Kumzari of Oman: a Grammatical Analysis

KUMZARI OF OMAN: A GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS

SAID ALJAHDHAMI

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2013

To my daughter, Raneem, and my wife, thank you for being always there for me. A special feeling of gratitude goes to my loving mother and siblings whose words of encouragement and support have played a major role in producing this work. I also dedicate this dissertation to the participants in this study and to the Kumzari community in Oman.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

It is my pleasure to thank all those who have been involved in helping me to complete this research. Most of all, thanks to the Almighty God who gave me strength and good health while working on this research.

I owe my advisor Dr. Eric Potsdam a lot of thanks for his helpful guidance, and most of all his patience throughout the entire process. This research could not have reached such stage without his critical, encouraging and enlightening comments. I will always remain grateful to Dr. Eric Potsdam.

I would like to extend my thanks to the members of my research committee: Dr.

Brent Henderson, Dr. Youssef Haddad, and Dr. Deborah Amberson for their encouraging comments. I would like to express my gratitude and deep appreciation to

Aysha Mohammed Al-Kumzari for her distinctive participation in providing data for this study, and for her helpful comments on my data analysis. My thanks are extended to her family and friends for their input and comments on this work. Special thanks go to the other participants who have chosen to remain anonymous in this study, and all those who have contributed to this work.

Last but not least, I would like to express my excessive thanks to my wife for her help in making connection with female speakers of Kumzari and for her tolerance while working on this research.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 4

LIST OF TABLES ...... 8

LIST OF FIGURES ...... 11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... 12

ABSTRACT ...... 14

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 15

Genetic Affiliation ...... 16 Where Kumzari is Spoken ...... 18 The Name of the Language ...... 19 The Village of Kumzar...... 20 The Status of Kumzari in the Future ...... 23 Rationale behind this Work ...... 24

2 DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR ...... 27

Phonology ...... 27 Consonantal Phonemic Inventory ...... 27 Plosives...... 27 Nasals ...... 28 Fricatives...... 28 Affricates ...... 29 Approximants ...... 29 Vowel Phonemic Inventory ...... 29 Minimal Pairs of Kumzari Consonantal Segments ...... 30 Minimal Pairs of Kumzari Vocalic Segments ...... 31 Morpho-Phonological Rules ...... 32 Syllable Structure and Stress ...... 34 Phonological Changes in Loanwords ...... 35 Morphology ...... 36 Pronouns ...... 36 Subject / Object Pronouns ...... 36 Possessive Pronouns ...... 36 Demonstrative Pronouns...... 38 Reflexive Pronouns ...... 40 Nominal System ...... 41 Definiteness and Number...... 42

Verbs ...... 44 Verbal Inflection ...... 44 Verb to Be ...... 46 Verb to Have ...... 49 Verb Structure ...... 50 Aspect ...... 53 Mood ...... 58 Passive Voice ...... 62 Verb Form of Indefinite Subjects ...... 66 Adjectives ...... 66 Comparative Forms ...... 68 Superlative Forms ...... 70 Adverbs ...... 72 Adverbs of Manner ...... 72 Adverbs of Location ...... 73 Adverbs of Frequency ...... 74 Temporal Adverbs ...... 74 Prepositions ...... 75 Quantifiers ...... 77 Numerals ...... 80 Syntax ...... 81 Phrases ...... 81 Noun Phrase ...... 81 Adjective Phrase ...... 83 Adverbial Phrase ...... 84 Prepositional Phrase ...... 84 Word Order ...... 85 Negation ...... 89 Interrogatives ...... 90 Yes-no Questions ...... 90 Information Questions ...... 91 Relative Clauses ...... 95 Conditional Clauses ...... 96 Conjunctions ...... 100 Coordinating Conjunctions ...... 100 Subordinating Conjunctions ...... 100 Lexicon ...... 102 Kinship...... 103 Time ...... 104 Days of the Week/Seasons ...... 104 Body Parts ...... 104 Fruits and Vegetables...... 106 Other Types of Food...... 106 Colors ...... 107 Animals...... 107 Numerals ...... 109

Miscellaneous ...... 110

3 KUMZARI PRE-VERBS ...... 115

The Lexical Categories of Kumzari PVs...... 120 Lexically Ambiguous PVs ...... 130 Borrowed PVs ...... 133

4 MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF KUMZARI VERBS ...... 137

What is an LVC? ...... 138 The Historical Development of Auxiliaries and Light Verbs...... 140 Properties of Lights Verbs and Auxiliaries ...... 143 Kumzari Complex Verbs: Auxiliary Verb Constructions or LVCs? ...... 147 Complex Verb Forms vs. Simple Verb Forms ...... 166

5 CONCLUSION ...... 170

APPENDIX

A KUMZARI SIMPLE VERBS ...... 173

B KUMZARI COMPLEX VERBS ...... 175

LIST OF REFERENCES ...... 185

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 189

LIST OF TABLES

Table page

2-1 Examples showing stress placement in Kumzari ...... 34

2-2 Kumzari subject/ object pronouns ...... 36

2-3 Kumzari possessive pronouns ...... 36

2-4 Possessive constructions of plural nouns with a word final consonant ...... 37

2-5 Possessive constructions of singular/plural nouns with a word final vowel ...... 37

2-6 Vowel insertion in possessive constructions of plural nouns with a word final consonant ...... 37

2-7 Noun phrase possessors ...... 38

2-8 Reflexive form of simple verbs ...... 40

2-9 Reflexive form of complex verbs ...... 40

2-10 Masculine/Feminine nouns ...... 41

2-11 Gender distinction by using modifiers ...... 41

2-12 Inflectional patterns of Kumzari nominal system ...... 42

2-13 Noun forms not taking nominal inflection in the INDEF.SG form ...... 43

2-14 Mass and abstract nouns...... 44

2-15 Different roots of Kumzari simple verbs ...... 60

2-16 Imperative form of Kumzari simple verbs...... 60

2-17 Imperative form of simple verbs with a word final vowel/glide ...... 61

2-18 Imperative form of simple verbs with a word final /u:/ ...... 61

2-19 Imperative form of Kumzari complex verbs...... 61

2-20 Participle adjectives derived from perfective roots ...... 62

2-21 Kumzari adjectival inflection ...... 67

2-22 Adjective /Comparative forms of Kumzari adjectives ...... 69

2-23 Comparative/Superlative forms of Kumzari adjectives ...... 70

2-24 Adverbs of manner ...... 73

2-25 Adverbs of location ...... 73

2-26 Adverbs of frequency ...... 74

2-27 Temporal adverbs ...... 74

2-28 The use of xi:ki with indefinite and definite forms ...... 78

2-29 The use of nakti:h with indefinite and definite forms ...... 78

2-30 Kumzari quantifiers qadaɻ 'some', xita:ɻah/ ʁulb 'most', and ʔammu 'all' ...... 78

2-31 Kumzari quantifiers kas ba 'some/one of (humans)' and ʔiʃ ba 'some/one of (non-humans)'...... 79

2-32 Negative quantifier used with human/non-human referents...... 79

2-33 Cardinal numbers/ Modifier numbers ...... 80

2-34 Derivation of ordinal numbers from cardinal numbers ...... 80

3-1 PVs combining with one verb only ...... 115

3-2 PVs combining with both tu:- and tik- ...... 116

3-3 Complex verbs made of nominal PVs plus verb ...... 120

3-4 Complex verbs made of adjectival PVs plus the verb tu:- and tik- ...... 120

3-5 Nominal inflection of PVs combining with one verb only ...... 124

3-6 Adjectival inflection of PVs combining with the verb tu:- and tik- ...... 127

3-7 Applying nominal rules to PVs that combine with tu:- and tik- ...... 129

3-8 Applying adjectival rules to PVs that combine with one verb only ...... 129

3-9 Lexically ambiguous PVs used with both tik- and tu:-...... 130

3-10 Complex verbs expressed by using English/Arabic PVs...... 135

4-1 Time/aspect form of Kumzari auxiliaries ...... 148

4-2 Time/aspect forms of Kumzari light verbs ...... 149

4-3 Inflectional patterns of the verbs tik-/ta:ɻ-/ ti:mʃ-/ and ʃwi:n ...... 154

4-4 Inflectional patterns of the verbs tu:-./du:-/ txe:ɻ-/ and txo:ɻ- ...... 155

4-5 Kumzari Auxiliaries ...... 156

4-6 Complex verbs made of nominal PVs plus verb ...... 157

4-7 Complex verbs made of adjectival PVs plus the verbs tu:- and tik- ...... 157

4-8 Imperative form of complex verbs ...... 161

4-9 Kumzari verbs expressed in simple and complex forms ...... 167

4-10 Complex verbs formed by PV plus verb and their new equivalents made of PV plus the verb tik- ...... 167

4-11 Complex verbs made of native and borrowed PVs plus the verb tik- ...... 168

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

1-1 Family tree of the Iranian language group ...... 17

1-2 Map showing the Musandam Peninsula and the village of Kumzar ...... 18

1-3 A bird's eye view picture of the village of Kumzar ...... 21

1-4 Picture showing the entrance to Kumzar ...... 22

2-1 Phonemic inventory of Kumzari consonants ...... 27

2-2 Phonemic inventory of Kumzari vowels ...... 29

4-1 Continuum of semantic strength ...... 141

4-2 The development of light verbs and auxiliaries ...... 141

4-3 The process of grammaticalization ...... 141

4-4 Butt's view on the development of light verbs from main verbs ...... 142

4-5 Predication power of some verbs ...... 142

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

1SG First person singular

2SG Second person singular

3SG Third person singular

1PL First person plural

2PL Second person plural

3PL Third person plural

ACC Accusative

ADJ Adjective

ADJP Adjectival phrase

ADV Adverb/adverbial

ADVP Adverbial phrase

COMPR Comparative

CON Conjunction

COP Copula

DEF Definite

ERG Ergative

F Feminine

FUT Future

IMP Imperative

INDEF Indefinite

IPFV Imperfective

LV Light verb

LVC Light verb construction

M Masculine

N Noun

NOM Nominative

NP Noun phrase

OBJ Object

PFV Perfective

POSS Possessive

PP Prepositional phrase

PROG Progressive

PRS Present

PST Past

PV Preverb

SB Somebody

SUB Subject

SUP Superlative

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

KUMZARI OF OMAN: A GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS

Said Aljahdhami

December 2013

Chair: Eric Potsdam Major: Linguistics

Kumzari, a Southwestern Iranian language, is one of several minority languages in Oman. Spoken by a tribal community of around five thousand members, Kumzari is used as a local language in a small coastal mountain village called Kumzar and other nearby cities such as Khasab, Madha, and Daba in the northern part of Oman. Its lexicon is heavily influenced by Arabic as well as by other languages such as Persian,

Urdu, Hindi and English. The central aim of this dissertation is to shed light on Kumzari as one of the lesser-known minority languages in Oman through presenting an overview of the language and its speakers, and via providing a grammatical analysis of its system. The dissertation examines the Kumzari verbal system in detail as it manifests dichotomy in the structure of its verb forms having simple and complex verbs. The former are made of single roots whereas the latter are made of two elements that combine together to make a complex verb. Preverbs of different lexical categories combine with eight Kumzari verbs to make complex verbs. The dissertation investigates the lexical categories of Kumzari preverbs and provides a morphological analysis of the verbs that combine with preverbs.

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

The Sultanate of Oman located in the southeastern part of the Arabian Peninsula is the homeland of several minority languages that belong to two different language families. These languages are: Kumzari, Lawati (Khojki as known by its community speakers), Zadjali, Balochi (Indo-Iranian languages); Harsusi, Bathari, Hobyot, Mehri, and Jabbali /Shehri (Modern South Arabic languages) (Hetzron, 1997; Owens, 2007;

Salman & Kharusi, 2011). Some of these languages, however, are spoken by other communities in countries such as India, Iran, Pakistan, Somalia and Yemen. In the

Omani context, most of these languages are named after the ethnic groups speaking them as mother tongues side by side with Arabic, the national language of Oman.

These languages differ in the number of their speakers ranging from thousands of speakers to a few hundred only in cases such as Zadjali, Bathari and Hobyot. While some of such languages have been given some linguistic attention, others have not been explored yet. Among these languages are Kumzari, Harsusi, Zadjali, Bathari and

Hobyot. This dissertation is concerned with Kumzari as one of these languages aiming at providing a descriptive grammar of the language and exploring its verbal system in detail.

The dissertation is comprised of five chapters. Chapter 1 gives an overview of the language and its speakers, investigates the reason behind its name, anticipates the status of the language in the coming years, and emphasizes the importance of the study. Chapter 2 provides a grammatical description of three main areas: Phonology,

Morphology, and Syntax. Several lists of Kumzari lexicon concerning different themes are provided at the end of the chapter as well as a miscellaneous list. Chapter 3

investigates the lexical categories of Kumzari preverbs that participate in complex verb formation. It discusses combinatorial patterns of these PVs based on their lexical categories and provides supporting evidence for the lexical categorization of Kumzari

PVs. Chapter 4 focuses on the verbs that combine with preverbs to form Kumzari complex verbs. It discusses how these verbs behave differently in a number of ways from Kumzari auxiliaries, exhibiting some properties of light verbs. Chapter 5 provides a recapitulation of the main points addressed in the dissertation and suggests recommendations for further research on Kumzari.

Genetic Affiliation

Kumzari is a Southwestern Iranian language that belongs to the Iranian language group which branches from the Indo-Iranian language family (Thomas, 1930; Anonby,

2003; Ozihel, 2011). The Indo-Iranian splits into: (1) Iranian languages such as Persian

(Iran), Kurdish (Iraq), Balochi (Pakistan), Pashto (Afghanistan), and Tajik (Tajikistan); and (2) the Indo-Aryan languages which are Hindi and its many related languages

(Lamberg-Karlovsky, 2002). The Iranian language group is made of eastern and western Iranian languages which further divide into northern and southern languages.

Examples of eastern Iranian languages include Ossetian, Waziri, Pashto, and Pamiri whereas examples of western Iranian languages include Persian, Lurish, Bakhtiari, and

Dari (Sims-Williams, 2003). Figure 1-1 below displays the family tree of the Iranian language group that shows the distribution of the Iranian languages into eastern and western Iranian languages which split into smaller sub-groups. Languages shown in red color are extinct languages compared to those shown in green. The position of Kumzari in the family tree is marked in blue in the southwestern sub-group.

Figure 1-1. Family tree of the Iranian language group (Source: Sims-Williams, 2003)

In his work on Kumzari spoken in Oman more than eighty years ago, Thomas

(1930) mentioned that several languages have influenced Kumzari. According to

Thomas, Kumzari was greatly influenced by Arabic and Persian in addition to other languages such as Bushiri, Lakki, Luri, and some dialects of Persian and Kurdish. A look at Kumzari spoken in Oman nowadays, however, shows that its grammatical and syntactic structure is Iranian, but its lexicon is extremely influenced by Arabic in addition to other languages such as Persian, Urdu, Hindi and English. Due to the intense contact between Arabic and Kumzari, the influence of Arabic on Kumzari is evident in the huge number of borrowings from Arabic, especially among the younger generation who have more contact with Arabic and Arabic speaking people. Loan words taken from Arabic are typically introduced into Kumzari by the younger generation who tend to use Arabic lexicons more often than their elders.

Where Kumzari is Spoken

Kumzari is a non-written language spoken in different parts of the Musandam

Peninsula that overlooks the Gulf of Oman. The biggest concentration of Kumzari speakers is found in the coastal mountain village of Kumzar at the northeastern part of the Musandam Peninsula. Other Kumzari speakers are scattered over different cities within the Peninsula such as Khasab, Madha and Daba. Another variety of Kumzari, which has structural and lexical resemblances to Kumzari spoken in Oman, is spoken on Larak Island in Iran. Intelligibility of Kumzari spoken in Oman to Kumzari spoken in

Iran (also called Laraki) is marginal despite the lexical and structural resemblances between the two varieties of Kumzari (Anonby, 2003; Anoby & Yousefian, 2011).

Although Kumzari of Oman is spoken in different areas in Musandam, geography does not entail major dialectal differences between Kumzari spoken in Kumzar and Kumzari spoken in other cities. The following map shows the Musandam Peninsula where

Kumzar is located at its end part.

The Musandam Peninsula is located in a massive steep mountainous chain that is about 150 kilometer long and goes up to 1800 meters in altitude (Ozihel, 2011). This mountainous landscape has played a big role in having a distinct dialect of Arabic called the Shiħi dialect spoken by the inhabitants of the Peninsula as well as in creating a conducive environment for the birth of the Kumzari language spoken in some parts of the Peninsula. It also stands behind the old name of Musandam 'Rus al jibal' which literally means 'mountain peaks' (Thomas, 1929). Musandam was also called 'the land of Shiħis' in reference to the tribe of the people living there. The new name Musandam is believed to be a blend of the two Arabic words matraqah 'hammer' and sindan 'iron' making a picture of a hammer that keeps hitting the iron which describes the continuous sea waves that keep hitting the mountains (Al-Aghbari,1992).

The Name of the Language

The name of Kumzari is derived from the name of the village in which it is mainly spoken. The speakers of the language are also named after the village in which they reside. Thus, Kumzari is the language of Kumzaris (referred to by some earlier foreign researchers as Kumzara) who live in the village of Kumzar or may have moved for some reasons to other parts of the Musandam Peninsula. Kumzari as a tribe is believed to be a sub-group of a bigger tribe called Shiħi or Shuħuħ which lives in different cities of the Musandam Peninsula in the northern part of Oman (Thomas, 1930; Al-Aghbari,

1992). The Shiħis are believed to the descendants of Malik Bin Faham, the leader of the great tribe of Azd that migrated from Yemen to Oman in the aftermath of the destruction of the dam of Ma'arib (Al muntada Al Adabi, 2002).

The name Kumzari has at least two possible sources. A very common one says that the name is a blend of two Arabic words kam and zar which literally means 'how many (persons) visited (the village)?', which indicates the huge number of visitors to the village (Al-Aghbari,1992). Due to its strategic location, ships getting in and out of the

Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Gulf have used this coastal village as a port in which they stop for some time during their voyages. This view is more acceptable among Kumzaris as their village has been a station for fishermen and traders from different linguistic and ethnic groups who mingled with the local people in this spot. Such intense interaction between the local people and the huge number of continuous visitors resulted in a language whose lexicon is a mixture of Arabic, Persian and other languages.

A less common explanation says that Kumzar is a name given to the village by outsiders based on how the inhabitants of the village used to dress in their daily life

(Thomas, 1929). According to this view, the villagers were known for wearing a cap on their heads and a wrap around their bodies, which are named in Omani Arabic as kimmah and wzar respectively. A combination of these two words, thus, has come to be the name of the village whose inhabitants used to wear a cap 'kimmah' and a wrap

'wzar'. Another explanation similar to this one says that the mountainous landscape of the village resembles the shape of a cap and a wrap put together, which has given the village its name (Al-Aghbari, 1992).

The Village of Kumzar

Kumzar is a very small village surrounded by steep mountains on three sides and the sea on the fourth side which makes access to the village difficult other than by helicopter or sea. Boats are the only means of transportation used by the Kumzari

community to get in and out of Kumzar. Such limited access has entailed geographical isolation from the other regions surrounding the village. The houses of the village lie on two sides of a small valley that divides the village into two sides. According to local statistics, the population of Kumzar is more than 4000 people (Ministry of Development,

2011). They rely mainly on fishing for their living in addition to some modern jobs in or outside Kumzari. The following picture shows the small village of Kumzar surrounded by the mountains and the sea.

Figure 1-3. A bird's eye view picture of the village of Kumzar (Source: Musandam net)

A very unique characteristic of the village is its small space where no space is left for new construction. Thus, a very common view in Kumzar is the scenes of houses very close to one another and the scenes of graves in the pathways and backyards of houses. The village is so small that the villagers do not have enough space for burying the dead in designated areas. According to the villagers, there has been an outbreak of

plague some years ago that killed a large number of the villagers. Due to the small space of the mountain village, the villagers had no choice but to bury the casualties in any left area. The limited space for burying the deceased, thus, stands behind the number of graves scattered in different parts of the village. The small space of the village is also a key factor that has significantly contributed to the migration of some

Kumzari families to other parts of the Musandam Peninsula. The following picture shows the entrance to the small village.

Figure 1-4. Picture showing the entrance to Kumzar (Source: Musandam net)

The small coastal village becomes empty in summer as most villagers move around May to the city of Khasab to avoid the scorching heat of summer. They spend the entire summer in houses of their own or of their relatives. As the heat drops down in

August/ September, they move back to the village of Kumzar. A number of Kumzari

families have settled down in Khasab and other inland cities. Most of these families maintain strong ties with their relatives in Kumzar, visiting the village on different occasions such as family gatherings, weddings, religious celebrations, demise of a family member, etc.

The Status of Kumzari in the Future

Although Kumzari is spoken by few thousand speakers who use Kumzari in their everyday life, there are some factors that could have a noticeable impact on the status and structure of Kumzari in the long term. These are the decrease in the number of speakers who have high language proficiency of Kumzari, and the continuous influence of Arabic on the Kumzari lexicon. The estimated number of Kumzari speakers these days is around five thousand speakers living mostly in Kumzar and in other cities in

Musandam (Ministry of Development, 2011). These speakers, however, differ in their knowledge of the language as some speakers have lower language proficiency than other fellow speakers. While at one point in time all the Kumzari tribe members spoke

Kumzari (Thomas, 1930), it is not uncommon these days to find tribe members who have only passive knowledge of Kumzari or those who do not speak the language. The number of speakers with good grasp of the language is decreasing due to the death of elderly native speakers who represent the main source of the language. The number of speakers is even expected to drop due to the fact that some adult Kumzari speakers do not identify with Kumzari as a local language and/or do not pass on the language to their children, which hinders the transmission of Kumzari to younger generations. Such an attitude is justified by the fact that Arabic, contrary to Kumzari, is the language that is

needed to fit into the bigger community, to get education, and to have better jobs and social status.

The intense contact between Arabic and Kumzari is also having a long term effect on shaping Kumzari spoken by future generations. This is reflected in the influx of

Arabic borrowings into the language since Kumzaris are also speakers of Arabic and they have much exposure to Arabic via different means such as the media, schooling and workplace. The use of Arabic loanwords is more pervasive among the younger educated generation who tend to replace existing native words with Arabic ones, importing them in their original Arabic form or modifying them to conform to Kumzari phonotactics. While some borrowings are introduced due to the lack of native equivalents in the lexicon of these speakers, others are considered more prestigious than native ones. Some of the newly introduced words seem to have found their way into the Kumzari lexicon as they are widely used by speakers of other age groups.

Rationale behind this Work

The motive behind starting such work on Kumzari is largely based on the scarcity of academic work on Kumzari. Despite the fact that Kumzari is threatened due to the small number of its speakers and the influence of other languages, it has not been documented yet. Research concerned with endangered language in the Middle East does not list Kumzari. Similarly, researchers concerned with endangered Iranian languages barely mention Kumzari in their work (Hetzron, 1997; Owen; 2007). Earlier outdated work on Kumzari was Thomas (1930) and Baily (1931), giving an overall view of the language and mostly focusing on providing a list of Kumzari lexical items taken from Arabic, Persian and other languages. These studies do not give a thorough

description of the Kumzari grammar, nor do they reflect the current situation of the language. Recent work in Kumzari done by Anonby (2003) and Anonby & Yousefian

(2011) does not give much attention to the grammar of Kumzari as it focuses mostly on anthropological and sociolinguistic aspects of Kumzari spoken in Oman and Iran.

In his brief description of Kumzari grammar, Thomas (1930) merely mentioned that Kumzari verbs can be classified into one regular and three irregular forms based on their inflectional patterns in the present and past tense forms. This view, however, does not seem to reflect the real classification of Kumzari verbs. A closer look at the Kumzari verbal system shows that its verbs can be divided into simple and compound forms, where the latter has two elements that combine together to make a complex predicate.

The function and contribution of each element is an area worthy of investigation since these verbs make up the majority of Kumzari verbs, including those newly borrowed into

Kumzari. Therefore, given the paucity of academic work on Kumzari, especially on its grammar, this work has a twofold purpose:

1. to provide a descriptive grammar of the essential features of Kumzari.

2. to provide a detailed analysis of the Kumzari verbal system.

The importance of this work resides on its contribution to academia and the

Kumzari community. It would partially help in saving Kumzari via attending to the urgent need to analyze its grammar, describe it and make it available to interested users. This work will introduce Kumzari to interested researchers, will contribute to linguistic knowledge, and will spur further research on the language in other linguistic domains.

As for the Kumzari community, it will exhibit the language to its speakers in a descriptive form, which would better enable them to understand the structure of their language and

to teach it to interested learners. It will also be complementary to the effort of some local people who have been working on a simple Kumzari-Arabic dictionary over the last few years. It is intended that this work would raise awareness of the local and national community alike towards doing more effort to present and save Kumzari as one of the endangered minority languages in Oman.

CHAPTER 2 DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR

Phonology

Consonantal Phonemic Inventory

The following table represents the Kumzari consonantal inventory. Sounds that

appear in pairs represent voiceless sounds on the left side and their voiced counterparts

on the right side. The symbols /t/, /d/, /s/ and /z/ represent emphatic sounds. According

to the IPA guideline, these sounds are transcribed as /tˤ/, dˤ/, sˤ/ and /zˤ/ respectively.

Figure 2-1. Phonemic inventory of Kumzari consonants

The following are lexical items containing Kumzari consonantal segments.

Examples are provided in phonemic transcription and in an Arabic adapted alphabet.

Plosives

 /p/ voiceless bilabial stop

پ ير 'pi:ɻ/ 'grandfather/  /b/ voiced bilabial stop با ر م 'ba:ɻim/ 'rain/  /t/ voiceless alveolar stop ت ي ر ه 'ti:ɻah/ 'pathway/  /d/ voiced alveolar stop د ر م 'daɻam/ 'medicine/  /t/ voiceless emphatic alveolar stop طي ر ه 'te:ɻah/ 'bird/  /d/ voiced emphatic alveolar stop ضب ئ 'dabʔ/ 'hyena/  /k/ voiceless velar stop كا رد 'ka:ɻd/ 'knife/  /g/ voiced velar stop جي ي 'gija/ 'grass/  /q/ voiceless uvular stop ق ي ط ب 'qe:tab/ 'stick/  /ʔ/ glottal stop إِ نِب 'ʔinab/ 'grapes/

Nasals

 /m/ voiced bilabial nasal م ر ت ك 'muɻtak/ 'man/  /n/ voiced alveolar nasal نان 'na:n/ 'bread/

Fricatives

 /f/ voiceless labiodental fricative فوخط 'fu:xat/ 'thigh/  /s/ voiceless alveolar fricative سو غ 'so:ʁ/ 'dog/  /s/ voiceless emphatic alveolar fricative ص يد ق 'se:daq/ 'friend/  /z/ voiced emphatic alveolar fricative ژ ن ك 'zank/ 'woman/  /ʃ/ voiceless postalveolar fricative ش فراق 'ʃafɻa:q/ 'frog/  /x/ voiceless uvular fricative خمام 'xma:m/ 'garbage/  /ʁ/ voiced uvular fricative غاژلي 'ʁa:zli/ 'gazelle/  /ħ/ voiceless pharyngeal fricative ح ن 'ħan/ 'steel/

 /h/ voiceless glottal fricative هي س 'he:s/ 'plough/

Affricates

 /tʃ/ voiceless post-alveolar affricate ت ݜم 'tʃum/ 'eye/  /dʒ/ voiced post-alveolar affricate چ و غ ر 'dʒo:ʁaɻ/ 'liver/

Approximants

 /l/ voiced alveolar lateral ل و 'lu/ 'lip/  /ɻ/ voiced retroflex رو ك 'ɻo:k/ 'boy/  /j/ voiced palatal semi-vowel ي ر ژ 'jaɻz/ 'axe/  /w/ voiced labio-velar semi-vowel وﭽي 'widʒi/ 'stream/river/

Vowel Phonemic Inventory

The Kumzari vocalic system is based on three pairs of phonemes: long /i:/, /a:/

and /u:/ and their short counterparts /i/, /a/ and /u/ in addition to two mid vowels /e:/ and

/o:/. The system can be represented as below.

Front Central Back High i: u: i u Mid e: o: a Low a:

Figure 2-2. Phonemic inventory of Kumzari vowels

The following are Kumzari lexical items containing Kumzari vowel segments.

Each example is provided in phonemic transcription and in an Arabic adapted alphabet.

 /i:/ high front unrounded long vowel شير 'ʃi:ɻ/ 'milk/  /i/ high front unrounded short vowel پ س 'pis/ 'son/

 /u:/ high back rounded long vowel دور 'du:ɻ / 'smoke/  /u/ high back rounded short vowel بِ رد 'buɻd/ 'rock/stone/  /a:/ low central unrounded long vowel مار 'ma:ɻ/ 'snake/  /a/ low central unrounded short vowel ب ن 'ban/ 'rope/  /e:/ mid front unrounded long vowel حي م س 'ħe:mas/ 'turtle/  /o:/ mid back rounded long vowel ﭽ و سن 'dʒo:sin/ 'goat/

Minimal Pairs of Kumzari Consonantal Segments

The following words are minimal pairs representing contrastive consonantal

segments in Kumzari.

 /p/ and /b/ ﭙ ﻨ ﭺ 'pandʒ/ 'five/ ﺒ ﻨ ﭺ 'bandʒ/ 'bad/  /t/ and /d/ كارت 'ka:ɻt/ 'card/ كارد 'ka:ɻd/ 'knife/  /t/ and /d/ ط بئ 'tabʔ/ 'behavior/ ض بئ 'dabʔ/ 'hyena/  /k/ and /g/ ك رم 'kaɻam/ 'generosity/ ج رم 'gaɻam/ 'hot/  /q/ and /t/ قا لم 'qa:lam/ 'pen/ تا لم 'ta:lam/ 'tray/  /ʔ/ and /g/ أرف 'ʔaɻf/ 'smell/perfume/ جرف 'gaɻf/ 'hole/  /m/ and /z/ درام 'dɻa:m/ 'barrel/ دراژ 'dɻa:z/ 'tall/  /n/ and /s/ نو 'no:/ 'new/ سو 'so:/ 'three/  /f/ and /g/ ف ر حه 'faɻaħah/ 'happy/ ج ر حه 'gaɻaħah/ 'injured/

 /s/ and /z/ سر 'saɻ/ 'head/ ﮋ ر 'zaɻ/ 'throwing/  /s/ and /z/ صرد 'saɻd/ 'cold/ ﮋ رد 'zaɻd/ 'yellow/  /ʃ/ and /ʁ/ شاژ 'ʃa:z/ 'supper/ غاژ 'ʁa:z/ 'money/  /x/ and /ʁ/ مخ 'mux/ 'head/ brain/ مغ 'muʁ/ 'palm tree/  /ħ/ and /p/ ح ال 'ħalla/ 'low/ ﭙل 'palla/ 'full/  /h/ and /k/ ه ول 'hawl/ 'rubbish/ ك ول 'kawl/ 'wind/  /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ ت ش نج 'tʃang/ 'comb/ ﭽ نج 'dʒang/ 'war/  /ɻ/ and /x/ راي 'ɻa:j/ 'hair holder/ خاي '(xa:j/ 'bite! (2SG.IMP/  /w/ and /ʔ/ و رد 'waɻd/ 'flower/ أرد 'ʔaɻd/ 'flour/  /l/ and /s/ لوغ 'lo:ʁ/ 'mixture/ سوغ 'so:ʁ/ 'dog/  /j/ and /b/ خا ير 'xa:jar/ 'melon/ خا بر 'xa:bar/ 'news/

Minimal Pairs of Kumzari Vocalic Segments

The following words are minimal pairs representing contrastive vowels in

Kumzari.

 /i:/ and /i/ جيل 'gi:l/ 'generation/ جل 'gil/ 'dirt/sand/  /u:/ and /u/ خور 'xu:ɻ/ 'donkey/ خ ر (xuɻ/ 'buy!' (2SG.IPM/

 /a:/ and /a/ بار 'ba:ɻ/ 'strength/ بر 'baɻ/ 'inland/  /e:/ and /i:/ بير (be:ɻ/ 'grind!' (2SG.IPM/ بير 'bi:ɻ/ 'water well/  /o:/ and /u:/ دور 'do:ɻ/ 'door/ دور 'du:ɻ/ 'smoke/  /o:/ and /e:/ خور (xo:ɻ/ 'eat!' (2SG.IMP/ خي ر 'xe:ɻ/ 'goodness/

Morpho-Phonological Rules

Suffixation in Kumzari creates the environment for some morpho-phonological rules. These are as follows.

A glottal stop is inserted between two adjacent vowels.

Ø → ʔ / V----- V

Underlying from sa:ngi: 'heavy' sa:ngi:-in 'heavy-3PL' /ʔ/ insertion sa:ngi:ʔin Surface form sa:ngi:ʔin 'They are heavy'

Underlying from ko:ta 'short' ko:ta-im 'short-1PL' /ʔ/ insertion ko:taʔim Surface form ko:taʔim 'We are short'

Underlying from ka:ɻa 'mouth' ka:ɻa-an 'mouth-DEF.PL' /ʔ/ insertion ka:ɻaʔan Surface form ka:ɻaʔan 'The mouths'

The high back rounded long vowels /u:/ becomes /i:/ when followed by /i/. The glottal stop insertion rule applies here to separate the two adjacent vowels.

u: → i:/ ----- i

Underlying from tu: - 'become.IPFV' tu:-i 'become.IPFV-2SG'

/ʔ/ insertion tu:ʔi u: → i: /----- i ti:ʔi Surface form ti:ʔi 'You become'

Underlying from dgu:- 'tell.IPFV' dgu:-im 'tell.IPFV-1PL' /ʔ/ insertion dgu:ʔim u: → i: /----- i dgi:ʔim Surface form dgi:ʔim 'We tell'

Word final /h/ in nouns borrowed from Arabic becomes /t/ or gets deleted before a vowel. This happens when these nouns, which are known to Kumzari speakers to be borrowed from Arabic, are inflected for number and in/definiteness for morphemes encoding number and in/definiteness start with vowels. The two phonological processes take place as free variation since both are interchangeably used by native speakers.

When /h/ deletion occurs, a glottal stop is inserted between the two adjacent vowels created by the roots and the inflectional suffix.

------h] word → t or Ø / ------V

Underlying from ɻisa:lah 'letter' ɻisa:lah-u: 'letter-DEF.SG' --h] word → t /----- V ɻisa:latu: Surface form ɻisa:latu: 'the letter'

Underlying from ɻisa:lah 'letter' ɻisa:lah-u: 'letter-DEF.SG' --h] word → Ø/----- V ɻisa:lau: /ʔ/ insertion ɻisa:laʔu: Surface form ɻisa:laʔu: 'the letter'

Underlying from maktabah 'library' maktabah-an 'library-DEF.PL' --h] word → t /----- V maktabat-an Surface form maktabatan 'the libraries.'

Underlying from maktabah 'library' maktabah-an 'library-DEF.PL' --h] word → Ø/----- V maktaba-an /ʔ/ insertion maktabaʔ-an Surface form maktabaʔan 'the libraries.'

Syllable Structure and Stress

Kumzari has (C) CV (C) (C) syllable structure allowing both complex onset and coda. The V in this structure includes both short and long vowels. The following words represent the different possible types of syllable structure in Kumzari.

CV tu 'you.2SG' CCV mɻu: 'hen' CCVC dna:n 'teeth' CCVCC bɻanz 'rice' CVC bap 'father' CVCC dakt 'girl'

Stress in Kumzari falls on the penultimate syllable in polysyllabic words. The following table shows stress placement in some polysyllabic Kumzari lexical items where stress is always placed on the penultimate syllable irrespective of the number of syllables.

Table 2-1. Examples showing stress placement in Kumzari Stress Placement Gloss ˈsa:n.gi: 'heavy' ˈgiʃ.na:ʁ 'hungry' xa:.ˈɻiʃ.tin 'ash' xa:.ˈna.ʁih 'a house' gi:.'zi.ɻu: 'island' ka:'ɻam.su/ka:'ɻam.ti 'where' 'ʔas.pi 'horse' lin.ˈki.tu: 'the finger' 'ka.ʁuɻd 'paper' xe:.'naʁ.du 'laughter' ɻi.sa.ˈla.tan 'the letters' ˈʁa:z.li 'gazelle' daʁ.ˈʃa.ʔin 'They are busy' 'ɻi.zaʁ 'empty' guɻ.ˈja.diʃ 'S/he cried.'

Phonological Changes in Arabic Loanwords

Loanwords taken from Arabic undergo certain phonological changes once they find their way into the Kumzari lexicon. These changes take place when borrowed words have sounds that do not exist in Kumzari. Except for some exceptional cases, such phonological changes adhere to the following patterns.

A voiced pharyngeal fricative /ʕ/ becomes a glottal stop /ʔ/.

(Omani) Arabic Kumzari

/ʕam/ /ʔam/ 'uncle' /mʕalim/ /mʔalim / 'teacher' /ʕa:qil/ /ʔa:qil/ 'sane' /ʕasal/ /ʔa:sal/ 'honey'

A voiceless interdental fricative /θ/ is replaced by a voiceless alveolar stop /t/ or by a voiceless alveolar fricative /s/.

(Omani) Arabic Kumzari

/θalg/ /talg/ 'snow' /θamar/ /tamar/ 'crops' /θa:bit/ /sabtah/ 'steady' /maθal/ /ma:sal/ 'proverb'

A voiced interdental fricative /ð/ is replaced by a voiced emphatic alveolar fricative /z/ or by a voiced alveolar stop /d/.

(Omani) Arabic Kumzari

/ðanb/ /zanb/ 'sin' /ðba:b/ /zba:b/ 'flies' /ʕaða:b/ /ʔada:b/ 'torture' /ʕuðr/ /ʔudɻ/ 'excuse'

A voiced alveolar fricative /z/ and a voiced emphatic interdental fricative /ð/ are replaced by a voiced emphatic alveolar fricative /z/.

(Omani) Arabic Kumzari

/zarʕ/ /zaɻʔ/ 'plants' /zraq/ /zɻaq/ 'blue' /ðulm/ /zulm/ 'transgression' /ðan/ /zan/ 'doubt'

Morphology

Pronouns

Kumzari does not make case distinction in its pronominal system; one set of pronouns is used to mark subjects and objects as well as to express possession.

