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Piotr Preis, Izmail Sreznevskii, and Kashubia

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Piotr Preis, Izmail Sreznevskii, and Kashubia Приложение 1 Piotr Preis, Izmail Sreznevskii, and Kashubia Jerzy Treder The Russian interest in Kashubia coincided with the publication of an account of a journey to Prussia, Russia, and Poland (1777–1778) by Bernoulli, a Swiss, who described, among other things, the Kashubian village of Szczepkowice, situated to the south of Łebsko Lake, also char- acterizing the linguistic situation.1 This could have had an impact on the edition of the St. Petersburg dictionary Сравнительные словари всех языков и наречий (1787–1789), which took into account and included the Kashubian vocabulary gathered from the Kashubians of that region.2 1 J. Treder, Kontakty naukowe Floriana Ceynowy z Rosjanami, in Słownik Floriana Ceynowy (Biblioteka Kaszubska, Wejherowo 2001), p. 11. 2 H. Popowska-Taborska, Słownictwo kaszubskie w osiemnastowiecznych porównawczych słownikach Europy i Azji, “Rocznik Slawistyczny” XLIX z. 1 (1994), pp. 41–46; H. Popowska-Taborska, Raz jeszcze o materiałach kaszub- skich in “Słownikach porównawczych języków i narzeczy Europy i Azji,” “Rocz. Gd.” LVIII/1 (1998), pp. 163–171; А. Д. Дуличенко, Из архивных кашубо- логических находок в России: первая рукописная кашубская грамматика и другие документы XVIII–XIX вв., in Badania kaszuboznawcze w XX wieku. Material pokonferencyjny eds. J. Borzyszkowski i C. Obracht-Prondzyński (Gdańsk, 2001), pp. 239–241. insists that they were collected by the Reverend Kummer from Stolp (Słupsk), while Popowska-Taborska (Popowska-Taborska, Raz jeszcze) believes that Duličenko must have found a different collection of words containing 455 words. Unfortunately, the manuscript of Haken’s diction- ary Hinterpommersche Idioticon, bought in 1790 by Ewald F. von Hertzberg, - 145 - JERZY TREDER Bernoulli’s account should have also raised the attention of Anton, a Slavist and Lusatian himself, who collected the Kashubian lexis from this region of Pomerania.3 Mrongovius, too, living in Danzig and inter- ested in the Kashubians, could have obtained this knowledge indirectly through Slavists such as Dobrovský and Šafařík.4 The scant information on the Kashubians was known only to a nar- row circle. The knowledge might have been deeper if the contents of Mrongovius’ manuscript Słowniczek kaszubski had been known. The manuscript was based on field research (1826), partly inspired by Ru- miancov, the Russian chancellor and minister of education, who learned about the Kashubians from a review of Mrongovius’ dictionary from 1823, written by Keppen, a Russian scholar; in the desire to learn more, he wrote to Mrongovius on this matter. Rumiancov was interested in the culture of small and little known peoples and in this case, he was espe- cially intrigued by Mrongovius’ casual comment from 1823 that Kashu- bian is partly similar to Russian, a point later picked up by Ceynowa. In fact, the “misunderstanding” can be traced to Keppen, who took Mrong- ovius’ apt remark about the stress in Kashubian as referring to similarity between the two languages in general.5 Below, I will write more about other “misunderstandings” linked with Mrongovius’ research. which contained a description of the linguistic situation of the eastern part of Western Pomerania, is missing (Z. Szultka, Studia nad rodowodem i językiem Kaszubów (Gdańsk, 1992), p. 27, quoting K. Gassen, Die Anfänge neu-nieder- deutscher Literatur in Pommern 1770–1780, P. Jb. 29: (1935), pp. 160–161). Haken also corresponded with Anton. 3 K. G. Anton, Erste Linien eines Versuches über der alten Slaven Ursprung, Sitten, Gebräuche, Meinungen und Kenntnisse, Theil I–II (Leipzig, 1783–1789); reprint: Bautzen 1976; F. Hinze, Karl Gottlob von Antons kaschubische Studien (Zu den Anfängen der kaschubischen Lexikographie), Studia 2 filologii polskiej i słowiańskiej V (1965), pp. 297–305; Popowska-Taborska, Raz jeszcze. 4 J. Treder, Mrongowiusz jako kaszubolog. W dwusetną rocznicę zamieszka- nia w Gdańsku, in Gdańskie studia językoznawcze VII (2000), pp. 165–236. 5 W. A. Francew, Fl. Cenowa i prof. Izmael Srezniewski (Przyczynek do hi- storii stosunków naukowych kaszubsko-rosyjskich), “Gryf” IV (1912) nr 4, pp. 39–40, 54. - 146 - PIOTR PREIS In mid-nineteenth-century Kashubian studies, a significant role can be attributed to three Russian Slavists,6 Preis,7 Sreznevskii,8 and Hilferding9―and two Poles, Mrongovius from Masuria and Ceynowa 6 The following works were also used: М. Г. Булахов, Восточнославянские языковеды. Библиографический словарь, том 1 (Минск, 1976), pp. 202–203; Славяноведение в дореволюционной России.. Библиографический словарь (Москва, 1979), pp. 283–284; Język kaszubski. Poradnik encyklopedyczny, ed. J. Treder (Gdańsk, 2002). 