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Women's Political Representation and Affirmative Action in Ghana WOMEN’S POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN GHANA POLICY NOTE NO 1:2019 Women’s Political Representation and Affirmative Action in Ghana. NAI Policy Note No 1:2019 © Nordiska Afrikainstitutet/The Nordic Africa Institute, January 2019 The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Nordic Africa Institute (NAI). You can find this, and all other titles in the NAI policy notes series, in our digital archive Diva, www.nai.diva-portal.org, where they are also available as open access resources for any user to read or download at no cost. Rights and Permissions This work is available under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 license (CC BY 3.0). You are free to copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt this work under the following conditions: Attribution. If you cite this work, the attribu- tion must include the name(s) of the author(s), the work’s title and copyright notices. Translations. If you create a translation of this work, please add the following disclaimer along with the attribution: This translation was not created by The Nordic Africa Institute and should not be considered an official Nordic Africa Institute translation. The Nordic Africa Institute shall not be liable for any content or error in this translation. Adaptations. If you create an adaptation of this work, please add the following disclaimer along with the attribution: This is an adaptation of an original work by The Nordic Africa Institute. Views and opinions expressed in the adaptation are the sole responsibility of the author or authors of the adaptation and are not endorsed by The Nordic Africa Institute. Third-party content. The Nordic Africa Institute does not necessarily own each component of the content contained within the work. The Nordic Africa Institute therefore does not warrant that the use of any third-party-owned individual component or part contained in the work will not infringe on the rights of those third parties. Please address all queries on rights and licenses to The Nordic Africa In- stitute, PO Box 1703, SE-751 47 Uppsala, Sweden, e-mail: publications@ nai.uu.se. Cover photos used with CC permission Front: University of Ghana, Accra, October 2015. Stucents in political science. Photo: Dominic Chavez, World Bank. Back: Accra, July 2012. Women walking. Photo by Rachel Strohm. ISSN 1654-6695 ISBN 978-91-7106-842-2 Women’s Political Representation and Affirmative Action in Ghana With only 13 per cent female representation in parliament, Ghana is lagging behind most other African states. A proposal for affirma- tive action is currently being debated. This policy note assesses the barriers to women’s political representation in Ghana, and gives recommendations on how the issue might be addressed. Diana Højlund Madsen, Senior Researcher, the Nordic Africa Institute hana is often portrayed as a role model for cratic Congress (NDC). These have 24 and 12 women democracy in West Africa, thanks to the re- MPs, respectively, out of a total of 275 MPs. latively peaceful transition of power since Paradoxically, Ghana was one of the first countries in the country’s first democratic elections in Africa to introduce a quota: in 1959, the Convention G1992. But it lags behind other African countries in terms People’s Party (CPP) government, led by independent of the gendered aspects of governance: Women’s political Ghana’s first prime minister, Kwame Nkrumah, passed representation in parliament in the last election (2016) the Representation of the People (Women Members) was 13 per cent. Act. This ensured the nomination and election of ten Although Ghana is formally a multi-party system, in women to parliament, and was acknowledgement of the reality two parties attract over 98 per cent of the vote: the important role of women during the struggle for inde- ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Demo- pendence. However, the initiative was tied to the CPP Percentage100 % of female 1960 1969 1998 2004 MPs from 90 % Nkrumah appointed Only 1 woman The ‘administrative directive’ The Women’s Manifesto 1960 to 2016 women to 10 out of out of 140 MPs – on affirmative action set for Ghana demanded the then 114 seats an all-time-low guidelines for parties to put 30 per cent female 80 % in parliament in Ghana’s history up more female candidates legislature by 2008 70 % Source: Data from Frempong (2015): Elections in Ghana 1951- 2012 and www.ghanaweb.com. 60 % 50 % 40 % 30 % 20 % 13 % 14 11 % 12 10 % 10 % 10 % 11 % 9 % 109 % 8 % 8 6 4 % 4 1 % 2 Election 0 year 1960 1965 1969 1979 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016 3 Photo: Rwanda Parliament, December 2013, Creative Commons. Creative December 2013, Parliament, Rwanda Photo: women in parliament Representation levels, 1 Jan 2017 < 10 % 10 to 14,9 % 15 to 19,9 % 20 to 24,9 % 25 to 29,9 % 30 to 34,9 % 35 to 39,9 % 40 to 44,9 % 45 to 49,9 % > 50 % 13 % 6 % 61 % Ghana Nigeria Rwanda DEBATING QUOTAS LOWEST LEVEL HIGHEST LEVEL women in parliament FOR NEXT ELECTION IN AFRICA IN AFRICA World regions, 1 January 2017 28% 26% World average 23% 24% 12 of 55 19% 20% African countries have women speakers of parliament: 15% • Botswana • Namibia • Eq Guinea • Rwanda • Gabon • Uganda • Leostho • South Africa (x 2) • Mauritius • Swaziland (eSwatini) PacificPacific ArabArab States Asia Sub-Saharan EuropeEurope AmericasAmericas • Mozambique • Zimbabwe states Africa The level of female representation in parliament in Ghana, 13%, is far below the average both in the world (23%) and in Africa (24%). The percentage calculation is based on women representation in unicameral parliaments or the lower house of parliament. All data reflects the situation on 1 January 2017. Source: UN Women, 2017. and died with the overthrow of Nkrumah (by then the traders being victimised by Rawlings, who blamed them country’s president) in 1966. for the tough economic conditions. However, it was also The period 1966–1981 saw a series of coups d’état, a time of growing awareness of the need to reform and to punctuated by two civilian governments (1969–1972 improve the socio-economic position of women. With and 1979–1981). The presence of the military, and the this came a sense that Ghanaian women had been ‘libe- fact that no women were appointed to high-ranking po- rated’, and the 31 December Women’s Movement with sitions, reinforced male domination. Jerry Rawlings’ mi- its rallying efforts and mobilising of supporters became litary regime – the Provisional National Defence Coun- a forerunner for what is now the women’s wing of the cil (PNDC) (1981–1992) – did adopt some progressive NDC. Some of the first female politicians in the 1992 laws on women’s rights, and a number of women made and 1996 elections had a background in the movement. it into senior positions – for example, Susanna Al-Has- Ghana has adopted various international conventions san (who had been Ghana’s first female minister under on women’s rights and political representation, inclu- Nkrumah) was brought into the PNDC. ding the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms Shortly after his coup, Rawlings’ wife, Nana Konadu of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), Beijing Agyeman-Rawlings, established the 31 December Wo- Platform for Action (BFA), African Charter on Human men’s Movement – a mix between a mass organisation and Peoples’ Rights, and the Maputo Protocol. A further and an organ of the revolution. The post-coup period important milestone was the 1998 ‘administrative direc- was marked by a climate of fear, with women market tive’ on affirmative action: this provided guidelines for 4 the National Electoral Commission to encourage politi- per cent linked to a critical mass); cal parties to put up more female candidates in pursuit • a quota of reserved seats mandated by law or the con- of 40 per cent representation of women in parliament. stitution. However, it has not been implemented. Often results-based quotas are more effective, with either Arguments for affirmative action policy a separate ‘women-only’ list for a given constituency or Why is gender-balanced political representation impor- a ‘best-loser’ system (under which a number of seats are tant? First, there is the notion of ‘justice’: since women set aside for those losing female candidates who polled represent half of the population, it is only fair that wo- the most votes). However, some people fear that the ‘la- men should occupy half of the parliamentary seats. Se- bel-effect’, where women who owe their election to the cond, there is the argument of ‘different experience’: as quota could be more pliable, exhibit more loyalty to par- women have different gender roles, they also have diffe- ty leaders (and the party line) and merely function as rent experiences, which should be acknowledged. Third, ‘token’ representatives. Research carried out in Uganda, some argue that only women can represent women’s in- however, shows that women elected under a quota sys- terests, as women and men have different and conflicting tem perform just as well as ‘non-quota women’ in terms interests. Fourth, women in politics may serve as role of their speaking time in parliament and the different models for girls and other women. Fifth, without balan- type of qualifications and experiences they bring to par- ced representation there is no democracy; thus women in liament. politics foster the development of democracy. However, for women in politics to make a difference, they should Barriers to women’s political representation have distinct views on women’s/gender issues, bring the- Some African countries have already introduced a quo- se perspectives into politics, or bring a different style and ta system for women in parliament – Rwanda (2003), set of role expectations to politics.
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