals, as well as on NM 3369. Other votives with beds include Piraeus 405 (Fig. 5.15). Also, incubants on the votives often sleep with a sheet thrown 89 Elderkin (1911) 161. 90 Elderkin (1911) 162. 9i Ar./>/ 665-668, 688. 92 Ar.Pl 662-663. Page 280 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams over their lower legs and sometimes their torsos. Sheets appear on these votives as well, but the figures do not notably wrap themselves. In fact, on all these votives, the sheets are pushed away to reveal the injured part of the body. The Plutos is especially valuable because an epiphany occurs and it is presented dramatically as it is observed by Carion. During the epiphany of the deity, both commonplace and supernatural events occur. Through the eyes of Cairon, the audience sees Asklepios arrive in the room, accompanied by his daughters, Iaso and Panacea (696- 702). He also has a slave or servant (710). Unlike the priest, Asklepios circles around the patients, not the altars (709). He stops at all the patients and treats some of them (709). The slave brings along a medicine chest, a mortar, and pestle (710-711). For one of them, Asklepios prepares an unguent (pharmakos) and a salve using garlic, fig tree sap, and lentisk (715-720). When he reaches Plutos, Asklepios cleans Plutos' eyes with a clean cloth (katharon hemitubiori) (727-730) and Panacea covers his head and face with a purple cloth (730-732). The god summons two large snakes from the temple {naos) (732- 734). The snakes slip under the cloth (735). Carion then states what he believes happens, though his observations are obscured by the cloth. He says, "they slipped under the purple cloth quietly. They licked around Plutos'eyelids, as it seemed to me." (TOVTCU d' imb rrjv cpoivixid' uirodvvS-' TJCTVZV TO. fiXsyaqa nsQisXet%ov, cog y'efioiidoKsi) (735-736). When the god is finished, he disappears and the snakes go into the temple {naos) (740-741). In general, Carion sees cures performed that resemble professional medical practices. He sees the deity prepare and apply medicine, using medical equipment. Only when the epiphany becomes supernatural, treatment by two snakes, is Carion's direct observation of events obscured. He can only state what he thinks happens. Perhaps this is Page 281 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams because Plutos technically should be dreaming these events. Carion can not witness someone else's dream, and the two pieces of cloth symbolize his imprecision and uncertainty. What Aristophanes subtly indicates is that there is a limit to what a cognizant, rational individual can see. Furthermore, when considering a play as a performance, it would probably be necessary to hide or obscure events that can not be recreated before an audience. While the dramatic work provides very rare insights into what a dream vision might be like, there are many aspects of incubation that go unmentioned or described. For example, without instructions for setting or props, there is no indication where the incubants are located during the ritual. Only those items utilized by the characters in the play are mentioned. Preliminary rituals are glossed over almost entirely, apart from a ritual bath in the sea for Plutos and a pre-sacrifice. The characters do not read plaques that describe successful cures or discuss their expectations. We do not see them perform preliminary sacrifices. Aristides provides different types of insights into incubation and epiphany since his work focuses primarily on dreams. He suggests that he undergoes the process of incubating frequently, referring to his incubations in plural form (enkoimisai).93 Unlike Plutos, who seems to be intent on going to the sanctuary once and obtaining a permanent cure, Aristides is focused on improving his perpetually poor state of health. He considers it a miracle when his health is temporarily restored. He has no expectation of a permanent cure. 93 Aristeides HL 1.43. Page 282 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Aristides' incubations take place in several named places in the sanctuary: in- between the doors and latticed gates of the Asklepieion, throughout the whole hieron in the open air,95 on the road,96 and in the temple of the Saviors.97 Incubation is not confined to a single area. Aristides has a reason for choosing each location in which he incubates. He sleeps between the doors and the gates in accordance with a dream. Preliminary rituals are mentioned in Aristides, though these are often couched in the context of a dream and it is difficult to assess how closely they resemble actual practices. For example, in one dream, Aristides crosses a river that flows through the city, digs pits, makes sacrifices, and throws coins into the river prior to treatment.98 Although Aristides' recollection of his experiences do not focus on the details of the rituals, we learn that he perceives himself to be awake and aware during his dreams. He has conversations with notable figures and individuals who are pertinent to his life. For example, in one dream, he sees a neokoros and asks him where the priest is. The neokoros replies in direct speech that the priest is behind the temple. 9 From Aristides, we also learn what happens with the information that is given in a dream and especially of the relationships that form between incubants. He discusses the events of his dreams with co-incubants (such as L. Petronius Sabinus), family (Zosimus), friends, doctors, and cult personnel.100 Attempts are made to decode the content of his dreams and ascertain if they are divinely sent or meaningful in any way. They also discuss the treatments they are undertaking. Aristides recounts sitting in the Temple of 94 Aristid. M, 11.71. 95 Arisitd. //L 11.80. 96 Aristid.//£ 11.80. 97 Aristid. //Z. III.7. 98 Aristid. //A 11.27. "Aristid. HL\. 11. 100 Aristid. HL 11.13, 31, 47, 48, 72; III.14, IV.16, 46, 86. Behr (1981) 32, 42. See Remus for a list of terms Aristid. uses to distinguish his relationship to subsets of people at the Asklepieion (1996) 149-154. Page 283 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Hygieia near a statue of Telesphorus with two other worshippers, and "we were asking one another, as we were accustomed, whether the god had prescribed anything new."101 Aristides' account is most valuable in its description of the impact of seeing the god. He uses many terms to describe these encounters, including wonders (thaumata),102 and signs (semeia).i03 In the context of a dream, he describes an epiphany, comparing it to a participation in a purification ceremony: "I dreamed that I stood at the propylaia of the Temple. And many others were also gathered together, as whenever there is a purificatory ceremony. And they wore white garments, and the rest was of an appropriate form. Here I cried out other things to the God and called him 'the arbiter of fate,' since he assigned to men their fates. And my words began with my own circumstances. And after this there was wormwood. It was made clear as possible, just as countless other things clearly contained the presence of the God. For there was a seeming, as it were, to touch him and to perceive that he himself had come, and to be between sleep and waking, and to wish to look up and to be in anguish that he might depart too soon, and to strain the ears and to hear some things as in a dream, some as in a waking state. Hair stood straight, and there were tears with joy, and the pride of the heart was inoffensive. And what man could describe these things in words? If any man has been initiated, he knows and understands."104 Aristides' recollection of the dream is hazy and there are many aspects of Aristides' description that are nonsensical. When he discusses the god's arrival, though, he indicates a change in his own mental and emotional state. Aristides does not see the god so much as he perceives a divine presence and is affected by it. He feels anguish, joy, and pride. Notably Aristides is afraid the god will leave, so being in his presence is a positive experience that the incubant wishes to prolong. Aristides' body is affected: he is neither asleep nor awake, his ears strain, his hair stands straight, he cries tears. Ultimately, though, Aristides lacks words to capture the totality of the experience. 101 Aristid. HLWA6. 102 Aristid. HL 11.50, 55, 74, 82; V.38, 49. 103 Aristid. HL 11.72, 73; 111.39, IV. 101; V.20, 65. 104 Aristid. HL 11.31-32. Translation Behr (1968) 229-230. Page 284 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Instead, he compares the experience of an epiphany to something he assumes is more familiar to his audience, an initiation, presumably into a mystery cult. Aristides has several other extraordinary experiences in his dreams. In one, he sees a cult statue with three heads, shining with fire. After he and the others who are present sing to the cult statue, the god gestures for him to stay with his hand. Aristides says he is delighted by the honour and for being preferred above others.105 Thessalos also describes the incubatory ritual and its ensuing epiphany in his account of his meeting with Asklepios.106 Although significantly different from the other two accounts, certain facets of the incubatory ritual and the epiphanic experience continue. Thessalos begins his consultation with a three day fast, probably to purify himself.107 He then is brought by a priest at dawn to an oikos where he is given a choice • 1 OR to meet with either a dead man or a divinity. He chooses to meet with Asklepios, "alone, face to face" {fiovog irgog fiovov), and his request unnerves the priest. The priest invokes Asklepios with '"powerful mysterious words" and leaves Thessalos to his vision. There are many similar features to other accounts of the incubation rituals, although it is important to note that Thessalos does not meet the god in a dream. Thessalos begins by purifying himself through fasting. This is a more extreme version of the taboos against certain types of meat outlined in the leges sacrae. In the account, Thessalos offers no sacrifice. His experience is guided by an individual who is more familiar with the experience, in this case, a priest. His incubation takes place in a specific 105 Aristid. HL IV.50. 106 On Thessalos, see Cumont (1918a) 85-108, (1918b) 225; Festugiere (1967) 143-146; Nock (1972) v. 1 368-374 esp. p. 372; Smith (1978) 181; Moyer (2003) 220-30. 107 Thessalos 21. 108 Thessalos 21. 109 Thessalos 21-23. Page 285 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams location, though here an oikos is used, rather than a temple or an abaton. Finally, Thessalos asks to be alone, which is shocking to the priest. Miraculous cures seem to require witnesses, and being alone with the deity does not allow for a witness to observe the events and testify to their legitimacy afterwards. Perhaps there is also a fear that Thessalos' life might be in danger if he is alone with the divinity, especially if he is awake. The priest invokes the god with words. This is a technique more familiar from magical practices, rather than incubations at the Asklepieia. In all likelihood, the change reflects the growth and widespread practices of invoking deities through magic. Thessalos' description of his vision is similar to the descriptions of other epiphanies. The god is said to be beautiful and undescribable. Asklepios raises his right hand and greets Thessalos. Asklepios then addresses Thessalos directly. According to Thessalos, "For no human speech could adequately describe the features of the face or the beauty of the ornaments that adorned it. The god lifted his right hand and greeted me."110 The god is benevolent and attractive. His deity is not in question at all; Thessalos recognizes him as Asklepios as indicated by his appearance and dress. The rest of the account gives an idea of how the ancient people perceived an epiphany in the form of a conversation between man and divinity. Asklepios greets Thessalos "O blessed Thessalos," and then introduces himself as a god and makes an amibiguous prediction about Thessalos' future; Asklepios says, "Today a god greets you... later men will greet you as a god." Then Asklepios asks Thessalos for his question. Thessalos states his specific problem, that he does not understand how to heal people. Asklepios responds by describing how successful medical cures require an understanding Thessalos 24. Page 286 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams of plants, astrology, and timing."1 After this experience, Thessalos records the information he receives in the form of a book, which constitutes the work that survives in his name. Asklepios indicates his divine powers by recognizing Thessalos' identity without asking. He also makes a prediction about Thessaalos' life that later comes true. The prediction is cast in obscure language, which allows for a variety of interpretations. This foresight contrasts with the fact that Thessalos must propose his question to the deity. Asklepios does not know his problem implicitly. Asklepios provides a detailed response to Thessalos' difficult question. In order to retain the information, which is both lengthy and complicated, Thessalos writes out the information he receives afterwards. Thessalos' account is similar in many ways to the iamata from the Epidaurian sanctuary. In the iamata. the events of the dream are described from the perspective of the incubant. Like Thessalos, the individual perceives himself as awake and aware in the context of the dream. He interacts with Asklepios or another divine figure whether through a conversation, a specific action, or a combination of both. Aristides, Aristophanes, and the iamata also describe what happens after incubation and an epiphany. The incubant wakes up cured if a cure has been performed in the dream. If not, the incubant describes or discusses the dream's contents with others. In this case, attempts to interpret the meaning of the dream are made. Once the dream is assessed, the recommendations are usually, but not always, carried out. If the cure is successful, a thank offering is dedicated. This might include an object or a plaque at the sanctuary. 111 Thessalos 25-27. Page 287 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams There are a few additional points to note about incubation. The basic premise of incubation is consistent. The goal is to meet with the divinity in a dream and certain rituals precede this meeting in order to help facilitate. The incubant purifies himself through washing and/or avoiding certain contagions. The incubant spends the night in an appropriate location, often chosen for a specific reason. The incubant is given instructions by a priest or other authority figure about his expected behavior. The main procedure for meeting the god is sleeping and dreaming. It is desirable for others to be present. Only the dreamer is conscious of the dream and if it includes the divinity, the dreamer perceives the experience as extraordinary. The god and incubant interact as if awake. Conversation occurs in direct speech, as a dialogue between divinity and incubant. Finally, upon waking, the content of the dream is unknown to those who have slept beside the incubant. If the cure has not taken place, discussion might ensue to determine the meaning of the dream. These aspects are consistently observed in accounts dating as early as the fourth century BC to as late as the second century AD. The ritual of incubation and the perception of an epiphany does not change very much. IIIC. Location Incubation is a central ritual to healing cults, and possibly the most important ritual. The importance of incubation is reflected in the topography and layout of the architectural elements of the sanctuary. Yet, it seems that no specific architectural form developed for incubation. The only ideal "architectural" situation articulated for incubation is that it should occur in a roofed location, but even then, this is not always practiced. We certainly have evidence of incubation taking place in an enclosed, even shielded space; Aeschines was punished after peering into the abaton at Epidauros. Page 288 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Though here, it is not quite clear for what he is being punished. But, at the same sanctuary, from Pausanaias' account, we know that the Epidaurians at the Asklepieion were upset that they had to give birth or die "under an open sky" prior to construction of the Portico of Kotys in the Roman period. For nearly 350 years of its operation, incubation for some visitors must have taken place in an unroofed location. These cases are, of course, situations that threaten the purity of the hieron and also suggest that the only reason they took place under an open sky is because a roofed location was not available. A number of atypical cures take place out of doors as well, but these circumstances are not ritual incubation. Instead, these are spontaneous epiphanies of Asklepios. Even the enjoinder from Oropos that men and women must sleep on opposite sides of the altar suggests that the incubants might have been outdoors, perhaps under portable tents. Why was a closed and roofed location sought for a ritual that was not specifically obscured? Is it for protection from the elements or protection from onlookers? In other words, was a roof merely a functional consideration or is it an attempt to make incubation secretive? This is not a simple point to consider. Recollection of events that take place during incubation is common. The information given by the god is recited to others and written down. Their input might be necessary to interpret the dream. Details of successful cures are advertised openly on pinakes and stelai that are later shown to others and read. The fact that Aristophanes situates his play at an Asklepieion indicates that its rituals were familiar enough to merit dramatization. Plaques sometimes depict the god beside the bed of a worshiper. Even at the Amphiareion at Oropos, the names and cities of those Page 289 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams who incubated were recorded and posted for anyone who wished to examine them."2 Shelter seems to be primarily for protection from the elements and also to mark the area where the incubation could take place. Secrecy is not its purpose. The roofed and walled location also helped create an ambiance appropriate for epiphany, in the sense that it might force those present to crowd together. A considerable amount of scholarship is devoted to identifying the place set aside for incubation and archaeologists generally identify the stoa as the building specifically I I ^ used for the ritual. These all-purpose buildings are found at many of the sanctuaries excavated, and most of them are situated close to the temple and/or altar. Stoas have been found at the Asklepieia of Athens,114 Corinth,115 Epidauros,'16 Tebena,117 Gortys,118 and Troezen. 