7 Piotr Ivanovič Preis (1810–1846), philologist, expert in Slavonic studies, the first professor of the chair of the history of literature and comparative gram- mar of Slavic languages at the University of St. Petersburg (1843). 8 Izmail Ivanovič Sreznevskii (1812–1880), philologist, Slavist, and paleog- rapher, professor in Kharkov and St. Petersburg. In 1840, he copied Anton’s Kashubian manuscripts, found in the archive in Görlitz; the manuscripts were in Anton’s possession since the end of the eighteenth century, after he acquired them from Haken (from Stolp). 9 Aleksandr Fiodorovič Hilferding (1831–1872) philologist, expert in Sla- vonic studies, folklorist, ethnographer, and historian; he conducted research on the history and the language of the Baltic Slavs. From his letter addressed to Sreznevskii (Ostend, August 21 September 2 1856), after a one-month voy- age around Kashubia, we learn that from Kashubia “...вывез я отуда пропасть всякого этнографического и филологического добра [...], целое наречие, вообразите, новое словянское наречие: не кашубское, а словинское. Да, в самом деле, между Leba See а Garden See, которые увидите на карте, есть несколько деревень за б о л о т о м так об них говорят, где тип народа сов- сем рознится от польского и кашубского, где наречие какое-то архаисти- ческое, с разными признаками языка [...] балтийских славян, где жители называют себя Slovinstji ledze и где лет через двадцать пять одного сло- винского человека не будет. Месяц целый прошатался я между Данцин- гом и Слупском, отыскал Цейнову, с ним попутешествовал четыре дня, а остальное время представлен был своим средствам, т.е. чудотворной силе водки и жевательного табаку. И с помощью этих непобедимых союзников сколько я записал по корчмам Кашубчины и словинским!” (in: Документы к истрии славяноведения в России (Moсква, 1948), pp. 7–8). He published this in the book Остатки славян на южном берегу Балтийского моря, St. Petersburg, 1862. It was discussed by Zmorski (“Przegląd Europejski,” vol. II (1862), pp. 213–242). Smoler, a Lusatian, translated it into German (“Zeitschrift - 147 - JERZY TREDER from Kashubia. Their research was interlinked, while Hilferding, whom we also take into account, made a crowning achievement in his work Остатки славян на южном берегу Балтийского моря10 as he “broke open the first window towards them [that is, the Slovincians―J. T.] from the Slavic side”11; the latter made use of studies by other scholars, such as Preis, especially in regard to his generalizations, and collected linguistic material, especially the glossary.12 This work carved a pathway to deeper analyses of Kashubian. Preis was involved in teaching in Dorpat. In the years 1839–1842, he and Sreznevskii independently set out on a scholarly journey on which they met. Preis’ destination was Kashubia,13 while Sreznevskii’s―Silesia.14 The für Slavische Literatur, Kunst und Wissenschaft,” Bautzen I (1862), pp. 81–97, II (1864), pp. 81–111); Chapters 1–4 were translated into Polish by Starzyńska (“Gryf” 1921–22), while a full version by Kolberg (printed in 1965 in Dzieła wszystkie, vol. 39. Pomorze); a new translation by Perczyńska, entitled Resztki Słowian na południowym wybrzeżu Morza Bałtyckiego, edited and provided with an afterward by Popowska-Taborska and Treder (Danzig, 1989). Hilferding was most preoccupied with the Slovincians from the Gardna and Smołdzino regions and the Kabatians (Kabatkowie) from the area of Cecenowo and Główczyce. He adds abounding documentation and a good description of the Kashubian tongue (along with a dictionary, containing 1800 words, apart from his “own” 800, as well as those taken from Mrongovius via Preis, Ceynowa, and Lork). He concluded that the linguistic difference between the Slovincians, Kabatians, and Kashubians “lay in their respectively closer or farther similarity to Polish.” 10 A. F. Hilferding, Resztki Słowian na południowym wybrzeżu Morza Bałty- ckiego (Gdańsk, 1989). 11 S. Ramułt, Kilka słów o Słowieńcach pomorskich, “Lud” VI (1900), p. 93. 12 Донесенйе П. Прейса, г. Господну Министру Народного Просвещения, из Берлина, от 20 Июня 1840 года, “Журнал Министерства Народного Про- свещения,” Санкт-Петербург 1840, ч. XXVIII номер 11 отд. IV, pp. 1–24. 13 Ibid. 14 Kucharska, Nasz, Rospond, Wieś śląska w 1840 r. Relacje z podróży nauko- wej I.I. Sreznewskiego po Śląsku. Prace i materiały etnograficzne, vol. XXVII, Wrocław, 1973. After 130 years, Kucharska edited (along with a translation) Sreznevskii’s manuscript texts: Zapiski o narzeczach śląskich and Pieśni ludo- we Górnoślązaków; Nasz commented on the ethnographical materials, while Rospond commented on the dialectological materials. - 148 - PIOTR PREIS aims and the route of the journey were decided earlier,15 for example, the meeting with Bopp in Berlin and the meeting with Šafařík in Prague were preplanned. They prepared for the journey by referring to
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