DOCSLIB.ORG

Expert Report of Orville Vernon Burton in Community

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Expert Report of Orville Vernon Burton in Community Expert Report of Orville Vernon Burton in Community Success Initiative v. Moore, No. 19-cv-15941 (N.C. Superior Court) May 8, 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Summary of Opinions II. Professional Background and Qualifications III. Aims, Methodology, and Materials Reviewed IV. Introduction: The Struggle for Voting Rights in North Carolina V. Antebellum Felony Disfranchisement VI. Post-Civil War Felony Disfranchisement VII. Felony Disfranchisement in the Twentieth Century VIII. Conclusions 1 I. Summary of Opinions My name is Orville Vernon Burton. I teach at Clemson University in South Carolina and am the Judge Matthew J. Perry Distinguished Professor of History. I have been asked by attorneys for the plaintiffs in this litigation to assist the court in assessing the history and intent underlying the North Carolina constitutional provision and statutes disenfranchising persons convicted of crimes. Based on my more than 49 years of experience as a historian focused on the American South, and my review and research of this question for the purposes of this report, it is my opinion that: North Carolina’s authorization of felony disenfranchisement by constitutional amendment in 1875 was racially motivated, with the end goal being the total disenfranchisement of not just persons who had committed a felony, but of all African Americans. North Carolina’s 1877 statutory disenfranchisement of persons who had committed a felony was motivated by a desire to disenfranchise black voters and maintain white supremacy in post-bellum North Carolina. At least as early as 1866, white North Carolinians had disfranchised black North Carolinians by rendering them “infamous” through corporal punishment, and the codification of felony disfranchisement was a continuation of that tactic. The 1875 constitutional amendment and the 1877 statute were importantly different from the pre-civil war disfranchisement statute. These new post-bellum laws disenfranchised all people with felony convictions, not just those convicted of “infamous” crimes like treason. It is no coincidence that after Reconstruction, when felony disfranchisement turned into a tool to disenfranchise African Americans, it was used much more broadly than it was before the war when it just applied to whites. Not only did white Democrats 2 expand the categories of crimes that exposed North Carolinians to disenfranchisement, they added additional punishments for voting by those with felony convictions. The latest iterations of North Carolina’s felony disenfranchisement statutes (in 1971 and 1973) represent a compromise between the original aims of black legislators who hoped to make it easier for North Carolinians to regain the right to vote and countervailing interests invested in limiting African American’s access to the elective franchise. Furthermore, these statutes recapitulate the 1875 constitutional felony disfranchisement and the 1876 statutory felony disfranchisement, both of which were infected by racially discriminatory aims. Felony disenfranchisement in North Carolina mirrors and intersects with the disenfranchisement of black voters throughout the state’s history. As black political activism threatened the power of the white ruling elite, legislators turned not only to felony disenfranchisement, but also to segregation, suffrage restrictions, and other measures designed to break the political and economic power of black communities. While felony disenfranchisement was primarily used as a barrier to black political activism, it also served to restrict the citizenship rights of all economically disadvantaged North Carolinians. While the white ruling elite claimed to forge an alliance with less wealthy North Carolinians, felony disenfranchisement restricted the voting rights of economically disadvantaged North Carolinians, beginning in 1776 and continuing to the present. Reformers, from the 1870s to the 1970s, recognized that disenfranchising people who committed felonies would disproportionately impact working class North Carolinians, who could ill-afford the expense of having their citizenship rights restored. These opinions are explained and supported in further detail in the discussion portion of this report. 