19 The Pergamon Asklepieion has a Hellenistic stoa that adjoins off its colonnaded court to the west. The stoa buildings have several other advantages that indicate they are appropriate for incubation. Several contain a water source within the interiors.120 A water source is extremely useful in providing incubants with a place to purify themselves before incubating, and furthermore, is believed to be the means for a divinity to travel. The deities are believed to appear near water sources. Often, this water source is designed to resemble a rustic location which also recreates a place ideal for an epiphany. Other ' LSCG 35; /GVIII.235: To OVO/JM TOV syxaSsufiovTOZ ozav kfifiaWei TO aqyvqiov yoacpeoSai TOV VSUMOQOV xal aurov xal T% TTO\SO$ xal kxr&siv kv TO? lego?yoacpovTa kv TTSTSVQOI O-XOTXS.1V TO!/3OVXO/J,SVOV. 113 Kavvadias (1891) 124; Holwerda (1902) 289; Elderkin (191 1); RiethmUller (1999) 131. 114 Riethmuller(1999) 129-130 with notes and bibliography. 115 Roebuck (1951) 42-56 116 Kritzas and Mavromatidis (1988) with notes and bibliography. 117 Sanders (1982) 81 with notes and bibliography. 118 Martin and Metzger (1940/1) 280-2. "9Faraklas(1976)39. 120 Athens: Kohler(1877) 184; Versakes (1913) 55; RiethmUller (1999) 130. Corinth: Roebuck (1951)46- 49. Epidauros: Kritzas and Mavromatidis (1988). Gortys: Martin and Metzger (1980/1) 280-282, Jost (1985)204. Page 290 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams features might be added to the stoa to evoke the feeling of a ideal place for an epiphany. One scholar suggests that the sekos at the Athenian Asklepieion formalizes the act of sleeping beside the tomb of a hero. Another feature is that the stoas are often double- aisled or have another architectural feature that divides the interior space.122 These types of divisions separate the space so that incubants can be grouped in different ways, such as by condition, degree of purity, or gender. Finally, the stoa sometimes contains couches, which are appropriate for sleeping. The stoa at the Amphiareion had couches in its 123 interior. However the stoa can not be the sole location for incubation. First, not every sanctuary has a stoa, and the problem is not necessarily one of excavation. None have been found at the Asklepieia of Aliphera or Messene, though both sanctuaries have been excavated thoroughly. Secondly, there is no single phrase used to describe the location where incubation takes place. In the iamata, incubation takes place in the abaton,124 a term that could conceivably refer to the stoa, but could easily refer to any number of places. Elsewhere in the iamata as well as in other inscriptions and literary evidence, incubation takes place in the hieron/hiaron,126 in the adyton, 7 in theprodomos,X2% in the 121 Riethmilller(1999) 141-3. 122 Riethmiiller (1999) 130. ,23Petrakos(1968)78. 124 abaton: LiDonnici (1995) 12;; Al, A2, A6 (A6 names both the temple and the abaton as separate places), A7, Al 1, A15, A17, B4, B9, C7; C21. Abaton literally means "place of non-walking." 125 Perhaps the use of the term adyton is instructive here. Hollinshead states that it is misleading to use the term adyton to describe the inner room of a temple. According to her argument, the term is applicable to many different spaces and it is a functional label, rather than a structural one. The one defining feature of the adyton is that it is "usually a sacred place" but "no specific structure can be inferred.... The defining characteristic of any adyton is restricted access" and it may be roofed or unroofed (1999) 189-194, 207. 126 hieron/hiaron. Epidauros: C5; Strabo VIII.6.15. 127 adyton: Epidauros: LiDonnici (1995) 113 n 50; iamata B 18; Lebena: / Cret I.XVII no 9. 2nd cen B.C.; Tricca: IG IV 1.128 (ca. 300 B.C.). avsv prodomos: Athens (literally "#«/' yaq iTwyx syxaSeuficvv TOJ TTQOSO/AO) TOO Isgou) Suidas Lexicon s.v. Domnios. This particular reference is interesting insofar as Plutarch supposedly wakes from his dream and looks at the statue of Asklepios. Is the statue he looks at the main cult statue kept in the temple or is it Page 291 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams temple (naos or aedes), in the enkoimeterion, in the a/505, in the temenos, and quite vaguely "m /ow Asklepiou" which could refer to any area in the sacred precinct. Sometimes, the location is not even clearly specified.13 Aristides incubates at a number of locations in the same sanctuary. The variety of terms indicates that no one single structure is used for incubation. " ~ The stoa tends to serve multiple functions at other cults.136 Stoas are used for storage, relief from the shade, living quarters, and ritualized dining. Notably, stoas are places of ritual dining at the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Corinth.137 This does not mean that they could not be used for incubation, but rather, suggest that they may have been used for more than incubation, such as the storage and display of votives. Finally, as discussed in the previous chapter, the temple was used as a place of incubation, and had the strictest restrictions in regards to purity. It likely was the building where incubants who were able to achieve the highest level of purity could stay. The temples even included places where incubants of special rank or honour could sleep. Pausanias describes the Asklepieion at Tithorea and states that there is a Mine next to the another statue of Asklepios located elsewhere in the sanctuary? Perhaps, hieron refers to the temple in this instance. 129 naos or aedes: Athens: Themistius Or.XXVII "in the naos and acropolis'7; naos and aedes are terms used to describe the temple. 130 enkoimeterion: Beroia: Woodward (1911-12) 144 no. 3 (=EKM 118); Brocas-Deflassieux (1999)71-72; Pergamon: Lex Sacra 1965.20 Ins. 11-12, 18. bl alsos: Anthologia Palatina VI.330. 1,2 temenos: B3. ' in tou Asklepiou: Menander Papyrus Didotiana b, 9; Ar. PI, 411; Aelianus Fragtnenta 89. ''4 Lebena: "in Lebena" / Cret I.XVII. 9 (2nd cen B.C.); Erythrae: "o statue in the temple (naos).xn As a single bed, this could be a position of honor or for special patients to incubate, or perhaps it was simply symbolic. It may have been meant for Asklepios to share in the incubation process or alternatively, as a place for him to recline and banquet. The stoa is not the only building with a divided interior; many of the other buildings have divided interior space, especially the temples. These divisions are often intended for different activities.139 Part of the temple might be used for incubation and part might contain the cult statue.' The temple at Aliphera (Fig. 5.11), for example, has a transverse wall that divides the cella in two. The eastern portion may be apronaos, but since its depth (2.85 m) is half the length of the naos, it likely had a specific function.141 The temple at the Asklepieion at Lissos (Fig. 5.12) has a curb of stone slabs, 1.20 m deep, which separates the section with the mosaic from the section with the statue base and bench.142 The temple at Tebena's Asklepieion (Fig. 5.13) has two 4.3 m granite columns placed in front of the podium located against the back wall.143 This may be a way of dividing the temple's interior space. The temple at the Epidaurian Asklepieion (Fig. 5.14) has a partition with a pit on one side and the cult statues at the back of the cella on the other. This partition is marked on plans, but not described in detail in the '•>sPaus. X.32.12. Ij9 It is possible that all the temples at the Asklepieia have divided interiors, but the state of the remains makes this difficult to assert this with confidence. 140 Hollinshead argues that the inner rooms of certain temples were used to store valuable goods (1999) 203-4. 141 Orlandos (1967-8) 173-174. 142 Daux (1959) 753-4; Sanders (1982) 84. 143 Sanders (1982) 81. Page 293 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams scholarly literature.144 The room with cult statues at Pheneos also has a divided interior marked on its plans.145 Herondas' mime also indicates that the temple's space is divided. The crowd pushes and shoves because the pastos is open. A pastos is an area separated by a curtain, and usually refers to a bridal chamber. In the mime, it likely refers to a partition in the temple, created using a curtain. When the door is open and the pastos is visible, the visitors rush upon the area, trying to secure themselves a place to incubate. They push and shove in hopes that they will be the individual lucky enough to sleep in the most important spot in the temple, or even just to secure a space within the temple.146 As examined in the previous chapter, it is possible to incubate in many different locations in the sanctuary, but there is a hierarchy of possible locations that are available, on the basis of an incubant's purity. The stoa building is likely used for incubation, but the evidence covered in the previous chapter points to the temple as the strictest in its requirements, and therefore the place most ideal to incubate. After this, the stoa or another place in the hieron would be a reasonable second choice. Tents could be set up temporarily to accommodate large crowds. Dillon says that tents are provided for pilgrims who participate in festivals and suggests that tents could have been used at incubation centers. The term for a portable tent (stibadazon) might even be taken from the term for a portable bed (stibas). After incubation in the hieron, a location in the alsos was probably the least desirable place to spend the night. HID. Witnesses 144 LiDonnici (1995) 11. For plans, see Burford (1969) 56 fig 6; Tomlinson (1983) 53 fig 9. 145 Protonariou (1961/2), (1965). 146 Herondas Mim. IV.54. Pastos: Cunningham (1966), (1971) 38-40, 127-147, (1987) 13-17; Sherwin- White (1978) 349-352; Cunningham, Rusten, and Knox (1993) 254-265; Hollinshead (1999) 207. 147 Dillon (1990) 87. Page 294 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams One important and rarely discussed facet of incubation is the need for witnesses to be present to confirm the miracle. Witnesses are valuable because they observe the cure and provide eye-witness testimony about what has taken place. Their reports confirm that a cure is not merely the report of an excited but deceived incubant or an incubant who is seeking notoriety by making false claims about an epiphany. Since association with the divinity brings fame, status, and material wealth, the claimant benefits. An individual who incubates alone has no one to dispute any claims he makes after the fact. On the other hand, incubating as a group is favoured as it creates a situation in which many eye witnesses are present. Hence, Thessalos' meeting with Asklepios, mentioned above, is shocking to a priest. There is no one present to observe his meeting and verify what happens. Witnesses feature in accounts of epiphanies that take place during incubation. For example, Plutos incubates with companions, strangers, and familiar Athenians. The group is not just an opportunity for Aristophanes to launch a humorous invective at specific notable figures from the city, but the playwright uses the testimony of one witness, Carion, to advance the narrative and describe to the audience what happens during the incubation by retelling the events to another character, his master's wife. While Plutos and the others sleep, Carion watches the activity of the priest and Asklepios. Although Carion is wrapped in his cloak, he peers through holes in the fabric. Carion reports the events he sees to his masters' wife (and the audience). Carion's ability to recount the events he sees depends upon their proximation to reality. Carion recounts in precise detail all aspects of the cure that reflect a medical reality. He describes how Asklepios uses everyday physician's tools in the preparation of Page 295 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams a salve.148 But, when Canon's observations are less realistic, he no longer describes them with the same precision. He sees serpents performing a treatment, but can not provide any details since it happens beneath a cloth. Carion's report switches from direct observation to inference. The only real confirmation of Plutos' cure is the return of his sight after treatment. When Plutos is finally healed, Carion claps his hands with joy, waking others in the room. Immediately, both Asklepios and the serpents vanish into the shrine, as if their presence should not or could not be seen by any of the other incubants except Carion. He is the sole witness to the events. Following this, those around Plutos stay awake the rest of the night, blessing and greeting him. Ultimately, a successful incubation entails more than just the epiphany of the god and miraculous cure, but a witness' observation of events, joy at its success, and subsequent retelling of the miracle to others. Witnesses are mentioned in the Epidaurian iamata. Cures take place with others present in the area of the incubation.1 In some cures, the witnesses play a part in the narrative itself. For example, in cure A17, a snake cures a sleeping incubant by licking his toe, while the incubant dreams of a beautiful man. There is a difference between what is observed by the incubant and the witness, but the outcome is ultimately the same: the incubant is cured. Someone other than the incubant had to have seen the snake lick the toe. Other cures in the iamata do not specifically mention that a witness is present, but instead imply that all events have been seen because of the way the cure is written using third person formulaic concluding remarks: "When day came, s/he left well." The phrase implies that someone observed the incubant enter sick and leave healthy. Perhaps in these See Alfageme on how comedy offers a panoramic view of medicine between the fifth and third centuries B.C. (1995). 