Subject / Object Pronouns

Kumzari subject and object pronouns distinguish person and number, but no distinction is made in gender or between inclusion and exclusion. The following table lists the set of pronouns in Kumzari.

Table 2-2. Kumzari subject/ object pronouns Person/Number Subject/Object Pronoun Gloss 1SG mih 'I' 2SG tu 'you' 3SG jajh 's/he/it' 1PL mah 'we 2PL ʃmah 'you' 3PL ʃan 'they'

Possessive Pronouns

Kumzari uses the same above mentioned set of pronouns to express possession by placing these pronouns after the possessed entity as shown in the underneath table.

Table 2-3. Kumzari possessive pronouns Person/Number Possessive Pronoun Gloss 1SG so:ʁ mih 'my dog' 2SG so:ʁ tu 'your dog' 3SG so:ʁ jajh 'her/his/its dog' 1PL so:ʁ mah 'our dog' 2PL so:ʁ ʃmah 'your dog' 3PL so:ʁ ʃan 'their dog'

If the possessed entity is plural, plurality is not marked by using the plurality marker an

'PL' that is suffixed to nouns (e.g. so:ʁ-an 'dog-s'). (Plurality morpheme is discussed on page 42). Instead, plurality is marked by geminating word final consonants and lengthening word final vowels. The following two tables show possessive constructions of Kumzari nouns with a word final consonant and those with a word final vowel respectively.

Table 2-4. Possessive constructions of plural nouns with a word final consonant Person/Number Possessive Pronoun Gloss 1SG so:ʁʁ mih 'my dogs' 2SG so:ʁʁ tu 'your dogs' 3SG so:ʁʁ jajh 'her/his/its dogs' 1PL so:ʁʁ mah 'our dogs' 2PL so:ʁʁ ʃmah 'your dogs' 3PL so:ʁʁ ʃan 'their dogs'

Table 2-5. Possessive constructions of singular/plural nouns with a word final vowel Singular Form Gloss Plural Form Gloss ʔaspi mih 'my horse' ʔaspi: mih 'my horses' ʔaspi tu 'your horse' ʔaspi: tu 'your horses' ʔaspi jajh 'her/his/its horse' ʔaspi: jajh 'her/his/its horses' ʔaspi mah 'our horse' ʔaspi: mah 'our horses' ʔaspi ʃmah 'your horse' ʔaspi: ʃmah 'your horses' ʔaspi ʃan 'their horse' ʔaspi: ʃan 'their horses'

Since Kumzari does not allow consonant clusters of more than two consonants, inserting a vowel to break the consonant cluster takes place in such constructions. The following table shows vowel insertion required to break the resulting consonant cluster.

Table 2-6. Vowel insertion in possessive constructions of plural nouns with a word final consonant Person/Number Possessive Pronoun Gloss 1SG so:ʁʁa mih 'my dogs' 2SG so:ʁʁa tu 'your dogs' 3SG so:ʁʁa jajh 'her/his/its dogs' 1PL so:ʁʁa mah 'our dogs' 2PL so:ʁʁa ʃmah 'your dogs' 3PL so:ʁʁa ʃan 'their dogs'

The germination/lengthening process only occurs with possessive pronouns and not with full NP possessors. In case of full NP possessors, the possessed always precedes its modifier, and it takes the plurality morpheme an 'PL' in the plural forms.

Table 2-7. Noun phrase possessors NP Possessors Gloss qa:ba Ahmed 'Ahmed's sweater' qa:baʔ-an Ahmed 'Ahmed's sweaters' kti:b bɻaɻu: 'the brother's book' kti:b-an bɻaɻu: 'the brother's books' qa:lam te:liban 'the students' pen' qa:lam-an te:liban 'the students' pens' dʒistaɻ Huda 'Huda's ring' dʒistaɻ-an Huda 'Huda's rings'

Demonstrative Pronouns

Kumzari uses four different demonstrative pronouns that distinguish number and proximity to the speaker.

Close to the speaker Far from the speaker Singular jah ʔa:n Plural ʔiʃnah ʔaʃni:nah

Demonstratives can stand alone as arguments or can be determiners. In the first usage, the predicative NP following the demonstrative can be in the indefinite or definite forms, which imposes agreement on its modifying ADJ P with respect to in/definiteness and number. When used as determiners, demonstratives occur as part of NPs that have to be in the definite form. The following are juxtapositions of demonstratives used as arguments (a-b examples) and those used as determiners (c-d examples).

(1) a. [jah] zamj-ih dʒup-Ø this land-INDEF.SG vast-INDEF.SG 'This is a vast land.'

b. [jah] zamj-u: dʒup-u: this land-DEF.SG vast-DEF.SG 'This is the vast land.'

c. [jah zamj-u:] dʒup-Ø this land-DEF.SG vast-3SG 'This land is vast.'

d. [jah zamj-u: dʒup-u:] ʁa:li-Ø this land-DEF.SG vast-DEF.SG expensive-3SG 'This vast land is expensive.'

(2) a. [ʔa:n] dakt-ih zaki-Ø that girl-INDEF.SG clever-INDEF.SG 'That is a clever girl.'

b. [ʔa:n] dakt-u: zaki-u: that girl-DEF.SG clever-DEF.SG 'That is the clever girl.'

c. [ʔa:n dakt-u:] zaki-Ø that girl-DEF.SG clever-3SG 'That girl is clever.'

d. [ʔa:n dakt-u: zaki-u: ] xwi: jajh that girl-DEF.SG clever-DEF.SG sister 3SG.POSS 'That clever girl is her sister

(3) a. [ʔiʃnah] zank-ah ɻiħam-an these woman-INDEF.PL compassionate-PL 'These are compassionate women.'

b. [ʔiʃnah] zank-an ɻiħam-an these woman-DEF.PL compassionate-PL 'These are the compassionate women.'

c. [ʔiʃnah zank-an] ɻiħam-an these woman-DEF.PL compassionate-PL 'These women are compassionate.'

d. [ʔiʃnah zank-an ɻiħam-an] these woman-DEF.PL compassionate-PL xa:latt mih aunt.PL 1SG.POSS 'These compassionate women are my (maternal) aunts.'

(4) a. [ʔaʃni:nah] xa:naʁ-ah ʃakk-an those house-INDEF.PL small-PL 'Those are small houses.'

b. [ʔaʃni:nah] xa:naʁ-an ʃakk-an those house-DEF.PL small-PL 'Those are the small houses.'

c. [ʔaʃni:nah xa:naʁ-an] ʃakk-an those house-DEF.PL small-PL 'Those houses are small.'

d. [ʔaʃni:nah xa:naʁ-an ʃakk-an] du:ɻ-an those house-DEF.PL small-PL remote-PL 'Those small houses are remote.'

Reflexive Pronouns

Kumzari uses the pronoun xo: 'oneself' to express reflexivity. It comes immediately after a simple verb but between the two elements of a complex verb, as demonstrated in the following two tables. (Structure of verb forms is discussed on page

50).

Table 2-8. Reflexive form of simple verbs Reflexive Form Gloss mih ʔo:kd-um xo: 'I hit myself.' tu ʔo:kd-i xo: 'You hit yourself.' jajh ʔo:kd-iʃ xo: 'S/he-it hit her/himself-itself.' mah ʔo:kd-im xo: 'We hit ourselves.' ʃmah ʔo:kd-ih xo: 'You hit yourselves.' ʃan ʔo:kd-in xo: 'They hit themselves.'

Table 2-9. Reflexive form of complex verbs Reflexive Form Gloss mih lu:mu: xo: gid-um 'I blamed myself.' tu lu:mu: xo: gid-i 'You blamed yourself.' jajh lu:mu: xo: gid-iʃ 'S/he/it blamed her/himself/itself.' mah lu:mu: xo: gid-im 'We blamed ourselves.' ʃmah lu:mu: xo: gid-ih 'You blamed yourselves.' ʃan lu:mu: xo: gid-in 'They blamed themselves.'

Nominal System

Nouns in Kumzari fall into the traditional classification of proper and common nouns. Proper nouns do not undergo any type of morphological inflection whereas common nouns are inflected for number and in/definiteness. Kumzari does not have gender distinction in its nominal system or in all other areas of its grammar. Some nouns, however, are gender specific based on natural/ biological gender. Examples of these nouns are provided below.

Table 2-10. Masculine/Feminine nouns Masculine Gloss Feminine Gloss ɻo:k 'boy' dakt 'girl' muɻtak 'man' zank 'woman' bap 'father' ma:m 'mother' ʃu 'husband' zan 'wife'

In case of ambiguity or for the purpose of emphasizing gender, the words muɻtak-ih 'a man' and zank-ih 'a woman' can be used to indicate masculine and feminine gender respectively. The following table exemplifies this observation.

Table 2-11. Gender distinction by using modifiers Kumzari Form Literal Meaning Gloss dʒiɻbaʁ-ih muɻtak-ih cat-INDEF.SG male- 'a male cat' INDEF.SG dʒiɻbaʁ-ih zank-ih cat-INDEF.SG female- 'a female cat' INDEF.SG mʔalim-ih muɻtak-ih teacher-INDEF.SG male- 'a male teacher INDEF.SG mʔalim-ih zank-ih teacher-INDEF.SG female- 'a female teacher' INDEF.SG so:ʁ-ih muɻtak-ih dog-INDEF.SG male- 'a male dog' INDEF.SG so:ʁ-ih zank-ih dog-INDEF.SG female- 'a female dog' INDEF.SG ɻo:ɻ-ih muɻtak-ih baby-INDEF.SG male- 'a baby boy' INDEF.SG ɻo:ɻ-ih zank-ih baby-INDEF.SG female- 'a baby girl INDEF.SG

Definiteness and Number

Unlike gender, definiteness and number are marked in the Kumzari nominal system by means of suffixation. Suffixical morphemes are attached to the lexical roots to derive indefinite, definite, singular and plural forms. Examples of Kumzari bare nominal lexical roots are provided below.

Lexical roots 'Gloss' ban- 'rope' maʃk- 'rat' ka:ɻd- 'knife' saɻ- 'head' ma:ɻ- 'snake' nixn- 'nail' ħambu:l- 'infant'

Kumzari utilizes four morphemes to mark in/definiteness (indefinite vs. definite) and number (singular vs. plural) in its nouns. These morphemes are -ih 'INDEF.SG, -u:

'DEF.SG', -ah 'INDEF.PL', and -in/-an 'DEF.PL'. The following table puts all four forms of

Kumzari nouns together, showing how they are derived from the lexical roots. It should be noted that the definite plural marker in Kumzari nouns can be either -in or -an. It is a type of free variation as some speakers may use either one or may use both forms interchangeably. The examples provided in the definite plural form show both options.

Table 2-12. Inflectional patterns of Kumzari nominal system Lexical Root Gloss INDEF.SG DEF.SG INDEF.PL DEF.PL xa:ɻ- bone xa:ɻ-ih xa:ɻ-u: xa:ɻ-ah xa:ɻ-in diɻja- sea diɻja(ʔ)-ih diɻja(ʔ)-u: diɻja(ʔ)-ah diɻja(ʔ)-an xa:naʁ- house xa:naʁ-ih xa:naʁ-u: xa:naʁ-ah xa:naʁ-an ɻo:k- boy ɻo:k-ih ɻo:k-u: ɻo:k-ah ɻo:k-an ʃidɻit- tree ʃidɻit-ih ʃidɻit -u: ʃidɻit -ah ʃidɻit –in

Some nouns, however, do not take such inflection in the indefinite singular form which makes them identical to their lexical roots. Words borrowed from Arabic tend to

be among these nouns, which are borrowed from Arabic in their indefinite singular form.

Examples of such nouns are provided in the table below.

Table 2-13. Noun forms not taking nominal inflection in the INDEF.SG form Lexical Root Gloss INDEF.SG Gloss qa:lam 'pen' qa:lam-Ø 'a pen' kuɻsi 'chair' kuɻsi-Ø 'a chair' misma:ɻ 'nail' misma:ɻ-Ø 'a nail' ʁuɻfat 'room' ʁuɻfat-Ø 'a room' ga:ɻas 'bell' ga:ɻas-Ø 'a bell' qissat 'story' qissat-Ø 'a story' baɻɻa:ja:t 'sharpener' baɻɻa:ja:t-Ø 'a sharpener'

Just like the pronominal system, Kumzari lacks case morphology in its nominal system. No case distinction is made to mark the grammatical function of Kumzari nouns as shown in the following examples.

(5) a. muɻtak-u: bzand-iʃ ɻo:ɻ-u: ba man-DEF.SG hit.PFV-3SG child-DEF.SG with buɻd-Ø stone-INDEF.SG 'The man hit the child with a stone.'

b. ɻo:ɻ-u: bzand-iʃ muɻtak-u: ba child-DEF.SG hit.PFV-3SG man-DEF.SG with buɻd-Ø stone-INDEF.SG 'The child hit the man with a stone.'

c. muɻtak-u: da:ɻ-iʃ ɻo:ɻ-u: kli:l-u man-DEF.SG give.PFV-3SG child-DEF.SG key-DEF.SG 'The man gave the child the key.'

d. ɻo:ɻ muɻtak-u: dʒwa:n-Ø child man-DEF.SG cute-3SG 'The man's child is cute.'

Mass and abstract nouns do not make a singular/plural distinction. They are unmarked in the indefinite form and take -u: in the definite form. The following table provides examples of mass and abstract nouns in indefinite and definite forms.

Table 2-14. Mass and abstract nouns INDEF Gloss DEF Gloss ʁa:z-Ø 'money' ʁa:z-u: 'the money' xwa:-Ø 'salt' xwa:ʔ-u: 'the salt' ɻu:win-Ø 'oil' ɻu:win-u: 'the oil' ʔa:w-Ø 'water' ʔa:w-u: 'the water' ʃi:ɻ -Ø 'milk' ʃi:ɹ-u: 'the milk'

ʔixla:s-Ø 'faithfulness' ʔixla:s-u: 'the faithfulness' ɻast-Ø 'truth' ɻast-u: 'the truth' ʃagaʔah-Ø 'bravery' ʃagaʔaʔ-u: 'the bravery' ba:ɻ-Ø 'strength' ba:ɻ-u: 'the strength' bandʒ-Ø 'meanness' bandʒ-u: 'the meanness'

Verbs

Verbal Inflection

Kumzari verbs are inflected for person and number of the subject via agreement morphemes suffixed to verbal lexical roots. Verbal inflection of imperfective verb forms works according to the following paradigm.

Singular Plural

1st person - um - im 2nd person - i - ih 3rd person - ah - in

The agreement morphemes on the verb allow dropping of subject pronouns. Compare

(a) examples with (b) examples in (5) and (6) below. (Henceforth, pronouns will be glossed as subjects, objects or possessives to differentiate their grammatical function in given examples.)

(6) a. mih jajh ʃaɻaba tik-um 1SG.SUB 3SG.OBJ drinking do.IPFV-1SG 'I drink it'

b. ------jajh ʃaɻaba tik-um ------3SG.OBJ drinking do.IPFV-1SG 'I drink it.'

(7) a. jajh ʃan txe:ɻ-ah ʔe:su 3SG.SUB 3PL.OBJ buy.IPFV-3SG here 'She buys them here.'

b. ------ʃan txe:ɻ-ah ʔe:su ------3PL.OBJ buy.IPFV-3SG here 'She buys them here.'

The same agreement morphemes are used to inflect the perfective verb forms except for third person singular which requires a different agreement morpheme than the one used in the imperfective form.

Singular Plural 1st person - um - im 2nd person - i - ih 3rd person - iʃ - in

Agreement morphology is obligatory for both imperfective and perfective verb forms. However, in some cases the third person singular form takes a null morpheme in the perfective form in verbs such as ɻift- 'go.PFV', po:ɻid- 'fly.PFV, wabuɻ- 'happen.PFV', kaft- 'fall.PFV', buɻwad- 'run.PFV', ʔamad- 'come.PFV', ɻe:ʃid- 'vomit.PFV', muɻd-

'die.PFV', and ɻe:sid- 'arrive.PFV' in which dropping of the pronominal or nominal subject is possible. The following sentences give some examples of these verbs.

(8) a. ʔamɻ-u: aɻ taɻsid-um pi:h jajh matter-DEF.SG that fear.PFV-1SG from 3SG.OBJ wabuɻ-Ø happen.PFV-3SG 'The thing (matter) that I feared happened.'

b. ɻo:k-u: buɻwad-Ø ba xa:naʁ-u: boy-DEF.SG run.PFV-3SG to house-DEF.SG 'The boy ran to the house.'

c. muɻtak-u: muɻd-Ø do:ʃan man-DEF.SG die.PFV-3SG yesterday 'The man died yesterday.'

d. Ahmed kaft-Ø pi:h ʃidɻit-u: Ahmed fall.PFV-3SG from tree-DEF.SG 'Ahmed fell down from the tree.'

The use of these verbs with other person/number combinations other than the

3SG, in contrast, does not allow dropping of the agreement morphemes. The verb wabuɻ- 'happen.PFV', however, does not take agreement with either 3SG or 3PL, the only person/number inflection it allows. Compare the examples in (8) with those in (9) where agreement morphemes are obligatory with non-3SG forms except for the verb wabuɻ- 'happen.PFV.'

(9) a. tʃa:ɻta ħa:dis-an wabuɻ ɻu:zu: four accident-DEF.PL happen.PFV today 'Four accidents happened today.'

b. *mih buɻwad-Ø ba xa:naʁ-u: 1SG.SUB run.PFV-1SG to house-DEF.SG 'I ran to the house.'

c. *muɻtak-an muɻd-Ø do:ʃan man-DEF.PL die.PFV-3PL yesterday 'The men died yesterday.'

d. *Ahmed wa Omar kaft-Ø pi:h ʃidɻit-u: Ahmed CON Omar fall.PFV-3PL from tree-DEF.SG 'Ahmed and Omar fell down from the tree.'

Verb to Be

Kumzari does not have a copula in the present tense. Therefore, subjects and their predicates occur adjacent to each other without a linking verb as can be seen in the following examples.

(10) a. ɻo:k-u: faɻaħ-ah boy-DEF.SG happy-3SG 'The boy is happy.'

b. te:lab-an naʃi:t-an student-DEF.PL active-PL 'The students are active.'

c. ka:ɻd-u: ʔindi zambi:l-u: knife-DEF.SG in basket-DEF.SG 'The knife is in the basket.'

c. bɻa:ɻ mih te:bab-Ø brother 1SG.POSS doctor-INDEF.SG 'My brother is a doctor.'

d. ɻo:ɻ-an ʔindi xa:naʁ-u: child-DEF.PL in house-DEF.SG 'The children are in the house (at home).'

However, the word ka:n is used as a copula in the past tense form, which is also used to mark PST.PROG (see page 56). The following two sentences contrast how Kumzari expresses non-verbal predication in the present and past tense forms.

(11) a. se:daq mih bixal-Ø friend 1SG.POSS stingy-3SG 'My friend is stingy.'

b. se:daq mih ka:n bixal-Ø friend 1SG.POSS COP.PST stingy-3SG 'My friend was stingy.'

The copula ka:n 'COP.PST' does not inflect for person and number as illustrated in the following examples where it occurs with all person/number combinations.

(12) a. mih ka:n taʔabaʔ-um 1SG.SUB COP.PST tired-1SG 'I was tired.'

b. tu ka:n ħazanaʔ-i 2SG.SUB COP.PST sad-2SG 'You were sad.'

c. jajh ka:n ħask-ah 3SG.SUB COP.PST angry-3SG 'S/he was angry.'

d. mah ka:n nadʒaħ-im 1PL.SUB COP.PST successful-1PL 'We were successful.'

e. ʃmah ka:n tamʔaʔ-ih 2PL.SUB COP.PST greedy-2PL 'You were greedy.'

f. ʃan ka:n pa:k-in 3PL.SUB COP.PST clean-3PL 'They were clean.'

For future tense, Kumzari uses the verb tu:- 'become.IPFV' inflected in the 3SG form followed by a prepositional phrase made of the preposition ba 'for' and a pronoun.

For example, 'Ahmed will be generous' would be literally expressed as 'Ahmed generous becomes for him'. The following examples show how the sentence 'X will be rich' is expressed with all types of persons. The pronouns in these constructions can be optionally dropped whereas the prepositional phrase cannot be dropped. (The grammatical function of pronouns is not marked in these constructions due to the vagueness of their functions).

(13) a. mih paʃa:h tu:ʔ-ah ba mih 1SG rich become.IPFV-3SG for 1SG 'I will be rich.'

b. tu paʃa:h tu:ʔ-ah ba tu 2SG rich become.IPFV-3SG for 2SG 'You will be rich.'

d. jajh paʃa:h tu:ʔ-ah ba jajh 3SG rich become.IPFV-3SG for 3SG 'S/he will be rich.'

e. mah paʃa:h tu:ʔ-ah ba mah 1PL rich become.IPFV-3SG for 1PL 'We will be rich.'

f. ʃmah paʃa:h tu:ʔ-ah ba ʃmah 2PL rich become.IPFV-3SG for 2PL 'You will be rich.'

g. ʃan paʃa:h tu:ʔ-ah ba ʃan 3PL rich become.IPFV-3SG for 3PL 'They will be rich.'

Verb to Have

Just like verb 'be', Kumzari does not have an equivalent form for the possessive verb 'have'. Instead, a prepositional phrase headed by the preposition wa/ʔandi 'with' plus pronouns is used to express the verb 'have'. The following examples show such construction used with all person/number combinations.

(14) a. mih wa/ʔandi mih bɻa:ɻ-ih 1SG.SUB with 1SG brother-INDEF.SG 'I have a brother.'

b. tu wa/ʔandi tu sa:ʔat-ih 2SG.SUB with 2SG watch-INDEF.SG 'You have a watch.'

c. jajh wa/ʔandi jajh kti:b-u: 3SG.SUB with 3SG book-DEF.SG 'S/he has the book.'

d. mah wa/ʔandi mah miʃkilat-ah 1PL.SUB with 1PL problem-INDEF.PL 'We have problems.'

e. ʃmah wa/ʔandi ʃmah kli:l-an 2PL.SUB with 2PL key-DEF.PL 'You have the keys.'

f. ʃan wa/ʔandi ʃan ʁa:z-Ø 3PL.SUB with 3PL money-INDEF 'They have money.'

The past tense form is expressed by using ka:n 'COP.PST' before the prepositional phrase made of wa/ʔandi 'with' plus pronoun. For future tense, bajku:n

'COP.FUT' is placed before the prepositional phrase. Both ka:n' COP.PST' and bajku:n

'COP.FUT' are invariant for person and number. The following sentence contrasts the use of ka:n 'COP.PST' and bajku:n 'COP.FUT' in Kumzari.

(15) a. Ali ka:n wa/ʔandi jajh ʁa:z-Ø do:ʃan Ali COP.PST with 3SG money-INDEF yesterday 'Ali had money yesterday.'

b. mih bajku:n wa/ʔandi mih xa:naʁ -ih 1SG.SUB COP.FUT with 1SG house-INDEF.SG sa:l-u: ti:h-u: year-DEF.SG next-DEF.SG 'I will have a house next year.'

Verb Structure

Kumzari verbs can be classified into two main groups based on their structure: simple verbs and complex verbs.

Simple verbs. Simple verbs are few in number in comparison with complex verbs. They are made of single roots that differ in the imperfective and perfective forms.

Agreement morphemes are suffixed to these verbal roots to make the verb agree in person and number with the subject. The sentences in (16) to (18) provide examples of

Kumzari simple verbs given in pairs of imperfective and perfective forms.

(16) a. ʃan qisat-Ø to:xwa:n-in 3PL.SUB story-INDEF.SG read.IPFV-3PL 'They read (present) a story.'

b. ʃan qisat-Ø xwa:nd-in 3PL.SUB story-INDEF.SG read.PFV-3PL 'They read (past) a story.'

(17) a. mih kti:b-ah tfo:ʃn-um 1SG.SUB book-INDEF.PL sell.IPFV-1SG 'I sell books.'

b. mih kti:b-ah fo:ʃand-um 1SG.SUB book-INDEF.PL sell.PFV-1SG 'I sold books.'

(18) a. jajh ma:ɻ-u: takʃ-ah 3SG.SUB snake-DEF.SG kill.IPFV-3SG 'He kills the snake.'

b. jajh ma:ɻ-u: kiʃt-iʃ 3SG.SUB snake-DEF.SG kill.PFV-3SG 'He killed the snake.'

Kumzari does not have a straightforward relationship between the perfective and imperfective roots of its verbs. The list below provides imperfective and perfective roots of some Kumzari simple verbs.

IPFV Form PFV Form GLOSS  txo:ɻ- xo:d- 'eat'  takʃ- kiʃt- 'kill'  go:ɻ- gaʃt- 'desire'  dgu- gift- 'tell'  ta:ɻ- wa:d- 'bring'  ti:mʃ- mi:ʃd- 'watch'  ʃu- ɻift- 'go/leave'  tuɻwa- buɻwad- 'run'  tfo:ʃn- fo:ʃand- 'sell'  tkaɻd- kaɻdist- 'destroy'  txa:ʔ- xa:js- 'bite'  su- sud- 'put'  txe:ɻ- xe:ɻd- 'buy'  to:xwa:n- xwa:nd- 'read'  to:xwa- xu:ft- 'sleep'

Complex verbs. Complex verbs, on the other hand, make up the bulk of

Kumzari verbs which also include verbs made of loan words from languages such as

Arabic and English. These verbs have a bi-morphemic structure that comprises a preverb (PV) that remains the same in both imperfective and perfective forms, and a verb that alternates in the imperfective and perfective forms. While the PVs differ from one complex verb to another, there are eight verbs PVs combine with. These are tik-

'do/make.IPFV', tu:- 'become.IPFV', ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV' , txo:r- ' eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV'. A substantial number of Kumzari PVs combine with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' whereas a smaller number of

PVs combine with the verb tu:- 'become.IPFV'. Very few PVs combine with the

remaining six verbs to make few complex verbs, most of which have been replaced by verbs made of PVs plus the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV'. These eight verbs have different roots in the perfective form which are gid- 'do/make.PFV', bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV', wa:d-

'bring.PFV', da:ɻ- 'give.PFV', xo:d- 'eat.PFV', mi:ʃ- 'watch.PFV', ʃnu:d- 'listen/hear.PFV', and xe:ɻd- 'buy.PFV' . The following are examples of Kumzari complex verbs made of

PVs plus one of the eight verbs given in pairs of imperfective and perfective forms. (The future tense form will be discussed on page 55.)

(19) a. mah saja:ɻat-u: ħaɻa tik-im 1PL.SUB car-DEF.SG look(Noun) do.IPFV-1PL 'We see the car.'

b. mah saja:ɻat-u: ħaɻa gid-im 1PL.SUB car-DEF.SG look(Noun) do.PFV-1PL 'We saw the car.'

(20) a. jajh saff-u: daxla tu:ʔ-ah 3SG.SUB classroom-DEF.SG inside become.IPFV-3SG baʃtih tu behind 2SG.OBJ 'She enters the classroom behind you.'

b. jajh saff-u: daxla bu:ɻ-iʃ 3SG.SUB classroom-DEF.SG inside become.PFV-3SG baʃtih tu behind 2SG.OBJ 'She entered the classroom behind you.'

(21) a. Ali tɻas ta:ɻ-ah ɻo:ɻ-u: Ali fear bring.IPFV-3SG child-DEF.SG 'Ali frightens the child.'

b. Ali tɻas wa:d-iʃ ɻo:ɻ-u: Ali fear bring.PFV-3SG child-DEF.SG 'Ali frightened the child.'

(22) a. Salim xo:ɻ du:ʔ-ah dʒiɻbaʁ-u: Salim food give.IPFV-3SG cat-DEF.SG 'Salim feeds the cat.'

b. Salim xo:ɻ da:ɻ-iʃ dʒiɻbaʁ-u: Salim food give.PFV-3SG cat-DEF.SG 'Salim fed the cat.'

(23) a. mih xa:w ti:mʃ-um ʔammu ʃaw 1SG.SUB dream/sleep watch.IPFV-1SGevery night 'I dream every night.'

b. mih xa:w mi:ʃd-um do:ʃan 1SG.SUB dream/sleep watch.PFV-1SG yesterday 'I dreamed yesterday.'

(24) a. Ahmed ʃa:z txo:ɻ-ah ba ʔi:hal jajh Ahmed supper eat.IPFV-3SG with family 3SG.POSS 'Ahmed dines with his family.'

b. Ahmed ʃa:z xo:d-iʃ ba ʔi:hal jajh Ahmed supper eat.PFV-3SG with family 3SG.POSS 'Ahmed dined with his family.'

(25) a. Sami madʒma ʃwi:n-ah bap jajh Sami word/talk listen.IPFV-3SG father 3SG.POSS 'Sami obeys his father.'

b. Sami madʒma ʃnu:d-iʃ bap jajh Sami word/talk listen.PFV-3SG father 3SG.POSS 'Sami obeyed his father.'

(26) a. mih ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-um ʔammu do:ʃambaɻ 1SG.SUB goods buy.IPFV-1SG every Monday 'I go shopping every Monday.'

b. mih ka:ɻ xe:ɻd-um tʃaʃambaɻ 1SG.SUB goods buy.PFV-1SG Wednesday 'I went shopping on Wednesday.'

Aspect

Kumzari verbs morphologically encode distinction between perfective and imperfective aspect. Perfective verb forms are used to express actions conceived as bounded and unitary without referring to flow of time during these actions. Imperfective verb forms, in contrast, are used to express actions conceived as having no definite beginning or end whether they occur in the present, past of future.

Perfective aspect. Perfective aspect of simple verbs is encoded by the use of the perfective root of these verbs. In complex verbs, in contrast, it is encoded by using the perfective root of the verbs combining with PVs. The following are examples of simple and complex verbs given in the perfective aspect.

(27) a. mih buɻd-u: fa:nd-um 1SG.SUB stone-DEF.SG throw.PFV-1SG 'I threw the stone.'

b. jajh ʔa:w-Ø ʃaɻaba gid-iʃ 3SG.SUB water-INDEF drinking do.PFV-3SG 'She drank water.'

c. ɻo:ɻ mih maɻaza bu:ɻ-iʃ do:ʃan child 1SG.POSS sick become.PFV-3SG yesterday 'My child got sick yesterday.'

d. jajh ta:laq da:ɻ-iʃ zan jajh 3SG.SUB divorce give.PFV-3SG wife 3SG.POSS 'He divorced his wife.'

e. Ahmed dɻu: wa:d-iʃ ba mih Ahmed lying bring.PFV-3SG to 1SG.OBJ 'Ahmed lied to me.'

Imperfective aspect. Imperfective aspect of Kumzari simple verbs is encoded by using the imperfective root of these verbs. In the case of complex verbs, it is encoded by using the imperfective root of the verbs combining with PVs. The following examples in (28) provide Kumzari simple and complex verbs given in the imperfective form.

(28) a. ʃan txo:ɻ-in biɻa xa:naʁ-u: 3PL.SUB eat.IPFV-3PL outside house-DEF.SG 'They eat outside the house.'

b. ʃmah ɻisa:lat-u: kataba tik-ih 2PL.SUB letter-DEF.SG writing do.IPFV-2PL 'You write the letter.'

c. maɻi:z-u: ʔi:du: tu:ʔ-ah xi:ki patient-DEF.SG suffering become.IPFV-3SG much 'The patient suffers seriously.'

d. Ali sala:m du:ʔ-ah se:ħabb jajh Ali greetings give.IPFV-3SG comrade.PL 3SG.POSS ʔammu sa:biħ every morning 'Ali greets his comrades every morning.'

e. mih ʃa:m txo:ɻ-um ba ʔi:hal mih 1SG.SUB lunch eat.IPFV-1SG with family 1SG.POSS 'I have lunch with my family.'

Expressing some categories within this aspect requires the use of auxiliaries or adverbs. The auxiliary wna 'FUT' or an adverb of time referring to the future such as after one hour, tomorrow, next month is used with the imperfective verb form to express events that will take place in the future. Compare (a) examples in (29) and (30) in which the auxiliary wna 'FUT' is used to express futurity with (b) examples in which an adverb is used instead.

(29) a. Salim wna tfo:ʃn-ah zamj jajh Salim FUT sell.IPFV-3SG land 3SG.POSS 'Salim will sell his piece of land.'

b. Salim tfo:ʃn-ah zamj jajh sal-u: Salim sell.IPFV-3SG land 3SG.POSS year-DEF.SG ti:h-u: next-DEF.SG 'Salim (will) sell(s) his piece of land next year.'

(30) a. ʃan wna ʔaɻsala tik-in kti:b-u: 3PL.SUB FUT sending do.IPFV-3PL book-DEF.SG 'They will send the book.'

c. ʃan ʔaɻsala tik-in kti:b-u: na:wz 3PL.SUB sending do.IPFV-3PL book-DEF.SG tomorrow 'They (will) send the book tomorrow.'

The verb niʃt- 'sit.PFV.PROG' which is inflected for person and number or an adverb showing that the action is contemporaneous with the moment of speaking such as saʔati 'now', ɻu:zu: 'today'…etc. is used to express events that happen over a period of time in the present. Compare (a) examples in (31) and (32) in which niʃt-

'sit.PFV.PROG' is used to express continuity of the action with their (b) counterparts in which continuity is expressed via the use of an adverb.

(31) a. ʃan niʃt-in nwa:z tik-in 3PL.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-3PL prayer do.IPFV-3PL 'They are praying.'

b. ʃan sa:ʔati nwa:z tik-in 3PL.SUB now prayer do.IPFV-3PL 'They are praying.'

(32) a. mih niʃt-um ba:z tik-um ba ɻo:ɻ 1SG.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-1SG game do.IPFV-1SG with child mih 1SG.POSS 'I am playing with my child.'

b. mih sa:ʔati ba:z tik-um ba ɻo:ɻ mih 1SG.SUB now game do.IPFV-1SG with child 1SG.POSS 'I am playing with my child.'

The copula ka:n 'COP.PST' or alternatively ka:n 'COP.PST' plus the verb niʃt-

'sit.PFV.PROG' is used to express events that happen over a period of time in the past.

The (a) and (b) examples in (33) and (34) contrast these two possibilities.

(33) a. mih ka:n to:xwa:n-um gaɻi:dat-u: 1SG.SUB COP.PST read.IPFV-1SG newspaper-DEF.SG 'I was reading the newspaper.'

b. mih ka:n niʃt-um to:xwa:n-um 1SG.SUB COP.PST sit.PFV.PROG-1SG read.IPFV-1SG gaɻi:dat-u: newspaper-DEF.SG 'I was reading the newspaper.'

(34) a. mih ka:n qu:du: tik-um saja:ɻat 1SG.SUB COP.PST driving do.IPFV-1SG car mih lamma jajh ħaɻa gid-um 1SG.POSS when 3SG.OBJ look(Noun) do.PFV-1SG 'I was driving my car when I saw him.'

b. mih ka:n niʃt-um qu:du: tik-um 1SG.SUB COP.PST sit.PFV.PROG-1SG driving do.IPFV-1SG saja:ɻat mih lamma jajh ħaɻa car 1SG.POSS when 3SG.OBJ look (Noun) gid-um do.PFV-1SG 'I was driving my car when I saw him.'

It is noteworthy that Kumzari does not have an infinitive form similar to what is observed in some languages. The imperfective form is used instead; therefore, all

Kumzari verbal constructions such as auxiliary plus verb (e.g. is reading), modal plus verb (e.g. could read) and verb plus infinitive (e.g. want to read) use the imperfective form irrespective of the preceding verb. Consider the following examples where the imperfective form of the verb katab tik-um 'I write' is used in verbal constructions of different meanings.

(35) a. mih niʃt-um kataba tik-um 1SG.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-1SG writing do.IPFV-1SG kti:b-ih book-INDEF.SG 'I am writing a book.'

b. mih ka:n kataba tik-um kti:b-ih 1SG.SUB COP.PST writing do.IPFV-1SG book-INDEF.SG 'I was writing a book.'

c. mih wna kataba tik-um kti:b-ih 1SG.SUB FUT writing do.IPFV-1SG book-INDEF.SG 'I will write a book.'

d. mih tat-um kataba tik-um kti:b-ih 1SG.SUB want.IPFV-1SG writing do.IPFV-1SG book-INDEF.SG 'I want to write a book.'

e. mih wafaq gid-um kataba tik-um 1SG.SUB agreeing do.PFV-1SG writing do.IPFV-1SG kti:b-ih book-INDEF.SG 'I agreed to write a book.'

f. mih ba:taɻ kataba tik-um kti:b-ih 1SG.SUB should writing do.IPFV-1SG book-INDEF.SG 'I should write a book.'

g. mih la:zim kataba tik-um kti:b-ih 1SG.SUB must writing do.IPFV-1SG book-INDEF.SG 'I must write a book.'

h. mih ɻa:jim kataba tik-um kti:b-ih 1SG.SUB can writing do.IPFV-1SG book-INDEF.SG 'I can write a book.'

Mood

Kumzari morphologically encodes distinction between the indicative and imperative mood. The subjunctive mood, in contrast, is encoded by means of modal verbs and other lexical elements.

Indicative mood. The indicative mood is encoded by the imperfective and perfective verb forms as shown in the following examples.

(36) a. Salim ka:ɻ tik-ah ʔindi finaq-u: Salim work do.IPFV-3SG in hotel-DEF.SG 'Salim works in the hotel.'

b. mih niʃt-um tabaxa tik-um 1SG.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-1SG cooking do.IPFV-1SG ʃa:m-u: lunch-DEF.SG 'I am cooking (the) lunch.'

c. Ahmed wa:sx-an zaɻ gid-iʃ Ahmed garbage-DEF.PL throwing do.PFV-3SG 'Ahmed threw the garbage.'

d. Ali ka:n ti:mʃ-ah muba:ɻa:t-u: Ali COP.PST watch.IPFV-3SG match-DEF.SG 'Ali was watching the match.'

Subjunctive mood. Expressing hopes, wishes, emotions, possibilities, obligation, imaginary and hypothetical situations is not marked by a distinct morphological inflection on the verb but rather by means of modal auxiliary verbs as well as by lexical elements such as verbs. Consider the following examples.