3 BACKGROUND AND METHODOLOGY II. Professional Background and Qualifications I received my undergraduate degree from Furman University in 1969 and my Ph.D. in American History from Princeton University in 1976 and have been researching and teaching American History at universities since 1974. Currently I am a Professor of History, Pan-African Studies, Sociology and Anthropology, and Computer Science at Clemson University as well as the Director of the Clemson CyberInstitute. From 2008 to 2010, I was the Burroughs Distinguished Professor of Southern History and Culture at Coastal Carolina University. I am emeritus University Distinguished Teacher/Scholar, University Scholar, Professor of History, African American Studies, and Sociology at the University of Illinois. I am a Senior Research Scientist at the National Center for Supercomputing Applications (NCSA) where I was Associate Director for Humanities and Social Sciences (2004-2010). I was also the founding Director of the Institute for Computing in Humanities, Arts, and Social Science (I-CHASS) at the University of Illinois and currently chair the ICHASS Advisory Board. I am the author or editor of more than twenty books and two hundred articles. I have received a number of academic awards and honors. I was selected nationwide as the 1999 U.S. Research and Doctoral University Professor of the Year (presented by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching and by the Council for Advancement and Support of Education). My book The Age of Lincoln, published in 2007, won the Chicago Tribune Heartland Literary Award for Nonfiction and was selected for Book of the Month Club, History Book Club, and Military Book Club. One reviewer proclaimed, “If the Civil War era was America's ‘Iliad,’ then historian Orville Vernon Burton is our latest Homer.” The book was featured at sessions of the annual meetings of African American History and Life Association, 4 the Social Science History Association, and the Southern Intellectual History Circle. Among the articles I have published are several related to the issues discussed in this report and at least two law review articles. I was one of ten historians selected to contribute to the Presidential Inaugural Portfolio (January 21, 2013) by the Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies. I have been recognized by my peers and was elected president of the Southern Historical Association and of the Agricultural History Society and elected to the Society of American Historians. I edited two academic press series for the University of Virginia Press: The American South Series and the A Nation Divided: Studies in the Civil War Era Series. I was also elected by my university peers as president of the Faculty Senate at the University of Illinois. In 2007 the Illinois State legislature honored me with a special resolution for my contributions as a scholar, teacher, and citizen of Illinois, and in 2017, I received the Governor’s Award for Lifetime Achievement in the Humanities from the South Carolina Humanities Council. I have extensive experience in analyzing social and economic status, discrimination, and historical intent in voting rights cases, as well as group voting behavior. I have been qualified as an expert in the fields of districting, reapportionment, and racial voting patterns and behavior in elections in the United States. I have served as an expert witness and consultant in a number of voting rights cases beginning with McCain v. Lybrand (1984) and also as a consultant in state redistricting matters. My testimony has been accepted by federal courts on both statistical analysis of racially polarized voting and socioeconomic analysis of the population, as well as on the history of discrimination and the discriminatory intent of laws. My testimony and reports have been cited by the courts. For example, in 2012 my report was cited by the Justice Department as a reason for their objection to the in-person South Carolina Voter ID law. See Dkt. 118-1, South Carolina v. .United States, No. 1:12-cv-00203-CKK-BMK-JDB (D.D.C. June 5 29, 2012). My testimony and my report were also cited in 2014 by the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas in finding that the Texas in-person Voter ID Law was racially motivated and had a disparate effect on minorities. Veasey v. Perry (2:13-CV-193). I have been retained to serve as an expert witness and consultant in numerous voting rights cases by the Voting Section of the Civil Rights Division of the United States Department of Justice (DOJ), the Voting Rights Project of the Southern Regional Office of the American Civil Liberties Union, the Brennan Center, the NAACP, the Legal Defense Fund (LDF) of the NAACP, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, the California Rural Legal Association, the League of United Latin American Citizens, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the Legal Services Corporation, the Southern Poverty Law Center, and other individuals and groups. As a scholar, I have had a long-time relationship with North Carolina. I have researched and written about North Carolina, and I have researched in the archives of the State of North Carolina, at Duke University, and the University of North Carolina. I spent the 1994-95 school year at the National Humanities Center in Research