149 A5, A9, A15 A17, B3. Page 296 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams cases, the events of the incubation and epiphany have gone unobserved, but someone was present to indicate that a change had taken place. Witnesses figure into Aristides' diary of his illnesses and he relies on co- incubants to provide insight into his dreams and observe his cures. They watch him undertaking all manner of treatments the god has recommended, from bathing to fasting. Those who take on the role of witnesses include family members, acquaintances and friends, some of whom are co-incubants, hoping for some insight into the god's messages. Aristides considers the network of people around him essential in his cures. He even attributes the start of his return to oratory to several friends and co-incubants who encouraged him. Aristides even praises those who witness his cures and share the room during his incubations. In an oration to Concordia, he declares that belonging to a chorus, being crew members on a sea voyage, or being students of the same teacher cannot compare with being incubants together at the Asklepios Temple.150 In addition to sharing the experience of incubation, these co-incubants serve as witnesses for any miraculous cures that take place. Finally, after observing Aristides engage in divine recommended behaviours, the witnesses attest to the power of the god and the validity of the cure. For example, witnesses often play a role when Aristides undertakes treatments recommended by the god. Aristides has a dream in which he is instructed to bathe in the river during the wintertime. Surprised by the deity's seemingly dangerous advice, witnesses appear in large numbers to see what will happen: When the divine manifestation was announced, friends escorted us, and various doctors, some of them acquaintances, and others who came either out of concern or even for the purposes of investigation. And there was also another great crowd, for some distribution happened to be taking place beyond the gates. And everything was visible from the bridge.... When I came out, all my skin had a Page 297 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams rosy hue and my body was comfortable everywhere. And there was a great shout from those present and those coming up, shouting that celebrated phrase, 'Great is Asklepios!'151 In this passage, Aristides' behaviour runs counter to what expectations were for treatment of his present illness. Perhaps it was expected that he would die or be made sicker by bathing in cold water, regardless of the dream. The large number of witnesses includes a diverse group of people who would regard the treatment with different levels of skepticism. Aristides is not able to provide irrefutable testimony of his epiphany since he has everything to gain from claiming the cure to be legitimate - it highlights his special status with the divinity is Asklepios. Even Aristides' immediate circle of friends might be too eager to believe in the cure for their reports to be reliable. Rather, distant friends and doctor acquaintances are more inclined to rely on their own judgment about events. Seeing Arisitdes bathe is their only method for confirming what happens. Their testimony of events is valueable. Even more valuable is the testimony of those with no obvious connection to the situation at all. Other doctors and those who are receiving the distribution can witnesses events and provide an account that is likely to be free of exaggeration because they have no vested interest in the outcome of Aristides' cure. They are just as likely to be delighted at attending the spectacle of a ridiculous sham as they are at observing a miracle. The presence of so many different people who accept the cure as legitimate emphasizes its truth and veracity. Those who observe Aristides bathe are convinced of its truth in spite of what they expect to happen. Other literary accounts distinguish that some witnesses are more desirable than others, usually because of their trustworthiness and the impression that they have earned divine favour. For example, when Apollonius takes up residence in the Asklepieion at l5i Aristid. HL II. 20-21. Translation Behr (1969)227. Page 298 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Aegae, Asklepios says to the priest that he is delighted to have Apollonius as a witness (JIOQTVQI) of his cures of the sick. His spotless reputation makes him trustworthy so that the Cilicians and others from all around flock to the temple ( voaovvTac, vno ATTOAACOPICOI (IOQTVQI, fyvqistrav kg rag Aljag s TTSQI^...).152 Apollonius is valuable because of his high standing in the community and the belief that he is trutworthy. They think he will only verify a valid cure. His reputation makes him an ideal witness. The literary evidence is complemented by votive plaques that include witnesses along with the divinities and incubants. On both the Piraeus votive (Fig. 5.15) and NM 1841 (Fig. 5.16), the god tends to an incubant while a group of people stands to one side, facing the divinity, with the incubant bridging the space between them. These witnesses all adopt a specific gesture that consists of raising the right hand, with the fingers held pointed outwards towards the event, but bent, with the thumb touching them on the palm side (Fig. 5.17). This is generally interpreted as a sign of worship, as it is used in scenes of processions (Fig. 5.18). In processional scenes, though, large groups of figures approach an altar, bearing kislai, cult paraphenalia, and animals for sacrifice. The gesture probably is one of worship and praise in the context of apompe or a sacrifice. It may also indicate an awareness that the divinity is present at the altar, awaiting the scent of sacrificial smoke. However, in scenes of incubatory healing, the group is neither conducting a procession nor beginning a sacrifice. In such a context, the gesture is one of praise and joy at the recovery of the sick or at the epiphany of the divinity, a visual equivalent to Plutos' companions who bless and praise (aspazontd) the miracle all night long. 152 Philostr. VA 1.8. Page 299 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams The importance of witnesses, as mentioned earlier, relates to the fact that the cures themselves were subject to considerable doubt and resistance. Even today, we resist believing in miraculous cures and propose every alternative before reluctantly acknowledging their possibility. The presence of a witness, especially a doubtful one, helps assure that the neither the cure nor the illness is being faked by an incubant who is hoping for notoriety and financial gain from association with the divinity. Furthermore, witnesses, especially doubtful ones, can balance out large groups of people who are seen as easily deceived by an enterprising charlatan or profiteer. A witness hesitant to believe what he observes is considered difficult to deceive. Finally, a witness observes activity that takes place outside of the dream context, while a sleeping incubant might be experiencing an epiphany. For example, in A17, the witness observes an entirely different situation than the sleeping incubant. As I will shortly argue, the juxtaposition of what a witness observes as compared with what an incubant experiences is illustrated on NM 3369 - the figure on the slibas is asleep, while the witness observes the events of the abaton. The witness sees a snake perform a cure, while the incubant encounters the divinity Amphiaraos in his dream and offers him his shoulder. The incubant observes probable events that suggest a cure is taking place. The incubant observes in a dream events that are seen only by him. Both incubant and witness provide different accounts of events that ultimately result in the same consequence: the incubant is cured. One final role of a witness is that he is responsible for telling others about what he has observed. Carion is an example of this. Votive inscriptions are also "witnesses" in this sense, insofar as they retell events from the past to those who did not observe them Page 300 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams firsthand.153 Like a witness, specific details are mentioned in order to increase the credibility of the tale, especially in those that name locations or objects that can be verified in the sanctuary. Furthermore, the iamata state the name of the individual, his city, and the method of his cure. IV. Oropos Plaque and the Incubatory Dream The Oropos plaque represents the epiphanic experience and incubatory act simultaneously. By looking at the plaque as two distinct groups of figures who are undergoing a cure, one with healing taking place on a divine level and one with healing taking place on a human level, we are able to examine the ritual of incubation at the Asklepieia. Technically, the plaque represents an incubation at an Amphiareion, although I have argued that the plaque uses the imagery of the Asklepieia and was likely intended for the Athenian Asklepieion. Thus far, I have argued that incubation is a key ritual at the sanctuaries and the design of the Asklepieia reflects this fact, as discussed in previous chapters. The sanctuaries are deliberately situated in areas associated with epiphanies (water, heights). Some alter or add rustic features to suggest extraurbanity since locations outside of the city are associated with epiphany. The sanctuaries contain an entry area that is meant to give worshipers a chance to talk amongst themselves and build their anticipation prior to incubation. The interior of the sanctuary is divided in order to allow everyone to participate in the incubatory ritual, and also to separate certain subsections of the sanctuary so they are more pure than the others. These are kept extremely pure, because there is an underlying sense that the god prefers to be as far away from pollution as 153 On oral tradition and the iamata, see LiDonnici (1995) 51-60. Page 301 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams possible. The incubant undergoes a series of ritual actions to make himself as pure as possible so that he may come as close as possible to the divinity. Everything in the sanctuary ties into the ultimate goal at the sanctuary - to transform sickness to health through a meeting with a divinity. Purification, prayer, sacrifice, dining, dedication, and any number of ritual activities previously discussed are preparation for the moment at which the incubant meets with Asklepios in a dream. IVA. Depicting incubation - observable and conceivable In order to examine how the Oropos relief (Fig. 5.1) depicts incubation, I will examine each group of figures in turn. The first group represents incubation at the sanctuary. The two figures portrayed on the right side of the plaque are both mortals. One lies on a stibas or Mine with a snake rising from behind to curl over his back and lick his shoulder. A second figure stands at the head of the stibas with his hand raised in a worshipful gesture that is seen on the other plaques as a sign of recognition of divine presence. Behind the reclining figure is a votive plaque on a base. The figures depicted suggest a self-contained narrative sequence that represents the events of the incubation. The viewer is able to discern the preceding events that are not depicted. Since the incubant is stretched on the stibas, the viewer assumes he has already undergone the necessary ritual actions and is finally within the hieron. The location is indicated by the votive plaque behind him; he is in a place where the pinakes are displayed: the hieron. The plaque serves a further purpose of adding the dimension of timelessness to the event, since it indicates a cure that took place in the sanctuary in the past, while a cure takes place in the present narrative of the images depicted, and the Page 302 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams entire scene is represented on a votive plaque that commemorates a cure. Just as the represented plaque in the relief indicates the continuation of successful cures, so too the actual plaque will remain in the sanctuary as a testament to the event it commemorates. The reclining figure is asleep. He does not react or respond to the snake behind him or to the figure at the head of the bed. His sheet has slipped away to reveal his shoulder or arm. Because the entire scene is part of a commemorative votive plaque, the viewer is aware that a successful cure is being represented. The outcome - that the sleeping person will be cured of his disease or injury - is already known to the viewer. Even though the scene depicts a single moment in the narrative, the moment of the snake's appearance, the viewer understands the past events (previous cures, preparation for the ritual) and future ones (cure, the donation of a thank offering). Contrasted with these enduring events - that cures take place at the sanctuary and the incubant is asleep - are two momentary events. The snake has suddenly appeared and curled up over the back of the sleeping figure. At the same time, a man has appeared on the scene and witnesses the actions of the snake. The past and the future actions of these two actors (the snake and the witness) are entirely unknown to the viewer. The snake only exists in its present state, performing a cure. Similarly, the man at the head of the stibas also is a figure without a past or a present. His reason for being present, the rituals he has undertaken, and where he will go next remain open ended to the viewer. His significance is that he can provide testimony to what he observes. He sees the sleeping incubant and he sees the snake. The reclining figure is in a familiar pose observed on other plaques from the Asklepieia. He lies on a low bed that has been identified elsewhere as a stibas or a Page 303 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Mine.154 A stibas is a type of portable bed, and the term is used by Athenaios to describe a rough couch of wood, used by guests at festivals. x As mentioned, the stibas appears on a number of other votive plaques, including Piraeus 405 (Fig. 5.15), Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Fig. 5.10), NM 1841 (Fig. 5.16), NM 2441 (Fig. 5.19), andNM 2373 (Fig. 5.20). NM 1841, NM 2441, and NM 2373 all come from the Athenian Asklepieion, suggesting that this theme, the reclining incubant, was especially popular in votives plaques manufactured and dedicated at Athens. The votive Ny Carlsberg 233a shows the bed being lifted and carried by several men, an indication that such beds were portable.156 It is recognizable by its low, straight undecorated legs and slightly raised end, where the head rests. The figure reclining on NM 3369 is asleep. In almost every account of incubation, the incubant is asleep during the process in order that he may dream. The iamata often indicate that the incubant was asleep during his cure with phrases such as "While sleeping, he saw a vision" (ajxaTaxoifiaS-aTcra ds fyiv side) or "sleeping here, he had a dream" (syxaS-svdajv SVVWJIOV side). Sometimes, the cure simplifies the phrase to "sleeping here."157 If the incubant has an epiphany, the vision of the god appears in the context of a dream. Dreams are essential and Apollonius gives hints to the suppliants so as to obtain favourable dreams. Dreaming is encouraged for everyone who is present, and even those who come simply as companions to the incubant sleep at the sanctuary. In 154 Stibas appears in Ar. PI 663. Sometimes kline is used (D14, Paus. X.32.12), perhaps interchangeably. Meier points out that the modern word "clinic" derives form the word kline (1989) 51. On the kline, see Richter (1966) 52-63. 155 Athenaios IV. 138. 156 Hamperl (1963) 90-91. 157 oiPiv. A2, A3, A4, A6, A7, A9, A17,B3, B8, B10, B12, B15, B17, C3, C20, C21, C23 svmviov: A13, A14, A18, Bl, B4, B7, B9, Bl 1, B14, B18, B20, B21, B22, C14 just eyxabevdcov: A8, All, A12, A15, A19, B2, C5, C22. For a more exhaustive use of thse terms, see list by van Straten (1976) 21-27. l58Philostr. VA IV. 11 Page 304 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Aristophanes' Plutos, when Carion claps his hand, his master "wakes," so he must have been asleep. Even after waking, if an obvious epiphany has not taken place, incubants continue to try and decode their dreams for messages from the gods. Aristides spends a great deal of time analyzing his dreams and discussing them with doctors and sacristans. The reclining figure on NM 3369 also adopts the pose familiar from representations of other sleeping figures. Sleeping individuals usually lie down on a bed or mattress in a semi-contorted position, with the knees bent. The torso is faced towards the viewer, while the feet often are shown in profile view. The figure's head rests on his arm, and may be further propped up on one or more pillows. This conventional way of depicting sleep appears in other representations, both in sculpture and in vase painting.160 On one vase (Fig, 5.21), Rhesus, a king known from the Euripidean play and the tenth book of the Iliad, is shown sleeping on a pallet, his head propped up by two pillows.161 The upper torso of the king is shown to face the viewer, while his lower body, complete with shoes, lies flat on the mattress. Diomedes and Athena stand in the foreground, conspiring together. Similar poses appear in other depictions. A votive relief from Kos shows Daikrates lying in a cave (Fig. 5.22).162 A votive related to Apollo depicts a small sleeping man at the foot of a palm tree. Two sleeping terracotta figurines lie upon their sides with their heads resting on their arms.164 l59Aristid. O.XLVFII.31-35 160 Sleep depicted on Apulian vases: Giuliani (1996) 71-86. 