(37) a. mih jimkin ʃuʔ-um ko:mza:ɻ nwa:z 1SG.SUB may go.IPFV-1SG Kumzar tomorrow 'I may go to Kumzar tomorrow.'

b. jajh ɻa:jim tuɻwaʔ-ah pandʒta kilu 3SG.SUB can run.IPFV-3SG five kilometers 'He can run five kilometers.'

c. tu la:zim kataba tik-i wadʒib tu 2SG.SUB must writing do.IPFV-2SG homework 2SG.POSS 'You must write your homework.'

d. ʔindi ʃaw ʃan wna zu:ɻu: tik-in tu in night 3PL.SUB FUT visiting do.IPFV-3PL 2SG.OBJ 'At night they will visit you.'

e. Sami tat-ah txe:ɻ-ah xa:naʁ-ih Sami want.IPFV-3SG buy.IPFV-3SG house-INDEF.SG 'Sami wants to buy a house.'

f. ma:m jajh zan tik-ah jajh mother 3SG.POSS thinking do.IPFV-3SG 3SG.SUB nadʒaħa tu:ʔ-ah ʔindi ʔimtiħa:n-u: successful become.IPFV-3SG in test-DEF.SG 'His mother thinks he will pass the test.'

g. Ali wna saʔada tik-ah tu wnah Ali FUT helping do.IPFV-3SG 2SG.OBJ if ʔitasala tik-i ba jajh calling do.IPFV-2SG to 3SG.OBJ 'Ali will help you if you call him.'

h. mih ʃakka tik-um Ahmed wna 1SG.SUB doubting do.IPFV-1SG Ahmed FUT tfo:ʃn-ah saja:ɻat jajh sell.IPFV-3SG car 3SG.POSS 'I doubt it that Ahmed will sell his car.'

i. mih tamanna tik-um txe:ɻ-um 1SG.SUB wishing do.IPFV-1SG buy.IPFV-1SG qasaɻ-Ø palace-INDEF.SG 'I wish I could buy a palace.'

Imperative mood. Imperative mood is used to express commands, requests and prohibitions. It is encoded on the verb in two different ways depending on the structure of the verb form.

Imperative mood of simple verbs. Imperative forms of simple verbs are morphologically distinct from the indicative forms. Each simple verb in Kumzari has three different roots which might, but do not necessarily, resemble each other. One is used in the imperfective form, another in the perfective form, both of which are used in the indicative mood; and a third one used for expressing the imperative mood. The following table shows the different roots of some Kumzari simple verbs.

Table 2-15. Different roots of Kumzari simple verbs Imperfective Perfective Imperative (2SG) Gloss tʃo:ɻ - tʃaʃt- ʃo:ɻ- 'wash' tanj- niʃt- oni- 'sit/stay' dgu- gift- gu- 'tell' txe:ɻ- xe:ɻd- xuɻ- 'buy' tu:kt- ʔu:ks - ʔu:kt- 'change/ beat'

Kumzari uses a null morpheme Ø to mark 2SG imperative forms versus the suffix

-i to mark 2PL imperative forms as shown in the following table.

Table 2-16. Imperative form of Kumzari simple verbs 2SG IMP 2PL IMP Gloss mi:ʃ-Ø mi:ʃ-i 'watch' bja:ɻ-Ø bja:ɻ-i 'bring' ʃo:ɻ-Ø ʃo:ɻ-i 'wash' wi:l-Ø wi:l-i 'leave' xo:ɻ-Ø xo:ɻ-i 'eat' fo:ʃin-Ø fo:ʃin-i 'sell'

The imperative forms of some verbs, however, are not contrasted by using a null morpheme in the 2SG form versus -i in the 2PL form. Examples of these verbs are the verbs tik- 'do/make.IPFV' and tu:- 'become.IPFV.' whose imperative forms are kin

'do/make.IMP.2SG' / ki:h 'do/make.IMP.2PL' and biʃ 'become.IMP.2SG'/ bi:h

'become.IMP.2PL' respectively.

Imperative roots with a word final vowel or glide require glottal stop /ʔ/ insertion before the imperative marker -i in the 2PL form as shown in the table.

Table 2-17. Imperative form of simple verbs with a word final vowel/glide 2SG IMP 2PL IMP Gloss xa:j-Ø xa:j-ʔ-i 'bite' buɻwa-Ø buɻwa-ʔ-i 'run' si-Ø si-ʔ-i 'rescue' oni-Ø oni-ʔ-i 'sit' xwa:w-Ø xwa:w-ʔ-i 'sleep'

If the imperative root ends with /u:/, it changes to /i:/ in the 2PL form as shown below.

Table 2-18. Imperative form of simple verbs with a word final /u:/ 2SG IMP 2PLIMP Gloss ʃnu:-Ø ʃni:-ʔ-i 'listen' bɻu:-Ø bɻi:-ʔ-i 'go' su:-Ø si:-ʔ-i 'put' bju:-Ø bji:-ʔ-i 'come'

Imperative mood of complex verbs. The imperative form of Kumzari complex verbs is expressed by combining their PVs with the imperative root of the combining verbs as illustrated in the following table.

Table 2-19. Imperative form of Kumzari complex verbs Complex Verb 2SG IMP 2PL IMP Gloss nwa:z tik- nw:az kin nwa:z ki:h 'pray' faɻaħa tu:- faɻaħa biʃ faɻħa bi:h 'be happy/rejoice' tɻas ta:ɻ- tɻas bja:ɻ tɻas bja:ɻi 'frighten.' ʃa:z txo:ɻ- ʃa:z xo:ɻ ʃa:z xo:ɻi 'dine' daxla tu:- daxla biʃ daxla bi:h 'enter' xo:ɻ du:- xo:ɻ ʔadi xo:ɻ ʔadiʔi 'feed' madʒma tik- madʒma kin madʒma ki:h 'talk/speak'

Passive Voice

Passive as used here refers to the process on which a noun phrase that is the object of an active sentence appears as the subject of the sentence. Passive voice in

Kumzari can be classified into passive voice of simple verbs and passive voice of complex verbs.

Passive voice of simple verbs. Passive voice of simple verbs is constructed by using participle adjectives derived from simple verbs combined with the verb tu:-

'become.IPFV' in the imperfective form and bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV' in the perfective form, which attach as a whole to agreement morphemes that agree in person and number with the subject. The following rule shows how passive voice of simple verbs is formed.

1. Participle adjective derived from simple verb + tu:- 'become.IPFV / bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV' + agreement morphemes

Participle adjectives are derived by attaching the suffix -an to the perfective roots of these verbs. The following table gives examples of perfective roots and participle adjectives derived out of these roots.

Table 2-20. Participle adjectives derived from perfective roots Perfective Root Gloss Participle Adjective Gloss bzand- 'beat.PFV' bzand-an 'beaten' wa:tid- 'want.PFV' wa:tid-an 'wanted/desired' su:d- 'put.PFV' su:d-an 'put' wa:d- 'bring.PFV' wa:d-an 'brought' zi:d- 'steal.PVF' zi:d-an 'stolen' kaʃt- 'kill.PVF' kaʃt-an 'killed'

Accordingly, a sentence like 'The car was sold by Ahmed' is literally expressed as 'The car sold became by the means of Ahmed'. The by phrase can be optionally dropped in such constructions. Below are sentences contrasting active voice of simple verbs with their passive counterparts.

(38) a. mih ɻisa:lat-u: xwa:nd-um 1SG.SUB letter-DEF.SG read.PFV-1SG 'I read (Past) the letter.'

b. ɻisa:lat-u: xwa:ndan bu:ɻ-iʃ ba mih letter-DEF.SG read (PCPT( become.PFV-3SG by 1SG.OBJ 'The letter was read by me.'

(39) a. ʃan zaɻf-an zi:d-in 3PL.SUB envelope-DEF.PL steal.PFV-3PL 'They stole the envelopes.'

b. zaɻf-an zi:dan bu:ɻ-in ba envelope-DEF.PL stolen become-PFV-3PL by ʃan 3PL.OBJ 'The envelopes were stolen by them.'

It is noteworthy that the verb bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV' has other root alternations that can be used interchangeably with it; these are buɻ- (with short /u/) and wabuɻ-.

However, unlike bu:ɻ- which takes agreement morphemes, buɻ- and wabuɻ- do not take agreement morphemes irrespective of person and number of the subject. Consider the following passive sentence used with the different roots of the verb bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV'.

(40) a. ʔaspiʔ-an fo:ʃandan bu:ɻ-in ba horse-DEF.PL sold become.PFV-3PL by muɻtak-u: man-DEF.SG 'The horses were sold by the man.'

b. ʔaspiʔ-an fo:ʃandan wabuɻ-Ø ba horse-DEF.PL sold become.PFV by muɻtak-u: man-DEF.SG 'The horses were sold by the man.'

c. ʔaspiʔ-an fo:ʃandan buɻ-Ø ba horse-DEF.PL sold become.PFV by muɻtak-u: man-DEF.SG 'The horses were sold by the man.'

Using the root bu:ɻ- allows dropping of the subject in passive constructions whereas using wabuɻ- or buɻ- requires a nominal or pronominal subject. Consider the following sentence in (41) and (42) in which dropping of the subject is possible with bu:ɻ-

(41c) whereas dropping it in the case of wabuɻ- and buɻ- in (42c) renders it ungrammatical.

(41) a. ħe:jwan-an kiʃtan bu:ɻ-in b-ba:ɻ ba animal-DEF.PL killed become.PFV-3PL with-strength by ɻi:j-u: fox-DEF.SG 'The animals were killed violently by the fox.'

b. ʃan kiʃtan bu:ɻ-in b-ba:ɻ ba ɻi:j-u: 3PL.SUB killed become.PFV-3PL with-strength by fox-DEF.SG 'They were killed violently by the fox.'

c. ------kiʃtan bu:ɻ-in b-ba:ɻ ba ɻi:j-u: ------killed become.PFV-3PL with-strength by fox-DEF.SG 'They were killed violently by the fox.'

(42) a. ħe:jwan-an kiʃtan (wa)buɻ-Ø b-ba:ɻ ba animal-DEF.PL killed become.PFV with-strength by ɻi:j-u: fox-DEF.SG 'The animals were killed violently by the fox.'

b. ʃan kiʃtan (wa)buɻ-Ø b-ba:ɻ ba ɻi:j-u: 3PL.SUB killed become.PFV with-strength by fox-DEF.SG 'They were killed violently by the fox.'

c. *------kiʃtan (wa)buɻ-Ø b-ba:ɻ ba ɻi:j-u: ------killed become.PFV with-strength by fox-DEF.SG 'They were killed violently by the fox.'

Passive voice of complex verbs. Forming the passive voice of Kumzari complex verbs is similar to its formation in simple verbs except for the first element.

While simple verbs derive participle adjectives from perfective roots and combine them

with tu:- 'become.IPFV'/ bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV', complex verbs combine their PVs with tu:-

'become.IPFV'/ bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV' followed by agreement morpheme as shown below.

2. Preverbs of complex verbs (PVs) + tu:- 'become.IPFV' / bu:ɻ- 'become.PFV' + agreement morpheme

The following sentences contrast active voice of some complex verbs with their passive counterparts.

(43) a. muɻtak-u: ta:laq da:ɻ-iʃ zan jajh man-DEF.SG divorce give.PFV-3SG wife 3SG.POSS 'The man divorced his wife.'

b..zan-u: ta:laq bu:ɻ-iʃ ba wife-DEF.SG divorce become.PFV-3SG by muɻtak-u: man-DEF.SG 'The wife was divorced by the man.'

(44) a. mih daɻam gid-um ɻo:ɻ-u: 1SG.SUB medicine do.PFV-1SG child-DEF.SG 'I treated the child.'

b. ɻo:ɻ-u: daɻam bu:ɻ-iʃ ba mih child-DEF.SG medicine become.PFV-3SG by 1SG.OBJ 'The child was treated by me.'

(45) a. dakt-u: tɻas wa:d-iʃ Ahmed girl-DEF.SG fear bring.PFV-3SG Ahmed 'The girl frightened Ahmed.'

b. Ahmed tɻas bu:ɻ-iʃ ba dakt-u: Ahmed fear become.PFV-3SG by girl-DEF.SG 'Ahmed was frightened by the girl.'

(46) a. Salim daxla bu:ɻ-iʃ xa:naʁ-u: Salim inside become.PFV-3SG house-DEF.SG 'Salim entered the house.'

b. xa:naʁ-u: daxla bu:ɻ-iʃ ba Salim house-DEF.SG inside become.PFV-3SG by Salim 'The house was entered by Salim.'

Verb Form of Indefinite Subjects

An indefinite subject in Kumzari is expressed via the use of the 3PL from in which the agent is not a specific group of people but rather unknown being(s). This construction is used when the speaker does not want to mention the agent or when the agent itself is not known. Examples of indefinite subject forms are provided below.

(47) a. zamj-u: xe:ɻd-in land-DEF.SG buy.PFV-3PL 'They (unknown beings) bought the piece of land.'

b. zank-u: haddada gid-in woman-DEF.SG threatening do.PFV-3PL 'They (unknown beings) threatened the woman.'

Distinction could be made between an indefinite and definite subject when using the 3PL form. A 3PL form with an overt pronominal subject cannot be interpreted as having an indefinite agent. Compare the following two sentences.

(48) a. ʃan saʔan-u: tʃaʃt-in 3PL.SUB plate-DEF.SG wash.PFV-3PL 'They washed the plate.' (definite agent) *'They (unknown beings) washed the plate.' (indefinite agent)

b. saʔan-u: tʃaʃt-in plate-DEF.SG wash.PFV-3PL 'They washed the plate' (definite agent) 'They (unknown beings) washed the plate.' (indefinite agent)

Adjectives

Kumzari adjectives are inflected for person and number to mark the obligatory subject adjective agreement, which allows pro-drop just like the case in verbal inflection.

The following paradigm represents adjectival inflection of Kumzari predicative adjectives which is the same paradigm used to inflect Kumzari verbs except for the 3SG form.

(See page 44).

Singular Plural 1st person - um - im 2nd person - i - ih 3rd person - Ø/ah - in/an

Agreement on the 3SG from does not follow a governed pattern as some adjective take a null morpheme and others take -ah. Agreement on the 3PL form, in contrast, is a type of free variation since speakers may use one or another to inflect 3PL forms. Examples of Kumzari inflected predicative adjectives are provided below.

Table 2-21. Kumzari adjectival inflection Person/Number Adjectival Inflection Gloss 1SG mih dɻa:z-um 'I am tall.' 2SG tu dɻa:z-i 'You are tall.' 3SG jajh dɻa:z-Ø 'S/he is tall.' 1PL mah dɻa:z-im 'We are tall.' 2PL ʃan dɻa:z-ih 'You are tall.' 3PL ʃmah dɻa:z-in/an 'They are tall.'

1SG mih daʁʃa:ʔ-um 'I am busy.' 2SG tu daʁʃa:ʔ-i 'You are busy.' 3SG jajh daʁʃ-ah 'S/he is busy.' 1PL mah daʁʃa:ʔ-im 'We are busy.' 2PL ʃan daʁʃa:ʔ-ih 'You are busy.' 3PL ʃmah daʁʃa:ʔ-in/an 'They are busy.'

Kumzari attributive adjectives agree in number and in/definiteness with the nouns they modify. However, definiteness and number are marked by different morphemes in nouns than in adjectives. Nouns are marked according to the following paradigm in which newly borrowed nouns tend to take the null morpheme in the INDEF.SG form, and nouns in the DEF.PL form can be marked by either -an or -in.

SG PL INDEF - ih/-Ø - ah DEF - u: - an/in

Number and in/definiteness in attributive adjectives, in contrast, are marked according to the following paradigm in which newly borrowed nouns tend to take the null

morpheme in the INDEF.SG form, and -an/-in can be used interchangeably. It should be noted that the morpheme -an/-in encodes number only since it is used with both indefinite and definite forms. The head noun they modify encodes in/definiteness feature contrary to the SG form in which both nouns and adjectives encode number and in/definiteness.

SG PL INDEF - Ø/-ah - an/in DEF - u: - an/in

The following examples show noun adjective agreement in Kumzari according to the above mentioned paradigms.

INDEF.SG dakt-ih zaʔaf-ah kuɻsi-Ø sa:ngi-Ø girl-INDEF.SG weak-INDEF.SG chair-INDEF.SG heavy-INDEF.SG 'a weak girl' 'a heavy chair'

DEF.SG kti:b-u: ʔaɻzan-u: sw:al-u: saʔb-u: book-DEF.SG cheap-DEF.SG question-DEF.SG difficult-DEF.SG 'The cheap book' 'The difficult question'

INDEF.PL

ħamb:ul-ah dʒwa:n-in xa:naʁ-ah du:ɻ-an infant-INDEF.PL beautiful-PL house-INDEF.PL remote-PL 'beautiful infants ' 'remote houses'

DEF.PL muɻtak-an faɻaħaʔ-an qa:lam-an siɻx-in man-DEF.PL happy-PL pen-DEF.PL red-PL 'the happy men' 'the red pens'

Comparative Forms

The comparative form of Kumzari adjectives is expressed via the suffix -taɻ '

COMPR' that is attached to the lexical root as demonstrated below.

Root COMPR form saxt- 'fat' saxt-taɻ-AGR 'fatter' dʒup - 'big' dʒup-taɻ-AGR 'bigger' ʃakk - 'small' ʃakk-taɻ-AGR 'smaller' zaʔfa- 'weak' zaʔfa- taɻ-AGR 'weaker'

The underneath table gives examples of adjectives and their comparative forms.

Table 2-22. Adjective /Comparative forms of Kumzari adjectives Adjective/Comparative Forms Gloss mih ħazanaʔ-um 'I am sad.' mih ħazana-taɻ-um 'I am sadder.' tu ki:ɻam-i 'You are generous.' tu ki:ɻam-taɻ-i 'You are more generous.' jajh bandʒ-ah 'S/he is bad.' jajh bandʒ-taɻ-ah 'S/he is worse.' mah ʔindiʔ-im 'We are stubborn.' mah ʔindi-taɻ-im 'We are more stubborn.'

ʃmah tajjib-ih 'You are nice.' ʃmah tajjib-taɻ-ih 'You are nicer.'

ʃan dʒwa:n-in 'They are pretty.' ʃan dʒwa:n-taɻ-in 'They are prettier.'

The standard is expressed via a prepositional phrase headed by pi:h 'from' as shown in the sentences in (49).

(49) a. ʃantat mih sa:ngi-taɻ-ah pi:h ʃantat bag 1SG.POSS heavy-COMPR-3SG from bag tu 2SG.POSS 'My bag is heavier than yours.'

b. tu dra:z-taɻ-i pi:h jajh 2SG.SUB tall-COMPR-2SG from 3SG.OBJ 'You are taller than him.'

c. dukkan-an ne:zak-taɻ-in pi:h madɻasat-u: shop-DEF.PL close-COMPR-3PL from school-DEF.SG 'The shops are closer than the school.'

Superlative Forms

The superlative form of Kumzari adjectives is expressed by attaching the superlative prefix ʔaɻ 'SUP' and suffixing the comparative suffix taɻ 'COMPR' to the lexical roots as shown below.

Root SUP form saxt- 'fat' ʔaɻ-saxt-taɻ-AGR 'the fattest' dʒup - 'big' ʔaɻ-dʒup-taɻ-AGR 'the biggest ʃakk - 'small' ʔaɻ-ʃakk-taɻ-AGR 'the smallest zaʔfa - 'weak' ʔaɻ-zaʔfa-taɻ-AGR 'the weakest'

Table 2-23 shows juxtaposition of comparative forms and their superlative counterparts.

Table 2-23. Comparative/Superlative forms of Kumzari adjectives Comparative/Superlative Form Gloss mih ħazana-taɻ-um 'I am sadder.' mih ʔaɻ-ħazana-taɻ-um 'I am the saddest.' tu ki:ɻam-taɻ-i 'You are more generous.' tu ʔaɻ-ki:ɻam-taɻ-i 'You the most generous.' jajh bandʒ-taɻ-ah 'S/he is worse.' jajh ʔaɻ-bandʒ -taɻ-ah 'S/he is the worst.' mah ʔindi-taɻ-im 'We are more stubborn.' mah ʔaɻ-ʔindi-taɻ-im 'We are the most stubborn.'

ʃmah tajjib-taɻ-ih 'You are nicer.' ʃmah ʔaɻ-tajjib-taɻ-ih 'You are the nicest.'

ʃan dʒwa:n-taɻ-in 'They are prettier.' ʃan ʔaɻ-dʒwa:n-taɻ-in 'They are the prettiest.'

The examples below show the superlative form of the Kumzari adjectives zaki

'clever' and bi:xal 'stingy.'

(50) a. Ali te:lab-u: ʔaɻ-zaki-taɻ-ah ʔindi Ali student-DEF.SG SUP-clever-COMPR-3SG in saff-u: class-DEF.SG 'Ali is the cleverest student in the class'.

a. Salim muɻtak-u: ʔaɻ-bi:xal-taɻ-ah ʔindi Salim man-DEF.SG SUP-stingy-COMPR-3SG in qaɻjat-u: village-DEF.SG 'Salim is the stingiest man in the village.'

The agreement morphemes on both the comparative and superlative forms can be dropped if the subject is present. Either one or both of them (subject or agreement morpheme) have to be present, but they cannot be dropped together. Consider the following examples where dropping the agreement morpheme (a/b examples) or the subject (c examples) is possible but dropping both of them (d examples) is not.

(51) a. ʃidɻit-an dɻa:z-taɻ pi:h bina:jat-u: tree-DEF.PL tall-COMPR from building-DEF.SG 'The trees are taller than the building.'

b. ʃan dɻa:z-taɻ pi:h bina:jat-u: 3PL.SUB tall-COMPR from building-DEF.SG 'They are taller than the building.'

c. dɻa:z-taɻ-an pi:h bina:jat-u: tall-COMPR-3PL from building-DEF.SG 'They are taller than the building.'

d. * dɻa:z-taɻ pi:h bina:jat-u: tall-COMPR from building-DEF.SG 'They are taller than the building.'

(52) a. Ahmed ʔaɻ-ʃakk-taɻ ʔindi ʔi:hal-u: Ahmed SUP-small-COMPR in family-DEF.SG 'Ahmed is the youngest in the family.'

b. jajh ʔaɻ-ʃakk-taɻ ʔindi ʔi:hal-u: 3SG.SUB SUP-small-COMPR in family-DEF.SG 'He is the youngest in the family.'

c. ʔaɻ-ʃakk-taɻ-ah ʔindi ʔi:hal-u: SUP-small-COMPR-3SG in family-DEF.SG 'He is the youngest in the family.'

d. *ʔaɻ-ʃakk-taɻ ʔindi ʔi:hal-u: SUP-small-COMPR in family-DEF.SG 'He is the youngest in the family.'

Dropping the agreement morpheme is only possible in the comparative and superlative forms, but not in the regular adjectival inflection even if the subject is present. Compare the following sentences.

(53) a. Ali wa Salim faɻaħaʔ-in Ali CON Salim happy-3PL 'Ali and Salim are happy.'

b. ʃan faɻaħaʔ-in 3PL.SUB happy-3PL 'They are happy.'

c. faɻħaʔ-in happy-3PL 'They are happy.'

d. *Ali wa Salim/ ʃan faɻaħa Ali CON Salim/3PL.SUB happy 'Ali and Salim/They are happy.'

Adverbs

Adverbs of manner are the only type of adverbs derived by a morphological process. Other types of adverbs are expressed by non-derived words. Kumzari adverbs take the same position whether they modify simple or complex verbs, but they cannot interpose between a PV and a verb when modifying complex verbs.

Adverbs of Manner

Adverbs of manner describe how an event takes place. They are derived by attaching b- to nouns which literally means 'with X' where X is a noun. For example,

'strongly' would be expressed as b-ba:r or b-qiwat which literally means 'with strength'.

Adverbs of manner can be placed before or after the verbs they modify. The following are examples of Kumzari adverbs of manner followed by illustrative examples.

Table 2-24. Adverbs of manner Adverb Literal Meaning Gloss b-bandʒ with badness 'badly/cruelly' b-ʔadab with politeness 'politely' b-dʒwa:n with beauty 'beautifully/gently' b-saɻa:ħat with frankness 'frankly' b-kibɻ with arrogance 'arrogantly'

(54) a. Omar tuɻwaʔ-ah b-siɻʔat Omar run.IPFV-3SG with-quickness 'Omar runs quickly.'

b. ʃan b-fagʔat ɻift-in 3PL.SUB with-suddenness go.PFV-3PL 'They left suddenly.'

c. Ali madʒma gid-iʃ b-hudu:ʔ Ali word do.PFV-3SG with-quietness 'Ali talked quietly.'

Adverbs of Location

Adverbs of location tell where an event occurs. They are expressed by non- derived words and are placed postverbally and preverbally. The list below provides examples of Kumzari adverbs of location followed by some examples.

Table 2-25. Adverbs of location Adverb Gloss ʔe:su / ʔe:ʔu 'here' ʔansu / ʔanti 'there' biɻa 'outside' du:xal 'inside' pabʃat /balah above' ʔindih/bazan 'down' baʃtih 'behind'

(55) a. se:daq mih sakana tik-ah ʔansu/ʔanti friend 1SG.POSS living do.IPFV-3SG there 'My friend lives there.'

b. mah biɻa xuft-im do:ʃan 1PL.SUB outside sleep.PFV-1PL yesterday 'We slept outside yesterday.'

Adverbs of Frequency

Adverbs of frequency tell how often an event takes place. They can be placed before or after the verbs they modify. Below are examples of Kumzari adverbs of frequency followed by illustrative examples.

Table 2-26. Adverbs of frequency Adverb Gloss do:m 'always' ʁulb 'often/ usually' ʔaħja:nan 'sometimes' nakti:h 'rarely/ seldom' ʔabdan 'never'

(56) a. jajh do:m ma:ɻ tu:ʔ-ah sa:ʔat 3SG.SUB always awake become.IPFV-3SG hour ʃaʃ six 'He always gets up at six.'

b. mih kataba tik-um ʃiʔɻ-u: ʔaħja:nan 1SG.SUB writing do.IPFV-1SG poetry-DEF sometimes 'I sometimes write poetry.'

Temporal Adverbs

Temporal adverbs describe when an event occurs. They could be placed before or after the verbs they modify. The following are examples of temporal adverbs followed by illustrative examples.

Table 2-27. Temporal adverbs Adverb Gloss Adverb Gloss nwa:ʃmi 'tonight' ʃaw '(at) night' do:ʃan 'yesterday' sa:bih '(in the) morning' nwa:z 'tomorrow' bi:ʃin '(at) noon.' sa:ʔati 'now' baʃtan '(in the) afternoon' ɻu:zu: 'today' ʃu:raz 'day and night' piʃtu/pajjah 'after' ti:h/tiʁuɻ 'before'

(57) a. bap mih wna te:ɻis-ah nwa:ʃmi father 1SG.POSS FUT arrive.IPFV-3SG tonight 'My father will arrive tonight.'

b. jajh sabiħ sa:faɻ gid-iʃ 3SG.SUB morning journey do.PFV-3SG 'He travelled in the morning.'

Prepositions

One unique characteristic about prepositions in Kumzari is the use of the preposition ba to introduce different prepositional phrases with different meanings. The preposition ba exhibits different semantic functions where the context in which it occurs plays a major role in determining the exact meaning it expresses. Consider the following examples where ba has a different meaning in each example.

(58) a. jajh waqaʔa gid-iʃ ba qa:lam-Ø 3SG.SUB signing do.PFV-3SG with pen-INDEF.SG siɻx-Ø red-INDEF.SG 'He signed with a red pen.'

b. ʃan madʒma gid-in ba miʃkilat-u: 3PL.SUB word do.PFV-3PL about problem-DEF.SG 'They talked about the problem.'

c. Sami sajja:dat-u: su:d-iʃ ba zamj-u: Sami rug-DEF.SG put.PFV-3SG on floor-DEF.SG 'Sami put (past) the rug on the floor.'

d. zank-u: qassa gid-iʃ woman-DEF.SG narration do.PFV-3SG qisat-Ø ba ɻo:ɻ-u: story-INDEF.SG to child-DEF.SG 'The woman narrated a story to the child.'

e. Fahad xe:ɻd-iʃ hadijah-Ø ba ma:m Fahad buy.PFV-3SG gift-INDEF.SG for mother jajh 3SG.POSS 'Fahad bought a gift for his mother.'

f. ʔasad-u: buɻwad-Ø ba ko:ʔ-u: loin-DEF.SG run.PFV-3SG towards mountain-DEF.SG 'The loin ran towards the mountain.'

Unlike ba, each of the other prepositions is used to in introduce prepositional phrases of one specific meaning. The following is a list of these prepositions used in illustrative examples.

ʔindi 'in' (59) a. Ali xa:baɻ-u: xwa:nd- iʃ ʔindi gaɻi:dat-u: Ali news-DEF.SG read.PFV-3SG in newspaper-DEF.SG 'Ali read (past) the news in the newspaper.' banah 'beside/next to' (60) a. mih ka:ɻ tik-um banah xa:naʁ tu 1SG.SUB work do.IPFV-1SGbeside house 2SG.POSS 'I work beside your house.' pi:h 'from' (61) a. ɻo:k-u: natta gid-iʃ pi:h ʃidɻit-u: boy-DEF.SG jumping do.PFV-3SG from tree-DEF.SG 'The boy jumped from the tree.'

ħatta 'until/to' (62) a. mah sa:faɻ gid-im pi:h musadnam 1PL.SUB journey do.PFV-1PL from Musandam ħatta miʃkat to Muscat 'We travelled from Musandam to Musact.' baʃtih 'behind' (63) a. kanz-u: dafana bu:ɻ-iʃ baʃtih treasure-DEF.SG buried become.PFV-3SG behind buɻd-Ø dʒup-Ø rock-INDEF.SG huge-INDEF.SG 'The treasure was buried behind a huge rock.' pabʃat/balah 'over/above' (64) a. tajja:ɻat-u: ħallaqa gid-iʃ pabʃat/balah plane-DEF.SG flying do.PFV-3SG over qaɻjat-u: village-DEF.SG 'The plane flew over the village.'

ʔindih/bazan 'under/below' (65) a. Ali kti:b-u: su:d-iʃ ʔindih/bazan ta:wlat-u: Ali book-DEF.SG put.PFV-3SG under table-DEF.SG 'Ali put (past) the book under the table.'

tiʁuɻ 'before' (66) a. Ali te:ɻsid-Ø tiʁuɻ ʔamn-u: Ali arrive.PFV-3SG before summer-DEF.SG ɻift-u: last-DEF.SG 'Ali arrived before (the) last summer.' piʃtu/pajjah/ʔaxuɻ 'after' (67) a. mih wna ʔu:du: tu:ʔ-um piʃtu/pajjah/ʔaxuɻ 1SG.SUB FUT back become.IPFV-1SG after damistan-u: winter-DEF.SG 'I will come back after (the) winter.' biɻa 'outside' (68) a. ħaɻa:mj-u: zaɻ gid-iʃ ka:ɻd-u: thief-DEF.SG throwing do.PFV-3SG knife-DEF.SG biɻa xa:naʁ-u: outside house-DEF.SG 'The thief threw the knife outside the house.' zidu: 'against' (69) a. Ali staxdama gid-iʃ dali:l-ah zidu: Ali using do.PFV-3SG evidence-INDEF.PL against mah 1PL.OBJ 'Ali used evidence against us.'

Quantifiers

Quantifiers as used here refer to modifiers that express an indefinite or definite amount of a referent. Quantifiers in Kumzari always precede the modified noun, most of which can be used to modify both countable and mass nouns. Nouns modified by xi:ki

'many/much' and nakti:h 'few/little' can be in the definite and indefinite form. When they are used with the definite forms, xi:ki 'many/much' and nakti:h 'few/little' introduce a preposition phrase headed by the preposition pi:h 'from'. The following table shows the use of these two quantifiers with both indefinite and definite forms of countable and mass nouns.

Table 2-28. The use of xi:ki with indefinite and definite forms xi:ki used with indefinite forms xi:ki used with definite forms xi:ki kti:b-ah x:iki pi:h kti:b-an many book-INDEF.PL many from book-DEF.PL 'many books' 'many of the books' xi:ki ʁa:z-Ø x:iki pi:h ʁa:z-u: much money-INDEF much from money-DEF 'much money' 'much of the money'

Table 2-29. The use of nakti:h with indefinite and definite forms nakti:h used with indefinite forms nakti:h used with definite forms nakti:h te:lab-ah nakti:h pi:h te:lab-an few student-INDEF.PL few from student-DEF.PL 'few students' 'few of the students nakti:h ʔaɻd-Ø nakti:h pi:h ʔard-u: little flour-INDEF little from flour-DEF 'little flour' 'little of the flour'

On the other hand, nouns modified by qadaɻ 'some', xita:ɻah/ ʁulb 'most', kas ba

'some/one of (humans), ʔiʃ ba 'some/one of (non-humans)', and ʔammu 'all' are always in the definite form, which could refer to something in general (e.g. most students) or to specific referents (e.g. most of the students) where the context plays a role in determining their meaning. While kas ba X 'some/one of (humans)' is always used with countable nouns in the plural forms, ʔiʃ ba X 'some/one of (non-humans)' can be used with countable nouns in the plural form and with mass nouns. The following two tables show the use of these quantifiers with countable and mass nouns.

Table 2-30. Kumzari quantifiers qadaɻ 'some', xita:ɻah/ ʁulb 'most', and ʔammu 'all' qadaɻ 'some' xita:ɻah/ʁulb 'most (of)' ʔammu 'all (of)' qadaɻ ɻo:k-an xita:ɻah/ʁulb ma:m-an ʔammu ba:z-an some boy-DEF.PL most mother-DEF.PL all toy-DEF.PL 'some (of the) boys' 'most (of the) mothers' 'all (of the) toys' qadaɻ xwa:ʔ-u xitarah /ʁulb sukkaɻ-u: ʔammu ʃiɻ-u: some salt-DEF most sugar-DEF all milk-DE F 'some (of the) salt' 'most (of the) sugar' 'all (of the) milk'

Table 2-31. Kumzari quantifiers kas ba 'some/one of (humans)' and ʔiʃ ba 'some/one of (non-humans)'. kas ba 'one/some of (humans)' ʔiʃ ba 'one/some of (non-humans)' kas ba mu:ɻtak-an ʔiʃ ba ta:wlat-an some of man-DEF.PL some of table-DEF.PL 'one/some (of the) men' 'one/some (of the) tables' kas ba ɻo:ɻ-an ʔiʃ ba gjaʔ-u: some of child-DEF.PL some of wheat-DEF 'one/some (of the) children' 'some (of the) wheat.'

The quantifier dastah 'several' is used with countable nouns only and it allows the use of both definite and indefinite forms. When used with the definite forms, dastah

'several' introduces a preposition phrase headed by the preposition pi:h 'from'

INDEF Form DEF Form

dastah ʃamʃi:ɻ-ah dastah pi:h ʃamʃi:ɻ-an several sword -INDEF.PL several from sword-DEF.PL 'several swords' 'several (of the) swords'

The negative quantifier 'none' is expressed by placing the negative marker na

'NEG' after the phrases kas ba X 'one/some of X (human) ' and ʔiʃ ba X 'one/some of X

(non-human) '. (Negation is discussed on page 89). For example, none of the houses is expressed by negating the expression ʔiʃ ba xa:naʁ-an 'one/some of the houses' which literally translates as 'one/some of the houses not'. The following table provides examples of the negative quantifier used with both human and non-human referents.

Table 2-32. Negative quantifier used with human/non-human referents kas ba X na 'none of (human) ' ʔiʃ ba X na 'none of (non-human) kas ba bɻa:ɻ-an na ʔiʃ ba xa:naʁ - an na some of brother-DEF.PL NEG some of house-DEF.PL NEG 'none of the brothers' 'none of the houses' kas ba mʔalim-an na ʔiʃ ba ʃaʔi:ɻ- u: na some of teacher-DEF.PL NEG some of barley - DEF NEG 'none of the teachers' 'nothing of the barley'

Numerals

Kumzari numerals have two forms; one form is used as cardinal numbers and another form used as modifiers. Except for number one which has a completely different form as a modifier, all modifier numbers are derived from cardinal numbers by adding the suffix -ta. Some phonological changes may take place such as vowel change from

/o:/ to /i/ in numbers two and three. The plural morpheme -an on the modified noun may be dropped because the modifying number inherently encodes plurality. The following table provides the two forms of Kumzari numerals.

Table 2-33. Cardinal numbers/ Modifier numbers Cardinal Numbers Gloss Modifier Numbers Gloss jak 'one' ta: ɻo:k 'one boy' do: 'two ' di-ta ɻo:k-an 'two boys' so: 'three' si-ta muɻtak-an 'three men' tʃa:r 'four' tʃa:r-ta zank-an 'four women' pandʒ 'five' pandʒ-ta so:ʁ-an 'five dogs' ʃaʃ 'six' ʃaʃ-ta kti:b-an 'six books' ʔaft 'seven' ʔaft-ta xa:naʁ-an 'seven houses' ʔaʃt 'eight' ʔaʃt-ta dʒiɻbaʁ-an 'eight cats' na 'nine' na-ta qa:lam-an 'nine pens' da 'ten' da-ta ka:ɻd-an 'ten knives'

Ordinal numbers are formed by adding the definite article -u: to the cardinal numbers as illustrated in the underneath table.

Table 2-34. Derivation of ordinal numbers from cardinal numbers Cardinal Numbers Gloss Ordinal Numbers Gloss jak 'one' jak-u: 'the first' do: 'two ' do:ʔ-u: 'the second' so: 'three' so:ʔ-u: 'the third' tʃa:r 'four' tʃa:r-u: 'the fourth' pandʒ 'five' pandʒ-u: 'the five ' ʃaʃ 'six' ʃaʃ-u: 'the sixth' ʔaft 'seven' ʔaft-u: 'the seventh' ʔaʃt 'eight' ʔaʃt-u: 'the eighth' na 'nine' naʔ-u: 'the ninth' da 'ten ' daʔ-u: 'the tenth'

Syntax

Phrases

Noun Phrase

A noun phrase may appear in different grammatical functions such as subject, direct/indirect object, possessor and object of preposition. A noun phrase may have various types of modifiers such as adjectives, determiners, possessive pronouns, quantifiers, numerals, and relative clauses. The following schema describes the word order of these modifiers with respect to the head noun.

determiner- quantifier - numeral - (N) - possessor/possessive pronoun - adjective

- relative clause

The following are examples of different types of NPs showing word order patterns of modifiers with respect to the head and to each other.

NP as subject (70) a. ɻo:k-u: kasaɻa gid-iʃ pa: jajh boy-DEF.SG breaking do.PFV-3SG leg 3SG.POSS 'The boy broke his leg.'

NP as object (71) a. mih ɻasama gid-um widʒi-Ø 1SG.SUB drawing do.PFV-1SG river-INDEF.SG 'I drew a river.'

NP as indirect object (72) a. ʃan hadja gid-in muɻtak-u: 3PL.SUB gifting do.PFV-3PL man-DEF.SG ʃamʃi:ɻ-Ø sword-INDEF.SG 'They gifted the man a sword.'

NP as possessed (73) a. xa:naʁ mʔalim-u: dʒwa:n-Ø house teacher-DEF.SG beautiful-3SG 'The teacher's house is beautiful.'

NP as object of preposition (74) a. Nasir niʃt-iʃ ʔindi xa:naʁ-u: Nasir stay.PFV-3SG in house-DEF.SG 'Nasir stayed at home.'

NP: determiner + noun (75) a. jajh ħaba tik-ah ʔa:n matʔam-u: 3SG.SUB love do.IPFV-3SG that restaurant-DEF.SG 'He loves that restaurant.'

NP: quantifier + noun (76) a. dastah zank-ah mi:ʃd-in ħadis-u: several woman-INDEF.PL watch.PFV-3PL accident-DEF.SG 'Several woman saw (watched) the accident.'

NP: number + noun (77) a. Sami xe:ɻd-iʃ ʔafta qa:lam-an Sami buy.PFV-3SG seven pen-DEF.PL 'Sami bought seven pens.'

NP: determiner + noun + adjective (78) a. mih wa:d-um jah kuɻsiʔ-u: 1SG.SUB bring.PFV-1SG this chair-DEF.SG ʃakk-u: small-DEF.SG 'I brought this small chair.'

NP: noun + multiple adjectives: Multiple adjectives modifying an indefinite noun must be coordinated by a conjunction. If the modified noun is in the definite form, the conjunction can be optionally dropped. Compare the following two examples.

(79) a muɻtak-ih kɻaxd-ah wa faqi:ɻ-Ø man INDEF.SG old-INDEF.SG CON poor-INDEF.SG ka:n mi:ʃ tik-ah ʔindi ʃaɻiʔ-u: COP.PST walking do.IPFV-3SG in street-DEF.SG 'An old and poor man was walking in the street.'

b. muɻtak-u: kɻaxd-u: (wa) faqi:ɻ-u: man-DEF.SG old-DEF.SG CON poor-DEF.SG ka:n mi:ʃ tik-ah ʔindi ʃaɻiʔ-u: COP.PST walking do.IPFV-3SG in street-DEF.SG 'The old (and) poor man was walking in the street.'

NP: numeral + noun + adjective (80) a. Ahmed wa//ʔandi jajh ʃaʃta ɻka:ħ-an no:ʔ-an Ahmed with 3SG six shoe-DEF.PL new-PL 'Ahmed has six pairs of new shoes.'

NP: quantifier + noun + adjective (81) a. qadaɻ ɻo:k-an bandʒ-an zi:d-in bo:dʒ some boy-DEF.PL bad-PL steal.PFV-3PL wallet mih 1SG.POSS 'Some bad boys stole my wallet.'

NP: noun + possessor + adjective (82) a. sa:jaɻat Salim no:ʔ-u: ʁa:li-Ø car Salim new-DEF.SG expensive-3SG 'Salim's new car is expensive.'

NP: noun + possessive pronoun + adjective (83) a. se:kal mih kaʔnaʁ-u: zi:dan bu:ɻ-iʃ bike 1SG.POSS old-DEF.SG stolen become.PFV-3SG 'My old bike was stolen.'

NP: noun + relative clause (84) a. mih da:ɻ-um Ahmed qa:lam-u: ʔaɻ 1SG.SUB give.PFV-1SG Ahmed pen-DEF.SG REL xe:ɻd-um jajh do:ʃan buy.PFV-1SG 3SG.OBJ yesterday 'I gave Ahmed the pen that I bought yesterday.'

Adjective Phrase

An adjective phrase can be part of a noun phrase or can function as a predicate.

It may consist of a single adjective or may be modified by an adverb that follows the modified adjective.

AdjP as predicate (85) a. diɻjaʔ-u: xati:ɻ-Ø sea-DEF.SG dangerous-3SG 'The sea is dangerous.'

Adj P as part of NP (86) a. mih xe:ɻd-um me:j-Ø dʒup-Ø 1SG.SUB buy.PFV-1SG fish-INDEF.SG big-INDEF.SG 'I bought a big fish.'

AdjP : Adjective + adverb (87) a. bap jajh muɻtak-ih tajjib-Ø xi:ki father 3SG.POSS man-INDEF.SG nice-INDEF.SG very 'His father is a very nice man.'

Adverbial Phrase

An adverbial phrase consists of a simple adverb. Adverbs modifying the same verb may be coordinated by wa 'and' or may appear adjacent to one another.

(88) a. Ahmed sakana tik-ah ʔansu/ ʔanti Ahmed living do.IPFV-3SG there 'Ahmed lives there.'

b. bzan jajh bqiwat (wa) bsiɻʔat strike.IMP.2SG 3SG.OBJ strongly and quickly 'Strike it strongly (and) quickly.'

Prepositional Phrase

A prepositional phrase consists of a preposition followed by a noun phrase that could be modified by different types of modifiers such as adjectives, determiners, quantifiers, numerals or relative clauses as discussed above. The following are some examples of prepositional phrases.

(89) a. Ahmed dʒiɻ-iʃ kli:l-u: ʔindi Ahmed find.PFV-3SG key-DEF.SG in maħal-u: shop-DEF.SG 'Ahmed found the key in the shop.'

b. jajh kiʃtan bu:ɻ-iʃ ʔindi ʔa:n qasɻ-u: 3SG.SUB killed become.PFV-3SG in that palace-DEF.SG dʒup-u: kanaʁ-u: big-DEF.SG old-DEF.SG 'He was killed in that big old palace.'

c. mah gtamaʔa gid-im ʔindi xa:naʁ mih 1PL.SUB meeting do.PFV-1PL in house 1SG.POSS 'We met in my house.'

Word Order

Kumzari has two possible word orders: SOV as shown in (90a) and SVO as shown in (90b) which are often used interchangeably.

(90) a. ʃan madɻasat-u: xo:gmo: gid-in 3PL.SUB school-DEF.SG building do.PFV-3PL 'They built the school.'

b. ʃan xo:gmo: gid-in madɻasat-u: 3PL.SUB building do.PFV-3PL school-DEF.SG 'They build the school.'

In case of complex verbs, however, direct objects can optionally interpose between the preverb and the verb as shown in (91). No other elements can occur between PVs and their combining verbs as illustrated in (92).

(91) a. ʃan xo:gmo: madɻasat-u: gid-in 3PL.SUB building school-DEF.SG do.PFV-3PL 'They built the school.'

b. mah ʃaɻaba jajh gid-im 1PL.SUB drinking 3SG.OBJ do.PFV-1PL. 'We drank it.'

(92) a. *Ahmed ʔu:du: b-siɻʔat bu:ɻ-iʃ Ahmed back with-quickness become.PFV-3SG 'Ahmed came back quickly.'

b. *mih ʃa:m ʔindi xa:naʁ-u: xo:d-um 1SG.SUB lunch in house-DEF.SG eat.PFV-1SG 'I had lunch at home.'

Direct and indirect objects can switch order in case of ditransitive verbs. Kumzari allows NP PP frame (93a), PP NP frame (93b), and a double object frame (93c). Verb- final word order is not possible in all three cases as shown in the examples in (94).

(93) a. mih sa:ʔat-u: da:ɻ-um ba ɻo:k-u: 1SG.SUB watch-DEF.SG give.PFV-1SG to boy-DEF.SG 'I gave the watch to the boy.'

b. mih da:ɻ-um ba ɻo:k-u: sa:ʔat-u: 1SG.SUB give.PFV-1SG to boy-DEF.SG watch-DEF.SG 'I gave to the boy the watch.'

c. mih da:ɻ-um ɻo:k-u: sa:ʔat-u: 1SG.SUB give.PFV-1SG boy-DEF.SG watch-DEF.SG 'I gave the boy the watch.'

(94) a. *mih sa:ʔat-u: ba ɻo:k-u: da:ɻ-um 1SG.SUB watch-DEF.SG to boy-DEF.SG give.PFV-1SG 'I gave the watch to the boy.'

b. *mih ba ɻo:k-u: sa:ʔat-u: da:ɻ-um 1SG.SUB to boy-DEF.SG watch-DEF.SG give.PFV-1SG 'I gave the boy the watch.'

c. *mih ɻo:k-u: sa:ʔat-u: da:ɻ-um 1SG.SUB boy-DEF.SG watch-DEF.SG give.PFV-1SG 'I gave the boy the watch.'

Prepositional phrases can be placed before or after a verb irrespective of its structure, but they cannot interpose between PVs and verbs in case of complex verbs.

(95) a. mih ʔindi xa:sab sakana tik-um 1SG.SUB in Khasab living do.IPFV-1SG 'I live in Khasab.'

b. mih sakana tik-um ʔindi xa:sab 1SG.SUB living do.IPFV-1SG in Khasab 'I live in Khasab.'

c.* mih sakana ʔindi xa:sab tik-um 1SG.SUB living in Khasab do.IPFV-1SG 'I live in Khasab.'

Various elements can be fronted to the beginning of a sentence to mark them as topic or focus such as objects, predicative adjectives, prepositional phrases and adverbs. Compare the following (a) and (b) examples.

(96) a. mih xe:ɻd-um sajjaɻ-Ø 1SG.SUB buy.PFV-1SG torch-INDEF.SG 'I bought a torch.'

b. sajjaɻ-Ø mih xe:ɻd-um torch-INDEF.SG 1SG.SUB buy.PFV-1SG 'A torch I bought .'

(97) a. jah buɻd-Ø sa:ngi-Ø this ` rock-INDEF.SG heavy-3SG 'This rock is heavy.'

b. sa:ngi-Ø jah buɻd-Ø heavy-3SG this rock-INDEF.SG 'Heavy, this rock is.'

(98) a. Salim tuɻwaʔ-ah b-siɻʔat Salim run.IPFV-3SG with-quickness 'Salim runs quickly.'

b. b-siɻʔat Salim tuɻwaʔ-ah with-quickness Salim run.IPFV-3SG 'Quickly Salim runs.'

(99) a. ʃiɻtij-u: qabaza gid-iʃ ħaɻ:amij-u: policeman-DEF.SG catching do.PFV-3SG thief-DEF.SG ʔindi maħal-u: in shop-DEF.SG 'The policeman caught the thief in the shop.'

b. ʔindi maħal-u: ʃiɻtij-u: qabaza in shop-DEF.SG policeman-DEF.SG catching gid-iʃ ħaɻamij-u: do.PFV-3SG thief-DEF.SG 'In the shop, the policeman caught the thief.'

Kumzari does not have a complementizer to mark complementizer clauses, so a clausal complement and the verb of the main clause appear adjacent to each other.

(100) a. ʃan mih gift-in tat-ah 3PL.SUB 1SG.OBJ tell.PFV-3PL want.IPFV-3SG ʔistaqi:lu: tu:ʔ-ah resigned become.IPFV-3SG 'They told me that he wants to resign.'

b. mih qtaɻaħa tik-um sa:faɻ tik-i 1SG.SUB suggesting do.IPFV-1SG journey do.IPFV-2SG ba maɻkab-u: by boat-DEF.SG 'I suggest that you travel by boat.'

c. Ahmed mih xa:baɻ da:ɻ-iʃ tu Ahmed 1SG.OBJ news give.PFV-3SG 2SG.SUB ʔitasala gid-i ba mih calling do.PFV-2SG to 1SG.OBJ 'Ahmed informed me that you called me.'

Likewise, verbal constructions used to express infinitival subject and object control expressions have the verbs of the main clause and the complement adjacent to each other. The verb of the complement clause in these constructions is always in the imperfective form. The following sentences in (a) and (b) are examples of subject control expressions whereas those in (c) and (d) are examples of object control expressions.

(101) a. ʃan waʔda gid-in saʔada tik-in Ali 3PL.SUB promising do.PFV-3PL helping do.IPFV-3PL Ali 'They promised to help Ali.'

b. se:daq mih wafaqa gid-iʃ du:ʔ-ah friend 1SG.POSS agreeing do.PFV-3SG give.IPFV-3SG mih ʁa:z-Ø 1SG.OBJ money-INDEF 'My friend agreed to give me money.'

c. jajh mih gift-iʃ saʔda tik-um 3SG.SUB 1SG.OBJ tell.PFV-3SG helping do.IPFV-1SG tu 2SG.OBJ 'He told me to help you.'

d. mih Salim qanaʔa gid-um ʔitasala 1SG.SUB Salim convincing do.PFV-1SG calling tik-ah ba tu do.IPFV-3SG to 2SG.OBJ 'I convinced Salim to call you.'

Negation

Kumzari expresses negation via the negative marker na 'NEG'. The position of the negative marker distinguishes sentential negation from constituent negation. In sentential negation na 'NEG' comes immediately after the verb whereas in constituent negation it comes after the negated constituent. The sentences in (a) and (b) are juxtaposition of sentential and constituent negation respectively.

(102) a. jajh xo:d-iʃ na na:n-Ø 3SG.SUB eat.PFV-3SG NEG bread-INDEF 'He did not eat bread.'

b. jajh xo:d-iʃ na:n-Ø na 3SG.SUB eat.PFV-3SG bread-INDEF NEG 'He ate not bread, (but crackers).'

(103) a. Sami ka:ɻ tik-ah na ʔindi miʃkat Sami work do.IPFV-3SG NEG in Muscat 'Sami does not work in Muscat.'

b. Sami ka:ɻ tik-ah ʔindi miʃkat na Sami work do.IPFV-3SG in Muscat NEG 'Sami works not in Muscat, (but in Khasab).'

(104) a. ʃan niʃt-in saqja tik-in na 3PL.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-3PL watering do.IPFV-3PL NEG zaɻʔ-u: plant-DEF.SG 'They are not watering the plant.'

b. ʃan niʃt-in saqja tik-in 3PL.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-3PL watering do.IPFV-3PL zaɻʔ-u: na plant-DEF.SG NEG 'They are watering not the plant, (but the date palms).'

(105) a. bɻu: na ʔa:nsu go.IPM.2SG NEG there 'Do not go there.'

b. bɻu: ʔa:nsu na go.IPM.2SG there NEG 'Go not there, (but to the house).'

(106) a. tu ba:taɻ txe:ɻ-i na jah 2SG.SUB should buy.IPFV-2SG NEG this kti:b-u: book-DEF.SG You should not buy this book.'

b. tu ba:taɻ txe:ɻ-i jah kti:b-u: na 2SG.SUB should buy.IPFV-2SG this book-DEF.SGNEG 'You should buy not this book, (but that book).'

Negation of non-verbal predication always comes at the end of the non-verbal predicate as demonstrated in the following examples.

(107) a. Fahad ɻo:k-ih batali-Ø na Fahad boy-INDEF.SG naughty-INDEF.SG NEG 'Fahad is not a naughty boy.'

b. hadjat-u: ʔaɻzan-taɻ-ah pi:h kti:b-u: gift-DEF.SG cheap-COMPR-3SG from book-DEF.SG na NEG 'The gift is not cheaper than the book.'

c. Ali ka:n faɻaħ-ah na Ali COP.PST happy-3SG NEG 'Ali was not happy.'

d. tu faqi:ɻ tu:ʔ-ah ba tu na 2SG poor become.IPFV-3SG for 2SG NEG 'You will not be poor.'

Interrogatives

Yes-No Questions

Kumzari does not use a morphosyntactic strategy to mark yes-no questions.

Instead they are indicated by a rising pitch. The following (a) and (b) examples contrast affirmative sentences with yes-no questions respectively. The bolded italics in the (b) examples indicate the stressed words that receive the raising pitch.

(108) a. jajh wna zu:ɻu: tik-ah xa:l jajh 3SG.SUB FUT visiting do.IPFV-3SG uncle 3SG.POSS 'He will visit his (maternal) uncle.'

b. jajh wna zu:ɻu: tik-ah xa:l jajh? 3SG.SUB FUT visiting do.IPFV-3SG uncle 3SG.POSS 'Will he visit his (maternal) uncle?

(109) a. tu fa:nd-i wa:sx-in biɻa 2SG.SUB throw.PFV-2SG garbage-DEF.PL outside 'You threw the garbage outside.'

b. tu fa:nd-i wa:sx-in biɻa? 2SG.SUB throw.PFV-2SG garbage-DEF.PL outside 'Did you throw the garbage outside?'

(110) a. ʃan niʃt-in txo:ɻ-in 3PL.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-3PL eat.IPFV-3PL 'They are eating.'

b. ʃan niʃt-in txo:ɻ-in? 3PL.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-3PL eat.IPFV-3PL 'Are they eating?'

Information Questions

Information questions are used to question different elements such as subjects, direct/ indirect objects, possessors, and objects of prepositions. They are marked by wh-phrases that can be placed in various positions. The following examples show the different positions in which wh-phrases can appear. Some wh-phrases, however, occur in fewer positions than other wh-phrases. tʃe:ja/ tʃi 'what' (111) a. tu xo:d-i tʃja/ tʃi ? 2SG.SUB eat.PFV-2SG what 'What did you eat?'

b. tu tʃja/ tʃi xo:d-i? 2SG.SUB what eat.PFV-2SG 'What did you eat?'

c. tʃja/ tʃi tu xo:d-i? what 2SG.SUB eat.PFV-2SG 'What did you eat?' gija / ka:ɻamsu/ ka:ɻamti 'where' (112) a. tu ka:ɻ tik-i gija / ka:ɻamsu/ ka:ɻamti? 2SG.SUB work do.IPFV-2SG where 'Where do you work?'

b. tu gija / ka:ɻamsu/ ka:ɻamti ka:ɻ tik-i? 2SG.SUB where work do.IPFV-2SG 'Where do you work?'

b. gija / ka:ɻamasu/ ka:ɻamati tu ka:ɻ tik-i? where 2SG.SUB work do.IPFV-2SG 'Where do you work?' ka:j 'when' (113) a. bap ʃmah ɻe:sid-Ø ka:j? father 2PL.POSS arrive.PFV-3SG when 'When did your father arrive?'

b. bap ʃmah ka:j ɻe:sid-Ø? father 2PL.POSS when arrive.PFV-3SG 'When did your father arrive?'

b. ka:j bap ʃmah ɻe:sid-Ø? when father 2PL.POSS arrive.PFV-3SG 'When did your father arrive?' tʃa:bi 'how' (114) a. Ahmed tʃa:bi wa:kd-iʃ do:ɻ-u:? Ahmed how open.PFV-3SG door-DEF.SG 'How did Ahmed open the door?

b. tʃa:bi Ahmed wa:kd-iʃ do:ɻ-u:? how Ahmed open.PFV-3SG door-DEF.SG 'How did Ahmed open the door?'

Kija/ ki 'who' (questioning subject) (115) a. kija/ki ʔaɻsala gid-iʃ ɻisa:lat-u:? who sending do.PFV-3SG letter-DEF.SG 'Who sent the letter?

Kija/ ki 'who(m)' (questioning object) (116) a. tu ħaɻa gid-i kija/ ki? 2SG.SUB look(Noun) do.PFV-2SG who(m) 'Who(m) did you see?'

b. tu kija/ki ħaɻa gid-i? 2SG.SUB who(m) look(Noun) do.PFV-2SG 'Who(m) did you see?'

c. kija/ki tu ħaɻa gid-i? who(m) 2SG.SUB look(Noun) do.PFV-2SG 'Who(m) did you see?' ka:ɻam 'which' (117) a. jajh xe:ɻd-iʃ ka:ɻam saja:ɻat-ih? 3SG.SUB buy.PFV-3SG which car-INDEF.SG 'Which car did he buy?'

b. jajh ka:ɻam saja:ɻat-ih xe:ɻd-iʃ? 3SG.SUB which car-INDEF.SG buy.PFV-3SG 'Which car did he buy?'

c. ka:ɻam saja:ɻat-ih jajh xe:ɻd-iʃ? which car-INDEF.SG 3SG.SUB buy.PFV-3SG 'Which car did he buy?' dʒampu: 'why' (118) a. Salim dʒampu: ɻift-Ø xa:sab? Salim why go.PFV-3SG Khasab 'Why did Salim go to Khasab?

b. dʒampu: Salim ɻift-Ø xa:sab? why Salim go.PFV-3SG Khasab 'Why did Salim go to Khasab?'

Kam 'how many/much (119) a. Ahmed xe:ɻd-iʃ kam kti:b-ah? Ahmed buy.PFV-3SG how many book-INDEF.PL 'How many books did Ahmed buy?'

b. Ahmed kam kti:b-ah xe:ɻd-iʃ? Ahmed how many book-INDEF.PL buy.PFV-3SG 'How many books did Ahmed buy?'

b. kam kti:b-ah Ahmed xe:ɻd-iʃ? how many book-INDEF.PL Ahmed buy.PFV-3SG 'How many books did Ahmed buy?'

Whose is expressed by using kija/ ki 'who' preceded by the indefinite form of the questioned element.

INDEF form of X + kija/ ki 'whose'

(120) a. jah (ba:z-u) ba:z-ih kija/ki? this toy-DEF.SG toy-INDEF.SG who 'Whose toy is this (toy)?'

b. ba:z-ih kija/ki jah (ba:z-u)? toy-INDEF.SG who this toy-DEF.SG 'Whose toy is this (toy)?'

Questioning objects of prepositions requires the use of prepositions before the wh-phrase in all possible positions the wh-phrase can appear in.

(121) a. tu sa:faɻ gid-i ba kija/ki? 2SG.SUB journey do.PFV-2SG with whom 'Whom did you travel with?'

b tu ba kija/ki sa:faɻ gid-i? 2SG.SUB with whom journey do.PFV-2SG 'Whom did you travel with?'

c. ba kija/ki tu sa:faɻ gid-i?' with whom 2SG.SUB journey do.PFV-2SG 'Whom did you travel with?'

(122) a. ʃan xe:ɻd-in ʔaxʃ-u: pi:h 3PL.SUB buy.PFV-3PL gold-DEF from gija/ ka:ɻamsu/ kaɻamti? where 'Where did they buy the gold from?'

b. ʃan pi:h gija/ ka:ɻamsu/ kaɻamti xe:ɻd-in ʔaxʃ-u: ? 3PL.SUB from where buy.PFV-3PL gold-DEF 'Where did they buy the gold from?'

c. pi:h gija/ ka:ɻamsu/ kaɻamti ʃan xe:ɻd-in from where 3PL.SUB buy.PFV-3PL ʔaxʃ-u:? gold-DEF 'Where did they buy the gold from?'

Questions in which wh-phrases are placed clause finally could be used to express echo-questions where confirmation of already heard information is needed.

(123) a. Ahmed bzand-iʃ kija/ki? Ahmed beat.PFV-3SG whom 'Ahmed beat (Past) whom?

b. Fahad madʒma gid-iʃ tʃe:ja/ tʃi? Fahad word do.PFV-3SG what 'Fahad said what?'

Relative Clauses

A relative clause in Kumzari is placed after the head noun it modifies and is indicated by the relative pronoun aɻ 'REL' that appears at the beginning of the relative clause. Kumzari uses aɻ 'REL' with all types of relative clauses whether the clause modifies a human or non-human nouns and whether the clause is restrictive or not. Five grammatical functions can be relativized: subject, object, indirect object, oblique and genitive. A resumptive pronoun is required in all relativized functions except in subject relativized clauses where gapping only is allowed. The following examples show different types of relative clauses. The sentence in (124a) has a subject relative clause where gapping is allowed whereas the rest of the examples require the use of a resumptive pronoun.

(124) a. muɻtak-u: ʔaɻ tfo:ʃn-ah ʔindi dukka:n-u: man-DEF.SG REL sell.IPFV-3SG in shop-DEF.SG muɹd-Ø die.PFV-3SG 'The man who sells in the shop died.'

b. ɻka:ħ-an ʔaɻ ʃan xe:ɻd-um ba shoe-DEF.PL REL 3PL.OBJ buy.PFV-1SG for tu 2SG.OBJ 'The shoes that I bought (them) are for you.'

c. ɻo:k-u: ʔaɻ da:ɻ-i jajh boy-DEF.SG REL give.PFV-2SG 3SG.OBJ ɻisalat-u: bɻa:ɻ mih letter-DEF.SG brother 1SG.POSS 'The boy to whom you gave the letter is my brother.'

d. jah xa:naʁ -u: ʔaɻ ba jajh ka:n this house-DEF.SG REL about 3SG.OBJ COP.PST madʒma gid-um word do.PFV-1SG 'This is the house about which I was talking.'

e. fala:ħ-u: ʔaɻ ʁa:z jajh zidan farmer-DEF.SG REL money 3SG.POSS stolen bu:ɻ-iʃ mih zu:ɻu: gid-iʃ become.PFV-3SG 1SG.OBJ visiting do.PFV-3SG 'The farmer whose money was stolen visited me.'

Conditional Clauses

Conditional clauses are marked by using the words wnah and ka at the beginning of the embedded clause which could follow or precede the matrix clause. Wnah is used to express a situation that is possible and likely to happen. The verbs following wnah can be in the perfective or imperfective forms with no restriction on which form is used.

The verb in the matrix clause can be in the imperfective form as well as in the non-finite imperative form. The following examples show the indifferent use of the verb form

(perfective/ imperfective) in the embedded clause as opposed to imperfective or imperative verb form in the matrix clause. The examples in (b) and (d) show the reverse order in which the matrix clause precedes the embedded clause.

(125) a. wnah ʃan swa:l tik-in ba mih, if 3PL.SUB question do.IPFV-3PL about 1SG.OBJ ʔitasala kin ba mih calling do.IMP.2SG to 1SG.OBJ 'If they ask about me, call me.'

b. ʔitasala kin ba mih wnah ʃan calling do.IMP.2SG to 1SG.OBJ if 3PL.SUB swa:l tik-in ba mih question do.IPFV-3PL about 1SG.OBJ 'Call me if they ask about me.'

c. wnah ʃan swa:l gid-in ba mih if 3PL.SUB question do.PFV-3PL about 1SG.OBJ ʔitasala kin ba mih calling do.IMP.2SG to 1SG.OBJ 'If they ask about me, call me.'

d. ʔitasala kin ba mih wnah ʃan calling do.IMP.2SG to 1SG.OBJ if 3PL.SUB swa:l gid-in ba mih question do.PFV-3PL about 1SG.OBJ 'Call me if they ask about me.'

(126) a. wnah tu za:kaɻa tik-i xi:ki, tu if 2SG.SUB revising do.IPFV-2SG much 2SG.SUB nadʒaħa ti:ʔ-i ʔindi ʔimtiħa:n-u: successful become.IPFV-2SG in test-DEF.SG 'If you study hard, you will pass the test.'

b. tu nadʒaħa ti:ʔ-i ʔindi ʔimtiħa:n-u: 2SG.SUB successful become.IPFV-2SG in test-DEF.SG wnah tu za:kaɻa tik-i xi:ki if 2SG.SUB revising do.IPFV-2SG much 'You will pass the test if you study hard.'

c. wnah tu za:kaɻa gid-i xi:ki, tu if 2SG.SUB revising do.PFV-2SG much 2SG.SUB nadʒaħa ti:ʔ-i ʔindi ʔimtiħa:n-u: successful become.IPFV-2SG in test-DEF.SG 'If you study hard, you will pass the test.'

d. tu nadʒaħa ti:ʔ-i ʔindi ʔimtiħa:n-u: 2SG.SUB successful become.IPFV-2SG in test-DEF.SG wnah tu za:kaɻa gid-i xi:ki if 2SG.SUB revising do.PFV-2SG much 'You will pass the test if you study hard.'

Ka, on the other hand, is used to express a situation that is possible but unlikely to happen. It is also used to express a counterfactual situation that is impossible to happen as it refers to the past. For the first usage, the verb in the embedded clause can be in the perfective or imperfective forms with no restriction on which form is used, and the verb in the matrix clause can be in the imperfective or imperative form. Similarly, the matrix clause can precede the embedded clause as shown in (b) and (d) examples.

(127) a. ka mih ħassal a tik-um ʁa:z-Ø xi:ki, if 1SG.SUB finding do.IPFV-1SG money-INDEF much wna txe:ɻ-um xa:naʁ-ih dʒu:p-Ø FUT buy.IPFV-1SG house-INDEF.SG big-INDEF.SG 'If I found much money, I would buy a big house.'

b. wna txe:ɻ-um xa:naʁ-ih dʒu:p-Ø FUT buy.IPFV-1SG house-INDEF.SG big-INDEF.SG ka mih ħassala tik-um ʁa:z-Ø xi:ki if 1SG.SUB finding do.IPFV-1SGmoney-INDEF much 'I would buy a big house if I found much money.'

c. ka mih ħassal a gid-um ʁa:z-Ø xi:ki, if 1SG.SUB finding do.PFV-1SG money-INDEF much wna txe:ɻ-um xa:naʁ-ih dʒu:p-Ø FUT buy.IPFV-1SG house-INDEF.SG big-INDEF.SG 'If I found much money, I would buy a big house.'

d. wna txe:ɻ-um xa:naʁ-ih dʒu:p-Ø FUT buy.IPFV-1SG house-INDEF.SG big-INDEF.SG ka mih ħassal a gid-um ʁa:z-Ø xi:ki if 1SG.SUB finding do.PFV-1SG money-INDEF much 'I would buy a big house if I found much money.'

(128) a. ka mih ɻabaħa tik-um sajaɻat-ih, if 1SG.SUB gaining do.IPFV-1SG car-INDEF.SG jajh du:ʔ-um ba ma:m mih 3SG.OBJ give.IPFV-1SG to mother 1SG.POSS 'If I won a car, I would give it to my mother.'

b. jajh du:ʔ-um ba ma:m mih ka 3SG.OBJ give.IPFV-1SG to mother 1SG.POSS if mih ɻabaħa tik-um sajaɻat-ih 1SG.SUB gaining do.IPFV-1SG car-INDEF.SG 'I would give it to my mother if I won a car.'

c. ka mih ɻabaħa gid-um sajaɻat-ih, if 1SG.SUB gaining do.PFV-1SG car-INDEF.SG jajh du:ʔ-um ba ma:m mih 3SG.OBJ give.IPFV-1SG to mother 1SG.POSS 'If I won a car, I would give it to my mother.'

d. jajh du:ʔ-um ba ma:m mih ka 3SG.OBJ give.IPFV-1SG to mother 1SG.POSS if mih ɻabaħa gid-um sajaɻat-ih 1SG.SUB gaining do.PFV-1SG car-INDEF.SG 'I would give it to my mother if I won a car.'

When expressing counterfactual situations, the verb in the matrix and embedded clause must be in the perfective form.

(129) a. ka tu ba mih ʔitasala gid-i, if 2SG.SUB to 1SG.OBJ calling do.PFV-2SG tat-um sa:ʔad tik-um tu come.PFV-1SG helping do.IPFV-1SG 2SG.OBJ 'If you had called me, I would have come to help you.'

b. ka ʃan jajh gift-in ɻast-u:, if 3PL.SUB 3SG.OBJ tell.PFV-3PL truth-DEF ħazana bu:ɻ-iʃ b-ʃidat sad become.PFV-3SG with-hardness 'If they had told him the truth, he would have been so sad.'

The following sentence contrasts the use of ka to express a possible but unlikely situation (130a) with its use to express a counterfactual situation (130b).

(130) a. ka mih ʃan ħaɻa tik-um, ʃan if 1SG.SUB 3PL.OBJ look(Noun) do.IPFV-1SG 3PL.OBJ ʔazama tik-um inviting do.IPFV-1SG 'If I saw them, I would I invite them.'

b. ka mih ʃan ħaɻa gid-um, ʃan if 1SG.SUB 3PL.OBJ look(Noun) do.PFV-1SG 3PL.OBJ ʔazama gid-um inviting do.PFV-1SG 'If I had seen them, I would have invited them.'

Conjunctions

Coordinating Conjunctions

Kumzari has four coordinating conjunctions: wa 'and', wolla 'or', fa 'so' and lakin

'but'. Wa 'and' and wolla 'or' can be used to coordinate NPs, VPs, ADJPs, AVDPs, PPs and sentences. Lakin 'but' can coordinate VPs, ADJPs, ADVs, PPs and sentences but not NPs whereas fa 'so' can only coordinate sentences. The following examples illustrate the use of these conjunctions.

(131) a. ɻo:k-u: ʃakk-u: wa muɻtak-u: boy-DEF.SG small-DEF.SG CON man-DEF.SG kɻaxdaʔ-u: kiʃt-in ma:ɻ-u: wa old-DEF.SG kill.PFV-3PL snake-DEF.SG CON jajh kand-in 3SG.OBJ bury.PFV-3PL 'The little boy and the old man killed the snake and buried it.'

b. faʔiz-u: wna ħassal a tik-ah sajaɻat-ih winner-DEF.SG FUT obtaining do.IPFV-3SG car-INDEF.SG siɻx-Ø wolla xa:naʁ-ih dʒup-Ø wolla red-INDEF.SG CON house-INDEF.SG big-INDEF.SG CON wna ħassala tik-ah ʔazaɻta ɻial FUT obtaining do.IPFV-3SG thousand Rial 'The winner will get a red car or a big house, or will get a thousand Rial.'

c. qa:lam-u: dʒwa:n-Ø la:kin ʁa:li-Ø pen-DEF.SG nice-3SG but expensive-3SG la:kin bo:dʒ-u: ʔaɻzan-ta ɻ-ah pi:h jajh but wallet-DEF.SG cheap-COMPR-3SG from 3SG.OBJ 'The pen is nice but expensive, but the wallet is cheaper than the pen.'

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d. dinj-u: ka:n saɻdi-Ø biɻa atmosphere-DEF.SG COP.PST cold-3SG outside fa madʒma gid-in ʔindi xa:naʁ-u: so word do.PFV-3PL in house-DEF.SG 'It was cold outside so we talked inside the house.'

Subordinating Conjunctions

Subordinating conjunctions appear at the beginning of the embedded clause which can precede or follow the matrix clause. The following are examples showing the use of these conjunctions. aʃan/bsab 'because' (132) a. mih wna to:xwa:ʔ-um aʃan/bsab 1SG.SUB FUT sleep.IPFV-1SG because nwa:z la:zim ʃuʔ-um qudum tomorrow must go.IPFV-1SG early 'I will go to bed because I must leave early tomorrow.' baʃtu 'after' (133) a. baʃtu mah ʃaɻaba gid-im qahwa:t-u: after 1PL.SUB drinking do.PFV-1PL coffee-DEF mi:ʃ gid-im nakti:h walking do.PFV-1PL a little 'After we drank coffee, we walked for a while.' ti:h 'before' (134) a. tu ba:taɻ ʔitasala tik-i ba ʃan 2SG.SUB should calling do.IPFV-2SG to 3PL.OBJ ti:h tɻe:s-i ʔansu before arrive.IPFV-2SG there 'You should call them before you get there.' illa 'unless' (135) a. mah wna wassala tik-im tu illa 1PL.SUB FUT delivering do.IPFV-1PL 2SG.OBJ unless tat-i mi:ʃ tik-i want.IPFV-2SG walking do.IPFV-2SG 'We will give you a ride unless you want to walk.'

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ħatta 'until' (136) a. ʃiɻtij-u: ɻafaqa gid-iʃ muɻtak-u: policeman-DEF.SG escorting do.PFV-3SG man-DEF.SG ħatta re:sid-Ø xa:naʁ jajh until arrive.PFV-3SG house 3SG.POSS 'The policeman escorted the man until he got to his house.'

ħatta+ka 'even' (137) a. mih wan na:t tik-um tu ħatta 1SG.SUB FUT waiting do.IPFV-1SG 2SG.OBJ even ka tɻe:s-i ʔuxuɻ if arrive.IPFV-2SG late 'I will wait (for) you even if you arrive late.' kilma 'whenever (138) a. kilma tazakaɻa tik-ah bap jajh whenever remembering do.IPFV-3SGfather 3SG.POSS dʒiɻi:ʔ-ah cry.IPFV-3SG 'Whenever she remembers her father she cries.'

'gija/kaɻamsu/kaɻamti 'where' (139) a. mugɻim-u: zaɻ gid-iʃ ka:ɻd-u: criminal-DEF.SG throwing do.PFV-3SG knife-DEF.SG gija/kaɻamsu/kaɻamti kand-iʃ ʁa:z-u: where bury.PFV-3SG money-DEF 'The criminal threw the knife where he buried the money.' lamma 'when' (140) a. lamma ħaɻa tik-i Omar ʔadi when look(Noun) do.IPFV-2SGOmar give.IPM.2SG jajh jah ɻisa:lat-u: 3SG.OBJ this letter-DEF.SG 'When you see Omar give him this letter.'

Lexicon

The following lists provide Kumzari vocabulary of different themes. These are: kinship, time, days of the week/seasons, body parts, fruits and vegetables, other types of food, colors, animals, and numerals. A miscellaneous list is provided at the end of the section.