161 Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preussicher Kulurbesitz Antikensmmlung, Inv. 1984.39. 162 van Straten (1976) 1-2 and fig 2. 163 Paris Louvre 3580. van Straten (1976) 4-5 and fig 11. 164 BM London C 208; Louvre Paris CA 628. Page 305 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams The importance of sleeping and dreaming is further emphasized at the Asklepieia by honouring the deities Hypnos (Sleep) and Oneiros (Dream) with worship. According to Pausanias, statues of Hypnos and Oneiros were located in the Asklepieion at Sikyon.165 An Attic inscription names Asklepios, Hygieia, and Hypnos together.166 Hypnos is mentioned in dedicatory inscriptions from Epidauros as well. ' The deities probably were worshiped at the sanctuary because they could help an incubant enter into a state where it was possible to make contact with Asklepios. Perhaps they were even offered prothumata to appease or propitiate them. While the figure sleeps, a snake curls over the reclining figure to lick his upper arm, perhaps even his shoulder. A snake also appears on the Ny Carlsberg Glypotek relief (Fig. 5.10), possibly in order to provide a similar service. Even Aristophanes' play dramatizes this sequence of events when Carion sees two snakes perform a cure. Snakes are mentioned in the iamata and they usually play a role in the cure. They are mentioned as the agent of healing in cures A17, B13, B19, B22, CI, C2, C15(?), C44, and C45. To cure a patient, the snake licks the injured body part or crawls into the patient's bed. In some of these cures, the patients are awake when the snake cures them. For example in iamaton A17, the word hupar is used to distinguish that the patient is not dreaming or having a vision, but the cure happens while the patient is awake. In such cases, the snake stands in for Asklepios, because it is incubants and other mortals generally do not see the divinity while awake, unless the god is disguised. There is a belief that seeing the god undisguised could be life threatening or even dangerous. On the other hand, a snake is an Paus. II.13.3. Dittenberger, Sylloge 2. II. 776. /GIVnos. 1048, 1335, 1336. Page 306 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams animal found readily in nature. The appearance or presence of a snake is unusual, but not impossible to conceive. Snakes generally do not have negative connotations in the Asklepios cult. At times they are frightening - one terrified mute girl even starts to speak again after seeing a snake in a tree of the alsos (CI). The figures on the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek plaque (Fig. 5.10) seem to express fear at the snake depicted in the tree and appear to throw rocks. Generally, though, in imagery and tales, snakes are benevolent. Snakes are represented in imagery as divinities or helpers of divinities. They can be used to mark a new sanctuary, as with the Asklepieia at Tiber Island and Athens. The location for the sanctuaries at Epidauros Limera, and Manitea are indicated to their founders by serpents.169 They also can be guides to useful information, such as a location sought or missing people. For example, Soarchus is shown the way to new springs from the Asklepieion at Lebena by a snake. A snake guides Ajax in Philostratos. On NM 3369 (Fig. 5.1), the figure standing at the head of the bed is perhaps the most difficult figure to interpret in the depiction and is sometimes understood as the incubant himself appearing at the sanctuary. Instead, based on the need for observation of successful cures and the constant fear of doubt, I believe that he is a witness to the miraculous cure taking place instead. From the earliest accounts of miraculous healing to the latest ones, witnesses are present at miraculous cures and provide testimony that what has transpired is legitimate. Their importance has been discussed previously. Snakes are sometimes positive figures in other cults and in mythology as well. For example, Erechthonius and Cecrops are serpents. Aeneas recognizes the serpent that emerges from the grave of Anchises as the spirit of his father. 169 Paus. III.23.7. 170 Philostr. Her. 706. Page 307 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams The witness is identified by his position and gesture. He is clearly a mortal, as shown by his smaller scale, relative to the divine figures. The witness is usually set to one side in the scene, and faces the events of the scene and the deity. He adopts a specific hand gesture with his hand extended, the thumb touching the palm. The witness figure on NM 3369 is positioned so that he can observe the miraculous cure by the snake and in a sense, overlooks the other two figures that represent the divinity's epiphany. His state of wakefulness contrasts with the sleeping figure, because he is erect instead of reclining. The witness is positioned on the plaque in such a way so as to indicate what he sees occur. He sees the conceivable, but unusual, event of a snake curling over an incubant sleeping on a stibas. His distance from the epiphany group indicates that he does not "observe" the divinity's appearance, but that he ultimately learns of its positive consequences. While the incubant dreams of his meeting with the divinity in a vision, the witness sees the divinity in the form of a snake interact with the incubant. The consequence of the action remains the same - the incubant is cured, and the witness can testify to this. The witness' gesture is similar to the gestures of figures on other epiphany and processional votive plaques, and has been taken by some to mean he is a processional figure. As discussed above, props such as kistai and sacrificial animals clearly indicate a scene as processional, whereas the witness in NM 3369 has no such prop. But, I would even argue that the reason groups of processional figures adopt this gesture is because the artist wants to indicate that the members of the group perceive, sense, or see the deity present. After all, the processional groups usually approach the divinity seated or standing on the other side of an altar. Deities were conceived to participate in sacrifice by Page 308 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams enjoying the smoke from the roasted meat. They were conceived to be present in statues. Even if the members of the group did not see the deity, we only need to think back to the many ways in which Aristeides experiences the presence of the deity in his description of an epiphany. He feels it and experiences it, in addition to observing it. The members of these processional groups indicate this through their gesture. Finally, the last "character" in the scene is the votive plaque behind the figures. Landscape elements and interior furnishings are rare in relief depictions of this time period. Such items are only added when they are pertinent to the action or serve a purpose. This plaque is not simply a decorative item meant to fill space, but plays a role in the miracle represented. The votive is represented because it marks the location of the events in the hieron of the sanctuary. In literature, representations, and even the leges sacrae,pinakes are typically located in the hieron. Pausanias devotes a considerable amount of discussion to a votive plaque he observes in the hieron at Epidauros and also describes the cure stelai he sees there. Several iamata describe incubants who read cures and observe pinakes in the hieron. Epigraphic evidence also implies that the hieron is the appropriate place fox pinakes in the Amphiareia, which borrowed a number of practices from the Asklepieia. An inscription from the Amphiareion at Oropos indicates that the appropriate location to set up an inscription is near the altar. In an inscription from the third century BC, a Hebrew slave freed by his master must inscribe the act granting his freedom on a stele close to the Amphiaraon's altar. This is matched by a votive relief; apinax represented on NM 1383 (Fig 5.23) is set in front of an altar. 171 Richter(1997) 196; Osborne (1998) 211. 172 SEG XV 293; SEG XVI 299. Page 309 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams From the Rhodian Asklepieion, a lex sacra discusses the appropriate places to dedicate thank offerings.17j Although fragmentary, the law concerns the placement of statuettes and dedications in the temenos (3) and in the hieron (9). Dedicators are also told not to place their sculptural and other dedications in the space of the upper temenos, between the propylon and another location now lost due to a lacuna in the text (12-14). Dedicants are also told not to block the covered walkways (peripatos) with their dedications. A lacunose lex sacra from a sanctuary to another divinity indicates that pinakes could be placed in the temple.174 According to this lex, the priest is allowed to remove statues and dedicated pinakes that block the view of the cult statue. Since cult statues are situated typically in the temple, this indicates that the offending pinakes were placed in the temple. The votive plaque is also associated with epiphany in the hieron. They are used to represent the epiphany, as apinax on NM 2557 (Fig. 5.24) contains a low relief of a deity extending his arms to a figure on a stibas, a scene of a miraculous healing. In representations, pinakes are also shown as a prop for a divinity to lean upon. Hygieia is shown casually leaning on the base of a round pinax, as represented on Louvre 755 (Fig. 5.25) and NM 1330 (Fig. 5.26). NM 3369 might call to mind a divinity's epiphany, an act which usually takes place in the hieron. It may even play a role in the narrative. It is possible that the snake was curled up on the plaque and slithered down it to perform the cure (such as the snake slithering in the tree of the Ny Carlsberg Glypotek). Overall, based on comparison with other plaques and with literary and epigraphic evidence, this portion of NM 3369 represents a cure that takes place in the sanctuary. The 1 LSS10S. '4 LSCG 43 = IG II2 995. From Athens. Page 310 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams votive plaque suggests it. A witness is present in order to testify to the change that has taken place, and his gesture indicates he sees a miracle or sense that the god is present. Finally, the plaque indicates where the scene is taking place. The plaque my further be a component of a narration in which a snake performs a cure. However, it is also possible that the snake is not meant to be taken literally, but represents the idea that a divinity is responsible for bringing about the cure. The witness observes the transformation of the incubant from sickness into health, and the snake has to be added in order to show that the divinity is responsible for this change rather than a medical doctor. However, there is little doubt that this portion of the plaque represents an incubation. Elements such as the bed, the snake, the pinax, and the witness all are familiar from other scenes and descriptions. IVB. Depicting epiphany - hierarchical scale, position The second group of figures on the Oropos plaque is likely situated in a different location than the reclining figure, snake, and witness. This group represents the epiphany of Amphiaraos to Archinos, an image of the divine dream that the reclining figure is having. Several factors help identify this as an epiphany, including the identity and actions of the two figures as well as the separateness of this pair indicated by their placement on the plaque. The pairing of the divinity and the mortal finds comparanda in both literary and epigraphic accounts and in later imagery. Furthermore, the two scenes are connected and arranged in importance by their overlapping position and also by the fact that the witnesses gives the appearance of overlooking both scenes, while the position of the divinity implies that he is overseeing the cure on both levels. Page 311 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams The separateness of the two groups of figures is suggested by their placement on the plaque. This pair is set apart from the other grouping by being placed further to the left and also by being placed in the foreground of the plaque. This group overlaps the reclining figure behind them, emphasizing its importance. The group also is entirely self- contained, with no additional figures or landscape markers, which gives a sense that the scene takes place in no physical location at all; it is atopic. There are no witnesses in this group. The two figures interact with one another, and not with the other figures of the plaque. Amphiaraos is distinguished from the other figures as a divinity by his large scale, by his archaizing curls, by his style of dress, and his position facing the other figures.175 Hierarchical scale uses differences in size to mark differences in status. It is used on other pinakes that relate to health and healing, especially those involving Asklepios and Hygieia. One example is from the Athenian Asklepieion but now in the Berlin Altes Museum (Fig. 5.27).176 Asklepios is enthroned with a snake coiling beneath his chair and Hygieia stands behind him, where Hygieia and the snake are likely shown as emblems or attributes of Asklepios. In both reliefs, both deities are larger in scale than the figures who approach them. On the Oropos plaque, Amphiaraos is considerably larger than the other figures, even the ones he interacts with. Some might regard him as representing a priest or even a doctor, rather than as a divinity, but usually in such cases, the patient and doctor are in one scale, while other subsidiary figures are shown smaller. On scenes that 175 Richter( 1997) 196. 176 Other plaques that use hierarchical scale include Piraeus 405 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 1), Patras Dimarche (Hausmann (1948) fig. 4), Louvre 755 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 5), Athens NM 1333 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 6), 1407 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 7), 1330 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 9), 1426 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 10), 1345 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 12), and Brocklesby Park 10 (Hausmann (1948) fig. 13), most of which come from the sanctuary at Athens. Asklepios is usually identified on these plaques by his snake. Page 312 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams depict medical doctors performing treatments, the doctors are usually in the same scale as the treated patient, such as the Clinic Painter's name vase (Fig 5.28). This contrasts with the Oropos plaque where Amphiaraos is obviously larger. Images of Asklepios share the same features as Amphiaraos, all of which are generic markers used to indicate a divinity. These include archaizing curls, a nude torso, bare feet, and a staff. As mentioned earlier, the only way to distinguish this as a representation of Amphiaraos is the inscribed dedication and provenance. Although most plaques are badly damaged, Asklepios is identified as a divinity by his archaizing curls on Louvre 755 (Fig. 5.25). Most statues of Asklepios show him with long curls as well. Amphiaraos' position facing all the figures on the plaque occurs on many of the plaques for Asklepios and is another convention for indicating the divinity's status. Asklepios faces smaller figures who are mortal on Piraeus 405 (Fig. 5.15), Louvre 755 (Fig. 5.25), NM 1333 (Fig. 5.18), NM 1407 (Fig. 5.29), NM 1330 (Fig. 5.26), NM 1326, Berlin Altes 685 (Fig. 5.27), NM 1345 (Fig. 5.30), and Brockelsby Park 10 (Fig. 5.31). The man offering his arm is a mortal, probably Archinos. Apart from Amphiaraos, he is of the same size as the other figures on the plaque. He has similar features to the other two men on the plaque as well - he is beardless, with a head of wavy hair. He is also dressed in a chiton that he has pulled open to reveal his injury. IVC. Depicting epiphany - medical practices The activity in the foreground on the Oropos plaque resembles treatments carried out by the professional doctors of antiquity. Amphiaraos holds Archinos' arm with his left hand and incises or touches the injured area with an object with his right hand. Page 313 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Amphiaraos is engaging in a practice known as the "laying-on" of hands.177 Although the term conjures up images of modern day charismatics and cultish religious leaders performing miraculous healings by touch, the term has a different meaning in the ancient context. "Laying-on of hands" involves physically touching a patient as part of treatment. The procedure's role in treatment is mentioned by the physician Celsus: "[A] practitioner of experience does not seize the patient's forearm with his hand, as soon as he comes, but first sits down and with a cheerful countenance asks how the patient finds himself, and if the patient has any fear, he calms him with entertaining talk, and only after that moves his hand to touch the patient."178 The implication is that touching a patient can be more than using the hand as a tool of healing, but also that holding or steadying a patient to perform procedure is part of the treatment. In other depictions of medical doctors, even in ones drawn from epic, mortal physicians are shown touching the patient with one hand even while engaged in surgical or medicinal practice with the other. On the Clinic Painter's red figure aryballos from the Louvre (Fig. 5.28), a seated physician holds the arm of a patient and manipulates forceps in the other. The patient stands before a low basin, probably meant to catch blood from the treatment. Another example is found in a well-known scene of Aeneas from Pompeii in Naples Museum of Archaeology, the physician lapyx removes Diomedes' arrowhead from Aeneas' thigh (Fig. 5.32).I79 One arm wraps around the back of Aeneas' leg, while the other manipulates the forceps. Iapyx touches Aeneas while treating him at the same time. This fresco also contrasts the typical mortal method of healing with the conception 177 Laying on of hands: Weinreich (1909) 1-38, 65-67; Leupold-Kirschneck (1981) 25-31. 