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Kinship

Phonemic transcription Transliteration in Arabic alphabet خان م ه - إيهل ' /xa:n.mah/-/ʔihal/ 'family ب پ ' /bap/ 'father مام ' /ma:m/ 'mother برار ' /bɻa:ɻ/ 'brother خوي ' /xwi:/ 'sister پ س ' /pis/ 'sun د ت ' /dat/ 'daughter پيرو ' /pi:ɻu/ 'grandfather ح بوه ' /ħa.bo:h/ 'grandmother أ م ' /ʔam/ 'paternal uncle أ م ة ' /ʔa.mmah/ 'paternal aunt خال ' /xa:l/ 'maternal uncle خالة ' /xa:.lah/ 'maternal aunt پ س برارو '( /pis bɻa:.ɻu:/ 'nephew (brother's son د ت برارو ' /dat bɻa:.ɻu:/ 'niece (brother's daughter پ س خويؤ '( /pis xwi:.ʔu:/ 'nephew (sister's son د ت خويؤ '( /dat xwi:.ʔu:/ 'nephew (sister's daughter پ س أ مو  /pis ʔa.mu:/ 'male cousin (Paternal uncle's son) د ت أ م و  /dat ʔa.mu:/ 'female cousin (Paternal uncle's daughter) پ س أ م اتو  /pis ʔa.mma.tu:/ 'male cousin (Paternal aunt's son) د ت أ م اتو  /dat ʔa.mma.tu:/ 'female cousin (Paternal aunt's daughter) پ س خالو  /pis xa:.lu:/ 'male cousin (Maternal uncle's son) د ت خالو  /dat xa:.lu:/ 'female cousin (Maternal  uncle's daughter) پ س خاالتو  /pis xa:.la.tu:/ 'male cousin (Maternal aunt's son) د ت خاالتو  /dat xa:.la.tu:/ 'female cousin (Maternal aunt's daughter) شو ' /ʃu/ 'husband ﮋ ن 'zan/ 'wife/ ب پ شو ' /bap ʃu/ 'husband's father مام شو ' /ma:m ʃu/ 'husband's mother ب پ ﮋ نو ' /bap za.nu:/ 'wife's father مام ﮋ نو ' /mam za.nu:/ 'wife's mother إي هل ' /ʔi.hal/ 'relatives صي دق ' /se:.daq/ 'friend رور ' /ɻo:ɻ/ 'child

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جارو ' /ga:.ɻu:/ 'neighbor دا م ر ' /da:.maɻ/ 'bridegroom بيوي ' /bju:j/ 'bride ب ش ك ر ' /biʃ.kaɻ/ 'maid

Time

تان يه '  /ta:n.jah/ 'second دي ق قه ' /di:.qa.qah/ 'minute سائت ' /sa.ʔat/ 'hour أروژو ' /ʔaɻu:.zu:/ 'before yesterday د و ش ن ' /do:.ʃan/ 'yesterday د وش نوا ش م ' /do:ʃ.nwa:.ʃim/ 'yesterday Night روژو ' /ɻu:.zu/ 'today نواشمي  /nwa.ʃmi/ 'tonight نواژ ' /nwa:z/ 'tomorrow نواژ ش و ' /nwa:z ʃaw/ 'tomorrow Night روژإيئ و ش ' /ɻu:z.ʔi.ʔo:ʃ/ 'after tomorrow صابح ' /sa:.biħ/ 'morning بي شن ' /bi:.ʃin/ 'noon باشت ن ' /ba:ʃ.tin/ 'afternoon ش و ' /ʃaw/ 'evening/ Night ش وبن م غ ' /ʃaw ban.maʁ/ 'midnight ش م بر- ر ژ ' /ʃam.baɻ/-/ɻaz/ 'day سبوئي ' /sbu:.ʔi/ 'week مائ ' /ma:ʔ/ 'month سال ' /sa:l/ 'year

Days of the Week/Seasons

سبت ' /sabt/ 'Saturday حد ' /ħad/ 'Sunday د و ش م بر ' /do:.ʃam.baɻ/ 'Monday س و ش م بر ' /so:.ʃam.baɻ/ 'Tuesday ت ش ش م بر ' /tʃa.ʃam.baɻ/ 'Wednesday پن ش م بر ' /pan.ʃam.baɻ/ 'Thursday ج مأت ' /gum.ʔat/ 'Friday شيرمه ' /ʃe:.ɻi.mah/ 'fall د مس تن ' /da.mas.tan/ 'winter ﭽ وه ' /dʒu.wah/ 'spring آ من ' /ʔa:.min/ 'summer

Body Parts

مر صن ' /maɻ.si:n/ 'appendixes

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بوغل ' /bu:.ʁal/ 'arm كا مر ' /ka:.maɻ/ 'back خار كا مر ' /xa:ɻka:.maɻ/ 'backbone ريش ' /ɻi:ʃ/ 'beard خويم ' /xwe:m/ 'blood خا ر ن ' /xa.ɻan/ 'bones خش ' /xiʃ/ 'cheek سي نه ' /si:.nah/ 'chest حان ك ' /ħa:.nik/ 'chin ﭽ وش ' /dʒo:ʃ/ 'ear كوء ' /ku:ʔ/ 'elbow ت شم ' /tʃum/ 'eye ح ي جب ' /ħe:.gab/ 'eye browse هو د ب ' /hu:.dub/ 'eye lash ر و ' /ɻaw/ 'face ل ن كت ' /lin.kit/ 'finger ﭽ و شت ' /dʒo:.ʃat/ 'flesh ﭙا ' /pa:/ 'foot ص ندوح ' /san.du:ħ/ 'forehead مو ' /mu/ 'hair دست ' /dist/ 'hand سر- س رخ- مخ ' /saɻ/-/saɻx/-/mux/ 'head د ل ' /dal/ 'heart مفصال ' /mif.sa:l/ 'Joint كل يت ' /kil.jat/ 'kidney رك ب ت ' /ɻuk.bat/ 'knee ﭽ و غر ' /dʒo:.ʁaɻ/ 'liver رئه ' /ɻi.ʔah/ 'lung پا ' /pa/ 'leg لو ' /lu/ 'lip شي رب ' /ʃi:.ɻab/ 'moustache كا ره ' /ka:.ɻah/ 'mouth ن خن ' /nixn/ 'nails جردن ' /gaɻ.dan/ 'neck نخ رت- نخ ر ت ' /nux.ɻit/-/nu.xaɻt/ 'nose كات ف ' /ka:.tif/ 'shoulder پ وصط - پ وست ' /po:st/-/po:st/ 'skin ش ك م ' /ʃkum/ 'stomach دنان ' /dna:n/ 'teeth فوخط ' /fu:.xat/ 'thigh ما رق - خ نقا ' /ma:.ɻaq/-/xa.na.qa/ 'throat ژوان ' /zwa:n/ 'tongue خاص رت ' /xa:.sɻat/ 'waist

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كو ' /ko:/ 'wrest

Fruits and Vegetables

ت فح ' /ta.faħ/ 'apples خوخ ' /xo:x/ 'apricot مو ز ' /mo:z/ 'banana ملفوف ' /mal.fu:f/ 'cabbage جازر ' /ga:.zaɻ/ 'carrots خيار ' /xja:ɻ/ 'cucumber أر ما ' /ʔaɻ.ma/ 'dates باژنجان ' /ba:.zin.ga:n/ 'eggplant تين ' /ti:n/ 'fig تو م ' /to:m/ 'garlic إ نب ' /ʔi.nab/ 'grapes زيتون ' /ze:.tu:n/ 'guava ليمو ت رش ' /li:.mu: taɻʃ/ 'lemon خس ' /xas/ 'lettuce خا ي ر ' /xa:jaɻ/ 'melon ن أناؤ ' /niʔ.na:.ʔu:/ 'mint زيتون ' /ze:.tu:n/ 'olives پيمه - باصل ' /pi:.mah/-/ba:.sal/ 'onion ب رتغال ' /buɻ.tu.ʁa:l/ 'oranges ك مترى ' /ku.ˈmit.ɻa/ 'pears مش مش ' /miʃ.miʃ/ 'peach أنار ' /ʔa.naɻ/ 'pomegranate قرنه ' /qaɻ.nah/ 'pumpkin طماط ' /ta.ma:t/ 'tomatoes فراوله ' /fa.ɻa:w.lah/ 'strawberries جح ' /gaħ/ 'water melon

Other Types of Food

با دم ' /ba.dim/ 'almond شائير ' /ʃa:.ʔi:ɻ/ 'barley فاصوليا ' /fa:.su:l.ja/ 'beans نان ' /na:n/ 'bread ز بده ' /zib.dah/ 'butter جبن ' /gi.bin/ 'cheese مرو ' /mɻu:/ 'chicken ن اخي ' /na.xxi/ 'chickpeas قهوت ' /qah.wat/ 'coffee ژ راه ' /zu.ɻa:h/ 'corn خايج ' /xa:jg/ 'eggs

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ميي ' /me:j/ 'fish سامن ' /sa:.min/ 'ghee ج و شت ' /go:ʃt/ 'meat شير ' /ʃe:ɻ/ 'milk روين ' /ɻo:.wi:n/ 'oil جو ژ ' /go:z/ 'pecan أيش ' /ʔe:ʃ/ 'rice خوا ' /xwa:/ 'salt حابوب ' /ħa:.bu:b/ 'serials س اكر ' /su.kkaɻ/ 'sugar شاهي ' /ʃa:hi/ 'tea جيائي ' /gja:.ʔi/ 'wheat البن ' /la:.ban/ 'yoghurt drink

Colors

سيه ' /si:h/ 'black ژ ر ق ' /zɻaq/ 'blue ب اني ' /bu.nni/ 'brown ر نج ' /ɻang/ 'color ژ ه بي ' /za.habi/ 'gold صو ژ ' /so:z/ 'green أغ بر ' /ʔaʁ.baɻ/ 'grey برتقالي ' /buɻ.ta.qa.li/ 'orange وردي ' /waɻ.di/ 'pink بنفسجي ' /ba.naf.sa.gi/ 'purple سرخ ' /siɻx/ 'red فﮋاي '  /fi.zzi/ 'silver سماوي ' /sa.ma:.wi/ 'sky blue سپير ' /spi:ɻ/ 'white ژرد ' /zaɻd/ 'yellow

Animals

ح ي ون ' /ħe:.wan/ 'animal ﭽيرغ ' /dʒi:.ɻaʁ/ 'ant د ب ' /dub/ 'bear مش آسل ' /miʃ ʔa:.sal/ 'bee طيره ' /te:.ɻah/ 'bird مامات ب كو ' /ma:.ma:t ba.ku/ 'butterfly جامل ' /ga:.mal/ 'camel ﭽ ر ب غ ' /dʒiɻ.baʁ/ 'cat فاهد  /fa:.had/ 'cheetah باقر ' /ba:.qaɻ/ 'cow

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غراب ' /ʁɻa:b/ 'crew تمساح ' /tim.sa:ħ/ 'crocodile سوغ ' /so:ʁ/ 'dog خور ' /xu:ɻ/ 'donkey ح ممو ' /ħa.ma.mu/ 'dove بطه ' /ba.ttah/ 'duck ناسر ' /na:.siɻ/ 'eagle صاقر ' /sa:.qiɻ/ 'falcon ميي ' /me:j/ 'fish ريو ه ' /ɻi.jo:h/ 'fox مش ' /miʃ/ 'fly ش فراق ' /ʃaf.ɻa:q/ 'frog غازلي ' /ʁa:z.li/ 'gazelle ژرا فه ' /za.ɻa:.fah 'giraffe ﭽ و سن ' /dʒo:.sin/ 'goat مرو ' /mɻu:/ 'hen أسپي ' /ʔas.pi/ 'horse ضبئ ' /dabʔ/ 'hyena آسد ' /ʔa.sad/ 'lion أبراره ' /ʔab.ɻa:.ɻah/ 'lizard ش نجوب ' /ʃan.gu:b/ 'lobster جا رد ' /ga:.ɻad/ 'locust قر ئ ' /qaɻ.ʔa/ 'louse ساب ل ' /sa:.bil/ 'monkey باغل ' /ba:.ʁal/ 'mule بوم ' /bu:m/ 'owl بغباغا ' /baʁ.ba:.ʁa:/ 'parrot خنژير ' /xan.zi:ɻ/ 'peg أرنب ' /ʔaɻ.nab/ 'rabbit مشك ' /maʃk/ 'rat خرو ' /xɻu:/ 'rooster أق ر ب ' /ʔaq.ɻab/ 'scorpion كبش ' /kabʃ/ 'sheep مار ' /ma:ɻ/ 'snake أبو شيبان ' /ʔbu:.ʃe:.ba:n/ 'spider ن مر ' /ni.miɻ/ 'tiger ح ي مس ' /ħe:.mas/ 'turtle ش و حط - حوت ' /ʃo:.ħat/-/ħu:t/ 'whale ح مره ' /ħum.ɻah/ 'wolf ك رم ' /ka.ɻam/ 'worm

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Numerals

Numerals are given in pairs. The ones on the left side are used for counting whereas those on the right side are used as modifiers.

يك - تا ' /jak/ - /ta:/ 'one دو - دتا ' /do:/ - /di.ta/ 'two سو - ستا ' /so:/ - /si.ta/ 'three تشار- تشارتا ' /tʃa:ɻ/ - / tʃa:ɻ.ta/ 'four ﭙﻨﭺ -ﭙﻨﭽتا ' /pandʒ/ - /pandʒ.ta/ 'five شش- ششتا ' /ʃaʃ/ - /ʃaʃ.ta/ 'six أفت - أفتا ' /ʔaft/ - /ʔaf.ta/ 'seven أشت - أشتا ' /ʔaʃt/ - /ʔaʃ.ta/ 'eight نا - ن تا ' /na/ - /na.ta/ 'nine دا - د تا ' /da/ - /da.ta/ 'ten ياژضا - ياژ ضطا ' /ja:z.da/ - /ja:z.da.ta/ 'eleven دواژضا- دواژ ضطا ' /dwa:z.da/ - /dwa:z.da.ta/ 'twelve سﯦﮋضا - سﯦﮋ ضطا ' /si:z.da/ - /si:z.da.ta/ 'thirteen تشاردا – تشاردتا ' /tʃa:ɻ.da/ - /tʃa:ɻ.da.ta/ 'fourteen ﯦانضا - ﯦان ضطا ' /pa:n.da/ - /pa:n.da.ta/ 'fifteen شانضا - شان ضطا ' /ʃa:n.da/ - /ʃa:n.da.ta/ 'sixteen أفدا - أفدتا ' /ʔaf.da/ - /ʔaf.da.ta/ 'seventeen أيدا- أيدتا ' /ʔe:.da/ - /ʔe:.da.ta/ 'eighteen نو ﮋضا - نو ﮋ ضطا ' /no:z.da/ - /no:z.da.ta/ 'nineteen بيس - بيستا ' /bi:s/ - /bi:s.ta/ 'twenty بيس و يك ' /bi:s-w-jak/ 'twenty one بيس و تا / /bi:s-w-ta بيس و دو ' /bi:s-w-do:/ 'twenty two بيس و دتا / /bi:s-w-di.ta بيس و سو  /bi:s-w-so:/ 'twenty three بيس و ستا / /bi:s-w-si.ta بيس و تشار ' /bi:s-w-tʃa:ɻ/ 'twenty four بيس و تشارتا / /bi:s-w-tʃa:ɻ.ta بيس و ﭙﻨﭺ ' /bi:s-w-pandʒ/ 'twenty Five بيس و ﭙﻨﭽتا / /bi:s-w-pandʒ.ta بيس و شش ' /bi:s-w-ʃaʃ/ 'twenty six بيس و ش شتا / /bi:s-w-ʃaʃ.ta بيس و أفت ' /bi:s-w-ʔaft/ 'twenty seven بيس و أفتا / /bi:s-w-ʔaf.ta بيس و أشت ' /bi:s-w-ʔaʃt/ 'twenty eight بيس و أشتا / /bi:s-w-ʔaʃ.ta بيس و نا ' /bi:s-w-na/ 'twenty nine بيس و ناتا / /bi:s-w-na.ta

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سي - سيتا ' /si/ - /si:.ta/ 'thirty تشل - تشلتا ' /tʃe:l/ - /tʃe:l.ta/ 'forty ﭙﻨ ﭽ ه - ﭙﻨ ﭽ تا ' /pan.dʒah/ - /pan.dʒa.ta/ 'fifty شص - شصطا ' /ʃas/ - /ʃas.ta/ 'sixty أفتاد - أفتادا ' /ʔaf.ta:d/ - /ʔaf ta:.da/ 'seventy أشتاد - أشتادا ' /ʔaʃ.ta:d/ - /ʔaʃ.ta:.da/ 'eighty نو د – نو دتا ' /no:wd/ - /no:w.da.ta/ 'ninety صاض - ص اطا ' /sad/ - /sa.tta/ 'one hundred آژر - آژرطا ' /ʔa.zaɻ / - /ʔa.zaɻ.ta/ 'one thousand

Miscellaneous

ﯧقﮋه ' /jaq.zah/ 'alert ﮋندغ ' /zan.daʁ/ 'alive حسكا ' /ħas.ka/ 'anger تيش ' /ti:ʃ/ 'axe ﺒﻨ ﭺ ' /bandʒ/ 'bad درام ' /dɻa:m/ 'barrel مس بح ' /mas.baħ/ 'bath room ﭽوان ' /dʒw:an/ 'beautiful ك رفايه ' /kuɻ.fa.jah/ 'bed غ رفت ' /ʁuɻ.fat/ 'bedroom ﺤﮋام ' /ħza:m/ 'belt ﭽ پ ' /dʒup/ 'big دو ربين ' /do:ɻ.bi:n/ 'binoculars حد د ه ' /ħa.da.dah/ 'blacksmith طحل - م ر ' /ta.ħal/- /muɻ/ 'bitter كف يس ' /kaf.jas/ 'blanket ك ور ' /ka.waɻ/ 'blind مركب ' /maɻ.kab/ 'boat إ ل نج ' /ʔi.ling/ 'bracelet ب ش ( /biʃ/ 'branch' (i.e. tree نشته ' /naʃ.tah/ 'breakfast دغشا ' /daʁ.ʃa/ 'busy كرسي ' /kuɻ.si/ 'chair ن خن ' /nixn/ 'claws- (finger) nails ﭙاك ' /pa:k/ 'clean ﻨﯦ ﮋك ' /ne:.zak/ 'close خات ن ' /xa:.tin/ 'clothes خيلق ' /xe:.laq/ 'cloth ن م ' /nam/ 'cloud سرد ' /saɻd/ 'cold شنج ' /ʃang/ 'comb ﭽ رمن ' /dʒiɻ.man/ 'cotton

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ت ر سي ' /taɻ.si/ 'coward خنجر ' /xan.gaɻ/ 'dagger تا رك ' /ta:.ɻak / 'darkness م غ ' /muʁ/ 'date palm شابا ' /ʃa:.ba/ 'daylight مرسيه ' /maɻ.sih/ 'dead شنيونا ' /ʃin.ju:.na/ 'deaf غ رز ' /ʁuɻz/ 'deep صأب ' /saʔ.bah/ 'difficult شام ' /ʃa:m/ 'dinner ر ت - خايس ' /ɻit/- /xa.jis/ 'dirty جل ' /gil/ 'dirt طابيب - طيبب ' /ta:.bib/-/te:.bab/ 'doctor دور ' /do:ɻ/ 'door دري ول ' /dɻe:.wil/ 'driver شارر ' /ʃa:.ɻaɻ/ 'dry ﭽنج ' /dʒang/ 'dumb تمبول ' /tam.bu:l/ 'earring سهله ' /sah.lah/ 'easy رﯧژغ -خالي ' /ɻi:.zaʁ/-/xa:.li/ 'empty تأبه ' /taʔ.bah/ 'exhausted دور ' /du:ɻ/ 'far سريأ ' /siɻ.jaʔ/ 'fast ت رس ' /taɻs/ 'fear أتش ' /ʔatʃ / 'fire ن ش بل ' /naʃbal/ 'fishing line/hook أ لم ' /ʔa.lam/ 'flag ژمي - أرژ ' /zamj/-/ʔaɻz/ 'floor/ground/land خوردن ' /xo:ɻ.din/-/xo:ɻ/ 'food شوكه ' /ʃo:.kah/ 'fork پ اال ' /pa.lla/ 'full باز ' /ba:z/ 'game واس خن ' /wa:s.xin / 'garbage كيرم ' /ki:.ɻam/ 'generous ك شمر ' /kaʃ.maɻ/ 'glasses قلص ' /qlas/ 'glass أخشا ' /ʔax.ʃa/ 'gold مال ' /ma:l/ 'good جير ' /gajɻ/ 'grave ف ر حه ' /fa.ɻa.ħah/ 'happy خيصم ' /xe:.sam/ hate/enemy سانجي ' /sa:ngi/ 'heavy آسل ' /ʔa:.sal/ 'honey دختارو ' /dax.ta:.ɻu/ 'hospital

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ج رم ' /ga.ɻam/ 'hot خا نغ ' /xa:.naʁ / 'house آ دمي ' /ʔa.di.mi/ 'human being/person جش نغ ' /giʃ.naʁ/ 'hunger سك ره ' /sak.ɻah/ 'inebriated ﭽ انه ' /dʒi.nnah/ 'insane ژكي ' /zaki/ 'intelligent حن ' /ħan/ 'iron حبس ' /ħabs/ 'jail سافر ' /sa:.faɻ/ 'journey كليل ' /kli:l/ 'key مطبخ ' /mat.bax/ 'kitchen كارد ' /ka:ɻd/ 'knife أﭽژه ' /ʔag.zah/ 'lazy دروژن ' /dɻu:.zan/ 'liar درو ( /dɻu/ 'lie' (N س وك ( /swuk/ 'light' (Adj شاژ ' /ʃa:z/ 'lunch م رتك ' /muɻ.tak/ 'man أكو '( /ʔaku/ 'match (i.e. fire د ر م ' /da.ɻam/ 'medicine غاژ ' /ʁa:z/ 'money ميتو ' /mi:.tu/ 'moon ﻤﮋ جت ' /maz.git/ 'mosque كو ' /ko:/ 'mountain مسمار ' /mis.maɻ/ 'nail سوژ ن ' /su:.zin/ 'needle نو ' /no:/ 'new كأ نغ '( /kaʔ.naʁ/ 'old (i.e. house كر خده '( /kɻax.dah/ 'old (i.e. man إيدو ' /ʔi:.du:/ 'pain'/'painful خاتي نو م ' /xa:.ti no:m/ 'pajamas أر ف ' /ʔaɻf/ 'perfume سأ ن ' /sa:ʔan/ 'plate شرطي ' /ʃiɻ.ti/ 'policeman ﺒژانيه ' /bza:.ni:h/ 'poor نواژ ' /nwa:z/ 'prayer-tomorrow تارت ' /ta:ɻt/ 'prayer wash ولم ' /walm/ 'quarrel با رم ' /ba:.ɻim/ 'rain برادي ' /ba.ɻa:.di/ 'refrigerator ﭙاشاه ' /pa:.ʃa:h/ 'rich ﭽيس ت ر ' /dʒi:s.taɻ/ 'ring راقا ' /ɻa:.qa/ 'rock

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سربانو ' /siɻ.ba:.nu/ 'roof بن ' /ban/ 'rope حوطيت ' /ħaw.ti:t/ 'round س اياده ' /sa.jja:dah/ 'rug ﺤژ نه ' /ħa.za.nah/ 'sad ﭽيري ' /dʒi:.ɻi/ 'sand آق ل ' /ʔa.qil/ 'sane م د ر س ه ' /mad.ɻa.sah/ 'school ديريا - بحرو ' /di:ɻ.ja/- /baħ.ɻu/ 'sea سايه ' /sa:.jah/ 'shadow/shade شرم ' /ʃaɻm/ 'shame رف ' /ɻaf/ 'shelf جهاز ' /ga.ha:z/ 'ship ركاح ' /ɻka:ħ/ 'shoes د كان ' /du.kkan/ 'shop كو تا ' /ko:.ta/ 'short أخ ش سﭙير ' /ʔax.ʃa.spi:ɻ/ 'silver أسمينو - سماؤ ' /ʔas.me:.nu:/ 'sky  / sa.ma:.ʔu/ تش ك ' /tʃikk/ 'small دور - د خن ' /do:ɻ/-/da.xan/ 'smoke حاجري - تلج ' /ħa:g.ɻi/-/talg/ 'snow دالغ ' /dla:ʁ/ 'socks قبشه ' /qab.ʃah/ 'spoon ستارج ' /sta:ɻg/ 'star بي خل ' /bi:.xal/ 'stingy ب رد ' /buɻd/ 'stone ق وات ' /qu.wa:t/ 'strength با طل ' /ba:.tal/ 'strong إ ي ن د ' /ʔi:.nad/ 'stubborn د مبي ' /dum.bi/ 'stupid إن تف ' /ʔin.taf/ 'sun أ رق ' /ʔa.ɻaq/ 'sweat قابه ' /qa:.bah/ 'sweater شيرين ' /ʃi:.ɻ:in/ 'sweet شناو ' /ʃna:w/ 'swimming شمشير ' /ʃam.ʃi:ɻ/ 'sword طاوله ' /taw.lah/ 'table أريتين ' /ʔa.ɻi:.ti:n/ 'talkative دراژ ' /dɻa:z/ 'tall مأل م ' /mʔa.lim/ 'teacher تش ي نغ ' /tʃe:.naʁ/ 'thirst رش تغ ' /ɻaʃ.taʁ/ 'thread ﺤژمه ' /ħaz.mah/ 'tied

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ح امام ' /ħa.mma:m/ 'toilet ولييت ' /wli.je:t/ 'town تالم ' /ta:.lam/ 'tray شد ر ته ' /ʃid.ɻi.tah/ 'tree شلول- بنطلو ن ' /ʃa.lu:l/-/ban.ta:.lo:n/ 'trousers ماصر - غتره ' /ma:.saɻ/-/ʁit.ɻah/ 'turban مالي نا ' /ma.li.nah/ 'ugly حجاب ' /ħga:b/ 'veil قر يت ' /qaɻ.jat/ 'village بو ﭺ ' /bo:dʒ/ 'wallet ﭽنج ' /dʒang/ 'war آو ' /ʔa:w/ 'water ژأفه ' /zaʔ.fah/ 'weak كول ' /ko:l// 'wind دريشه ' /dɻi:.ʃah/ 'window ژنك ' /zank/ 'woman كار ' /ka:ɻ/ 'work وزار ' /wza:ɻ/ 'wrap out

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CHAPTER 3 KUMZARI PRE-VERBS

Kumzari complex verbs are made of two elements that combine together to make

a complex verb: a preverb (PV) that carries the semantics of the complex verb and a

verb that encodes aspect and carries verb inflection. The first element can be classified

into two groups: (1) PVs that make combination with one verb only, and (2) PVs that

make combination with two verbs to make pairs of inchoative versus causative-

inchoative verbs. The second element is comprised of eight verbs: tik- 'do/make.IPFV',

tu:- 'become.IPFV', ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV', txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ-

'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV'. A very considerable number

of Kumzari PVs combine with one of these eight verbs, and a small number of PVs

combine with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' to make inchoative versus

causative-inchoative complex verbs based on whether they combine with the verb tu:-

'become.PFV' (i.e. inchoative) or the verb tik- 'do/make.PFV' (i.e. causative-inchoative).

Table 3-1 below provides examples of PVs that combine with one verb only whereas

table 3-2 provides examples of PVs that combine with the verbs tu:- 'become.IPFV' and

tik- 'do/make.IPFV'.

Table 3-1. PVs combining with one verb only Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss walm tik- quarrel do/make 'fight' xo:ɻ du:- food give 'feed' na:n tik- bread do/make 'make bread' xa:w t:mʃ- dream/sleep watch 'dream' ʔaɻf tik- smell/perfume do/make 'smell' madʒma ʃwi:n- word/talk listen 'obey' ta:ɻt tik- prayer wash do/make 'wash for prayer' ka:ɻ txe:ɻ- goods buy 'shop' daɻam tik- medicine do/make 'treat (a patient) ʃa:z txo:ɻ- dinner eat 'dine'

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Table 3-2. PVs combining with both tu:- and tik- Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss daxla tu:- inside become 'enter' daxla tik- inside do/make 'make X enter talaʔa tu:- outside become 'exit' talaʔa tik- outside do/make 'make X exit

ʃaɻma tu:- shy/shameful become 'be shy/shameful' ʃaɻma tik- shy/ shameful do/make 'embarrass X

ʔawaɻa tu:- hurt become 'get hurt ' ʔawaɻa tik- hurt do/make 'hurt X' ma:ɻ tu:- awake become 'wake up' ma:ɻ tik- awake do/make 'wake up X'

ħaɻaqa tu:- burned become 'get burned' ħaɻaqa tik- burned do/make 'burn X

ħallala tu:- decayed become 'decay' ħalala tik- decayed do/make 'make X decay' fazʔa tu:- fearful become 'fear' fazʔa tik- fearful do/make 'frighten X'

ħaska tu:- angry become 'get angry' ħaska tik- angry do/ make 'make X angry'

ʔaxaɻ tu:- late become 'be late' ʔaxaɻ tik- late do/make 'delay X '

The sentences in (1) to (4) contrast inchoative verbs of some PVs with their causative-inchoative counterparts. The verbs in (a) describe a change of state in which one becomes X whereas those in (b) describe a bringing about of this change of state in which one becomes X by a causing agent. Direct objects/direct object pronouns can be optionally interposed between PVs and verbs in the causative-inchoative verbs.

(1) a. qe:tab-u: kasaɻa bu:ɻ-iʃ stick-DEF.SG broken become.PFV-3SG 'The stick broke.' '

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b. Ahmed kasaɻa qe:tab-u: gid-iʃ Ahmed broken stick-DEF.SG do.PFV-3SG 'Ahmed broke the stick.'

(2) a. do:ɻ-u: fataħa bu:ɻ-iʃ door-DEF.SGopen become.PFV-3SG 'The door opened.'

b. mih fataħa gid-um do:ɻ-u: 1SG.SUB open do.PFV-1SG door.DEF.SG 'I opened the door.'

(3) a. xa:t-an naʃfa bu:ɻ-in cloth-DEF.PL dry become.PFV-3PL 'The clothes dried'

b. zank-u: naʃfa gid-iʃ xa:t-an woman-DEF.SG dry do.PFV-3SG cloth-DEF.PL 'The woman dried the clothes.'

(4) a. bap-u: faɻaħa bu:ɻ-iʃ father-DEF.SG happy become.PFV-3SG 'The father got happy/rejoiced.'

b. bap-u: faɻaħa ɻo:ɻ-u: gid-iʃ father-DEF.SG happy child-DEF.SG do.PFV-3SG 'The father made the child get happy/rejoice.'

This contrast in the type of PVs used in complex verb formation is reflected in the causative form of Kumzari complex verbs. The causative form of complex verbs made of PVs that combine with one verb only is expressed by using the verb wa:ʃt-

'cause.PFV' as shown below.

(5) a. ʃan wa:ʃt-in mih kataba tik-um 3PL.SUB cause.PFV-3PL 1SG.OBJ writing do.IPFV-1SG ɻisa:lat-u: letter-DEF.SG 'They made me write the letter.'

b. Ali wa:ʃt-iʃ ʃan sa:ɻaxa tik-in Ali cause.PFV-3SG 3PL.OBJ shouting do.IPFV-3PL 'Ali made them shout.'

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c. jajh wa:ʃt-iʃ mih xo:ɻ du:ʔ-um 3SG.SUB cause.PFV-3SG 1SG.OBJ food give.IPFV-1SG ɻo:ɻ-u: child-DEF.SG 'She made me feed the child.'

d. bɻa:ɻ mih wa:ʃt-iʃ ʃan sala:m brother 1SG.POSS cause.PFV-3SG 3PL.OBJ greeting di:ʔ-in se:daq jajh give.IPFV-3PL friend 3SG.POSS 'My brother made them greet his friend.'

On the other hand, the causative form of complex verbs made of PVs that combine with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' are expressed in two different forms based on the verb PVs combine with. The causative form of complex verbs formed out of these PVs plus the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' follow the same pattern mentioned above. However, the causative form of complex verbs made of these PVs plus the veb tu:- 'become.IPFV' is expressed by interposing direct objects/direct object pronouns between PVs of these verbs and the verb tik- 'do/make.PFV' as demonstrated in the following examples.

(6) a. mih nadʒaħa bu:ɻ-um 1SG.SUB successful become.PFV-1SG 'I succeeded.'

b. jajh nadʒaħa mih gid-iʃ 3SG.SUB successful 1SG.OBJ do.PFV-3SG 'He made me succeed .'

(7) a. ʃan ʔaɻaqa bu:ɻ-in 3PL.SUB full of sweat become.PFV-3PL 'They sweated.'

b. jajh ʔaɻaqa ʃan gid- iʃ 3SG.SUB full of sweat 3PL.OBJ do.PFV-3SG 'It made them sweat.'

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The following examples contrast the combination of some PVs with the verb tu:-

'become.IPFV' (examples 8 /10) with their combination with the verb tik-'do/make.IPFV'

(examples 9/11). The (b) examples show the causative form of each verb.

(8) a. jajh ma:ɻ bu:ɻ-iʃ qudum 3SG.SUB awake become.PFV-3SG early 'He woke up early'

b. ʃan ma:ɻ jajh gid-in qudum 3PL.SUB awake 3SG.OBJ do.PFV-3PL early 'They made him wake up early.'

(9) a. mih ma:ɻ Ahmed gid-um qudum 1SG.SUB awake Ahmed do.PFV-1SG early 'I woke up Ahmed early.'

b. ʃan wa:ʃt-in mih ma:ɻ Ahmed 3PL.SUB cause.PFV-3PL 1SG.OBJ awake Ahmed tik-um qudum do.IPFV-1SG early 'They made me wake up Ahmed early.'

(10) a. mih ʔaxaɻ bu:ɻ-um data di:qaq-an 1SG.SUB late become.PFV-1SG ten minute-DEF.PL 'I got late for ten minutes.'

b. ʃan ʔaxaɻ mih gid-in data 3PL.SUB late 1SG.OBJ do.PFV-3PL ten di:qaq-an minute-DEF.PL 'They made me get late for ten minutes.'

(11) a. mih ʔaxaɻ mʔalim-u: gid-um data 1SG.SUB late teacher-DEF.SG do.PFV-1SG ten di:qaq-an minute-DEF.PL 'I delayed the teacher for ten minutes.'

b. ʃan wa:ʃt-in mih ʔaxaɻ mʔalim-u: 3PL.SUB cause.PFV-3PL 1SG.OBJ late teacher-DEF.SG tik-um data di:qaq-an do.IPFV-1SG ten minute-DEF.PL 'They made me delay the teacher for ten minutes.'

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The Lexical Categories of Kumzari PVs

The two types of Kumzari PVs discussed above belong to two lexical categories: nominal PVs and adjectival PVs. Generally, PVs that combine with one verb only tend to be nominal PVs that participate in making complex verbs of noun plus verb combination. PVs that combine with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV', in contrast, tend to be adjectival PVs. When they combine with the verb tu:-

'become.IPFV', they make complex verbs of adjective plus verb combination whose literal meaning is X become where X is an adjective (i.e. inchoative verb) whereas when they combine with the verb tik- 'do/make.PFV', they make complex verbs of adjective plus verb combination whose literal meaning is do/make somebody/something X where

X is an adjective (i.e. causative - inchoative verb). The following two tables provide examples of complex verbs made of nominal PVs plus verb and those made of adjectival PVs plus the verb tu:- 'become.IPFV' and the verb tik- 'do.make.IPFV'.

Table 3-3. Complex verbs made of nominal PVs plus verb Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss ba:z tik- toy/game do/make 'play' ta:laq du:- divorce give 'divorce' ʃa:m txo:ɻ- lunch eat 'have lunch' ka:ɻ tik- work/job do/make 'work' gaʃta tik- tour do/make 'make a tour' dɻu: ta:ɻ- lying bring 'tell a lie'

Table 3-4. Complex verbs made of adjectival PVs plus the verbs tu:- and tik- Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss ħaɻaɻa tu:- free become 'be free' ħaɻaɻa tik- free do/make 'free X'

ʁawja tu:- astray become 'go astray' ʁawja tik- astray do/make 'lead X astray'

ʔi:du: tu:- suffering become 'suffer' ʔi:du: tik- suffering do/make 'make X suffer'

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Table 3-4. Continued Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss sabba tu:- pouring become 'pour' sabba tik- pouring do/make 'pour X' gamada tu:- frozen become 'freeze' gamada tik- frozen do/make 'freeze X.'

Kumzari does not allow mixing between these combinational patterns. Nominal

PVs do not combine with the verb tu:- 'become.IPFV' to make complex verbs whose meaning is X become where X is a noun (e.g. * word become = to speak). Similarly, adjectival PVs do not combine with verbs other than the verbs tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV.' Even when combining with these two verbs, adjectival PVs do not combine with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' to make verbs of inchoative meaning (e.g. sad do/make = *to grieve), nor do they combine with the verb tu:- 'become.IPFV' to make verbs of causative-inchoative meaning (e.g. sad become = *to make X grieve).

Violation of these combinational patterns results in making ill-formed and /or semantically odd complex verbs as demonstrated in the following (a) examples.

(12) a. mih ʃafja gid-um pi:h maɻaz mih 1SG.SUB recovered do.PFV-1SG from sickness 1SG.POSS *'I recovered from my sickness.'

b. mih ʃafja bu:ɻ-um pi:h maɻaz 1SG.SUB recovered become.PFV-1SG from sickness mih 1SG.POSS 'I recovered from my sickness.'

(13) b. Allah ʃafja bu:ɻ-iʃ mih pi:h God recovered become.PFV-3SG 1SG.OBJ from maɻaz mih sickness 1SG.POSS *'God healed me from my sickness.'

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d. Allah ʃafja mih gid-iʃ pi:h maɻaz God recovered 1SG.OBJ do.PFV-3SG from sickness mih 1SG.POSS 'God healed me from my sickness.'

(14) a. *mih walm bu:ɻ-um ba Ahmed 1SG.SUB quarrel become.PFV-1SG with Ahmed *'I fought with Ahmed.'

b. mih walm gid-um ba Ahmed 1SG.SUB quarrel do.PFV-1SG with Ahmed 'I fought with Ahmed.'

(15) a. *jajh ma:ɻ ta:ɻ-ah ʔuxuɻ 3SG.SUB awake bring.IPFV-3SG late *'She wakes up late.'

b. jajh ma:ɻ tu:ʔ-ah ʔuxuɻ 3SG.SUB awake become.IPFV-3SG late 'She wakes up late.'

(16) a. * ʃan ɻtagafa bu:ɻ-in 3PL.SUB trembling become.PFV-3PL *'They trembled.'

b. ʃan ɻtagafa gid-in 3PL.SUB trembling do.PFV-3PL 'They trembled.'

The noun/adjective split in Kumzari PVs can be confirmed by a number of lexical category tests. For PVs combining with one verb only, these tests are as follows.

1. They occur as nouns independent of the verbs they combine with.

Kumzari PVs combining with the verbs tik- 'do/make.IPFV', ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:-

'give.IPFV', txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ-

'buy.IPFV' could be used as nouns independent of any of these verbs. The examples provided in (17) to (20) contrast the use of such PVs as part of complex verbs (a examples) with their use as independent nouns (b examples).

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(17) a. mih xa:jag gid-um ba ʃa:z-u: 1SG.SUB egg do.PFV-1SG for supper-DEF.SG 'I made an omelet for (the) supper.'

b. Ahamed xo:d-iʃ xa:jag-Ø Ahmed eat.PFV-3SG egg-INDEF.SG 'Ahmed ate an egg.'

(18) a. mah ʃa:m xo:d-im ba ʃan 1PL.SUB lunch eat.PFV-1PL with 3PL.OBJ 'We had lunch with them.'

b. mih tabaxa gid-um ʃa:m-Ø 1SG.SUB cooking do.PFV-1SG lunch- INDEF.SG 'I cooked lunch.'

(19) a. ʃan xo:ɻ da:ɻ-in ħe:wan-an 3PL.SUB food give.PFV-3PL animal-DEF.PL 'They fed the animals.'

b. ʃan xe:ɻd-in xo:ɻ-Ø 3PL.SUB buy.PFV-3PL food-INDEF 'They bought food.'

(20) a. Ahmed zaɻ gid-iʃ daftaɻ-u: Ahmed throwing do.PFV-3SG notebook-DEF.SG 'Ahmed threw the notebook.'

b. zaɻ wasx-in ʔindi zamj-u: ka:ɻ-Ø throwing garbage-DEF.PL in floor-DEF.SGdeed-INDEF.SG ʃaɻm-ah shameful-INDEF.SG 'Throwing garbage on the floor is a shameful deed.'

2. They take nominal inflection.

Preverbs combining with the above mentioned seven verbs permit Kumzari nominal inflection. For example, the nominal PVs nw:az 'prayer', dʒang 'war', and madʒma 'word' in (21) take nominal inflections as demonstrated below.

(21) a. Huda ka:n niʃt-iʃ nwa:z tik-ah Huda COP.PST sit.PFV.PROG-3SG prayer do.IPFV-3SG 'Huda was praying.'

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b. ʃan dʒang gid-in mah 3PL.SUB war do.PFV-3PL 1PL.OBJ 'They had a war with us.'

c. Ali madʒma ʃnu:d-iʃ ma:m jajh Ali word listen.PFV-3SG mother 3SG.POSS 'Ali obeyed his mother.'

Table 3-5. Nominal inflection of PVs combining with one verb only nwa:z-Ø prayer-INDEF.SG 'prayer' nwa:z-u: prayer-DEF.SG 'the prayer' nwa:z-ah prayer-INDEF.PL 'prayers' nwa:z-in prayer-DEF.PL 'the prayers'

dʒang-Ø war-INDEF.SG 'war' dʒang-u: war-DEF.SG 'the war' dʒang-ah war-INDEF.PL 'wars' dʒang-in war-DEF.PL 'the wars'

madʒma-Ø word-INDEF.SG 'word' madʒmaʔ-u: word-DEF.SG 'the word' madʒmaʔ-ah word-INDEF.PL 'words' madʒmaʔ-an word-DEF.PL 'the words'

3. They could be modified by different types of modifiers.

These PVs could be used as nouns accompanied by several types of modifiers.

For example, they occur as nouns modified by numerals and adjectival phrases. The

PVs used in (22a), (23a), and (24a) occur in singular forms in (b) examples and in plural forms in (c) examples in which they are modified by numerals in both cases.

(22) a. bɻa:ɻ mih naʃbal gid-iʃ xi:ki brother 1SG.POSS fishing hook do.PFV-3SG much 'My brother caught lots of fish with a hook.'

b. mih xe:ɻd-um ta naʃbal-Ø 1SG.SUB buy.PFV-1SG one fishing hook-INDEF.SG 'I bought one fishing hook.'

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c. mih xe:ɻd-um sita naʃbal-in 1SG.SUB buy.PFV-1SG three fishing hook-DEF.PL 'I bought three fishing hooks.'

(23) a. muɻtak-u: gambal gid-iʃ kanz-u: man-DEF.SG hole do.PFV-3SG treasure-DEF.SG 'The man dug (looking for) the treasure.'

b. Salim kaft-Ø ʔindi ta gambal-Ø Salim fall.PFV-3SG in one hole-INDEF.SG 'Salim fell down in one hole.'

c. ɻasama kin ʔafta gambal-in drawing do.IPM.2SG seven hole-DEF.PL 'Draw seven holes!.'

(24) a. jajh ʃan xa:baɻ da:r-iʃ ba 3SG.SUB 3PL.OBJ news give.PFV-3SG about ħadis-u: accident-DEF.SG 'He informed them about the accident'

b. mih xwa:nd-um ta xa:baɻ-Ø ʔindi 1SG.SUB read.PFV-1SG one news-INDEF.SG in gaɻi:dat-u: newspaper-DEF.SG 'I read (past) one piece of news in the newspaper.'

c. mih xwa:nd-um sita xa:baɻ-in ʔindi 1SG.SUB read.PFV-1SG three news-DEF.PL in gaɻi:dat-u: newspaper-DEF.SG 'I read (past) three pieces of news in the newspaper.'

The following (a) examples show nominal PVs used in complex verbs whereas (b) examples show their use as nouns modified by adjectival phrases.

(25) a. mih ba:z gid-um ba ɻo:ɻ-u 1SG.SUB toy/game do.PFV-1SG with child-DEF.SG 'I played with the child.

b. mih xe:ɻd-um ba:z-ih dʒwa:n-Ø 1SG.SUB buy.PFV-1SG toy-INDEF.SG nice-INDEF.SG 'I bought a nice toy.'

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(26) a. te:bab-u: daɻam gid-iʃ maɻi:z-u: doctor-DEF.SG medicine do.PFV-3SG patient-DEF.SG 'The doctor treated the patient.'

b. jajh tfo:ʃn-ah daɻam-u: tabiʔiʔ-u: 3SG.SUB sell.IPFV-3SG medicine-DEF.SG traditional-DEF.SG 'He sells (the) traditional medicine.'

(27) a. mih xa:w mi:ʃd-um do:ʃan 1SG.SUB dream/sleep see.PFV-1SG yesterday 'I dreamt yesterday.'

b. mih gift-um se:daqq mih ba 1SG.SUB tell.PFV-1SG friend.PL 1SG.POSS about xa:w-Ø bandʒ-ah dream-INDEF.SG bad-INDEF.SG 'I told my friends about a bad dream.'

The lexical category of PVs combining with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik-

'do/make.IPFV, in contrast, can be verified by the following lexical category testes.

1. They are used as adjectives independent of the verbs tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV'.

Just like nominal PVs, PVs that combine with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik-

'do/make.IPFV' occur as adjectives independent of any of these verbs. The examples in

(28a) and (29a) show the use of adjectival PVs in complex verb formation whereas those in (28b) and (29b) show their use as independent adjectives.

(28) a. mih kasala bu:ɻ-um do:ʃan 1SG.SUB lazy become.PFV-1SG yesterday 'I got lazy yesterday

b. ɻo:ɻɻ mih kasalaʔ-in child.PL 1SG.POSS lazy-3PL 'My children are lazy.'

(29) a. mah taʔaba bu:ɻ-im lamma ba:z 1PL.SUB tired become.PFV-1PL when game/toy gid-im ba ʃan do.PFV-1PL with 3PL.OBJ 'We got tired when we played with them'

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b. mih taʔabaʔ-um xi:ki 1SG.SUB tired-1SG very 'I am very tired.'

2. They take adjectival inflections

Prevebs combining with both tu:-'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' inflect just like any other adjective that takes subject adjective agreement morphemes. For instance, the PVs used in (30) and (31) take adjectival inflectional morphemes as illustrated in table 3-6.

(30) a. Hamed maɻaza bu:ɻ-iʃ piʃtu ʃa:z-u: Hamed sick become.PFV-3SG after supper-DEF.SG 'Hamed got sick after (eating) supper.'

(31) a. jajh ħazana bu:ɻ-iʃ lamma se:daq 3SG.SUB sad become.PFV-3SG when friend jajh ɻift-Ø 3SG.POSS leave.PFV-3SG 'He got sad when his friend left.'

Table 3-6. Adjectival inflection of PVs combining with the verbs tu:- and tik- Adjective Literal Meaning Gloss maɻazaʔ-um sick-1SG 'I am sick' maɻazaʔ-i sick-2SG 'You are sick.' maɻaz-ah sick-3SG S/he is sick.' maɻazaʔ-im sick-1PL 'We are sick.' maɻazaʔ-ih sick-2PL 'You are sick.' maɻazaʔ-in sick-3PL 'They are sick.'

ħazanaʔ-um sad-1SG 'I am sad.' ħazanaʔ-i sad-2SG 'You are sad' ħazan-ah sad-3SG 'S/he is sad.' ħazanaʔ-im sad-1PL 'We are sad.' ħazanaʔ-ih sad-2PL 'You are sad.' ħazanaʔ-in sad-3PL 'They are sad.'

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3. They can be used to modify nouns

Preverbs combining with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' are able to modify noun phrases as shown in the (b) examples in (32) and (33).

(32) a. Fahad nadʒaħa bu:ɻ-iʃ ʔindi ka:ɻ jajh Fahad successful become.PFV-3SG in work 3SG.POSS 'Fahad succeeded in his work.'

b. jajh ka:n xutat-Ø nadʒaħ-ah 3SG.SUB COP.PST plan-INDEF.SG successful-INDEF.SG 'It was a successful plan.'

(33) a. jajh ʃaɻma bu:ɻ-iʃ lamma ħaɻa 3SG.SUB shameful/shy become.PFV-3SG when look gid-iʃ bap jajh do.PFV-3SG father 3SG.POSS 'He blushed/felt shy when he saw his father.'

b. Sami ɻo:k-ih ʃaɻm-ah Sami boy-INDEF.SG shy-INDEF.SG 'Sami is a shy boy.'

4. They can be used in comparative and superlative forms.

Preverbs that combine with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' permit combination with comparative and superlative morphemes. The following (a) examples show adjectival PVs used in complex verbs whereas those in (b) and (c) show their use in comparative and superlative forms respectively.

(34) a. mih daʁʃa bu:ɻ-um sbu:ʔ-u: ɻift-u: 1SG.SUB busy become.PFV-1SG week-DEF.SG last-DEF.SG 'I got busy last week.'

b. mih daʁʃa-taɻ-um pi:h jajh 1SG.SUB busy-COMPR-1SG from 3SG.OBJ 'I am busier than him.'

c. jajh muɻtak-u: ʔaɻ-daʁʃa-taɻ-ah ʔe:su 3SG.SUB man-DEF.SG SUP-busy-COMPR-3SG here 'He is the busiest man here.'

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(35) a. ma:m-u: faɻaħa bu:ɻ-iʃ lamma mother-DEF.SG happy become.PFV-3SG when ħaɻa gid-iʃ ɻo:ɻ jajh look do.PFV-3SG child 3SG.POSS 'The mother got happy/rejoiced when she saw her child.'

b. ma:m-u: faɻaħa-taɻ-ah ɻu:.zu: mother-DEF.SG happy-COMPR-3SG today 'The mother is happier today.'

c. jajh ma:m-u: ʔaɻ-faɻaħa-taɻ-ah ʔindi 3SG.SUB mother-DEF.SG SUP-happy-COMPR-3SG in ʔa:lam-u: world-DEF.SG 'She is the happiest mother in the world.'

A reverse application of the above lexical category tests to the above mentioned

PVs results in ill-formed meaningless words. Applying nominal morphological rules to the PVs in (28) to (35) is not possible since these are adjectival PVs allowing adjectival morphological rules only. Likewise, applying adjectival morphological rules to the PVs in

(17) to (27) is not possible either because these are nominal PVs allowing nominal morphological rules only. The two tables exemplify this observation.

Table 3-7. Applying nominal rules to PVs that combine with tu:- and tik- * ta kasala-Ø * dita taʔabaʔ-an one lazy-INDEF.SG two tired-DEF.PL

* nadʒaħ-ah * ʃaɻma-u: successful-INDEF.PL shameful/shy-DEF.SG states of being successful the state of being shameful/shy

Table 3-8. Applying adjectival rules to PVs that combine with one verb only * xa:jg-im * madʒma-i egg-1PL word/talk-2SG

* naʃbal-taɻ-ah * gambal-taɻ-i fishing hook-COMPR-3SG hole-COMPR-2SG

* ʔaɻ-ba:z-taɻ-in * ʔaɻ-daɻam-taɻ-im SUP-game/toy-COMPR-3PL SUP-medicine-COMPR-1PL

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Lexically Ambiguous PVs

Despite the fact that the majority of Kumzari PVs can be either nouns or adjectives as shown above, some Kumzari PVs belong to both lexical categories. They can take both nominal and adjectival morphological inflections and can occur as nouns and adjectives independent of any verb. These PVs combine with the verbs tu:-

'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' to make inchoative versus causative- inchoative pairs just like those purely adjectival PVs, but they do not combine with any of the remaining six verbs. I gloss them as adjectives rather than nouns since adjectival PVs, contrary to nominal PVs, are the type of PVs that permit the inchoative/causative- inchoative pairs and do not combine with verbs other than tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik-

'do/make.IPFV'. The following table provides examples of these PVs followed by illustrative examples.

Table 3-9. Lexically ambiguous PVs used with both tik- and tu:-. Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss ʔalamt tu:- knowledgeable become 'learn' ʔalamt tik- knowledgeable do/make 'make X learn/ teach' *ʔalamt ta:ɻ- knowledgeable bring *ʔalamt du:- knowledgeable give maɻaɻ tu:- hidden become 'hide/disappear' maɻaɻ tik- hidden do/make 'hide X' *maɻaɻ ti:mʃ- hidden watch *maɻaɻ txe:ɻ- hidden buy qanaʔa tu:- convinced become 'be convinced' qanaʔa tik- convinced do/make 'convince X' *qanaʔa ʃwi:n- convinced listen/hear *qanaʔa txo:ɻ- convinced eat

ʔistaqi:lu: tu:- resigned become 'resign' ʔistaqi:lu: tik- resigned do/make dismiss X from work' *ʔistaqi:lu: ta:ɻ- resigned bring *ʔistaqi:lu: ʃwi:n- resigned listen/hear

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Table 3-9. Continued Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss bahaɻa tu:- impressed become 'be impressed' bahaɻa tik- impressed do/make 'impress X' *bahaɻa txo:ɻ- impressed eat *bahaɻa du:- impressed give xadaʔa tu:- deceived become 'be deceived' xadaʔa tik- deceived do/make 'deceive X.'' *xadaʔa ta:ɻ- deceived bring *xadaʔa ti:mʃ- d eceived watch zu:bu: tu:- melted become 'melt' zu:bu: tik- melted do/make 'melt X' *zu:bu: du:- melted give *zu:bu: txe:ɻ- melted buy

The following examples contrast the combination of some lexically ambiguous

PVs with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' in (a) examples with their combination with the verb tu:- 'become.IPFV' in (b) examples. The examples in (c) and (d) show the use of these PVs as nouns and adjectives respectively independent of the verbs tik-

'do/make.IPFV' and tu:- 'become.IPFV'.

(36) a. Omar ʔalamt Ahmed gid-iʃ ʔindi Omar knowledgeable Ahmed do.PFV-3SG in Musandam 'Omar taught Ahmed in Musandam.'

b. Ahmed ʔalamt bu:ɻ-iʃ ʔindi Musandam Ahmed knowledgeable become.PFV-3SG in Musandam 'Omar learned (went to school) in Musandam.'

c. ʔalamt-u: muhim-Ø saʔati knowledge-DEF important-3SG now '(The) knowledge is important these days.'

d. mʔalim mih ʔalamt-Ø xi:ki teacher 1SG.POSS knowledgeable-3SG very 'My teacher is very knowledgeable.'

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(37) a. ħaɻa:miʔ-u: maɻaɻ gid-iʃ ka:ɻd-u: thief-DEF.SG hidden do.PFV-3SG knife-DEF.SG 'The thief hid the knife.'

b. ħaɻa:miʔ-u: maɻaɻ bu:ɻ-iʃ thief-DEF.SG hidden become.PFV-3SG 'The thief hid/disappeared.'

c. maɻaɻ ʁa:z-u: ka:n ʁamz-ah disappearance money-DEF COP.PST mysterious-3SG 'The disappearance of the money was mysterious.'

d. kanz-u: maɻaɻ-Ø ʔansu treasure-DEF.SG hidden-3SG there 'The treasure is hidden there.'

(38) a. Ahmed qanaʔa Salim gid-iʃ Ahmed convinced Salim do.PFV-3SG 'Ahmed convinced Salim.'

b. Ahmed qanaʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ Ahmed convinced become.PFV-3SG 'Ahmed got convinced.'

c. qanaʔa Ahmed ka:n saʔb-ah convincing Ahmed COP.PST difficult-3SG 'Convincing Ahmed was difficult.'

d. Ahmed ka:n qanaʔ-ah Ahmed COP.PST convinced-3SG 'Ahmed was convinced.'

(39) a. jajh zaʔaga gid-iʃ se:daq jajh 3SG.SUB annoyed do.PFV-3SG friend 3SG.POSS 'He annoyed his friend.'

b. se:daq jajh zaʔaga bu:ɻ-iʃ friend 3SG.POSS annoyed become.PFV-3SG 'His friend got annoyed.'

c. zaʔaga se:daq jajh ka:n annoying friend 3SG.POSS COP.PST battali-Ø irrational-3SG '(His) annoyance to his friend was irrational.'

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d. se:daq jajh ka:n zaʔag-ah friend 3SG.POSS COP.PST annoyed-3SG 'His friend was annoyed.'

Borrowed PVs

Due to the contact between Kumzari and Arabic and due to the fact that

Kumzaris are speakers of Arabic, Kumzari has borrowed massively from Arabic in different lexical categories. Interestingly, Kumzari does not borrow Arabic verbs to be used as verbs. It rather borrows them as PVs that combine with verbs to make complex verbs. Whether they combine with one verb only or with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik-

'do/make.IPFV' is determined by their lexical categories. Preverbs borrowed as nouns frequently combine with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' and very rarely with ta:ɻ-

'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV', txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/ hear.IPFV' or txe:ɻ 'buy.IPFV'. Those borrowed as adjectives, in contrast, are used with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV.' to form pairs of inchoative/ causative- inchoative verbs. In addition to their use as PVs that participate in complex verb formation, these Arabic borrowed verbs could be used as nouns or adjectives independent of any verb. The examples in (40) and (41) show Arabic borrowed verbs used as nominal PVs. The examples in (a) show their use as PVs combining with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' to make complex verbs whereas the examples in (b) show their use as nouns independent of the verb tik- 'do.makeIPFV'.

PV: taɻgama 'translation'

(40) a. Nasir taɻgama gid-iʃ qasi:dat-u: Nasir translation do.PFV-3SG poem-DEF.SG 'Nasir translated the poem.

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b. taɻgamaʔ-u: ka:ɻ-Ø saʔb-ah translation-DEF.SG task-INDEF.SG difficult-INDEF.SG '.The) translation is a difficult task)' ِِ

PV: kataba 'writing' (41) a. ɻo:ɻ-u: kataba gid- iʃ na:m jajh child-DEF.SG writing do.PFV-3SG name 3SG.POSS 'The child wrote his name.'

b. ɻo:ɻ-an katabaʔ-u: kaɻaha tik-in child-DEF.PL writing-DEF hate do.IPFV-3PL '(The) children hate writing.'

The examples in (42) and (43) show Arabic borrowed verbs used as adjectival

PVs. The examples in (a) and (b) show their use in complex verbs whereas the examples in (c) show their use as adjectives independent of the verbs tu:-

'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV'.

PV: gaɻaħa 'injured'

(42) a. Ahmed gaɻaħa bu:ɻ-iʃ Ahmed injured become.PFV-3SG 'Ahmed got injured.'

b. Ahmed gaɻaħa mih gid-iʃ Ahmed injured 1SG.OBJ do.PFV-3SG 'Ahmed injured me.'

c. te:ɻ-u: ka:n gaɻaħ-ah bird-DEF.SG COP.PST injured-3SG 'The bird was injured.'

PV: malaʔa 'full' (43) a. saff-u: malaʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ classroom-DEF.SG full become.PFV-3SG 'The classroom got full.'

b. mih malaʔa gid-um zamb:l-u: 1SG.SUB full do.PFV-1SG basket-DEF.SG 'I filled the basket.'

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c. zambi:l-u: ka:n malaʔ-ah basket-DEF.SG COP.PST full-3SG 'The basket was full.'

Very few words are borrowed from English and used as PVs that combine with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' to make complex verbs. These verbs have equivalent forms expressed by using Arabic nominal PVs combined with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV'.

The following table gives examples of these verbs.

Table 3-10. Complex verbs expressed by using English/Arabic PVs. Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss kansal / lo:ʁju tik- cancelation do/make 'cancel' se:f / ħafaza tik- saving do/make 'save' tilifo:n / ʔitasala tik- phone call do/make 'make a phone call' ʃajjak / faħasa tik- check (Noun) do/make 'check'

To sum up, this chapter has investigated the lexical categories of Kumzari preverbs. It showed that Kumzari PVs are of two types: those that combine with one verb only and those that combine with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' to form inchoative versus causative-inchoative pairs. Preverbs combining with the verbs tik- 'do/make.IPFV', ta:ɻ-' bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV', txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ-

'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' tend to be nominal PVs whereas those that combine with the verbs tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/makeIPFV' tend to be adjectival PVs. Determining the lexical category of PVs can be tested by applying several lexical category tests to these PVs. Those that allow nominal morphological rules (i.e. taking definiteness/ number morphemes) and could be used independently as nouns are nominal PVs whereas those that allow adjectival morphological rules (i.e. taking comparative/superlative forms) and could be used independently as adjectives are adjectival PVs. However, there are some PVs that allow both nominal and adjectival morphological rules, and can occur as nouns and adjectives

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independent of any verb. These PVs happen to combine only with tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' to form pairs of inchoative/causative-inchoative verbs, just like adjectival PVs. Borrowed PVs comply with the same combinational patterns as their native counterparts. Those borrowed as nouns may combine with any verb but not with the verb tu-' become.IPFV'. Those borrowed as adjectives, in contrast, combine with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV.'

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CHAPTER 4 MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF KUMZARI VERBS

A substantial number of Kumzari verbs are formed via the combination of preverbs that carry the lexical meaning of the verb, and verbs that encode aspect and carry verbal inflection. This group of verbs includes newly made complex verbs formed by incorporating loan words from languages such as Arabic and English. A small number of Kumzari verbs, in contrast, are simple verbs made of single verbal roots.

Suffixical agreement morphemes are attached to both types of verbs to make the verb agree with the subject in person and number. Verbs made of two elements are attested in different languages and have been described as complex predicates, serial verb constructions, particle plus verb constructions, light verb constructions, compound verbs, composite verbs, vector verb constructions, and explicator compound verbs

(Park, 1992; Butt, 1995; Butt & Geuder, 2003; Anderson, 2006; Amberber, 2010).

Examples of languages whose verbal systems have similar complex verbal structures include Urdu, Sanskrit, Bengali (Butt & Gillian, 2003), Hindi (Mohanan, 1994),

Japanese, Korean (Kim, 1994; Park, 1992), Persian, Kurdish (Karimi-Doostan, 1997;

Family, 2003), Amharic (Applleyad, 2001; Amberer, 2010), Undi, Xamanga (Dorman,

2012) and Marathi (Pandharipade, 1997; Deoskar, 2007), among other languages.

Recent literature addressing verbal constructions such as those found in Kumzari refer to them as light verb constructions (LVCs) whose structure is made of a preverb that combines with a light verb to make a complex verb form (McGregor, 2002; Bowern,

2008; Butt, 2009; Megerdoomina, 2010; Family, 2011 among others). These complex verbal constructions are often differentiated from auxiliary verb constructions in several ways in languages whose verbal systems have LVCs, which holds true for Kumzari.

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Kumzari verbs that participate in making complex verbs exhibit common properties with light verbs and behave differently from Kumzari auxiliaries, which make these verbal constructions better analyzed as a type of LVCs rather than a type of auxiliary verb constructions.

What is an LVC?

The term 'light verb' was first used by Jespersen (1965) to refer to the verb in constructions such as give a talk and take a walk where a nonverbal element combines with certain verbs that have partially or totally lost their semantic content. These elements both form a single unit whose meaning is slightly different from the coexisting simple verb (e.g. talk/ walk). This can be seen in sentences like 'I looked at the book' and 'I had a look at the book', where the verb had in the second sentence is not contributing its full semantic power, leaving the major semantic burden to be expressed by the word look. Verbs of this kind are termed LIGHT VERBS as opposed to HEAVY

VERBS where they express their full semantic power. Consider the verb took in the following two sentences where it is used as heavy and a light verb based on the expanse of meaning it gives in each sentence.

(1) a. He took a book. (Heavy)

b. He took a shower. (Light)

Then the analysis of light verbs has attracted considerable interest from many linguists who started looking at these verbs in the verbal systems of many different languages, addressing the issue from semantic and syntactic perspectives (Park, 1992;

Kim, 1994; Mohanan, 1994; Butt, 1995; Karimi-Doostan, 1997; Choi and Wechsler

2001; Megerdoomian, 2001; Reid, 2002; Butt & Gillian, 2003; among many others). The construction in which these verbs appear is termed light verb construction (LVC) which

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is defined as a verbal construction made of a preverb (PV) that carries the core lexical meaning of the predicate, and a light verb (LV) that is believed to be semantically bleached but it can carry grammatical functions such as agreement, tense, aspect and so on (Tabian, 1979; Hook, 1993; Anderson, 2006; Bowern, 2008; Family, 2011). Both elements combine together to produce a novel verbal notion that is neither fully compositional nor completely idiomatic. The intuition behind the use of the term LIGHT is that these verbs do not have their full semantic content, and they are not devoid of semantic content either. Their semantic content is reduced as opposed to their semantic content when used as heavy verbs. The sentences in (2) provide examples of LVCs in several languages in which the LVCs are given in bold.

(2) a. Taroo-ga Toyko ni ryokoo-o suru (Japanese) Taroo-NOM Tokyo to travel-ACC do.PRS 'Taroo travels to Tokyo.'

b. John-i Tom kwa tayhwa-lul ha-yess-ta (Korean) John-NOM Tom with talk-ACC do-PST-DEC 'John talked with Tom.'

c. Nadya-ne khani yad k-i (Urdu) Nadya-Erg story.F.SG memory.F do-PFV.F.SG 'Nadya remembered the story.'

d. Ram de bgaag-aa (Hindi) Ram.M give run.PRS-M.SG 'Ram runs (rapidly).

e. Ali Ahmed-ra tahdid kard-Ø (Persian) Ali Ahmed-ACC threat do.PST-3SG 'Ali threatened Ahmed.'

f. Salim juz kerd-Ø (Kurdish) Salim surrender do.PST-3SG 'Salim gave up.'

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g. xar-ɨd mulu xɨr y-u (Xamtanga) night-DEF whole sleep say-PFV.M.3SG 'He slept the whole night.'

h. ləmma tərmus-u-n sɨbbɨr adərrəgə (Amharic) Lemma glass-DEF.ACC break do/make.PFV.M.3SG 'Lemma broke the glass.'

The Historical Development of Auxiliaries and Light Verbs

Although the term auxiliary has been used cross-linguistically, researchers do not agree on one fixed definition for what auxiliary is (Traugott, 1999; Anderson, 2006). It could have different realizations in different languages, and it might differ in its morphosyntactic structure from one language to another, ranging from a free word to an inflectional affix (Hopper & Traugott, 1993; Butt & Geuder, 2003; Anderson, 2006; Seiss

& Konstanz, 2009). Cross-linguistically auxiliaries are known to encode different grammatical functions as they convey functional information about the main verb (e.g. tense and aspect) that contributes the lexical content of the construction. The historical development of auxiliaries as well as light verbs is looked at based on the

Grammaticalization Theory (Hopper & Traugott, 1993). Auxiliaries are said to be verbs that develop from main verbs when they acquire functional properties via grammaticalization. As these verbs acquire functional properties, they lose their semantic content resulting in near-empty elements (Hopper & Traugott, 1993; Butt &

Geuder, 2003; Anderson, 2006; Bowern, 2008). Light verbs are also seen to originate from main verbs, but they do not go as far as auxiliaries in semantic bleaching (Kim,

1994; Singh, 1994; Butt & Gillian, 2002). Although light verbs are able to carry functional features such as tense and aspect just like auxiliaries, they are not purely grammatical since they retain some semantic content. Accordingly, auxiliaries are seen as functional verbal elements, but light verbs are seen as semi-lexical elements that are not fully

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lexical and not fully functional either. Ritter and Rosen (1996) place light verbs between lexical verbs and auxiliaries in the semantic strength continuum.

Strong …………………………………………………………………………. Weak Lexical verbs Light verbs Auxiliaries

Figure 4-1. Continuum of semantic strength

Although researchers agree that both light verbs and auxiliaries can be traced back to lexical verbs, they do not all agree that auxiliaries could develop from light verbs through further semantic bleaching. Heine (1993) and Anderson (2006) say that light verbs are a dead end in the development of lexical verbs, and thus light verbs do not develop into auxiliaries. This position states that both light verbs and auxiliaries originate from the same verb, but each has its own trajectory as illustrated in (2) below.

Light verb Main verb Auxiliary

Figure 4-2. The development of light verbs and auxiliaries

Other researchers, however, view light verbs as an optional intermediate stage in the grammaticalization cline, suggesting that auxiliaries could originate from light verbs that further develop into auxiliaries as part of historical change (Hook, 1991; Hpooer &

Traugott, 1993; Rorberts & Roussou, 2003). A certain main verb might develop into a light verb and then an auxiliary or it might develop into an auxiliary without going through the light verb stage. Thus, LVs are viewed as linguistic elements that might, but not necessarily, develop into auxiliaries.

Full verb → (vector/ light verb) → auxiliary → clitics → affixes

Figure 4-3. The process of grammaticalization

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Other researchers, on the other hand, do not agree that light verbs enter the grammaticalization cline. Butt and Geuder's (2003) view says that light verbs are the dead end in the development of lexical verbs. Bowern (2008) agrees that light verbs are not an intermediate stage between lexical verbs and auxiliaries, but leaves it open that light verbs might develop into other grammatical elements. Butt (2009) proposes an alternative view saying that light verbs are not main verbs that have been reanalyzed.

Instead, she proposes that light verbs are connected to main verbs that we assume one lexical entry for both light verbs and main verbs as shown below.

Main verbs → auxiliaries → clitics → affixes

Light verbs

Figure 4-4. Butt's view on the development of light verbs from main verbs

Butt emphasizes that the lexical specifications of some verbs cross-linguistically allow for the use of these verbs as either main verbs or light verbs. The predication power of the verb depends on its position in the syntax. When a lexical item such as the verb take shown in (5) enters the syntax as a full verb, it predicates as a full verb, and when it enters syntax as a light verb, it predicates as a light verb.

Full verb Take → underlying entry Light verb Figure 4-5. Predication power of some verbs

Folly (2009) and Amberer (2011) agree with Butt's proposal stating that cross- linguistically there are around twenty verbs that could be used as both full and light verbs. Those common ones are go, make, do, fall, come, take, give, throw, hit, and rise.

These verbs have so general lexical semantic specifications that they can be used in

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different contexts. They are derived from the same underlying lexical entries, but their semantic content plays out according to their syntactic environment in a given language.

This view accounts for the fact that light verbs are said to be identical with main verbs and inert to historical change, which it is not necessarily the case for auxiliaries (Butt &

Lahiri, 2002; Butt, 2003). Auxiliaries tend to be identical with main verbs at the initial stage of grammaticalization, but they tend to diverge in form and meaning.

Properties of Lights Verbs and Auxiliaries

Both light verbs and auxiliaries appear in verbal constructions that result from the combination of two elements. These two constructions, however, are distinguished cross-linguistically based on the behavior of light verbs and auxiliaries. Light verbs are said to form a distinctive syntactic category that is different from both auxiliaries and main verbs, having their own syntactic and semantic properties (Mohanan, 1997; Butt,

2003; Anderson, 2006 ; Bowern, 2008). Light verbs and auxiliaries, however, might differ from one language to another, showing different properties in each given language. Butt and Lahiri (2002) and Butt (2009) state that it is difficult to have a fixed set of features that apply to all LVs and auxiliaries in a given language, which necessitates language specific tests to differentiate between light verbs and auxiliaries in a given language. However, there are some properties observed cross-linguistically that distinguish light verbs from auxiliaries. For the purpose of this chapter, I present here those properties that set apart Kumzari verbs tik- 'do/make.IPFV', tu:-

'become.IPFV', ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV' , txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV',

ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ 'buy.IPFV' from Kumzari auxiliary verbs. These are as follows.

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(1) Light verbs always span the entire verbal paradigm whereas auxiliaries tend

to have a partial paradigm.

Light verbs are not restricted to appear with just one tense or aspect form, and thus should appear in any tense/aspect form in a given language. Auxiliary verbs, in contrast, tend to appear in only part of the verbal paradigm allowing usage with certain tense or aspect form(s) (Butt & Lahiri, 2002; Anderson, 2006; Butt, 2009; Butt & Rizvi, 2010).

(2) Light verbs do not display defective paradigms whereas auxiliaries tend to

have defective paradigms.

Light verbs inflect just like their main verb counterparts whereas auxiliaries tend to be defective verbs, not allowing all inflectional patterns as their main verb counterparts.

(Hook, 2001; Butt & Lahiri, 2002; Seiss & Konstanz, 2009; Anderson, 2006; Butt, 2009).

(3) Unlike auxiliaries, light verbs have selectional restrictions on their

combinatorial possibilities.

Light verbs have selectional restrictions based on which they combine with certain PVs and do not with others. Any PV has to be compatible with the LV it combines with so that both elements make a well-formed LVC (Pandharipade, 1997;

Butt & Lahiri, 2002; Family, 2011). If such compatibility is violated, it results in semantic oddness and ill-formed LVCs. Auxiliaries, on the other hand, place no restriction on the type of verbs they combine with and thus are expected to combine with any verb irrespective of its semantic attributes (Kim, 1994; Traugott, 1995; Butt, 2003; Seiss &

Konstanz, 2009). In Urdu, for example, the light verb 'go' can only combine with unaccusatives, and the light verb 'take' combines with transitives and unergatives, but not unaccusatives. Auxiliaries, on the other hand, do not place such restrictions on their

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combinations ( Butt, 2009). In Persian, LVs can combine with certain PVs only, forming clusters of LVCs that express similar notions based on the properties of the same LV and a specific type of PVs (Karimi-Doostan, 2009; Family, 2011). The PVs of a certain cluster contribute some aspects of their meaning and the LV contributes some relevant features so that an LVC is formed. When new LVCs are made even those with borrowed PVs, the relevant PV is attracted to a particular cluster according to its inherent attributes and to the specifics of the action. In case of auxiliaries, on the other hand, it is the main verb that imposes its semantics on the verbal constructions, and thus an auxiliary can combine with any verb (Karimi, 1997; Karimi-Doostan, 2005).

(4) Light verbs serve both grammatical and lexical functions whereas auxiliaries

tend to serve grammatical functions only.

Light verbs are said to give both lexical and functional contributions to the LVCs

(Mohanan, 1997; Karimi-Doostan, 2011; Seiss & Konstanz, 2009). Auxiliaries, on the other side, give only grammatical information (e.g. tense) to the main verbs they appear with. They tend to be consistent in their functional contribution to all verbal constructions, and thus their contribution can be easily predicated and described. LVs, in contrast, tend to have funny semantics as it is hard to characterize and describe a systematic semantic contribution that is consistent with all LVCs they appear in (Park,

1992; Family, 2011). A certain LV might have subtle lexical differences in its contributions to the different LVCs it participates in although it is said that the semantic contribution of an LV is usually inherited from its main counterpart (Tabina, 1979; Karimi

& Mohammad, 1992; Foley; 1999).

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(5) Light verbs tend to predicate argument structure different from their main

counterparts whereas auxiliaries do not have the ability to predicate argument

structure.

Contrary to their heavy counterparts which tend to predicate a fixed number and type of arguments, light verbs are not consistent in this respect since they predicate clauses with different types and numbers of arguments (Mohanan, 1994; Choi &

Wechsler, 2001; Karimi-Doostan, 2011; Megerdoomian, 2010; Darmon, 2012). An LV might predicate intransitive, transitive and di-transitive argument structures in a given language. For example, the Persian LV kardan 'to do' predicates different types and numbers of arguments as shown in (3) below.

(3) a. Ali namish kard-Ø (Intransitive) Ali exercise do.PST-3SG 'Ali exercised.'

b. Ali Mariam-ra rahnamaʔi kard-Ø (Transitive) Ali Mariam-ACC advice do.PST-3SG 'Ali advised Mariam.'

c. Ali in ketab-ra Mariam ihda kard-Ø (dative) Ali this book-ACC Mariam presebt do.PST-3SG 'Ali gave this book to Mariam as a present.'

Light verbs can even reduce or add arguments to an LVC (Reid, 2002; Seiss &

Konstanz, 2009; Amberber, 2011). A certain LV might combine with a transitive verb, yielding an intransitive complex structure or vice versa. For instance, in the example in

(4a) from Ngan’gityemerri, a northern Australian language, the co-verb du 'sleep' takes one argument, but when it combines with the light verb dum 'move', another argument is added which results in a causative reading. In (4b), on the other hand, the co-verb tum

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'bury' is a transitive verb, but it yields an intransitive complex structure upon its combination with the intransitive light verb ngirim 'sit' (Reid, 2002).