178 Cel. Med. 3.6.6. 179 Casa di Sirico VII. 1. 25 and 47 (8). Other representations of this scene and bibliography discussed by Koortbojian (1995) 60-62, figs. 25, 26, 27. 180 Jacksom (1993) 127. Page 314 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams of how divinities heal their selected heroes. The futility of Iapyx's efforts is stressed by the goddess Aphrodite who appears in the background with a bottle containing a magic potion that will cure Aeneas. Asklepios' treatments are more similar to mortal doctors in that he never swoops in with a magic potion. He prepares potions and treatments using a mortar and pestle. He applies salves made out of everyday ingredients. Asklepios acts as a mortal physician, while other divinities can conjure up potions. Amphiaraos' stance also imitates what is described in professional medical practices. The god does not stand on flat feet, but leans upon his staff with one foot crossed. The pose may simply help indicate he is a divinity or that he is relaxed, but the posture also matches with a recommended position for performing surgery. In the Hippocratic work, In the Surgery, a physician is instructed to differ his stance based upon the type of procedure he is performing: "If the physician stands, he should make examinations with both feet fairly level, but perform operations with his weight on one 1 & 1 foot (not that on the side of the hand in use)." Amphiaraos' pose is similar insofar as he does not stand on flat feet, the pose recommended for making an examination. Instead, he shifts all the weight and action to his right side. The imbalance in his feet is similar to the pose described in the Hippocratic text, but the artist has reversed the operating hand. It is possible that a different Hippocratic text that does not survive recommended that both the operating hand and the foot the doctor balances on are the same, as the Hippocratic corpus often disputes points from work to work. Amphiaraos' position differs slightly, but not significantly, from what is observed on other votive reliefs where Asklepios is shown leaning on one foot instead of with a crossed leg. Piraeus 405 shows Asklepios standing with his weight chiefly on a single 181 Hippocrates, In the Surgery 3.LB.3.61=LTT III.279. Page 315 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams foot with the other raised. Other reliefs show Asklepios with his legs crossed: NM 1345, and Berlin Altes Museum K85. Hygieia also shows a crossed legged pose in NM 1383, NM 2557, Berlin Altes Museum 685 and Melchett Collection 6. These poses might all be drawn from real life practices. Archinos is represented as a patient receiving treatment. Archinos has revealed the upper portion of his body to the deity, as best as one can tell from the position of his himation. It hangs loosely open, revealing his entire right side, from waist to his head. The openness contrasts with other possible ways to wear a himation and it is obvious that Archinos' way of wearing the himation differs from Amphiaraos'. Archinos' drapery creates a billowing stack, and it appears from the folds that he tucked the ends up across the front, rather than around the back, in order to create slack and show his body. To conclude, Asklepios is not conceived of as a magical divinity, but rather one who is similar to mortal physicians. He prepares medications, uses medical equipment, and suggests remedies that do not differ in their requirements from what a professional physician prescribes. On the plaque, by combining elements of both immortality (size, dress, etc.) and those of mortal physicians, the scene indicates the manner in which Amphiaraos is conceived. He acts a physician in the dream, just as Asklepios does in many of the iamata. At the same time, he has elements that distinguish him from his patient. The events of the dream appear to be the most comprehensible aspect of the entire cure. The appearance of the snake is shocking. The miraculous cure is shocking. These two events require a witness to confirm them. Though it involves the deity, the dream itself bears semblance to the koine of everyday life. Page 316 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams IVD. Depicting epiphany - the divine dream The dream aspect of the votive is suggested by the manner in which Archinos and Amphiaraos are shown alone and separate from the incubation scene of the witness and incubant. Amphiaraos and Archinos interact as though they are awake and aware of one another and no one else. This type of meeting finds a parallel in the Epidaurian iamata where the stress is on the unique meeting of divinity and mortal, in which the incubant perceives the events to be taking place as if he is awake. The incubant might make physical contact with the deity. Speech is given as direct speech. The dreams are perceived only by the incubant. In one iamaton, two incubants have the same dream, but they are made aware of this fact only after the cure, when they reunite in Lacedaemon.18 Even the vocabulary used to describe the cures stresses that the dream is the individual's experience and reflects the unique perception of the dreamer. After naming the patient, the city, and the illness, the Epidaurian miracle texts describe the activity of the vision or dream with the phrase "it seemed" (iftoxei). This indicates that the events described were perceived by the incubant alone and not by others. There is no way to confirm what the incubant says has happened. External observation is useless since the epiphany happens within a dream or vision. Only the incubant's cure is confirmation that an interaction has legitimately taken place. In order to emphasize the difference between visions that occur during a dream and those that do not, the iamata use a specific phraseology to indicate different states of wakefulness. An epiphany that takes place while the incubant is asleep is distinguished by the use of the phrase kat'onar. Those that occur while the incubant is awake use the 182 A few cures are performed by figures who might be Asklepios in disguise or by his divine helpers (snakes, dogs) and these are witnessed by others. Page 317 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams phrase hupar.m The tales that use the word hupar do not use Asklepios, but instead rely on an animal or mortal as an agent: a snake, 5 a goose,186 a dog.187 The divinity plays no role in these cures, except perhaps implicitly in the sense that he is responsible for guiding the agent to perform the cure. Cures that happen while awake, such as the birth of Kleo's five-year old child (Al), a mute boy (A5), or Nicanor (A 16) do not mention Asklepios at all. An exception to this is the cure of Sostrata who has worms. She is cured, while awake, on the road home by a handsome man. After the cure, the handsome man reveals himself as Asklepios (B5). Some cures even distinguish between what the dreamer sees and what those who are awake see. The term onar is used to identify the dreamer's perception while hupar identifies activity that is observable by those who are awake. This distinction is made in an iamaton that describes an extremely improbable situation. Aristagora dreams that she is operated on by Asklepios' sons, but they must stop halfway because they are not skilled enough to continue. They leave her body in the middle of the operation and await Asklepios' return from another sanctuary. While Aristagora is asleep, a priest sees her body with a detached head. The text distinguishes that the priest is not dreaming. Aristagora uses the term onar to identify what constitutes a dream (the operation of Asklepios' two sons), whereas the term hupar is used to identify what the priest observes. This particular tale is challenging for us, because the priest's observations are completely irrational - a detached head. Tales that sound this irrational call the truth of the entire collection into question and probably gave all but the most faithful a reason to be 184 Dodds (1951) 102; van Straten (1976)4; Van Lieshout (1980)41-44; LiDonnici (1995) 105 n 19. Cures with hupar. A17 (snake), A20 (dog), B3, B6 (dog), B23 (goose). 185 A17. 186 B23. 187 A20, B3, B6. Page 318 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams skeptical of the iamata. But, for our purposes, whether or not the tale truly happened is not important. What is important is how the cure is conceived. Two different narratives that take place in the tale - the priest's observations and Aristagora's dream. The two overlap, in the sense that while Aristagora dreams of a pause in her operation, the priest sees her body left in a state of being half-operated. Her conception of events in her dream differs from what transpires in the physical world. The priest does not see Asklepios' sons, nor does Aristagora perceive the priest looking at her body. One reason the epiphany takes place in a dream is because mortals and immortals are not supposed to meet except in extreme circumstances. Even mortal figures of myth have terrible experiences when they encounter gods. The ill-fated interactions of Aktaion or Tiresias with the divinities serve as didactic examples of behavior to avoid. Even those favored by the gods such as mortal lovers meet with unpleasant fates or end up being removed from everyday life after their contact with the divinity (e.g. Ganymede). Figures of the Homeric epics are constantly afraid to encounter the divinities. They approach every stranger with reverence and fear, lest that stranger be a divinity in disguise. There is an overriding sense that meeting with an immortal is hubristic or transformative to the point that the mortal can no longer be a part of the physical world. No doubt, this is why oracles require intermediaries to receive the messages of the gods. The encounter changes the mortal forever because of the strangeness of the experience and the perception of the gods as superior beings. Since epiphanies are infrequent, there are inconsistent attitudes and beliefs about what happened during an epiphany. Page 319 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Epiphanies are mentioned in literature and in cult, usually as spontaneous and extraordinary events.188 In literature, especially the literature of myth, gods manifest themselves in disguise, revealing their divinity at the end of an encounter. Even then, only certain individuals can "see" gods. In fact, gods were probably not "seen" bodily. Their presence is sensed or perceived, not necessarily observed. Artemidoros states that "terrestrial gods - Pan, Hecate, Ephialtes" can be perceived by the senses (aisthetai), but only Asklepios can be perceived both by the senses and intelligibly (noetoi) as well.189 Artemidorus distinguishes epiphanic gods from non-epiphanic gods, and further indicates that most gods are only "perceived." This is in keeping with the idea that the gods are too much for mortals. Only Asklepios, who we know appears to men in dreams, is knowable and able to be sensed. In terms of "real life," the evidence points to the fact that the gods do not often appear to mortal men and when they do, the encounters are fraught with danger. In myth, the perception of a divinity is a mark of the extremely pious or those who are chosen favorites. Odysseus, but not Telemachos, can see Athena. Achilles can see Thetis when others can not. In general, in Homer's works, when gods appear to mortals, including the heroes, they do so simply as a voice or in a disguised form and almost never in bodily form. Having the ability to discern a divinity is therefore a mark of superhuman or heroic status. To Homer, the heroes who do "see" divinities, such as 188 Plutarch discusses many, for example. See Brenck (1977) 228-233. Note as well, that Plutarch is particularly cautious to acknowledge that not everyone's dreams are divine. 189Artem.I!.34. 190 See Fox (1986) 104. 191 Pucci (1985) 170-83; (1986) 7-28, (1988) 5-24; (1994) 15-16. Pucci points out some of the difficulties that are encountered in determining visibility of a god when epiphany occurs in tragedy, though his conclusion stresses the invisibility of the god to the characters of the play with visibility to the audience who understand they are watching a representation of invisibility in an anthropomorphic form (1994) 16- 22. Page 320 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Odysseus and Achilles, represent a generation of the past, a time when gods and men kept easy company with one another, as captured in the sentiments of the Phaiakians who recount the events of the Trojan war as myth and interact with the Cyclopes. Homer is making it clear that these are men of the past and he wants to emphasize, to a degree, that men were greater in that time and things have changed. To Homer, the gods are now more difficult to perceive because men and gods have become increasingly distant from each other. Even in drama, where gods appear among mortals as part of the narrative, the events concern a mythic or historic past, indicating that men of old kept company with the gods in a way that "modern" men did not. Perhaps the sense that gods no longer communicate with men on a regular basis is why the founders of cults receive honour after their deaths. There is a sense that they are somehow closer to the gods, or chosen by them, in much the same way a Homeric hero was. They are of special status. However, unlike the Homeric heroes who interact with the gods while awake, cult founders receive their instructions through dreams. Plato states in the Epinomis, "many cults of many gods have been founded and will continue to be founded because of dream-encounters with daimones, omens, oracles, and deathbed visions."192 Ptolemy I founds the Serapis cult after a vision. In the Delian Aratology, instructions for the cult of Serapis are given in a dream. The success of the sanctuary confirms to others that this individual was truly chosen by a divinity. Of course, not every dream is a divine dream, and ancient authors divide dreams that communicate information to the dreamer into smaller subsets. Subsets include dreams that arise through internal or external agents, as well as those that contain 192 PI. Epin. 985c. 19j Hippoc. Peri diaitesi IV. There is a lively debate in the ancient world on the meaning and interpretation of dreams. On this, see: Hanson (1980); del Corno (1978), (1982); Van Lieshout (1980). Page 321 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams information about the present or the future.194 For example, both Homer and Herodotus distinguishes two types of dreams - those rooted in the Gates of Ivory (insignificant) and those in the Gates of Horn (prophetic).195 Later authors develop more complex schemes, and most add a subset for epiphanic dreams as a type of prophetic dreams or put them into a separate category of their own. Epiphanic dreams are seen as prophetic because the divinity usually communicates a message of significance to the dreamer about his or her future. The divinity is identified as an external agent, and does not arise from the dreamer's own soul, a psychological factor, the intrusion of waking state thoughts,198 or physiological causes.199 An author from the Hippocratic corpus even advises praying to the gods as treatment for dreams arising from divine origin to distinguish them from dreams of a physiological origin.200 Some authors believe that epiphanic dreams are associated with highly purified souls.201 Plato states that the purity of the soul affects the types of dream one can have. According to him, pure souls receive divine dreams, whereas impure ones obscure such messages.202 Plato's beliefs are very much in accordance with what we have seen at the Asklepieia, where purity is a requirement for making contact with a divinity. Although, at the sanctuaries, the emphasis is on the fact that the god will not visit an impure person, 194 Behr (1968) 171-195; Oberhelman (1993) 123-4 195 Horn. OdXIX.560-570. Similar: Hdt. VII.16. 