(4) a. Ngirrngirr ngu-dum-birrki-du sleep 1SG-move-3.DU.Obj-sleep 'I put them to sleep.'

b. ngirim-tum 1SG.S.sit-burry 'I am sinking.'

Auxiliaries, in contrast, are not able to predicate arguments. It is the main verb of the construction which gives the construction its number and types of arguments (Foli et al, 1994; Reid, 2002; Seiss & Konstanz, 2009)

Kumzari Complex Verbs: Auxiliary Verb Constructions or LVCs?

Kumzari complex verbs are made of PVs that combine with one of eight verbs.

These verbs are: tik- 'do/make.IPFV', tu:- 'become.IPFV', ta:r- 'bring.IPFV', du:-

'give.IPFV', txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ-

'buy.IPFV'. Testing these verbs side by side with Kumzari auxiliaries against the five above mentioned differences between light verbs and auxiliaries shows that these verbs are different from Kumzari auxiliaries. They span the entire Kumzari verbal paradigm, display full verbal paradigms, place selectional restrictions on their combinatorial possibilities, their occurrence is obligatory for well-formedness, and can predicate argument structures that might differ from those of their main verb counterparts. The behavior of this set of verbs and Kumzari auxiliaries in light of these properties is discussed below in more details. These verbs will be referred to in the discussion as light verbs as opposed to auxiliaries.

(1) Light verbs always span the entire verbal paradigm whereas auxiliaries tend

to have a partial paradigm.

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Kumzari auxiliaries are restricted across the board to appear with the imperfective verb form, and thus can never occur in verbal constructions in the perfective from. Also, each single auxiliary occurs in verbal constructions that express events taking place at a certain moment in time; an auxiliary cannot be used, for instance, to express events that take place at the present moment and at a moment in the future, but either one of them. The following table shows the aspect form and time reference each Kumzari auxiliary is used with followed by illustrative examples.

Table 4-1. Time/aspect form of Kumzari auxiliaries Auxiliary Time Aspect wna 'FUT' future Imperfective ka:n 'COP.PST' past Imperfective (Progressive) niʃt- 'sit.PFV.PROG' present Imperfective (Progressive) bataɻ 'should' present Imperfective la:zim 'must' present Imperfective jimkin 'may' present Imperfective ɻa:jim 'can' present Imperfective ka:n la:zim 'had to' past Imperfective ka:n ɻa:jim 'could' past Imperfective ka:n jimkin 'might' Past Imperfective

(5) a. jajh wna saʔada tik-ah tu 3SG.SUB FUT helping do.IPFV-3SG 2SG.OBJ 'He will help you.'

b. Salim ka:n niʃt-iʃ tabaxa tik-ah Salim COP.PST sit.PFV.PROG-3SG cooking do.IPFV-3SG 'Salim was cooking.'

c. mih niʃt-um txo:ɻ-um 1SG.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-1SG eat.IPFV-1SGِِِِ 'I am eating.'

d. tu bataɻ tanj-i ʔindi xa:naʁ-u: 2SG.SUB should stay.IPFV-2SG in house-DEF.SG 'You should stay at home.'

e. mih la:zim ʃuʔ-um saʔati 1SG.SUB must go.IPFV-1SG now 'I must go now.'

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f. Ali jimkin txe:ɻ-ah qa:ɻib-Ø Ali may buy.IPFV-3SG boat-INDEF.SG 'Ali may buy a boat.'

g. Ahmed ɻa:jim tuɻwa-ah b-siɻʔat xi:ki Ahmed can run.IPFV-3SG with-quickness very 'Ahmed can run very fast.'

h. ʃan ka:n la:zim ɻakaba tik-in ba:s-u: 3PL.SUB had to riding do.IPFV-3PL bus-DEF.SG 'They had to take the bus.'

i. pi:ɻ jajh ka:n ɻa:jim mi:ʃ tik-ah ِ grandfather 3SG.POSS could walking do.IPFV-3SG 'His grandfather could walk.'

ِ :j. jajh ka:n jimkin ɻabaħa tik-ah siba:q-u ِ 3SG.SUB might gaining do.IPFV-3SG race-DEF.SG 'He might have won the race.'

Kumzari light verbs, on the other hand, span the entire Kumzari verbal paradigm as they make complex verbs of different aspects. They participate in making complex verbs of both perfective and imperfective aspects. Contrary to Kumzari auxiliaries, each one of these verbs can occur in complex verbs that express events taking place at the present moment, before it, or after it. The only difference is that tu:- 'become.IPFV' does not permit usage with progressive form. Table (4-2) shows the aspect forms and time reference these verbs are used with followed by illustrative examples.

Table 4-2. Time/aspect forms of Kumzari light verbs Verb Time Aspect tik- 'do/make.IPFV' Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective ( progressive) tu:- 'become.IPFV' Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective (progressive) du:- 'give.IPFV' Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective (progressive)

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Table 4-2. Continued Verb Time Aspect ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV' Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective (progressive) ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective (progressive) txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective (progressive) txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV' Past/present/ future Perfective/ imperfective (progressive)

The following (a) and (b) examples show the use of Kumzari light verbs in forming complex verbs of perfective and imperfective forms respectively. Those in (c) and (d) show their use with auxiliaries to express events that take place in the future (c examples) and events that take place over a period of time (d examples).

 tik- 'do/make.IPFV'

(6) a. ʃan maqa gid-in waɻd-in 3PL.SUB picking do.PFV-3PL flower-DEF.PL 'They picked the flowers.'

b. mah ħaba tik-im diɻjaʔ-u: 1PL.SUB love do.IPFV-1PL sea-DEF.SG 'We love the sea.'

c. jajh wna daʔja tik-ah ʃan 3SG.SUB FUT inviting do.IPFV-3SG 3PL.OBJ 'He will invite them.'

d. ɻo:ɻ-u: niʃt-iʃ ʁanna tik-ah child-DEF.SG sit.PFV.PROG-3SG singing do.IPFV-3SG 'The child is singing.'

 tu:- 'become.IPFV.'

(7) a. Huda ʔu:du: bu:ɻ-iʃ do:ʃan Huda back become.PFV-3SG yesterday 'Huda came back yesterday.'

b. mih taʔaba tu:ʔ-um b-siɻʔat 1SG.SUB tired become.IPFV-1SG with-quickness 'I get tired quickly.'

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c. bɻa:ɻ mih wna taqaʔada tu:ʔ-ah brother 1SG.POSS FUT retired become.IPFV-3SG 'My brother will retire.'

d. *jajh ka:n niʃt-iʃ ma:ɻ tu:ʔ-ah 3SG.SUB COP.PST sit.PFV.PROG-3SG awake become.IPFV-3SG lamma ɻe:sid-um when arrive.PFV-1SG 'He was waking up when I arrived.'

 ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV'

(8) a. Ahmed tɻas wa:d-iʃ Hamed Ahmed fear bring.PFV-3SG Hamed 'Ahmed frightened Hamed.'

b. Ali do:m tɻas ta:ɻ-ah mih Ali always fear bring.IPFV-3SG 1SG.OBJ 'Ali always frightens me.'

c. mih wna tɻas ta:ɻ-um bɻa:ɻ mih 1SG.SUB FUT fear bring.IPFV-1SG brother 1SG.POSS 'I will frighten my brother.'

d. jajh niʃt-iʃ tɻas ta:ɻ-ah ɻo:ɻ-an 3SG.SUB sit.PFV.PROG-3SG fear bring.IPFV-3SG child-DEF.PL 'He is frightening the children.'

 du:- 'give.IPFV'

(9) a. mih sala:m da:ɻ-um muɻtak-an 1SG.SUB greetings give.PFV-1SG man-DEF.PL 'I greeted the men.'

b. Saud ʔamaɻ du:ʔ-ah ɻo:ɻɻ jajh Saud order give.IPFV-3SG child.PL 3SG.POSS to:xwa:n-in xi:ki read.IPFV-3PL much 'Saud orders his children to read a lot.'

c. muɻtak-u: wna ta:laq du:ʔ-ah zan jajh man-DEF.SG FUT divorce give.IPFV-3SG wife 3SG.POSS 'The man will divorce his wife.'

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d. mih ka:n xo:ɻ du:ʔ-um te:ɻ-an 1SG.SUB COP.PST food give.IPFV-1SG bird-DEF.PL 'I was feeding the birds.'

 ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV.'

(10) a. mih xa:w mi:ʃd-um ka:n 1SG.SUB dream/sleep watch.PFV-1SG COP.PST to:bɻ-um fly.IPFV-1SG 'I dreamed I was flying.'

b. Sami xa:w ti:mʃ-ah xi:ki Sami dream/sleep watch.IPFV-3SG much 'Sami dreams a lot.'

c. jajh wna xa:w ti:mʃ-ah ba ʁa:z 3SG.SUB FUT dream/sleep watch.IPFV-3SG of money jajh 3SG.POSS 'He will dream of his money.'

d. mih ka:n xa:w ti:mʃ-um tiʁuɻ 1SG.SUB COP.PST dream/sleep watch.IPFV-1SG before tu ma:ɻ mih gid-i 2SG.SUB awake 1SG.OBJ do.PFV-2SG 'I was dreaming before you wake me up.'

 ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV.'

(11) a. Fahad madʒma ʃnu:d-iʃ na bap jajh Fahad word listen.PFV-3SG NEG father 3SG.POSS 'Fahad did not obey his father.'

b. ɻo:k-u: dʒwa:n-u: madʒma ʃwi:n-ah boy-DEF.SG good-DEF.SG word listen.IPFV- 3SG bap jajh wa ma:m jajh father 3SG.POSS CON mother 3SG.POSS 'A good boy is the one who obeys his parents.'

c. te:lab-an wna madʒma ʃwi:n-in student-DEF.PL FUT word listen.IPFV-3PL mʔalim-an saʔati teacher-DEF.PL now 'The students will obey the teachers from now on.'

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d. Ahmed ka:n madʒma ʃwi:n-ah mih Ahmed COP.PST word listen.IPFV-3SG 1SG.OBJ 'Ahmed was obeying me.'

 txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV'

(12) a. Hamed ka:ɻ xe:ɻd-iʃ sbuʔ-u: ɻift-u: Hamed goods buy.PFV-3SG week-DEF.SG last-DEF.SG 'Hamed went shopping last week.'

b. mih ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-um pi:h jah maħal-u: 1SG.SUB goods buy.IPFV-1SG from this market-DEF.SG 'I do my shopping in this market.'

c. tu wna ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-i ba mih 2SG.SUB FUT goods buy.IPFV-2SG with 1SG.OBJ 'You will go shopping with me.'

d. Salim niʃt-iʃ ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-ah ba Salim sit.PFV.PROG-3SG goods buy.IPFV-3SG with se:daq jajh friend 3SG.POSS 'Salim is shopping with his friend.'

 txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV'

(13) a. ʃan ʃa:m xo:d-in ʔindi xa:naʁ Ahmed 3PL.SUB lunch eat.PFV-3PL in house Ahmed 'They had lunch at Ahmed's house.'

b. mih do:m ʃa:z txo:ɻ-um ʔindi jah 1SG.SUB always supper eat.IPFV-1SGin this matʔam-u: restaurant-DEF.SG 'I always dine in this restaurant.'

c. mah wna ʃa:m txo:ɻ-im ʔe:su 1PL.SUB FUT lunch eat.IPFV-1PL here 'We will have lunch here.'

d. Sami ka:n ʃa:z txo:ɻ-ah ba mah Sami COP.PST supper eat.IPFV-3SGwith 1PL.OBJ 'Sami was dining with us.'

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(2) Light verbs do not display defective paradigms whereas auxiliaries tend to

have defective paradigms.

When they participate in making complex verbs, Kumzari light verbs inflect just like their simple verb counterparts. The following two tables provide the inflectional patterns of these verbs when used as simple verbs and when they participate in complex verb formation. The column on the left side shows inflectional patterns of these verbs when used as simple verbs whereas the column on the right side shows their inflectional patterns when used in complex verbs.

Table 4-3. Inflectional patterns of the verbs tik- /ta:ɻ-/ ti:mʃ-/ and ʃwi:n Verb as simple main Gloss Verb as part of complex Gloss verb verbs mih tik-um 'I do/make' mih gambal tik-um 'I dig' tu tik-i 'You do/make' tu gambal tik-i 'You dig' jajh tik-ah 'S/he does/makes' jajh gambal tik-ah 'S/he digs' mah tik-im 'We do/make.' mah gambal tik-im 'We dig' ʃmah tik-ih 'You do/make' ʃmah gambal tik-ih 'You dig' ʃan tik-in 'They do/make' ʃan gambal tik-in 'They dig' mih ta:ɻ-um 'I bring' mih tɻas ta:ɻ-um 'I frighten.' tu ta:ɻ-i 'You bring' tu tɻas ta:ɻ-i 'You frighten.' jajh ta:ɻ-ah 'S/he brings' jajh tɻas ta:ɻ-ah 'S/he frightens.' mah ta:ɻ-im 'We bring.' mah tɻas ta:ɻ-im 'We frighten.' ʃmah ta:ɻ-ih 'You bring' ʃmah tɻas ta:ɻ-ih You frighten.' ʃan ta:ɻ-in 'They bring' ʃan tɻas ta:ɻ-in 'They frighten ' mih ti:mʃ-um 'I watch' mih xa:w ti:mʃ-um 'I dream.' tu ti:mʃ-i 'You watch' tu xa:w ti:mʃ-i 'You dream.' jajh ti:mʃ-ah 'S/he watches' jajh xa:w ti:mʃ-ah 'S/he dreams.' mah ti:mʃ-im 'We watch.' mah xa:w ti:mʃ-im 'We dream.' ʃmah ti:mʃ-ih 'You watch' ʃmah xa:w ti:mʃ-ih You dream.' ʃan ti:mʃ-in 'They watch' ʃan xa:w ti:mʃ-in 'They dream' mih ʃwi:n-um 'I listen/hear' mih madʒma ʃwi:n-um 'I obey.' tu ʃwi:n-i 'You listen/hear'' tu madʒma ʃwi:n-i 'You obey.' jajh ʃwi:n-ah 'S/he listens/hears' jajh madʒma ʃwi:n-ah 'S/he obeys.' mah ʃwi:n-im 'We listen/hear'.' mah madʒma ʃwi:n-im 'We obey.' ʃmah ʃwi:n-ih 'You listen/hear'' ʃmah madʒma ʃwi:n-ih 'You obey.' ʃan ʃwi:n-in 'They listen/hear'' ʃan madʒma ʃwi:n-in 'They obey.'

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Table 4-4. Inflectional patterns of the verbs tu:-./ du:-/ txe:ɻ-/ and txo:ɻ- Verb as simple main Gloss Verb as part of complex Gloss verb verbs mih tu:ʔ-um 'I become' mih ma:ɻ tu:ʔ-um 'I wake up' tu ti:ʔ-i 'You become ' tu ma:ɻ ti:ʔ-i 'You wake up' jajh tu:ʔ-ah 'S/he becomes' jajh ma:ɻ tu:ʔ-ah 'S/he wakes up' mah ti:ʔ-im 'We become' mah ma:ɻ ti:ʔ-im 'We wake up' ʃmah ti:ʔ-ih 'You become' ʃmah ma:ɻ ti:ʔ-ih 'You wake up' ʃan ti:ʔ-in 'They become' ʃan ma:ɻ ti:ʔ-in 'They wake up' mih du:ʔ-um 'I give' mih xa:baɻ du:ʔ-um 'I inform' tu di:ʔ-i 'You give ' tu xa:baɻ di:ʔ-i 'You inform' jajh du:ʔ-ah 'S/he gives' jajh xa:baɻ du:ʔ-ah 'S/he informs' mah di:ʔ-im 'We give' mah xa:baɻ di:ʔ-im 'We inform' ʃmah di:ʔ-ih 'You give' ʃmah xa:baɻ di:ʔ-ih 'You inform' ʃan di:ʔ-in 'They give' ʃan xa:baɻ di:ʔ-in 'They inform' mih txe:ɻ-um 'I buy' mih ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-um 'I shop' tu txe:ɻ-i 'You buy ' tu ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-i 'You shop' jajh txe:ɻ-ah 'S/he buys' jajh ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-ah 'S/he shops' mah txe:ɻ-im 'We buy' mah ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-im 'We shop' ʃmah txe:ɻ-ih 'You buy' ʃmah ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-ih 'You shop' ʃan txe:ɻ-in 'They buy' ʃan ka:ɻ txe:ɻ-in 'They shop' mih txo:ɻ-um 'I eat' mih ʃa:z txo:ɻ-um 'I dine.' tu txo:ɻ-i 'You eat ' tu ʃa:z txo:ɻ-i 'You dine.' jajh txo:ɻ-ah 'S/he eats' jajh ʃa:z txo:ɻ-ah 'S/he dines.' mah txo:ɻ-im 'We eat' mah ʃa:z txo:ɻ-im 'We dine.' ʃmah txo:ɻ-ih 'You eat' ʃmah ʃa:z txo:ɻ-ih 'You dine' ʃan txo:ɻ-in 'They eat' ʃan ʃa:z txo:ɻ-in 'They dine.'

Kumzari auxiliaries, in contrast, are defective verbs. They display partial verbal paradigms since each of them has one invariant form used with all subjects irrespective of their person and number. The only exception to this pattern is the verb niʃt-

'sit.PFV.PROG' used to encode progressiveness. It inflects into different person/number combinations. The following table provides the invariant forms of Kumzari auxiliaries and the inflectional patterns of the verb niʃt- 'sit.PFV.PROG'.

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Table 4-5. Kumzari Auxiliaries Auxiliary Function/ Inflection wna 'FUT' ka:n 'COP.PST' bataɻ 'should' la:zim 'must' jimkin 'may' ɻa:jim 'can' ka:n la:zim 'had to' ka:n jimkin 'might' ka:n ɻa:jim 'could' niʃt-um 'sit.PFV.PROG-1SG' niʃt-i 'sit.PFV.PROG-2SG' niʃt-ah 'sit.PFV.PROG-3SG' niʃt-im 'sit.PFV.PROG-1PL' niʃt-ih 'sit.PFV.PROG-2PL' niʃt-in 'sit.PFV.PROG-3PL'

(3) Unlike auxiliaries, light verbs have selectional restrictions on their

combinatorial possibilities.

Kumzari light verbs are subject to selectional restrictions on their combinational patterns, for not every Kumzari PV is compatible to combine arbitrarily with any of these verbs. Kumzari nouns and adjectives are the only two lexical categories allowed to combine with these verbs, where each lexical category combines with certain verbs only. Nominal PVs may combine with one of the verbs tik- 'do.make.IPFV', ta:ɻ-

'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV' , txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n-

'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ 'buy.IPFV', but they do not combine with the verb tu:-

'become.IPFV'. Yet, not every nominal PV can freely combine with any of these seven verbs. Adjectival PVs, in contrast, combine with the verbs tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik-

'do/make.IPFV', but they do not combine with the remaining six verbs. The following two tables exemplify this observation showing possible and impossible combinations of PVs and verbs.

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Table 4-6. Complex verbs made of nominal PVs plus verb Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss ʃna:w tik- swimming do/make 'swim / take a shower' *ʃna:w tu:- swimming become *ʃna:w ta:ɻ - swimming bring

ʔamaɻ du:- order give 'give order' *ʔamaɻ txo:ɻ- order eat *ʔamaɻ ʃwi:n- order listen xa:w ti:mʃ- dream/sleep see 'dream' *xa:w tik- dream/sleep do/make *xa:w txe:ɻ- dream/sleep buy na:n tik- bread do/make 'make bread' *na:n tu:- bread become *na:n txo:ɻ - bread eat tɻas ta:ɻ - fear bring 'frighten' *tɻas ʃwi:n- fear listen *tɻas du:- fear give

Table 4-7. Complex verbs made of adjectival PVs plus the verbs tu:- and tik- Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss nadma tu:- regretful become 'regret' nadma tik- regretful do/make 'make X regret' *nadma du:- regretful give *nadma txe:ɻ- regretful buy taqaʔad tu:- retired become 'retire' taqaʔad tik- retired do/make 'make X retire'' *taqaʔad ti:mʃ- retired see *taqaʔad ta:ɻ- retired bring

ʃaɻma tu:- shy/shameful become 'be ashamed/ blush' ʃaɻma tik- shy/shameful do/make 'embarrass X' *ʃaɻma ʃwi:n- shy/shameful listen *ʃaɻma txo:ɻ shy/shameful eat

ʃafja tu:- recovered become 'recover' ʃafja tik- recovered do/make 'heal X' *ʃafja du:- recovered give *ʃafja ta:ɻ recovered bring

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Kumzari auxiliaries, in contrast, are not restricted in their combinational possibilities to certain verbs. They can combine with any simple or complex verb, irrespective of the lexical category of PVS or the type of verb combining with PVs. The sentences below show auxiliaries occurring with simple verbs (14a-b) and with complex verbs (14c-d).

(14) a. Ali ka:n dgaɻj:ʔ-ah Ali COP.PST cry.IPFV-3SG 'Ali was crying.'

b. Salim wna ti:l-ah tu Salim FUT leave.IPFV-3SG 2SG.OBJ 'Salim will leave you.'

c. jajh jimkin dɻu: ta:ɻ-ah ba tu 3SG.SUB may lying bring-IPFV-3SG to 2SG.OBJ 'He may lie to you.'

d. jajh la:zim dafaʔa tik-ah ʁa:z-Ø 3SG.SUB must payment do.IPFV-3SG money-INDEF ba bank-u: to bank-DEF.SG 'He must pay money to the bank.'

The combinatorial patterns of auxiliaries and light verbs are crucial for making a meaningful and well-formed verbal construction whether an auxiliary verb construction or a complex verb. Auxiliaries must combine with full verbs whether simple or complex, but they cannot combine with PVs. Likewise, Kumzari light verbs must combine with compatible PVs but not with verbs. Accordingly, violation of such patterns by which auxiliaries combine with PVs, adjectival PVs combine with verbs other than tu:-

'become.IPFV' or tik- 'do/make.IPFV', or nominal PVs combine with the verb tu:-

'become.IPFV' results in ill-formed and semantically odd verbal constructions as shown in the following examples.

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(15) a. *Sami wna maɻaza Sami FUT sick 'Sami will get sick.'

b. *mih ka:n ɻasama 1SG.SUB COP.PST drawing 'I was drawing.'

c. *Ahmed saqat da:ɻ-iʃ ʔindi ʔimtiħa:n-u: Ahmed unsuccessful give.PFV-3SG in test-DEF.SG * 'Ahmed failed the test.

d. * Salim ʃa:m mi:ʃd-iʃ ba mah Salim lunch see.PFV-3SG with 1PL.OBJ * 'Salim had lunch with us.'

e. *Ali sa:faɻ wa:d-iʃ do:ʃan Ali journey bring.PFV-3SG yesterday *'Ali travelled yesterday.'

f. *ɻo:ɻ-u: wa:sax bu:ɻ-iʃ xa:tt child-DEF.SG dirt/garbage become.PFV-3SG cloth.PL jajh 3SG.POSS *'The child dirtied his clothes.'

(4) Light verbs serve both grammatical and lexical functions whereas auxiliaries

tend to serve grammatical function only.

As far as function is concerned, Kumzari auxiliaries and light verbs encode grammatical functions only. However, they differ in their effect on the well-formedness of the verbal construction in which they occur. While the absence of Kumzari auxiliaries does not affect the well-formedness of Kumzari verbs, Kumzari requires the combination of PVs to a verb so that a complex verb is well-formed. Whether they stand independent of or with auxiliaries, Kumzari verbs are able to express verbal notions, which is not the case with PVs. When used independent of light verbs, Kumzari PVs express nouns and adjectives only. They are unable to express verbal notions unless

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they combine with a verb, which functions as a verbalizer that gives the resultant construction its verbal feature in addition to encoding aspect and carrying inflection.

Consider the following sentences in which the absence of the auxiliaries wna 'FUT'

(16b), ka:n 'COP.PST' (17b) , and niʃt- 'sit.PFV.PROG' (18b) has no effect on the well- formedness of the verbs they combine with contrary to (c) examples in which the absence of the verbs tik-ah 'do.IPFV-3SG (16c), ti:mʃ-um 'see.IPFV-1SG' (17c), and txo:ɻ-ah 'eat.IPFV-3SG (18c) renders the complex verbs ill-formed.

(16) a. Khalid wna zu:ɻu: tik-ah ko:mzaɻ Khalid FUT visiting do.IPFV-3SG Kumzar 'Khalid will visit Kumzar.'

b. Khalid ----- zu:ɻu: tik-ah ko:mzaɻ Khalid ----- visiting do.IPFV-3SG Kumzar Khalid visits Kumzar.'

c.*Khalid wna zu:ɻu: ------ko:mzaɻ Khalid FUT visiting ------Kumzar 'Khalid will visit Kumzar.'

(17) a. mih ka:n xa:w ti:mʃ-um 1SG.SUB COP.PST dream/sleep watch.IPFV-1SG 'I was dreaming.'

b. mih ------xa:w ti:mʃ-um 1SG.SUB ------dream/sleep watch.IPFV-1SG 'I dream.'

c. *mih ka:n xa:w ------1SG.SUB COP.PST dream/sleep ------'I was dreaming.'

(18) a. Ali niʃt-iʃ ʃa:m txo:ɻ-ah ba mih Ali sit.PFV.PROG-3SG lunch eat.IPFV-3SG with 1SG.OBJ 'Ali is having lunch with me.'

b. Ali ------ʃa:m txo:ɻ-ah ba mih Ali ------lunch eat.IPFV-3SG with 1SG.OBJ 'Ali has lunch with me.'

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c. *Ali niʃt-iʃ ʃa:m ------ba mih Ali sit.PFV.PROG-3SG lunch ------with 1SG.OBJ 'Ali is having lunch with me.'

Even in the tenseless imperative form of complex verbs, Kumzari PVs cannot stand independent of light verbs. They have to combine with the imperative roots of light verbs since the presence of light verbs makes an integral part of well-formedness. The following table shows the requirement of Kumzari PVs to combine with light verbs to form imperatives of complex verbs.

Table 4-8. Imperative form of complex verbs PV without LV Gloss PV + IMP root of LV Gloss *ba:z 'play' ba:z kin/ki:h 'play' *tɻas 'frighten' tɻas bja:ɻ/bja:ɻi 'frighten' *ka:ɻ 'work!' ka:ɻ kin/ki:h 'work!' *maɻaɻ 'hide (yourself) maɻaɻ biʃ/bi:h 'hide (yourself) *ħaɻa 'look/see' ħaɻa kin/ki:h 'look/see' *madʒma 'obey' madʒma ʃnu/ʃniʔi 'obey' *swa:l 'ask' swa:l kin/ki:h 'ask' *ʔu:du: 'come back' ʔu:du: biʃ/ bi:h 'come back'

Kumzari requires its PVs to combine with light verbs even with coordinated complex verbs. While it allows using one auxiliary with two or more coordinated verbs, it does not allow two or more PVs to combine with one light verb. Every single PV must combine with its own LV so that a complex verb is well-formed. For instance, the sentence in (19a) shows the auxiliary wna 'FUT' used with three coordinated verbs whereas the sentence in (19b) shows that the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' cannot coordinate the same three verbs as wna 'FUT' does in (19a).

(19) a. Sami wna tabaxa tik-ah wa ʃna:w Sami FUT cooking do.IPFV-3SG CON swimming tik-ah wa saqja tik-ah muʁ-an do.IPFV-3SG CON watering do.IPFV-3SGdate palm-DEF.PL 'Sami will cook, take a shower and water the date palms.'

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b. *Sami wna tabaxa wa ʃna:w wa saqja Sami FUT cooking CON swimming CON watering tik-ah muʁ-an do.IPFV-3SG date plam-DEF.PL 'Sami will cook, take a shower, and water the date palms.'

Likewise, the sentence in (20a) shows the auxiliary la:zim 'must' used with coordinated verbs whereas the sentence in (20b) shows that the verb tu:-'become.IPFV' cannot coordinate the same verbs coordinated by la:zim 'must' in (20a).

(20) a. bap jajh la:zim ʔistaqi:lu: tu:ʔ-ah wolla father 3SG.POSS must resigned become.IPFV-3SG CON taqaʔda tu:ʔ-ah retired become.IPFV-3SG 'His father must resign or retire.'

b.* bap jajh la:zim ʔistaqi:lu: wolla taqaʔda father 3SG.POSS must resign CON retired tu:ʔ-ah become.IPFV-3SG 'His father must resign or retire.'

The above data shows that Kumzari places different requirements on each set of these verbs. While auxiliaries have no effect on the well-formedness of Kumzari verbs, and they can coordinate two or more verbs, light verbs must combine with every single PV so that a well-formed complex verb is made.

(5) Light verbs tend to predicate argument structure different from their main

counterparts whereas auxiliaries do not have the ability to predicate argument

structure.

Kumzari auxiliaries have no influence on the transitivity of the verb they appear with; it is the main verb that determines the transitivity of the verbal construction, and thus auxiliaries may appear in verbal constructions of several types of transitivity features. Verbs given in the following examples predicate the same type and number of

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arguments whether they are used independent of auxiliaries (a examples) or with auxiliaries (b examples).

(21) a. Ali daxana tik-ah xi:ki Ali smoking do.IPFV-3SG muxh 'Ali smokes a lot.'

b. Ali wna daxana tik-ah xi:ki Ali FUT smoking do.IPFV-3SG much 'Ali will smoke a lot.'

(22) a. Hamed su:qu: tik-ah saja:ɻat jajh Hamed driving do.IPFV-3SG car 3SG.POSS 'Hamed drives his car.'

b. Hamed ka:n su:qu: tik-ah saja:ɻat jajh Hamed COP.PST driving do.IPFV-3SG car 3SG.POSS 'Hamed was driving his car.'

(23) a. Khalid xuft-iʃ nakt:h Khalid sleep.PFV-3SG a little 'Khalid slept for a while.'

b. Khalid jimkin to:xwa ʔ-ah nakti:h Khalid may sleep.IPFV-3SG a little 'Khalid may sleep for a while.'

On the other hand, Kumzari light verbs predicate different arguments when they participate in complex verb formation from those of their main verb counterparts. The verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' predicates transitively as a simple main verb (24a), but it predicates intransitively (24b), transitively (24c) and di-transitively (24d) when used in complex verbs.

(24) a. Sultan tik-ah ka:ɻ-in dʒwa:n-in Sultan do.IPFV-3SG deed-DEF.PL good-DEF.PL 'Sultan does (the) good deeds.'

b. mih mi:ʃ tik-um ba ʃatiʔ-u: 1SG.SUB walking do.IPFV-1SG by shore-DEF.SG 'I walk by the shore.'

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c. jajh ʔaɻf gid-iʃ waɻd-u: 3SG.SUB smell do.PFV-3SG flower-DEF.SG 'She smelled the flower.'

d. mih Ahmed hadja gid-um kti:b-ah 1SG.SUB Ahmed gifting do.PFV-1SG book-INDEF.SG 'I gifted Ahmed a book.'

The same holds true for the verb tu:- 'become.IPFV'. It predicates intransitively when used as a simple main verb (25a), but it predicates both intransitively (25b) and transitively (25c) when used in complex verbs.

(25) a. muɻtak-u: bu:ɻ-iʃ zidu: mih man-DEF.SG become.PFV-3SG against 1SG.OBJ 'The man became against me.'

b. Fahad ɻi:ħu: bu:ɻ-iʃ ʔindi ʁuɻfat jajh Fahad relaxed become.PFV-3SG in room 3SG.POSS 'Fahad relaxed in his room.'

c. mih daxla bu:ɻ-um mazgit-u: 1SG.SUB inside become.PFV-1SG mosque-DEF.SG 'I entered the mosque.'

The verb ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV' predicates transitively as a simple main verb (26a) whereas it predicates both transitively (26b) and intransitively (26c) when used in complex verbs.

(26) a. ʃan wa:d-in daɻam-u: 3PL.SUB bring.PFV-3PL medicine-DEF.SG 'They brought the medicine.'

b. tu mih tɻas wa:d-i 2SG.SUB 1SG.OBJ fear bring.PFV-2SG 'You frightened me.'

c. jajh dɻu: wa:d-iʃ ba ʃan 3SG.SUB lying bring.PFV-3SG to 3PL.OBJ 'He lied to them.'

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The verb du::- 'give.IPFV' predicates ditransitively when used as a simple main verb (27a), but it predicates transitively when used in forming complex verbs (27b-c).

(27) a. Ahmed mih da:ɻ-iʃ qa:lam-Ø Ahmed 1SG.OBJ give.PFV-3SG pen-INDEF.SG 'Ahmed gave me a pen.'

b. Omar mih sala:m da:ɻ-iʃ Omar 1SG.OBJ greetings give.PFV-3SG 'Omar greeted me.'

c. mih xo:ɻ da:ɻ-um ħambu:l-u: 1SG.SUB food give.PFV-1SG infant-DEF.SG 'I fed the infant.'

The verb ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' predicates transitively both when used as a simple main verb (28a-b) and when used in making complex verbs (28c).

(28) a. Ali ʃnu:d-iʃ naʃi:daʔ-u: Ali listen.PFV-3SG chant-DEF.SG 'Ali listened (to) the chant.'

b. mih ʃnu:d-um ta:ɻt-u: 1SG.SUB hear.PFV-1SG prayer call-DEF.SG 'I heard the prayer call.'

c. Ali madʒma ʃwi:n-ah mʔalim jajh Ali word listen.IPFV-3SG teacher 3SG.POSS 'Ali obeys his teacher.'

The verbs ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' and txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV' predicate transitively when used as simple main verbs as shown in (a) examples, but they predicate intransitively when used as part of complex verbs as shown in (b) examples.

(29) a. mah mi:ʃd-im muba:ɻat-u: 1PL.SUB watch.PFV-1PL match-DEF.SG 'We watched the match.'

b. mih xa:w mi:ʃd-um do:ʃan 1SG.SUB dream/sleep watch.PFV-1SG yesterday 'I dreamed yesterday.'

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(30) a. Suad xe:ɻd-iʃ tambu:l-ah Suad buy.PFV-3SG earring-INDEF.PL 'Suad bought earrings.'

b. Suad ka:r xe:ɻd-iʃ ba mih Suad goods buy.PFV-3SG with 1SG.OBJ 'Suad went shopping with me.'

(31) a. jajh xo:d-iʃ tafaħ-u: 3SG.SUB eat.PFV-3SG apple-DEF.SG 'He ate the apple.'

b. mah ʃa:z xo:d-im biɻa do:ʃan 1PL.SUB supper eat.PFV-1PL outside yesterday 'We dined outside yesterday.'

Based on such distinct behaviors of the two sets of verbs, the verbs tik-

'do/make.IPFV', tu:- 'become.IPFV', ta:r- 'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV', txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' prove to be different from Kumzari auxiliaries. Their behavior shows that they share common properties with light verbs than with auxiliaries. They span the entire Kumzari verbal paradigm, display full paradigms, place restrictions on their combinational patterns, are crucial for verbs' well-formedness, and predicate argument structures that may differ from those of their main verb counterparts. Hence, this provides evidence that Kumzari complex verbs made of these verbs combined with nominal and adjectival PVs are light verb constructions rather than auxiliary verb constructions.

Complex Verb Forms vs. Simple Verb Forms

Kumzari has witnessed a move towards using complex verbs in expressing verbal notions especially those newly borrowed into the language. The use of PVs plus the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' has become a productive mechanism for making new verbs in Kumzari. Consequently, a number of simple verbs have acquired equivalent complex verb forms that are frequently used among Kumzari speakers especially the younger

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generation. The following are examples of verbs expressed in both simple and complex forms.

Table 4-9. Kumzari verbs expressed in simple and complex forms Simple Form (IPFV) Equivalent Complex Form (IPFV) Gloss to:xwan- qaɻaʔa tik- 'read' dagnun- saddaqa tik- 'believe' tkaɻd- ħattama tik- 'demolish/ smash' tfa:n- aɻsala tik- 'send' tka:ʃ- zaɻaʔ tik- 'plant' tkin- salaxa tik 'take off sth' go:ɻ- ħidu tik- 'plead/beg' tfa:n- zaɻ- tik- 'throw' tɻis- wasal tik- 'arrive' takʃ- qatala tik- 'kill'

The verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' has also replaced the use of other verbs in complex verbs formation. Complex verbs made of the light verbs ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:-

'give.IPFV' , ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' have been replaced by the use of native or borrowed PVs combined with the verb tik-

'do/make.IPFV'. The newly made forms have pushed the original ones to be less commonly used. The following table shows some complex verbs and their equivalent forms made of PVs plus the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV'.

Table 4-10. Complex verbs formed by PV plus verb and their new equivalents made of PVs plus the verb tik- Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss tɻas ta:ɻ- fear bring 'frighten' xawafa tik- frightening do/make 'frighten'

ʔmaɻa du:- order give 'give orders' ʔmaɻa tik- order do/make 'give orders' ta:laq du:- divorce give 'divorce' ta:llaqa tik- divorcing do/make 'divorce' sala:m du:- greetings give 'greet' salama tik- greeting do/make 'greet'

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Table 4-10. Continued Complex Verb Literal Meaning Gloss xo:ɻ du:- food give 'feed' taʔama tik- feeding do/make 'feed' xa:baɻ du:- news give 'inform' xabbaɻa tik- telling news do/make 'inform' xa:w ti:mʃ- dream/sleep watch 'dream' ħalama tik- dreaming do/make 'dream' madʒma ʃwi:n- word/talk listen 'obey' ti:ʔu: tik- obedience do/make 'obey' ka:ɻ txe:ɻ- goods buy 'shop' tasawaqa tik- shopping do/make 'shop'

Coexisting equivalents can also be found for complex verbs made of native PVs plus the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV'. Original forms of some complex verbs have been replaced by complex verbs made of Arabic PVs plus the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV'.The table below gives examples of these verbs.

Table 4-11. Complex verbs made of native and borrowed PVs plus the verb tik- Original Form Newly Made Form Gloss gambal tik- ħafaɻa tik- 'dig' gaʃta- tik- tagawala tik- 'make a tour' na:n tik- xabaza tik- 'make bread' pa:k tik- ʔazala tik- 'clean' ʃna:w tik- sabaħa tik- 'swim/take a shower' qaza tik- kaɻaha tik- 'hate' bagi tik- badja tik- 'start'

It seems that the combination of PVs with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' is a productive mechanism for making new verbs that not only overrides simple verbs but also tends to replace native complex ones. Kumzari speakers, especially the younger generation, gravitate towards the use of the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' in most of the complex verbs, especially those newly introduced into Kumzari.