196 Macrobius Somnium Scipionis 1.30.20; Amm. Marc. 14.11.18; Chalcid. In Tim. 256; Cic. Div. 1.64; Gal. 6.834K; Pseudo-Hippoc. De Insomniis 86.3. Behr (1968) 172; Oberhelman (1983) 37 n. 8. cf. Arist. Div. Somn. 462b 20, 463b 13-14., 464 a 22, De Phil. frg. 12. 197 Artemid. 4. prooemium. 198 Oberhelman (1987) 50 n. 20. 199 Behr (1968) 176. 200 Hippoc. Peri Diaites IV. 201 Classifications of pure souls described by Synesius 12T, 15T, 3T. 202 PL /tev/?.571C-572B. Page 322 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams whereas Plato seems to imply that the god might appear, but the impure soul will be incapable of understanding the message. Gods travel to the dreamer using many different methods. They seem to exist independently of the dreamer and travel through the physical world as a kind of moving essence. For example, they can arrive and leave through a keyhole. As mentioned earlier, Asklepios seems to travel using water. The divinity often stands over the head of the dreamer (o-r-ij $'' ag' imsg Ke One reason for using a dream such as this might be because the epiphany of a god in his true form face to face to a mortal is "liable to be more than mortals can bear."204 On one hand, when recognized, the gods were conceived of as taller in stature, beautiful, with a sweet scent, giving off a dazzling light, and speaking in awe-inspiring voices.205 On the other hand, their presence could be overbearing (recall that the very sight of Zeus caused Semele to die in the Bacchae). Perhaps in a dream, the physical damage caused by a deity was removed entirely, since the body, which could be tainted and polluted by contagions, was not present. However, consciousness - the mind - was, and a state of absolute purity could be achieved here.206 The dream is desirable because it mediates the potentially harmful presence of the deity who could overwhelm the mortal, especially a sick mortal. Furthermore, dreams are a convenient way to allow for these encounters because their privacy masks the events of the experience. The priest in Aristagora's dream has no 20j Horn. // XXIV.682 (Hermes awakens Priamos); Horn. CWXX.32 (Athena addresses Odysseus). 204Easterling(1985)47. 205 Fox (1986) 105. 206 See Oberhelman for Plato and the Stoics on dreams and consciousness (1993) 125-127. Page 323 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams conception of what her dream is. The witness on NM 3369 sees a snake, but does not know what is transpiring in the mind of the dreamer. This level of ambiguity is desirable, because no one can dispute or confirm what truly happens. The secrecy allows justification for both successful cures and failures. The cure, the consequence of his dream or any other act that causes healing, validates the dreamer's claims. Furthermore, by declaring that he has met the divinity in a dream, the dreamer is given special status as if he were a hero of myth. The dreamer has been chosen by the divinity, just like Achilles or Odysseus. In the Asklepieia, the architecture and topography is used to create an atmosphere suitable for the epiphanic dream. This starts with the locations chosen to situate the sanctuary - near water and at a height, places favoured for epiphanies. Should the location lack anything in its topography, cosmetic alterations are made to create an appropriate ambiance. Myths and legends that stress the appearance of the divinity indicate that he has appeared at the spot in the past. The incubants are primed for an epiphany before they enter the sanctuary by being collected in a crowd before they enter. The architecture of the sanctuary is designed to create a location that evokes and imitates a locus amoenus. Purity is stressed and emphasized through laws and iamata. Places to wash and sacrifice are provided. Water is also provided as a conduit for the god to travel to the sanctuary and appear in specific locations. The Asklepieia are not the only cult to use dreams in this manner. In other cults, rituals and incubation are used to encourage epiphanic dreams including the cults 707 90S 900 dedicated to Amphiaraos," Trophonios, and Acharaca. Incubation especially plays Ustinova (2002) 268-9. Ustinova (2002) 269-274, with bibliography p. 269 f. 28 Page 324 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams a role in non-polis sponsored religion - individuals make contact with marginally divine figures such as daimones and ghosts as well usually in practices of oracles, magic, and necromancy. 210 For example, the oracles of Trophonius, a hero, were sought through incubation at his katabasion in Boeotian Lebadeia. 211 The initial rituals do not differ widely from those observed at the Asklepieia - purification by sacrifices, feasting, and bathing. Consultation took place at night, with the consultant sacrificing a ram in a pit, followed by a series of rituals involving the Hermai (likely escorts to the oracle). Dressed in specific clothing, the consulter would be led to the oracle, and using a ladder, climb down into the pit with barley cakes and honey. He would lie upon the floor and put his feet into an opening. This inner shrine is referred to as an aduton, the same term used to describe the incubation room at some of the Asklepieia. Although it is not clear what he did while in the pit, it is likely that he slept. Upon his return to the surface, the consulter would sit upon the throne of Memory and relates his experiences. Remains on Mt. Aghios Ilias resemble Pausanias' description of the katabasion and might represent the Trophonius shrine. All accounts imply the incubation was the means to allow contact between the divinity and the mortal. V. The Plaque, Iamaton A 17, and Other Parallels avrjQ ddxTuXov iaBy VTTO ocptog, ovrog rov rov A man was healed by a snake - his toe. He •nodbg MXTVAOV VTTO rov ajqiov sXx&og Bsivcog was in a bad state, the toe his foot affected diaxeifisvog fisSafMega VTTO TCOV B'SQairovrajv with a malignant tumor. During the day, he s^susi%3s!g em ifiod/Aarog Tivog xaS-J^s. VTTVOV was carried out by the therapeutes and he de viv XaftovTog sv TOVTCOI dqaxmy ix rov sat upon a small seat. Sleep took hold of aflarov k^eXScov TOV daxrvXov lacraro rat jXaKTirat xal TOVTO TWir/o-ag aig TO aftarov him there, and a snake came out of the avsxoJQW5 naXw. stjsysgS'eig fis wg ijg uyiyg, abaton and healed him with its tongue; scpa oif/iv i%Tv, doxsTp vsavicrxov'SIJTTQSTT^ rapt, when it had done this it went back up into ' Ustinova (2002) 283-284. 'Ogden(2001)79. Ogden(2001)81. : Paus. IX.39; PI. Mor.590-92; Philostr. VA VIII. 19. Page 325 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams (ioQ The ability to conceive of two different states — a dream world and a physical world -- is illustrated by NM 3369. This differentiation finds literary and visual parallels. For example, one of the Epidaurian miracle cures (above) distinguishes between the two states. In cure A 17, a man's toe is healed by a snake. Here the cure distinguishes what a witness sees (a snake) and what the incubant sees (a good looking young man, a drug). The votive plaque from Oropos depicts just such a scene: on one side, an incubant's cure by a snake is observed by a witness. Perhaps the fact that Archinos is located next to a pinax sets the event outside of the abaton as well. Beside this, his divine dream is represented - the deity in the guise of a man performs the cure. In this cure, we have the pairing of a vision and an incubation (or, at least, a sleeping man). The dedicant sees a beautiful young man, probably Asklepios or one of his agents. Others see a snake leave the abaton and performing a cure. We can be certain that the snake's activity was not observed by the man, as it takes place in between his falling asleep and waking up. Someone must have observed the events. Two simultaneous events are described - the snake's action, and the good-looking young man's actions. The events both revolve around the same suppliant to the sanctuary. The event that takes place on the earthly plane - cure by snake - has witnesses, whereas the man's dream involves only the incubant and the divinity. Page 326 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams Similarly on NM 3369, two simultaneous events are shown: the snake's action and the god's action. The events both revolve around a single, central character, Archinos. The two events both result in the same outcome - health and healing of the diseased. The event taking place on the earthly plane - cure by snake - has a witness and is somewhat atypical of normal events, but still within the realm of the probable. The event taking place on the divine or semi-divine plane has no witnesses and though it involves the use of known, established medical procedures, is itself unusual insofar as a divinity is present. In conclusion, then, NM 3369 is not a continuous narrative or a synoptic scene, as other scholars have asserted. Rather it is a depiction of an incubant and his related dream, a pictorial representation and symbol of events that could be alternatively narrated. As cure A17 shows us, the ancients distinguished between the dream vision and events on the earthly plane and were capable of understanding that both could happen simultaneously. So, too, does this plaque illustrate the pairing of possible observed events with events of a more private nature taking place in a unique vision. According to LiDonnici, it is likely that some of the iamata were drawn from pictorial representations of cures. She bases her argument on the fact that several iamata differ from the usual formulae by providing additional, visual details. For example, cure Al, which describes a miraculous birth of a five year old child, the cure that opened this study, is drawn from a pictorial source or apinax. It describes events that could easily be illustrated AND it includes a description of the inscription that accompanied the dedication. Unless the dedicant was present when the iamata were collected, the priests Page 327 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams or sanctuary personnel who amassed them probably wrote the narrative based on the picture and its inscription. The combination of dreamer and his dream appears in later representations as well, though the representations vary the components of the imagery. In an illustration from the Vatican copy of Virgil's Aeneid, for example, Hector's ghost appears to the sleeping figure of Aeneas.214 Just as on the incubatory plaques, the individual reclines upon his bed, asleep, while the figure of his dream appears as a live character in the scene. Dream figures appear not as distant figures set in the background or even on a different plane. They appear as characters who stand and actively interact with the dreamer. But here, the two states are collapsed in a shorthand form, so that Hector represents the dream state, while Aenesas represents the physical world. Ultimately, the Oropos plaque represents a dream sequence. The figures on the Oropos plaque have many similarities to the dream sequences described in the Epidaurian cures. The god and the mortal are aware of each other. They are alone. Like the visions, the god performs a known medical act on the mortal patient, in this case incision, the laying on of hands, and a familiar stance of doctors. The patient does not conceive himself as asleep, but awake. No topographical markers are given for these two figures in the same way there is a votive pinax for the other pair. This further suggests that the two scenes as taking place at different locales - one in the world of dreams and one on the earthly plane. The events of the earthly plane - the snake, the sleeping incubant, and the witness - are all in the sanctuary, earmarked by the presence of the pinax. The events of the divine plane are separate, with no topographical 2L' See Koortbojian for representations of sleep, dreams, and epiphanies in myth on Roman sarcophagi along with discussion of allegorical associations with death, afterlife, and revival (1995) 63-113. 214 Verg. Aen. 11.259-67. Stevenson (1983)47-48. Page 328 Chapter 5 - Incubation and Dreams markers. On this plaque are two scenes. In one scene, a man has an encounter with a god. In the second, a witness observes a divine healing by a snake. Page 329 Chapter 6 - Conclusion and Justifications Chapter 6. Conclusions After the detailed examination of the different elements of the ritual of incubation is broken into increasingly smaller components, each one centered on an architectural feature, it is advisable to step back to look at the ritual and the healing sanctuaries in a contextual totality. During the course of this study, I have demonstrated through the examination of a wide array of evidence, covering several centuries of human experience, the significance of the ritual of incubation and the experience of an epiphany as the central aspect in a specific cult, as a reflection of developments in the history of art and religion, and furthermore, as a means to understand the process of human thought. In regards to the cult, themes and messages related to incubation and epiphany are embedded in the architectural features of the sanctuaries, as well as in messages that incubants receive through images and inscriptions related to the cult. The problem with analyzing a ritual through selected points is that one tends to lose sight of the fact that the components of a ritual are not pixilated. Each action in the ritual either builds towards or builds from another act, within an awareness of its overall purposes. Suggestions are made at the outset of what an incubant can expect at the peak (the epiphany) and the end (subsequent retelling) even if he does not comprehend the meaning of these suggestions until later. Although the procedure of incubation is itself fairly linear and directed from arrival to successful cure to retelling, each stage carries with it the knowledge and experience of the previous and subsequent stages. Those who built and worked at the Asklepieia were able to design their sanctuaries fully cognizant of the entire process and its significance. They were aware of how the buildings, the altars, the temples, the stoa, Page 330 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications the votive offerings, and other features would be used during the ritual. In consequence, no architectural component exists independent of the rest of the sanctuary, but the entire sanctuary is unified in its design. While it is easy to point to the importance and function of specific buildings, in the analysis, one must recognize that they are situated spatially as part of an entire complex with reference to each other in terms of their usage, orientation, and even collective appearance in the built environment. The topography and architectural components are chosen, positioned, and laid out for the ritual, with the total experience guiding all facets of their construction. Finally, just as ritual and architecture communicate with one other to generate both an ambiance and a set of directions for visitors to follow, so too does the ritual of incubation communicate with other features of cult to generate larger spheres of meaning. Early on, I indicated that this study was the test of a hypothesis in which a single symbol is used to call to mind other symbols. The relationship between these symbols generates a network (or web) of associations. An understanding of the symbols and their association to each other in the network in turn gives definition to a concept. Variations in the symbolic network can still be used to define the same concept, but usually certain specific core symbols are required. Ultimately, these concepts serve as symbols in larger, more complicated networks, giving rise to abstract concepts. The advantage of this approach is its flexibility. There are multiple entry points. Any symbol can be used to start the creation of the network. Those who are unable to generate a network through one symbol, usually through lack of familiarity, might access it through another. Also, it is possible to add new symbols to the network so that someone who has been able to create a concept might now have new, additional symbolic entry points. Page 331 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications Epiphany, the appearance of a divinity to a mortal, is the ultimate goal of the Asklepieia. Few incubants have familiarity with this experience, and so they must be brought to the experience through a process. In other words, epiphany is the concept that is created through means of a symbolic network which is built up during the ritual of incubation. Features of this pivotal moment, the epiphany of the deity, are embedded in every aspect of the sanctuary and its design. In progressing through the ritual of incubation, the incubant is exposed to more symbols that add to his network and make it more likely for him to comprehend and undergo the complete experience. However, the understanding and comprehension of these networks, and facility in their generation is unique to the individual, dependent upon a range of factors including education and experience. The sanctuaries accommodate for these differences by providing various means of access into the network of ideas through word, image, and architecture. Epiphany is an alien and anxiety-provoking experience and the process to achieve it unfamliar. Very few will have experienced an epiphany and so have no familiarity with what it entails. The incubant's knowledge of it might simply come from literature, where the appearance of a deity to an ordinary mortal often has negative consequences, especially in situations where the deity is not recognized or maltreated, or another deity is offended. He may have heard about the procedure and the expected outcome, but no one can demonstrate to him what an epiphany is. It is something he alone must experience. And he must do this by taking an ordinary, quotidian activity, dreaming, and replace it with an extraordinary and potentially dangerous experience. The ritual of incubation helps prepare the incubant and gives comprehensible form to the unknown by creating a Page 332 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications network of associations for him. This is done by presenting symbols and rituals from other cults and the culture in general. Among the symbols and rituals presented the concept of epiphany requires purification, incubatory sleep, a divinity, and an eyewitness. The two essential ritual acts (purification, incubatory sleep) aim to remove the incubant from every day, secular experiences. By participating in these acts, the incubant undergoes internal changes which allow him to perceive himself and his relationship to the divinities in a novel way. On the other hand, the two symbolic figures, the divinity and the eyewitness, are external agents. The divinity's appearance shows that the internal transformation is successful, while the witness verifies the transformation to others. These four elements are necessary for the ritual, but they are bolstered or suggested through other symbols. For example, the deity's appearance is associated with symbols such as crowds, boats, snakes, water. These symbols in turn have other associations that are now integrated into the ritual. The symbol of a crowd carries with it other associations, such as excitement and gullibility. Access to these symbolic networks is embedded in the architectural features of the sanctuaries and I have discussed these at length. For example, as discussed in the first chapter, the sanctuaries are located near topographical features that open up a network of associations - a river, a mountainside, a visitor is presented with a location familiar from literature and other cultural models - a locus amoenus — an appropriate place for epiphany. The incubant has heard of such divine-favoured places in the poetry of Homer, Hesiod, and myth since early childhood and is familiar with the significance of this type of place. If the visitor has never experienced an epiphany, these symbols become his index to the procedure. He likely sees visible signs of the god's cures in the form of Page 333 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications votive objects as well, either hanging above or around the sanctuary. Votive objects are also familiar from other cults, yet here they take an atypical shape - shaped as body parts or pinakes with representations of epiphany. The juxtaposition of the familiar with the unfamiliar allows the visitor to construct an association between the symbol of thank offering and representation. The network of association is also useful for transforming "undesirable" emotional states such as anxiety, doubt, and uncertainty that are seemingly the by products of certain symbols. Some of these "negative" symbols come about because, as noted above, epiphany is not always a positive experience for a moral; the results are ambiguous and depend upon the mortal's relationship to all the divinities. Some symbols generate an opposite symbol. For example, if expectation or belief is part of the network, it makes sense that disbelief is also present in the network since a symbol calls up its opposite. However, rather than belief and disbelief functioning as irresolvable tensions or negating forces, disbelief becomes a means to verify the success of later cures. Those who are doubtful become future champions of what they have seen and whose reports will accordingly be the most credible. Since symbols of this nature are introduced early in the incubant's experience, she or he may not be aware of its multifunctional role. Only later in the process do negative symbols fit into the overall experience. A symbol and architectural feature that associates both negative and positive experiences is the entry door and court to the sanctuary. Doorways are associated with both transition, as well as with anxiety and doubt. The formal entry court presents and highlights this symbol, while at the same time is a functional place that forces incubants to wait so they may encounter negative associations (disbelief, doubt) of the epiphanic Page 334 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications process. The door is associated with passage, and becomes a metaphor for life transformation as it does for other major life transitions, including birth, marriage, and death. At the sanctuary, the visitor can recognize that the transformation sought is that of sickness into health. Over time, though, the door can take on other associations, such as a transformation from a state of impurity to purity. Open and closed doors present variations of a similar theme. An open door indicates access to the sought transformation, whereas a closed door is also used to indicate desires that lie out of reach. By keeping the door closed, the incubants gather and form a crowd. Crowds are associated with epiphanies and their enthusiasm feeds into the expectations of the incubant. At the same though, the crowd is created by keeping a door closed, which is associated with anxiety and an inability to attain the desired object on the other side. While in this crowd, incubants are exposed to those who are hopeful and enthusiastic about the process and those who doubt its success. Furthermore, this area might also expose the incubant to other symbols associated with the cult, usually through decoration. The pediment might include animals associated with Asklepios (and hence networked to Asklepios) or a boat. These images suggest to the incubant elements that should be present in his thoughts. He will encounter a doorway again should he sleep in the abaton or temple, and so has the opportunity to add to the network created for him or simply resurrect the network of arriving. Purity, like the epiphany, is an abstract state that can not be concretely measured and depicted visibly as a door. Yet incubants know that in order to have an epiphany, they must be pure. In order to achieve this, purity is developed through a network of symbols and the associations made between them. Within the sanctuary, the visitor is Page 335 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications presented with messages and symbols relating to purity. He is informed from the outset that purifying oneself of known contagions is instrumental to one's cure through inscriptions of laws that indicate what is permissible. The architecture and layout of the sanctuary relate to purity. The location of a well or other water source suggests an appropriate place to purify with water, a practice established at other sanctuaries. Votives, walls, and fences designate specific areas between those who are contaminated and those who aren't. Even the buildings themselves are subdivided. The visitor will quickly associate what he experiences as he moves through the sanctuary with what he has experienced in secular and sacred locations from his culture. The concept of purity is no doubt accessed in different ways by different people. Those who have undergone initiation in a mystery cult or have consulted an oracle are familiar with architectural divisions, and so recognize them as components in a network related to purity. Others might understand purity through something even more quotidian: sacrifices. For example, propitiation and purificatory sacrifices are more than just thank offerings, but demand an appropriate mental or psychological state to be deemed pleasing. Enjoinders to participate in such acts reinforce the need for purity and encourage the incubants to cultivate pure thoughts in many different cults. At the Asklepieia, not only do the acts themselves evoke the concept of purity, but so does the layout of the sanctuary. The placement of the altar separate from the designated areas for dining emphasizes separation and division. Furthermore, the grouping of people with life threatening or "impure" conditions (giving birth) away from certain areas also emphasizes the importance of purity. These divisions are drawn from ordinary experiences outside the sanctuary. Page 336 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications The eyewitness is also an important symbol in the epiphany network. The visitor's first exposure to the cult is likely through someone else's account of a successful cure, which is in fact, the literal endpoint of someone else's. The eyewitness verifies that the miraculous reports are true and not malicious or self-serving. The importance of the eyewitness to the cult is stressed by his inclusion on the votive plaques and in the written accounts. The witness plays an interesting role on these plaques, insofar as he does not "see" the events of the incubant's dream. What he "witnesses" is the recollection of the events of the epiphany and the cure itself after the fact. If a witness observes anything, it is usually "realistic" events, such as a snake crawling. Nonetheless, he is depicted as though present at the epiphany and present at the cure simultaneously on several votive plaques. While the cure from illness is the ultimate confirmation of success, due to the potential for decepition, this report is not credible unless there is an eyewitness. The presence of the eyewitness on the plaque or mentioned in an iamalon is a seal of approval for future viewers. By the time the incubant is ready for the incubatory sleep, he knows that in order to interact with the deity, he must undergo all necessary rituals and remove impurities from himself as much as possible. He knows that he must fall asleep, but that instead of an ordinary dream, he should seek contact with the divine. He knows this from the accounts of those who have undergone the ritual and those who observed the ritual as eyewitnesses, and he has seen depictions of it. The iamata similarly explain what will happen. The visitor is told what will happen through written reports and through visual images. From start to finish, as he progresses through the ritual of incubation leading to an epiphany, the incubant has been presented with symbols that might occur in an Page 337 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications epiphanic dream that are drawn from prior experiences as well as newly learned information. This bombardment of information is intended to facilitate the epiphany by altering the outcome of an ordinary experience and replacing it with a new model. By recasting facets of ordinary culture and creating a new network of associations, a new pattern, an epiphany, is generated. Every feature of the sanctuary, every ritual comes together to encourage an epiphany. Following his encounter, there is an onus on the one who is cured to report and perpetuate what he has undergone. He relates his story to others verbally and sets up a votive. His story is recorded as an iamaton. These materials will in turn be the present for the next incubant who seeks to be healed through an epiphany. Though a cured incubant can not recreate the experience for another, he is able to show it symbolically through a votive and/or iamaton. The products of one successful incubation become the opening points for the start of another. This method of healing through the creation of a symbolic network that generates a concept (epiphany) is successful in a wide variety of locations and over a lengthy period of time. The Asklepios cult has nearly 400 known sanctuaries. It lasts from the sixth century BC (if not earlier) until the pagan cults are halted by Theodosus in the 4th century AD. Even then, its principles are perpetuated through Christian cults of the saints, such as those of Saints Cosmas and Damian. Despite variations in the inscriptions and images, the epiphany has recurrent and consistent elements that imply that everyone who undergoes a healing epiphany experiences a nearly identical process. Small aspects of the epiphany change, but the deity always appears as Asklepios, the snake, or one of his Page 338 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications agents. If art is judged "good" or "high quality" when it evokes a consistent and intentional reaction, the sanctuaries are exemplary of good, high quality art. Furthermore, the features that develop within the Asklepios cult are so successful that they find new application at other sanctuaries and in other cults. For example, Christianity uses doubtful eyewitnesses as a means to confirm Jesus' miraculous healings. The Asklepios cult is part of a larger association of cults in the ancient world that worked in tandem to balance out man's relationship to his divinities and to things that were beyond his control. Religion gives form, structure, and pattern to life and its significance. Rather than seeing the world as random or incomprehensible, all things are ordered and different spheres of concern can be addressed through religion. Although certain aspects of the cult are repetitive, it is important to keep in mind that the Asklepios cult is by no means a generic franchise with branches in each city and an anagrammatic rearrangement of its key components. Individual sanctuaries evolve organically which allows local myths and beliefs to be incorporated as symbols into the epiphany network. A local healing hero might be incorporated into the cult as a relative of or replacement for Asklepios. A local ritual act might serve as the means for purification and there are different formulae of sacrificial animals offered for purification. The best location in the sanctuary for the incubatory sleep might change. The votives offered change with the skills and expertise of the resident artisans. Each sanctuary develops its own independent network that speaks best to local participants, but still contains elements that allow the cult and its methods to be accessible to outsiders. There are other reasons why the sanctuaries are successful and these points also deserve some comment. One reason is that the sanctuaries take an old model for health, Page 339 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications in which the divinities are responsible for man's welfare, and transforms it into a more organized model. The other reason is closely related. The sanctuaries provide a means to incorporate a sick individual back into society by demonstrating acceptance by the divinities and men, as personified in the witness. The sanctuaries reinterpreted the belief that divinities were responsible for health and introduced it in a format that was acceptable to medical professionals (and others) who relied on rationality. Gods and professional medical practitioners co-existed, though there was an emphasis on one group over the other at different periods. Starting in the fifth century, if not earlier, medicine began to use observation and diagnosis as tools for attaining health, and the role of the divinities was attacked. Although