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To conclude, this chapter showed that Kumzari verbs tik- 'do/make.IPFV', tu:-

'become.IPFV', ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV', txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV',

ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' are different from Kumzari auxiliary verbs based on five properties that set light verbs apart from auxiliaries cross-linguistically.

Unlike Kumzari auxiliaries, these verbs appear in complex verbs of different aspectual forms, and inflect just like their main verb counterparts. They place restrictions on their combinational possibilities allowing compatible PVs only to combine with them. Contrary to auxiliaries, they are obligatory for well-formedness and can predicate argument structures that are different from those of their main verb counterparts. It is noticeable nowadays that Kumzari speakers, especially the younger generations, tend to replace native simple and complex verbs with complex verbs made of borrowed PVs combined with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV'.

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CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

This dissertation is focused on providing a grammatical analysis of Kumzari, one of the lesser-known minority languages in Oman. The scarcity of academic work done on Kumzari was the main drive behind initiating this work. While earlier academic work on Kumzari does not reflect the current situation of the language, recent work does not give much attention to its grammar. Accordingly, this research aims at providing a descriptive grammar of the essential features of the language with more focus on the structure of its complex verbs.

The dissertation is divided into four chapters. Chapter 1 gave an overview of

Kumzari, its speakers and its current status. Spoken by around five thousand speakers,

Kumzari is a Southwestern Iranian language used in the village of Kumzari and other cities of the Musandam Peninsula in the northern part of Oman. The name of the language and its speakers is derived from the name of the village in which it is spoken, which is referred back to three possible reasons. The number of Kumzari speakers with good language proficiency has decreased due to the attitude of some speakers towards language transmission and the importance of Kumzari as opposed to Arabic. The intense contact between the two languages and the high exposure to Arabic have played a major role in having so many Arabic borrowings to be part of the Kumzari lexicon, especially among the younger speakers who tend to introduce and use Arabic lexicons more often than their elders.

Chapter 2 provided description of Kumzari grammar. Three main areas are addressed in the chapter: Phonology, Morphology and Syntax. A Kumzari lexicon of different themes was given at the end of the chapter.

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Chapter 3 investigated Kumzari preverbs that take part in forming Kumzari complex verbs. It showed that Kumzari PVs can be classified into PVs that combine with one verb and those that combine with the verbs tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik-' do/make.IPFV' to make pairs of inchoative /causative-inchoative verbs. This split is reflected in the causative forms of these verbs. The causative form of verbs made of

PVs that combine with one verb only is expressed by using the verb wa:ʃt- 'to cause'.

The causative form of verbs made of PVs that attach with both tu:- 'become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV' is expressed in two different ways. It is expressed by using the verb wa:ʃt- 'to cause' when these PVs combine with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV' whereas it is is expressed by interposing direct objects/direct object pronouns between these PVs and the verb tik-' do/make.IPFV' when these PVs combine with the verb tu:- 'become

.IPFV.' These two types of PVs have distinct lexical categories. Preverbs combining with the verbs tik- 'do/make.IPFV', ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV' , txo:ɻ- 'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ-

'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' tend to be nouns, making complex verbs of noun plus verb combination. In contrast, those PVs that combine with the verbs tu:- become.IPFV' and tik- 'do/make.IPFV tend to be adjectives, making complex verbs of adjective plus verb combination. Some of the latter PVs, however, belong to both lexical categories as they can be used as nouns and adjectives.

Borrowed PVs comply with the same combinational patterns just like their native counterparts.

Chapter 4 addressed the second element of Kumzari complex verbs giving a morphological analysis of the verbs that combine with Kumzari PVs. Comparing the verbs tik- 'do/make.IPFV', tu:- 'become.IPFV', ta:ɻ- 'bring.IPFV', du:- 'give.IPFV' , txo:ɻ-

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'eat.IPFV', ti:mʃ- 'watch.IPFV', ʃwi:n- 'listen/hear.IPFV' and txe:ɻ- 'buy.IPFV' with Kumzari auxiliaries shows that the former share some properties with light verbs. They appear in complex verbs of different aspectual forms and inflect just like their main verb counterparts. They place restrictions on their combination possibilities allowing compatible PVs only to combine with them. Contrary to auxiliaries, these verbs are crucial for the well-formedness of Kumzari verbs and can predicate argument structures that differ from those of their simple main verb counterparts. Kumzari spoken in Oman nowadays has witnessed a move towards using complex verbs instead of simple ones.

Kumzari speakers, especially the younger generations, tend to replace native simple and complex verbs with complex verbs made of borrowed PVs combined with the verb tik- 'do/make.IPFV.'

Finally, some suggestions should be made in this research. The Kumzari language needs more attention and collaborative efforts from both the national and local community. More research is needed to be conducted on the history of the language and the culture of its people. Research should also be geared out towards investigating the factors that could contribute to the endangerment of Kumzari, and proposing solutions that stand against such factors.

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APPENDIX A KUMZARI SIMPLE VERBS

Verbs in the Kumzari form are provided in the 3SG perfective form which is used by Kumzari speakers as the base form of verbs.

Kumzari Gloss Arabic adapted alphabet

ر ي سد ' /ɻe:sid-Ø/ 'arrive أوك د ش ' /ʔo:kd-iʃ/ 'beat بو ر ش ' /bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'become خاي د ش ' /xa:jd-iʃ/ 'bite وا د ش ' /wa:d-iʃ/ 'bring كن د ش ' /kand-iʃ/ 'burry خي ر د ش ' /xe:ɻd-iʃ/ 'buy س ي د ش ' /se:d-iʃ/ 'carry أمد ' /ʔamad-Ø/ 'come شماري د ش ' /ʃma:ɻid-iʃ/ 'count جري دش ' /guɻjad-iʃ/ 'cry جشت ش ' /giʃt-iʃ/ 'desire كر د ست ش ' /kaɻdist-iʃ/ 'destroy مرد ' /muɻd-Ø/ 'die ج د ش ' /gid-iʃ/ 'do خو دش ' /xo:d-iʃ/ 'eat ك فت ' /kaft-Ø/ 'fall ترسي د ش ' /taɻsi:d-iʃ/ 'fear ﭽﯦ ر ش ' /dʒi:ɻ-iʃ/ 'find ﭙو ر د ' /po:ɻid-Ø/ 'fly دا ر ش ' /da:ɻ-iʃ/ 'give ژا د ش ' /za:d-iʃ/ 'give birth أين دش '( /ʔe:nid-iʃ/ 'hide (sth ر فت- ر فت ' /ɻift-Ø/-/ɻaft-Ø 'go-leave كشت ش ' /kiʃt-iʃ/ 'kill دان دش ' /da:nid-iʃ/ 'know خن د ش ' /xand-iʃ/ 'laugh وشت ش ' /waʃt-iʃ/ 'cause كردي د ش خو ' /kaɻdid-iʃ xo:/ 'lie down شنودش ' /ʃnu:d-iʃ/ 'listen-hear رفخانا ' /ɻafxa:na:-Ø/ 'marry خوان د ش ' /xwa:nd-iʃ/ 'read كا ش د ' /ka:ʃid-Ø/ 'plant برﯦ ژ د ش ' /bɻe:zid-iʃ/ 'pour ك ي شدش ' /ke:ʃid-iʃ/ 'pull

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سو د ش ' /su:d-iʃ/ 'put بر ود ' /buɻwad-Ø/ 'run جفت ش ' /gift-iʃ/ 'say'/'tell ﭽﯦشت ش ' /dʒiʃt-iʃ/ 'search for ﭽپرش ' /dʒi:ɻ-iʃ/ 'see فو شن د ش ' /fo:ʃand-iʃ/ 'sell فان د ش ' /fa:nd-iʃ/ 'send م ي ش د ش با ' /me:ʃid-iʃ (ba)/ 'show ن شت ' /niʃt-Ø/ 'sit-stay خوفت ' /xu:ft-Ø/ 'sleep س ي د ش خو ' /se:d-iʃ xo:/ 'stand ﮋي د ش ' /zi:d-iʃ/ 'steal ﺒﮋن د ش ' /bzand-iʃ/ 'strike أم ش د ش ' /ʔamʃid-iʃ/ 'sweep ج د ش ' /gid-iʃ/ 'take بست ش ' /bast-iʃ/ 'tie فان د ش ' /fa:nd-iʃ/ 'throw وات د ش ' /wa:td-iʃ/ 'want تشت ش ' /tʃiʃt-iʃ/ 'wash ميش د ش ' /mi:ʃd-iʃ/ 'watch ري شد ' /ɻiʃid-Ø/ 'vomit 

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APPENDIX B KUMZARI COMPLEX VERBS

سريأ ج دش ' /siɻjaʔ gid-iʃ/ 'accelerate ق ب ل ج دش ' /qabala gid-iʃ/ 'accept صا ح ب ج دش ' /saħaba gid-iʃ/ 'accompany م اس ل ج دش ' /massala gid-iʃ/ 'act ﮋيفو ج دش ' /zi:fu: gid-iʃ/ 'add إإ ت ر ف ج دش ' /ʔiʔtaɻafa gid-iʃ/ 'admit نص ح ج دش ' /nasaħa gid-iʃ/ 'advise وصي ج دش ' /wasi gid-iʃ (ba)/ 'advocate سم ح ج دش ' /samaħa gid-iʃ/ 'allow حل ل ج دش ' /ħallala gid-iʃ/ 'analyze ژأج ج دش ' /zaʔga gid-iʃ/ 'annoy أأل ن ج دش ' /ʕaʕlana gid-iʃ/ 'announce جيبو ج دش ' /gi:bu: gid-iʃ/ 'answer إﭠﮋ ر ج دش ' /ʔitazaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'apologize جاد ل ج دش ' /ga:dala gid-iʃ/ 'argue نط ق ج دش ' /nataqa gid-iʃ/ 'articulate صأ د ج دش ' /saʔada gid-iʃ/ 'ascend صوال ج دش ' /swa:l gid-iʃ/ 'ask طل ب ج دش '( /talaba gid-iʃ/ 'ask (for sth هج م ج د ش ' /hagama gid-iʃ/ 'attack ﺤﮋ ر ج دش ' /ħazaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'attend تجن ب ج دش ' /taganaba gid-iʃ/ 'avoid م ن أ ج دش ' /manaʕ gid-iʃ/ 'band نب ح ج دش ' /nabaħa gid-iʃ/ 'bark سأ ي بو ر ش ' /saʔja bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be absent-minded ف لس بو ر ش ' /fallasa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be bankrupt فس د بو رش ' /fasada bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'become rotten خدأ بو رش ' /xadaʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be deceived خ يصم ج دش ' /xe:sam gid-iʃ/ 'be enemy of حرر بو رش ' /ħaɻaɻɻa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be free صاد ق ج دش ' /sa:daqa gid-iʃ/ 'befriend ت م أ بو ر ش ' /tamaʔ bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be greedy فر ح بو ر ش ' /faɻħa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be happy/rejoice تصر ف ج دش ' /tasaɻafa gid-iʃ/ 'behave به ر بو ر ش ' /bahaɻa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be impressed هت م بو ر ش ' /htama bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be interested in أخر بو ر ش ' /ʔaxaɻ bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be late ك س ل بو ر ش ' /kasala bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be lazy أال بو ر ش ' /ʔala bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be nostalgic فخ ر بو ر ش ' /faxɻa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be proud استأدا بو ر ش ' /staʕada bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be ready

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ردد بو ر ش ' /ɻaddada bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be reluctant ﺤژ ن بو ر ش ' /ħazana bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be sad رﮋيا بو رش ' /ɻazja bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be satisfied شر م بو ر ش ' /ʃaɻma bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be shameful/shy م ر ژ بو ر ش ' /maɻaza bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be sick أس ف بو ر ش ' /ʔasfa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be sorry آند ج دش ' /ʔanada gid-iʃ/ 'be stubborn تأ ب بو ر ش ' /taʔba bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be tired غل ط بو ر ش  /ʁalata bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'be wrong حيدو ج دش ' /ħidu: gid-iʃ/ 'beg ص د ق ج دش ' /saddaqa gid-iʃ/ 'believe راه ن ج دش ' /ɻahana gid-iʃ/ 'bet خونو ج دش ' /xu:nu: gid-iʃ/ 'betray لومو ج دش ' /lu:mu: gid-iʃ/ 'blame بار ك ج دش ' /ba:ɻaka gid-iʃ/ 'bless نف خ ج دش ' /nafaxa gid-iʃ/ 'blow ﺤﭽﮋ ج دش ' /ħadʒaza gid-iʃ/ 'book ستقرﮋ ج دش ' /staqɻaza gid-iʃ/ 'borrow قاطأ ج دش ' /qa:taʔa gid-iʃ/ 'boycott كس ر بو ر ش ( /kasaɻa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'break' (Intrans كس ر ج دش ( /kasaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'break (Trans فط ر ج دش ' /fataɻa gid-iʃ/ 'break one's fasting تنف س ج دش ' /tanafasa gid-iʃ/ 'breath بيني جد ش ' /bini gid-iʃ/ 'build خ وجم و ج دش / /xo:gmo: gid-iʃ حر ق ج دش ' /ħaɻaqa gid-iʃ/ 'burn دف ن ج دش ' /dafana gid-iʃ/ 'burry حس ب ج دش ' /ħasaba gid-iʃ/ 'calculate لغيو ج دش ' /liʁju: gid-iʃ/ 'cancel كنس ل ج دش / /kansal gid-iʃ غ اي ر ج دش ' /ʁajjaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'change نشد ج دش ' /naʃada gid-iʃ/ 'chant طارد ج دش ' /ta:ɻada gid-iʃ/ 'chase غ اش ج دش ' /ʁaʃʃa gid-iʃ/ 'cheat فح ص ج دش ' /faħasa gid-iʃ/ 'check ش ايك ج دش / /ʃajjak gid-iʃ ﻤژ غ ج دش ' /mazaʁa gid-iʃ/ 'chew ص اف ق ج دش ' /saffaqa gid-iʃ/ 'clap ﯦاك ج دش ' /pa:k gid-iʃ/ 'clean صأ د ج دش ' /saʔada gid-iʃ/ 'climb جامأ ج دش ' /gamaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'collect أودو بو ر ش ' /ʔudu bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'come back رﮐ ژ ج دش ' /ɻakkaza gid-iʃ/ 'concentrate نس خ ج دش ' /nasaxa gid-iʃ/ 'copy

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ل و ن ج دش ' /lawana gid-iʃ/ 'color نتح ر ج دش ' /ntaħaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'commit suicide تواص ل ج دش ' /tawasala gid-iʃ/ 'communicate قار ن ج دش ' /qa:ɻana gid-iʃ/ 'compare تناف س ج دش ' /tanafasa gid-iʃ/ 'compete شتكى ج دش ' /ʃtaka gid-iʃ/ 'complain خت م ج دش ' /xatama gid-iʃ/ 'conclude إإتر ف ج دش ' /ʔiʔtaɻafa gid-iʃ/ 'confess ه انا ج دش ' /hanna gid-iʃ/ 'congratulate استشيرو ج دش ' /ʔistaʃiɻu: gid-iʃ/ 'consult تواص ل ج دش ' /twasala gid-iʃ/ 'contact ستم ر ج دش ' /stamaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'continue تحك م ج دش ' /taħakama gid-iʃ/ 'control قنأ ج دش ' /qanʔa gid-iʃ/ 'convince طب خ ج دش ' /tabaxa gid-iʃ/ 'cook برد بو ر ش (. /baɻada bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'cool' (Intrans برد ج دش (. /baɻada gid-iʃ/ 'cool' (Trans نس خ ج دش ' /nasaxa gid-iʃ/ 'copy صح ح ج دش ' /saħħaħa gid-iʃ/ 'correct ك حو ج دش ' /kuħħu gid-iʃ/ 'cough غ اط ج دش ' /ʁatta gid-iʃ/ 'cover حبو ج دش ' /ħabu gid-iʃ/ 'crawl حصد ج دش ' /ħasada gid-iʃ/ 'cultivate د اف ج دش ' /daffa gid-iʃ/ 'crush ق اص ج د ش ' /qassa gid-iʃ/ 'cut ح ال ل بو ر ش ' /ħallala bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'decay خدأ ج دش ' /xadaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'deceive ق ار ر ج دش ' /qaɻɻaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'decide ﮋي ن ج دش ' /zajana gid-iʃ/ 'decorate دافأ ج دش ' /da:faʔa gid-iʃ/ 'defend أخ رج دش ' /ʔaxaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'delay وص ف ج دش ' /wasafa gid-iʃ/ 'describe و اص ل ج دش ' /wassala gid-iʃ/ 'deliver ﻨژ ل ج دش ' /nazala gid-iʃ/ 'descend ستاه ل ج دش ' /sta:hala gid-iʃ/ 'deserve ص ام م ج دش ' /sammama gid-iʃ/ 'design ط او رج دش ' /tawaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'develop جمبل ج دش ' /gambal gid-iʃ/ 'dig شاﮋ خو دش ' /ʃa:z xo:d-iʃ/ 'dine واسخ ج دش '( /wa:sax gid-iʃ/ 'dirty (sth كتش ف ج دش ' /ktaʃafa gid-iʃ/ 'discover ستقيلو ج دش ( /staqilu: gid-iʃ/ 'dismiss (an employee مردا ج دش ' /maɻda gid-iʃ/ 'disobey ن اب ه ج دش ' /nabbaha gid-iʃ/ 'draw sb's attention

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ناق ش ج دش ' /na:qaʃa gid-iʃ/ 'discuss وژأ ج دش ' /wazaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'distribute ق اس م ج دش ' /qassama gid-iʃ/ 'divide ط ال ق ج دش ' /tallaqa gid-iʃ/ 'divorce ش ك ج د ش ' /ʃakka gid-iʃ/ 'doubt حلم ج دش ' /ħalama gid-iʃ/ 'dream خاو ميش دش / /xa:w mi:ʃd-iʃ شر ب ج دش ' /ʃaɻaba gid-iʃ/ 'drink رس م ج دش ' /ɻasama gid-iʃ/ 'draw ل ب س ج دش ' /labasa gid-iʃ/ 'dress قودوج دش ' /qu:du: gid-iʃ/ 'drive سق ط ج دش ' /sqata gid-iʃ/ 'drop غر ق ج دش ' /ʁaɻaqa gid-iʃ/ 'drown نش ف بو ر ش ( /naʃfa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'dry' (Intrans نش ف ج دش ( /naʃfa gid-iʃ/ 'dry' (Trans شر م ج دش ' /ʃaɻma gid-iʃ/ 'embarrass ف ار غ ج دش ' /faɻɻaʁa gid-iʃ/ 'empty شجأ ج دش ' /ʃagaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'encourage متأ بو ر ش ' /matʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'enjoy وسأ ج دش ' /wassaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'enlarge دخ ل بو ر ش ' /daxla bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'enter مس ح ج دش ' /masaħa gid-iʃ/ 'erase ق اي م ج دش ' /qajjama gid-iʃ/ 'evaluate تمر ن ج دش ' /tamaɻana gid-iʃ/ 'exercise تاألبو ر ش ' /talaʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'exist توقأ ج دش ' /twaqaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'expect شر ح ج دش ' /ʃaɻaħa gid-iʃ/ 'explain م اد د ج دش ' /maddada gid-iʃ/ 'extend ف اج ر ج دش ' /fagaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'bomb كتش ف ج دش ' /ktaʃafa gid-iʃ/ 'explore أ اب ر ج دش ' /ʔabbaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'express ط اف ج دش ' /taffa gid-iʃ/ 'extinguish واج ه ج دش ' /wa:gaha gid-iʃ/ 'face ساقط بورش ' /sa:qat bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'fail ت ر س ج دش ' /tɻas gid-iʃ/ 'fear فﮋأ بو ر ش / /fazʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ خ ور دا رش ' /xo:ɻ da:ɻ-iʃ/ 'feed تبأ ج دش ' /tabaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'follow جب ر ج دش ' /gabaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'force أ اس س ج دش ' /ʔassas gid-iʃ/ 'found ح ار ر ج دش ' /ħaɻɻaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'free سام ح ج دش ' /sa:maħa gid-iʃ/ 'forgive ولم ج دش ' /walm gid-iʃ/ 'fight م ل ج دش ' /malaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'fill

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ط ير ج دش ' /tajjaɻ gid-iʃ/ 'finish نشبل ج دش ' /naʃbal gid-iʃ/ 'fish هر ب ج دش ' /haɻaba gid-iʃ/ 'flee طو ي ج دش ' /tawja gid-iʃ/ 'fold جمد بو ر ش (. /gamada bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'freeze' (Intrans جمد ج دش (. /gamada gid-iʃ/ 'freeze' (Trans فﮋأ ج دش ' /fazʔa gid-iʃ/ 'frighten كس ب ج دش ' /kasaba gid-iʃ/ 'gain حسكا بو ر ش ' /ħaska bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get angry حر ق بو رش ' /ħaɻaqa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get burned دغ ش بو رش ' /daʁʃa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get busy ﻨﯧ ﮋك بو رش ' /ne:zak bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get closer بس ج دش ' /bas gid-iʃ/ 'get enough of sth خدأ بور ش ' /xadaʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get deceived مل بورش ' /malaʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get full أو ر بو ر ش ' /ʔawaɻa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get hurt جر ح بو ر ش ' /gaɻaħa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get injured تأبا بو ر ش ' /taʔba bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get tired مار بو ر ش ' /ma:ɻ bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'get up ژاي ق بورش ' /zajaqa bu:ɻ-iʃ 'get upset هديا ج دش ' /hadja gid-iʃ/ 'gift غ وي بور ش ' /ʁawja bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'go astray تسوق ج دش ' /tasawaqa gid-iʃ/ 'go shopping كار خ ير دش / /ka:ɻ xe:ɻ-iʃ قل ي ج دش ' /qalja gid-iʃ/ 'grill سالم ج دش ' /salama gid-iʃ/ 'greet سالم دا رش  /sala:m da:ɻ-iʃ حر س ج دش ' /ħaɻasa gid-iʃ/ 'guard ژ م ن ج دش ' /zamana gid-iʃ/ 'guarantee خ ام ن ج دش ' /xammana gid-iʃ/ 'guess د ال ج دش ' /dalla gid-iʃ/ 'guide ش ن ق ج دش ' /ʃanaqa gid-iʃ/ 'hang قژاج دش ' /qazza gid-iʃ/ 'hate كر ه ج دش / /kaɻaha gid-iʃ شام خو دش ' /ʃa:m xo:d-iʃ/ 'have lunch دﭽنج ج دش ' /dʒang gid-iʃ/ 'have war/ fight in war شفى ج دش ' /ʃafja gid-iʃ / 'heal س اخ ن ج دش ' /saxxana gid-iʃ/ 'heat ساأد ج دش ' /sa:ʔada gid-iʃ/ 'help مرر بورش ( /ma:ɻɻaɻ bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'hide (Intrans مرر ج دش ( /ma:ɻɻaɻ gid-iʃ/ 'hide (Trans ق ب ﮋ ج دش ' /qabaza gid-iʃ/ 'hold حاس ب ج دش ' /ħa:saba gid-iʃ/ 'hold sb accountable شر ف ج دش ' /ʃaɻafa gid-iʃ/ 'honor

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آنق ج دش ' /ʔa:naqa gid-iʃ/ 'hug س ريأ بو ر ش ' /siɻjaʔ bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'hurry أو ر ج دش ' /ʔawaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'hurt خ اي ل ج دش ' /xajjala gid-iʃ/ 'imagine به ر ج دش ' /bahaɻa gid-iʃ / 'impress س ج ن ج دش ' /sagana gid-iʃ/ 'imprison ژ اد بو ر ش ( /za:da bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'increase' (Intrans ژ اد ج دش ( /za:da gid-iʃ/ 'increase' (Trans ص ار ف ج دش ' /saɻɻafa gid-iʃ/ 'inflect خ اب ر ج دش ' /xabbaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'inform خابر دا رش / /xa:baɻ da:ɻ-iʃ حق ن ج دش ' /ħaqana gid-iʃ/ 'inject جر ح ج دش ' /gaɻaħa gid-iʃ/ 'injure هينو ج دش ' /hi:nu: gid-iʃ/ 'insult ت اد خ ل ج دش ' /taddaxala gid-iʃ/ 'intercede خترأ ج دش ' /xtaɻaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'invent دأ ي ج دش ' /daʔja gid-iʃ/ 'invite سق ي ج دش ' /saqja gid-iʃ/ 'irrigate مز ح ج دش ' /mazaħa gid-iʃ/ 'joke ن اط ج دش ' /natta gid-iʃ/ 'jump خط ف ج دش ' /xatafa gid-iʃ/ 'kidnap طر ق ج دش ' /taɻaqa gid-iʃ/ 'knock ح اط ج دش ' /ħatta gid-iʃ/ 'land قودو ج دش ' /qu:du: gid-iʃ/ 'lead غ وي ج دش ' /ʁawja gid-iʃ/ 'lead sb astray ألمت بو ر ش ' /ʔalamt bu: ɻ-iʃ/ 'learn درووادش ( /dru: wa:d-iʃ/ 'lie (i.e. tell a lie سك ن ج دش ' /sakana gid-iʃ/ 'live ژجأ بو ر ش ' /zagʔa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'lie down شح ن ج دش ' /ʃaħana gid-iʃ/ 'load حرا ج دش ' /ħaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'look حم ل بو ر ش ' /ħamla bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'look after خاسر بو ر ش ' /xa:saɻ bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'lose ح اب ج دش ' /ħabba gid-iʃ/ 'love إتص ل ج دش ' /ʔitasala gid-iʃ/ 'make a phone call ت لفون ج دش / /tilifo:n gid-iʃ جش ت ج دش ' /gaʃta gid-iʃ/ 'make a tour نان ج دش ' /na:n gid-iʃ/ 'make bread خبژ ج دش / /xabaza gid-iʃ خايج ج دش ' /xa:jag gid-iʃ/ 'make omelet ﻨﭙژك ج دش ' /ne:zak gid-iʃ/ 'make sth close صانأ ج دش ' /sanaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'manufacture صح ح ج دش ( /saħħaħa gid-iʃ/ 'mark (exam papers حفژ ج دش ' /ħafaza gid-iʃ/ 'memorize

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قياس ج دش ' /qja:s gid-iʃ/ 'measure ﮋوبو بورش ( /zu:bu: bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'melt' (Intrans ﮋوبو ج دش ( /zu:bu: gid-iʃ/ 'melt' (Trans نقل بورش ( /naqla bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'move (Intrans نقل ج دش ( /naqla gid-iʃ/ 'move (Trans حتا ج ج دش ' /ħtaga gid-iʃ/ 'need الﺤژ ج دش ' /laħaza gid-iʃ/ 'notice رﮋأ ج دش ' /ɻazaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'nurse تيأو ج دش ' /ti:ʔu gid-iʃ/ 'obey مﭻما شنو دش - /madʒma ʃnu:d-iʃ حت ال ج دش ' /ħtala gid-iʃ/ 'occupy ق اد م ج دش ' /qaddama gid-iʃ/ 'offer أژا ج دش ' /ʔazza gid-iʃ/ 'offer condolence فت ح بو رش ( /fataħa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'open (Intrans فت ح ج دش ( /fataħa gid-iʃ/ 'open (Trans أم ر ج دش ' /ʔamaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'order أمر دا رش / /ʔamɻ da:ɻ-iʃ ﻨژا م ج دش ' /nazzma gid-iʃ/ 'organize صب غ ج دش ' /sabaʁa gid-iʃ/ 'paint شار ك ج دش ' /ʃa:ɻaka gid-iʃ/ 'participate دفأج دش ' /dafaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'pay ق اش ر ج دش ' /qaʃʃaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'peel سم ح ج دش ' /samaħa gid-iʃ/ 'permit م ق ج دش '( /maqa gid-iʃ/ 'pick (a flower خ اط ط ج دش ' /xattata gid-iʃ/ 'plan ﮋرأج دش ' /zaɻaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'plant باﮋج دش '( /ba:z gid-iʃ/ 'play (sport أﮋف ج دش ( /ʔazafa gid-iʃ/ 'play (music حر س ج دش ' /ħaɻasa gid-iʃ/ 'plow حيدو ج دش ' /ħi:du: gid-iʃ/ 'plead ص اب بو رش (. /sabba bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'pour' (Intrans ص اب ج د ش (. /sabba gid-iʃ/ 'pour' (Trans مار س ج دش ' /ma:ɻasa gid-iʃ/ 'practice نواژج دش ' /nwa:z gid-iʃ/ 'pray فﮋا ل ج دش ' /fazzala gid-iʃ/ 'prefer قدم ج دش ' /qadam-gid-iʃ/ 'present أ اص ج دش ' /ʔassa gid-iʃ/ 'press م ن أ ج دش ' /manaʕa gid-iʃ/ 'prevent نت ج ج دش ' /nataga gid-iʃ/ 'produce برم ج ج دش ' /baɻmaga gid-iʃ/ 'program وأد ج دش ' /waʔada gid-iʃ/ 'promise حم ى ج دش ' /ħama gid-iʃ/ 'protect سح ب ج دش ' /saħaba gid-iʃ/ 'pull آق ب ج دش ' /ʔa:qaba gid-iʃ/ 'punish

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نش ر ج دش ' /naʃaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'publish دفأج دش ' /dafaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'push دژاج دش / /dazza gid-iʃ ستقب ل ج دش '( /staqbala gid-iʃ/ 'receive (a guest ت اسل م ج دش '( /tasalama gid-iʃ/ 'receive (a letter س اج ل ج دش ' /saggala gid-iʃ/ 'record شفى بورش ' /ʃafja bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'recover رفﮋ ج دش ' /ɻafaza gid-iʃ/ 'refuse ند م بورش ' /nadama bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'regret ريحو بو ر ش ' /ɻiħu bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'relax إإتم د ج دش ' /ʔiʔtamada gid-iʃ/ 'rely ﭠﮋك ر ج دش ' /tazakaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'remember ژ اك ر ج دش ' /zakkaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'remind م ق ج دش ' /maqa gid-iʃ/ 'remove ص ال ح ج دش ' /sallaħa gid-iʃ/ 'repair توبو ج دش ' /tu:bu: gid-iʃ/ 'repent ستقيلو بو ر ش ' /staqilu: bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'resign تقاأد بورش ' /taqaʔad bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'retire ژا ك ر ج دش ' /za:kaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'revise ﭽاژي ج دش ' /dʒa:zi gid-iʃ/ 'reward شويا ج دش ' /ʃawja: gid-iʃ/ 'roast ق ل ب ج دش ' /qalaba bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'roll down ر ك ب ج دش ' /ɻakab gid-iʃ/ 'ride ح ك م ج دش ' /ħakama gid-iʃ/ 'rule در ي ج دش ' /diɻja gid-iʃ/ 'sail و اف ر ج دش ' /waffaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'save ح اك ج دش ' /ħakka gid-iʃ/ 'scratch ش ب ج دش ' /ʃabba gid-iʃ/ 'set a fire أرس ل ج دش ' /ʔaɻsala gid-iʃ/ 'send خي ط ج دش ' /xita gid-iʃ/ 'sew صاف ح ج دش ' /sa:faħa gid-iʃ/ 'shake hands شار ك ج دش ' /ʃa:ɻaka gid-iʃ/ 'share حل ق ج دش ' /ħalaqa gid-iʃ/ 'shave تسو ق ج دش ' /tasawaqa gid-iʃ/ 'shop و اق أ ج دش ' /waqqaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'sign غ ان ى ج دش ' /ʁanna gid-iʃ/ 'sing غر ق بو ر ش ( /ʁaɻaqa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'sink' (Intrans غر ق ج دش ( /ʁaɻaqa gid-iʃ/ 'sink' (Trans س اب ج دش ' /saba gid-iʃ/ 'slander ﮋب ح ج دش ' /zabaħa gid-iʃ/ 'slaughter ح اط م جدش ' /ħattama gid-iʃ/ 'smash أر ف ج دش ' /ʔaɻf gid-iʃ/ 'smell ابتسم جدشش ' /btasama gid-iʃ/ 'smile د اخ ن ج دش ' /daxxana gid-iʃ/ 'smoke

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ه ار ب ج دش ' /haɻɻaba gid-iʃ/ 'smuggle أط س ج دش ' /ʔatasa gid-iʃ/ 'sneeze شخ ر ج دش ' /ʃaxaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'snore مﭻما ج دش ' /madʒma gid-iʃ/ 'speak صر ف ج دش '( /saɻafa gid-iʃ/ 'spend (money فسد ج دش ' /fasada gid-iʃ/ 'spoil ج اس اس ج دش ' /gassasa gid-iʃ/ 'spy on sb أص ر ج دش ' /ʔasaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'squeeze بديا ج دش ' /badja gid-iʃ/ 'start بجي ج دش / /bagi gid-iʃ سهر ج دش ' /sahaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'stay late at night لژج ج دش ' /lazag-gid-iʃ/ 'stick لسأ ج دش ' /lasaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'sting وق ف ج دش ' /waqafa gid-iʃ/ 'stop خن ق ج دش ' /xanaqa gid-iʃ/ 'strangle ژل م ج دش ' /zalama gid-iʃ/ 'subjugate ﻨﭽ ح بو ر ش ' /nadaʒħa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'succeed م اص ج دش ' /massa gid-iʃ/ 'suck إيدوبو ر ش ' /ʔidu: bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'suffer قتر ح ج دش ' /qtaɻaħa gid-iʃ/ 'suggest حل ف ج دش ' /ħalafa gid-iʃ/ 'swear دأ ي ج دش ' /daʔja gid-iʃ/ 'supplicate إته م ج دش ' /ʔitahama gid-iʃ/ 'suspect ت ف ل ج دش ' /taffala gid-iʃ/ 'spit صر خ ج دش ' /saɻaxa gid-iʃ/ 'shout ر اش ج دش ' /ɻaʃʃa gid-iʃ/ 'splash بل ئ ج دش ' /balaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'swallow أ ار ق بو ر ش ' /ʔaɻɻaq bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'sweat شناوج دش ' /ʃna:w gid-iʃ/ 'swim/take a shower س ل خ ج دش ( /salaxa gid-iʃ/ 'take off (a shoe ص او ر ج دش ' /sawwaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'take a photo ژوقو ج دش ' /zu:qu: gid-iʃ/ 'taste ش ر خ ج دش ' /ʃaɻxa gid-iʃ/ 'tear ط اي ر ج دش ' /tajjaɻ gid-iʃ/ 'terminate مت ح ن ج دش ' /mtaħana gid-iʃ/ 'test شك ر ج دش ' /ʃakaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'thank ف اك رج دش ' /fakkaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'think ه اد د ج دش ' /haddada gid-iʃ/ 'threaten ز رج دش ' /zaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'throw أﮋا ب ج دش ' /ʔazzaba gid-iʃ/ 'torture ل اس ج دش ' /lassa gid-iʃ/ 'touch د ار ب ج دش ' /daɻɻaba gid-iʃ/ 'train ترج م ج دش ' /taɻgama gid-iʃ/ 'translate سافر ج دش ' /sa:faɻ gid-iʃ/ 'travel

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در م ج دش '( /daɻam gid-iʃ/ 'treat (a patient إرتأ ش ج دش ' /ʔiɻtaʔaʃa gid-iʃ/ 'tremble ج ار ب ج دش ' /gaɻɻaba gid-iʃ/ 'try sth حاو ل ج د ش ' /ħa:wala gid-iʃ/ 'try to do sth ب ن د ج دش ' /bannada gid-iʃ/ 'turn off ش اغ ل ج دش ' /ʃaʁʁala gid-iʃ/ 'turn on طابأ ج دش ' /tabaʔa gid-iʃ/ 'type فه م ج دش ' /fahama gid-iʃ/ 'understand فر ش ج دش ' /faɻaʃa gid-iʃ/ 'unfold سل خ ج دش ' /salaxa gid-iʃ/ 'unskin ر اب ى ج دش ' /ɻabba gid-iʃ/ 'upbring أمل ج دش ' /ʔamal gid-iʃ/ 'use ستخد م ج دش  /staxdama gid-iʃ ست اغ ل ج دش ' /staʁʁala gid-iʃ/ 'utilize ژورو ج دش ' /zu:ɻu: gid-iʃ/ 'visit ناط ج دش '( /na:t gid-iʃ/ 'wait (for ميش ج دش ' /mi:ʃ gid-iʃ/ 'walk ﺤژا ر ج دش ' /ħazzaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'warn تار ج دش ' /ta:ɻ gid-iʃ/ 'wash for prayer لب س ج دش ' /labasa gid-iʃ/ 'wear سفو ج دش ' /suffu gid-iʃ/ 'weave هم س ج دش ' /hamasa gid-iʃ/ 'whisper ص اف ر ج دش ' /saffaɻa gid-iʃ/ 'whistle ع ار ﮋ ج دش ' /ʔaɻɻaza gid-iʃ/ 'widen تم ان ى ج دش ' /tamanna gid-iʃ/ 'wish كار ج دش ' /ka:ɻ gid-iʃ/ 'work قل ف بو ر ش ' /qalaqa bu:ɻ-iʃ/ 'worry أبد ج دش ' /ʔabada gid-iʃ/ 'worship غ ال ف ج دش ' /ʁallafa gid-iʃ/ 'wrap صرأو ج دش ' /saɻaʔu gid-iʃ/ 'wrestle كت ب ج دش ' /kataba gid-iʃ/ 'write

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Traugott, E., 1999. A historical overview of complex predicates. In Brinton, L.G., Akimoto, M. (Eds.), Collocational and Idiomatic Aspects of Composite Predicates in the History of English. John Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp. 239-260

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Said Al jahdhami is an instructor at the Department of English and Language

Studies at Sultan Qaboos University, Oman. He earned his BA degree from Sultan

Qaboos University on TEFL in 2003. His masters' degree was earned from Carleton

University, Canada, on applied language studies in 2006. He has taught in the department of English for three years before commencing his doctoral studies at the

University of Florida in 2009. He earned his PhdD degree in linguistics in 2013. His area of interest is documentary linguistics and sociolinguistics.

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