not yet fully established and by no means monolithic in its messages, the Hippocratic corpus routinely discouraged doctors from finding divine explanations. This approach was contrary to the traditional explanation for diseases and illness, in which these conditions are seen as a problem in the relationship between man and his divinities. The sick or injured person was believed to have offended a divinity or, more generally, there was an imbalance in the relationship between men and their gods. The explanations for these problems often tied to personal action and moral failing. Restoration of the imbalance or the placation of the offended divinity was thought to bring about the abatement of the disease. These beliefs appear as early as the Homeric epics, where a man's entire life can lie entirely within the hands of the gods. Homeric warriors die, are injured, or rescued by a god's desires. Medical writers schooled in the Hippocratic tradition attacked such beliefs as superstition, but old beliefs were not easily destroyed. Page 340 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications The Asklepieia allowed people to believe that the divinities were responsible for health. Rather than allowing this process to be randomly applied and divine favour to come from unknown forces, each Asklepieion developed a very formulaic pattern and a regimented method, embodied in ritual and architecture, that allowed the sick and injured to address and make contact with a divinity to achieve health and healing. Rationality, in the sense that certain actions and states of purity were required and that an explanation for failure was offered, was very much a component of faith healing. Within the framework of the Asklepios cult, the thrust of healing was shifted from epic's placement of responsibility for disease on a specific divinity, to focus on the divine role in cure alone. Asklepios did not cause disease, except in several punitive examples, but he was responsible for the cure. The incubant restored his relationship with the gods by achieving an appropriate level of purity and making appropriate sacrifices. Acceptance by the divinity is also indicative of the incubant's reintegration into society. Disease was a removal from society, and this was reflected in how facets of everyday life ceased during illness or injury. A sick person might have been isolated, undergo unusual treatments, or follow an atypical regiment of diet and exercise. Certain illnesses were seen as impurities. These actions suggested that being sick or having an injury is a rejection by society, which is reflective of rejection by the divinities. A sick or injured person is seen to be in close proximity to death, a feared unknown. The process of incubation aims to reintegrate the individual back into society. The individual achieves reintegration by engaging in the series of ritual acts that remove those elements responsible for the separation - impurities. When the gods reaccept the individual, the return to society is symbolized by a renewed a state of health. By involving a witness, the Page 341 Chapter 6 - Conclusions and Justifications sick and injured individual is simultaneously accepted back into society, as the positive confirmation of the events is representative for everyone. Ultimately, the Asklepieion is a complex but intentional place for man to face his deepest fears, that he has been ousted from society through his disease and must find a path back to integration. 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Figure 1.1 Asklepios' Attributes in Modern Medical Symbols Permission not granted Permission not granted Permission not granted Canadian Medical Association American Medical Association Canadian Federation of Medical Students Permission not granted Permission not granted Permission not granted New Jersey EMT patch World Health Organization German Medical Unit UN Rwanda Permission not granted permission not granted U.S. Army Medical Corps Patch U.S. Public Health Service Figure 2.1 Tiber Island Plan L l (y f\ U "W *" " I f ! ; . - - "* TIBRE DRO1-» DU BRA- vi. > Besnier (1902) fig. 1. Figure 2.2 Votives from Tiber Island •A % if mm IT*" 3- V& f Besnier (1902) fig. 25. Figure 2.3 Tiber Island Prow with Asklepios relief --. ;- ""^ -«—*.E^ i !•,pj t ^T^^—" * £ V 1> .-*-, T— from: personal collection Figure 2.4 Pergamon City Map PgRGAMOW \ t w*3 &****« «-]f*~~~f - *- it *W''. - aft • M'i^iy- v£>J$' 'b+gSg-,.. >«< {' ' Vg: ,S X fi«5 ./A from: Radt (2001) 49 fig. 2-6. Reprinted with permission Figure 2.5 Athens City General Plan V \ . •••- > "" .,- — ,. \ 'K E aH x' fS '•-2: \ Source: Camp, J. The Archaeology of Athens. New Haven: Yale University Press. 2001. fig. 1. Figure 2.6 Corinth South Wing of Abaton Building, Section and State Plan •^l^yiF"^ +41 , H*| f l -t--Bf ! \ m. - ,^^4. : - \A&>i,/'\x~-.:*ti from: Roebuck (1951) p. 47 fig. 11. Reprinted with permission. Figure 2.7 Lerna Spring House Section <,',;.,-;/,' •-, i ;,_ _ _ o Jj from: Roebuck (1951) p. 97 fig. 25 Reprinted with permission. Fig. 2.8 Messene Oikos H m-j>s&& j,***^ Bfct**! \ ^^^j;****-^! ,'!*." *» '/« ' SB**** **— AV-LA. .•,"^-w,i E * * I il % MEIXHM Source: Orlandos (1961) 160 fig. 173; Themelis.106 (1993) p. 29. Orlandos (1961) Reprinted with permission. Figure 2.9 Antoninus Pius Medallion 4 .T V ^IM^** &mM. London, British Museum. Medallion British Museum Catalogue of Roman Medallions Antoninus Pius 4 1868,0512.6 from: Krug (1985) p. 165 fig. 75 Reprinted with permission. © Copyright the Trustees of the British Museum. Figure 2.10 Marble Relief From Esquiline Hill — Ostia Ship Fragments, drawing and fragments -».:>.*.-• *is ' >*& ', •# 'rfig; •4 eMHKfa =•<*£ ^rat i •*? ""C; . • - •• Photos Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, from: Hafner (1990) pg 65-66, figs 1,2, 3 Figure 2.11 Telemachos Monument Side B Drawing by R. Levine, after Beschi (1982) fig. 9. 1 \ vsr^--'l/' j—.-—_— j_—_™_^_^ 'V 1 __—_i4 £.? 1 i * ] _. *.. i _ C, "»*«. *\ '*/ V \ f-- — Figure 2.12 Isopata Ring Bezel Herakleion Museum precious metal 424. CMS II.3, no. 51. Printed with permission. Figure 2.13 Kato Zakros Rhyton Shaw (1978) 434 fig 8. Reprinted with permission. ^**% ,i'i4 19: ^JMMi4 t Figure 2.14 Peak Sanctuary Votives from Site of Atsipadhes Peatfield(1992)75fig. 23. i *^|P» . *c V-f . ' li « *, . -•rt Figure 3.1 Telemachos Monument Side B yjawicttCTp xvjuyr y "W:^ S^^CV* \ . r/ EL, , -^1 ^ V ,/i 1 i- Drawing Rachel Levine. After Beschi (1982) fig. 9. With permission. Fig. 3.2 Telemachos Monument - Side A Drawing Rachel Levine, After Beschi after Ridgeway (1983) 198 fig. 13.6. With permission. Figure 3.3 Travlos' Plan of Athens Asklepieion Travlos, J., Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (Tuebingen 1971) pg. 171. Reprinted with Permission from the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut. *"^f Figure 3.4 Pergamon Propylon East Side Restoration of Gable 'X : :.::.1^&%"" > v • , i 'A " l ; - Reprinted with permission. After O. Ziegenaus, Das Asklepieion. 3. Tiel: Die Kultbauten aus romischer Zeit an der Ostseite des heiligen Bezirks, AvP.3 (Berlin 1981) l.b)Taf 48. Pergamon Propylon Restoration West Side (inside sanctuary) - v 1 •"-3-t, U -IT-" i- * l i U -Z. 1I_~— -* • -^^'^^pp-" •"*?£,/*-*- '==- c:r=^> jfS5**- Meaanesn&igVBr, i < I 1 i i > Reprinted with permission. After O. Ziegenaus, Das Asklepieion. 3. Tiel: Die Kultbauten aus romischer Zeit an der Ostseite des heiligen Bezirks, AvP.3 (Berlin 1981) l.b)Taf. 60. Figure 3.5 Pergamon Forecourt Reprinted with permission. After O. Ziegenaus, Das Asklepieion. 3. Tiel: Die Kultbauten aus romischer Zeit an der Ostseite des heiligen Bezirks, AvP.3 (Berlin 1981) l.a)Taf. 47. St. • .'.:. • M • • 3 M... •§ * • & i # m * £ # Figure 4.1 Epidauros Plan Iakovidis (1978) 131 with amendments to key by Rachel Levine o ion 200 »o mo son win mpltis t-jL-j-jL-t-L-j-j. » i J i I „ I I JL _ 1 Reprinted with permission. © Copyright Athens Centre for Ekistics. Iakovidis, S. Mycenae, Epidauros, Tiryns, Nauplion. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, SA. 1978. fig. 131. Figure 4.2 Epidauros Hieron Adapted from Tomlinson (1983) fig. 5. Reprinted with permission. . »=L* t «-»-*.l*feA 24 19 Ui J^ff 9R Figure 4.3 Epidauros Hieron with exedrae highlighted. Adapted from Tomlinson (1983) fig. 5. Reprinted with permission. 1 -J^...,.J,,...... J,,,,!III!J Hi / «v f~\r^ n A P It 4. /i « IUUUUIP " ffe i ««(!' •"^ y^ *^T ..»'•; Figure 4.4 Messene Asklepieion and Votives Orlandos, A. Ergon (1974) 80 fig. 71. Reprinted with permission of the Archaeological Society at Athens. 8& # * « * * - - \ ^ r i r ^mmmmi^m>m><^s»^m im jam i StoimiswK**™* Figure 4.5 Messene Elevation To date, permission not received. Orlandos (1973) 108. Figure 4.6 Messene Temple and Votive Bases Felten(1983)91 fig. 6 To date, permission not received Figure 4.7 Messene Votive Bases by Artemis Shrine Orlandos(1973)69fig62. To date permission not received Figure 4.8 Epidauros Sanctuary Y To date permission not received Lembidaki (2002) 130 fig. 10. Figure 4.9 Structure O To date, permission not received Lembidaki (2002) 126 fig. 3. Figure 4.10 Epidauros Sanctuary P To date permission not received Lembidaki (2002) 134 fig 18. Figure 4.11 Shrine of Artemis at Messene lO \J V. Orlandos (1963) 125 fig 148. :> - v * ' # Orlandos (1964) 95 fig 98. Figure 4.12 Asklepieion at Kos Photo To date, no permission granted Schoder (1974) 126. Figure 4.13 Kos Asklepieion Herzog (1932) fig 37 with amendments to key Rachel Levine. Reprinted with permission. After P. Schazmann, Kos.Ergebnisse der deutschen Ausgrabungen und Forschungen. I. Das Asklepieion. Baubeschreibung und Baugeschichte (Berlin 1932). Taf. 32 (Brunnenkammern und Westbrunnen). Figure 4.14 Pergamon Asklepieion Habricht (1969) 204. »w«ja«Mi»«,i»nw»l«iili«ffliplw mmmittA, -••-••••;--;"rK:::;; Figure 4.15A Corinth Asklepieion and Lerna Spring State Plan 3 s dot amixmM 11$ a I „t" O a:: . a f i 1 f^: 1 CN " ? j - L „„ 7i T O * '^EwJ^»y"5-' *•> CP ~=> >-=.- Roebuck(1954)PlanA. Reprinted with permission. Figure 4.15B Corinth Asklepieion. Lerna Level Restoration. Hellenistic Period. Roebuck (1954) Plan C. Reprinted with permission. If •4 K .:..-.•• At -»; -if- II • • .#._• • . » • • "»••#; 1 f ' Figure 4.15C Corinth Asklepieion. Asklepieion Restoration. Hellenistic Period. Roebuck (1954) Plan B. Reprinted with permission. i r ! I A u m • :». *„ «._*!i K Figure 4.16 Corinth Asklepieion. Kasas (1990) 7 fig. 4 with amendments Levine. ill tn C C 0 J* 0 • U3 c f^SKfl en o 0 I'! 1- • 0 1 f ] « S * *«s| a © CI f' * 0 •Hi M • (—A B *"*•"• i*™ o ^b « 0 t_* 5 |n'lrr| *M* fa, ^i •-P5. e *----. *U # • • 4 0 ^'jtfjr *--->J. • " K 1 • o J D ^ ^7 "T*' * \'v>-*'* m 3^ 9 © 0*0 O O * © Figure 4.17 Lerna Spring House Section Roebuck (1951) 97 fig. 25. Reprinted with permission. Figure 4.18 Corinth Asklepieion South Wing of the Abaton Building. Section Plan and State Plan. Roebuck (1951) 47 fig. 11. Reprinted with permission. I o , ; : t 5 Figure 4.19 Troezen Asklepieion N. Faraklas, Troezenia, Calaureia, Methana (in Greek), Report of the "Ancient Greek Cities" Research Project no. 10, fig. 25 (Athens, Athens Center of Ekistics, 1972). Reprinted with permission. Figure 4.20 Delos Asklepieion Bruneau (1970) 361 fig. 3. Plan E.F.A. 2612. Reprinted with permission EfA. ,«a» ! :1 , - •'* I " ,LW V.**' "«-.. 'V<' "^ «*f V-*,* ** **,•y* *4* \ M •5V?,? i 'ASi :i iVn u »N rfS** ^, r ' •***««•« fcTiVtJSS! ^ -^tff* •I1 '"*%« $• I , ill4, — (VV*s ^*v * #< Y 2 . I* f t •*^ MJ * A* | wr??,-, .vS'TPV^ rtf^. ,p A ^l Figure 4.21 Gortys Asklepieion Jost(1985). Figure 4.22 Aliphera Asklepieion Orlandos (1967-8) p. 170,% 110. :=1 v ],'••. lit' i >n.."o.tit , ' /,«, *>-,'.•.' )(.)»/<>. < .» s ,\«t,mit f.id * %«/> i) n«uis ti)" *AJ,i>t*»yuc, Figure 4.23 Pernik, Thrace Asklepieion Lubenova (1980) p. 20, fig. 3, 2 To date, permission not granted for the use of this image Figure 4.24 Athens Asklepieion, overall plan and middle terrace Travlos (1971) fig 171 Walker (1979) 245 fig 1 Permission not obtained for the use of this image Figure 5.1 Athens NM 3369. Archinos Dedication from Oropos from: Hausmann (1948) fig 2. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.2 Amphiaraos as Hero To date, permission not granted for the use of this image Late Corinthian column krater. Berlin F 1655, from Cerveteri. 570 B.C. To date, permission not granted for the use of this image Athens NM 2112 from the Acropolis, Athens. ABV 58.120. 2nd quarter of 6l cen B.C. From Krauskopf (1981) vol. II fig 8. Figure 5.3 Amphiaraos and patient Krauskopf no. 62 - Petrakos (1968) 41b. Permission granted. Figure 5.4 Worshippers approach Amphiaraos = Athens NM 1397 .**' •• *• .1 A .... •faiafc:„ * £ 'i t * t ' 1 • • . .,#* • •" ' J!' .* ' -•V' J ... Petrakos (1968) 41a. Permission granted. Figure 5.5 Amphiaraos Banqueting -we* r-"~ • i • -I' li •MMHH lilf Petrakos (1968) 42a. Permission granted. Figure 5.6 Draped Nymphs T I* • • i% : *> I. m •::f>( • • i ••; iii'j ' : h •••• } '•'} ffig Petrakos (1968) 40b. Permission granted. Figure 5.7 Apollo plays Lyre. Votive from Amphiaraion. Jt " ^>aSfe I. 'Avtiv/jSW-OV * Ajtu),hir)Y>}^ X«:tlu4H<)fts Petrakos (1968) fig. 43b. Permission granted. Figure 5.10 Copenhagen. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Votive IN 2308 (formerly IN 233a) To date, permission not granted for the use of this image Hausmann(1948)fig3. Figure 5.11 Ahphera Temple 8 ' I'LJ J- Orlandos (1962) 171 fig 111. Permission granted for the use of this image Figure 5.12 Lissos Crete Asklepieion Temple s T%5«?*X, • .'Jr Sanders (1982) 85 figs 20, 40. Permission granted for the use of this image care of the Ian Sanders Memorial Fund. Figure 5.13 Lebena Crete Asklepeion s '-N . :\•v ,\ >>Av, * * 3 i * '%:>. „J AV Sanders (1982) 81 fig. 19. Permission granted to use this image care of the Ian Sanders Memorial Fund. Figure 5.14 Epidauros Asklepieion Temple Tomlinson (1983) 53 fig 9. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.15 Asklepios heals incubant. Piraeus 405. w ,#£•• ' " i t •I mxs tila&mg r *»«« fl k:iEL:su~ *.«ii^*Ar-'9ifcjri*- *'. • A'i.' -»**.,^&.-jy>*>*. Piraeus; 4th cen B.C. personal photo Figure 5.16 Asklepios heals incubant. Votive Relief dedicated by the Priest Diokles NM 1841. First half of 4th cen B.C. I i Asklepieion Athens From: Krug (1985) 137 fig 58 Permission granted to use this image. Figure 5.17 Selected hand gestures aa Hands NM 3369 Hands NM 1333 Hands Piraeus 405 Brockelsby Park NM 1402 NM 1408 Figure 5.18 Procession approaches Asklepios and Hygieia. Athens NM 1333. PmP«lW Fl iH 1.." .WMi.--* + iJrtWftv. ^.^'•--^S'-'1'*^^ Athens Asklepieion from Hausmann (1948) fig 6. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.19 Incubant healed. NM 2441 lsthalfof4mcenB.C. from Krug (1985) 140 fig 60. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.20 Incubant healed by Asklepios NM 2373 Athens Asklepieion 4 cen B.C. from Krug (1985) 141 fig 61. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.21 Rhesus Asleep " ^!* »•?- '' - :..•„-- - " ' - - .,..- - -».«»—• '—jwaa ill illinium inn iTitl Mil Volute Krater by Darius Painter Berlin Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussicher Kulturbesitz, Antikensammlung Inv. 1983.39. Giuliani (1996) pis 17, 20. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.22 Daikrates Votive from Kos vanStraten(1976)29fig2. Reprinted with permission. Votive Plaques Depicted on Votive Relief Fragments Figure 5.23 Athens NM 1383 Figure 5.24 Athens NM 2557 • > • AM :. j-'ii jt- Croissant (1990) pi. 383 fig. Hygieia 28 Croissant (1990) pi. 383 fig. Hygieia 29 Figure 5.25 Hygieia leaning on votive. Louvre Ma 755 (=Louvre LP 2573) Permission not granted for this image to date, from Hausmann (1948) fig 5. Figure 5.26 Hygieia Leaning on Votive. Athens NM 1330 from Hausmann (1948) fig 9. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.27 Asklepios Receives Worshipers. Berlin Altes 685 Permission not granted for this image to date Hausmann(1948)figll. Figure 5.28 Clinic Painter Name Vase Clinic Painter, aryballos; Louvre CA 2183 ARV 813.96 Permission not granted for the use of this image to date Boardman (1988) fig 377 Figure 5.29 Asklepios Receives Line of Worshipers. Votive with Tenon. Athens NM 1407. Hausmann (1948) fig 7. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.30 Asklepios Receives Line of Worshipers. Athens NM 1345. Hausmann (1948) fig 12. Reprinted with permission. Figure 5.31 Asklepios and Hygieia Receive Worshipers. Brockelsby Park 10 Permission not granted for this image to date Hausmann (1948) fig 13. Figure 5.32 Iapyx tends to Aeneas' wounds Fragment from Casa di Sirico, Pompeii (VII. 1.25 and 47[8]) Museo Nazionale, Naples Permission not granted for this image to date Ramage and Ramage (2005) 186 fig 5.44