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Nalysts Disagree About How to Frame the Recent
    ml-l ii FROM THE CENTER O UT The Evolution of Party Politics: The March of the GOP Continues in North Carolina by Mebane Rash Whitman In March, the Center released the tenth edition of A Reactionary , Revolutionary, or Article II: A Guide to the N.C. Legislature. Article Evolutionary Election? II is a comprehensive guide to the 1995-96 General A nalystsdisagreeabout howtoframe therecent Assembly, containing profiles of each member, ef- electoral wins of the GOP in North Carolina. fectiveness rankings, demographic trends since Were the wins reactionary, that is, were voters 1975, and committee assignments. The latest edi- reacting in an angry anti-incumbent, anti-Democrat, tion reveals three major trends: (1) the significant anti-tax, anti-big government manner? Were the gains of the Republican Party, which now holds 92 wins revolutionary, a changing of the guard in terms of 170 seats in the legislature; (2) women have of which party governs the state-from Democrats, more power in the 1995-96 General Assembly be- whose party has governed the state for almost all of cause they secured plum committee chairs; and (3) the 20th century, to Republicans, who hope to gov- African-American legislators lost the speakership ern much of the 21st century? Or were they evolu- and powerful committee chairs, so their influence tionary, a single step in the long march of the has declined. Republican Party toward true competitiveness in a two-party state? The results of most elections are to some extent elections in North Carolina should not reactionary, but 1994 was not a run-of-the-mill be underestimated.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Reviews
    East Texas Historical Journal Volume 37 Issue 1 Article 14 3-1999 Book Reviews Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ethj Part of the United States History Commons Tell us how this article helped you. Recommended Citation (1999) "Book Reviews," East Texas Historical Journal: Vol. 37 : Iss. 1 , Article 14. Available at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ethj/vol37/iss1/14 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the History at SFA ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in East Texas Historical Journal by an authorized editor of SFA ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 66 EAST TEXAS HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION BOOK REVIEWS EI Llano Estacado: Exploration and Imagination on the High Plains ofTexas and New Mexico, 1536-1860, John Miller Morris (Texas State Historical Association, 2.306 Sid Richardson Hall, Univ Station, Austin, TX 78712) 1997. Contents, Illustrations. Maps. Biblio. Notes. Index.. P.4l6. $39.95. Hardcover. One of the great mysteries of North American exploration is the precise route of Coronado after he crossed the Pecos River in May 1541. Morris' work explores possible answers to this question which has been "shrouded in controversy, mired in deception" (p.26). He has studied the numerous accounts of explorers as well as generations of foHowers to present his interpretation of the route of discovery. Besides the contributions of Coronado, the testimonies of much later explorers and developers such as Josiah Gregg, A. W. Whipple, and John Pope are discussed. The work is not only a focus on Spain's efforts to locate the fabled Cities of Gold; it also analyzes the early ex.plorers' attitudes toward the land and its richness in mineral and water wealth as well as in terms of the original inhabitants.
    [Show full text]
  • When African-Americans Were Republicans in North Carolina, the Target of Suppressive Laws Was Black Republicans. Now That They
    When African-Americans Were Republicans in North Carolina, The Target of Suppressive Laws Was Black Republicans. Now That They Are Democrats, The Target Is Black Democrats. The Constant Is Race. A Report for League of Women Voters v. North Carolina By J. Morgan Kousser Table of Contents Section Title Page Number I. Aims and Methods 3 II. Abstract of Findings 3 III. Credentials 6 IV. A Short History of Racial Discrimination in North Carolina Politics A. The First Disfranchisement 8 B. Election Laws and White Supremacy in the Post-Civil War South 8 C. The Legacy of White Political Supremacy Hung on Longer in North Carolina than in Other States of the “Rim South” 13 V. Democratizing North Carolina Election Law and Increasing Turnout, 1995-2009 A. What Provoked H.B. 589? The Effects of Changes in Election Laws Before 2010 17 B. The Intent and Effect of Election Laws Must Be Judged by their Context 1. The First Early Voting Bill, 1993 23 2. No-Excuse Absentee Voting, 1995-97 24 3. Early Voting Launched, 1999-2001 25 4. An Instructive Incident and Out-of-Precinct Voting, 2005 27 5. A Fair and Open Process: Same-Day Registration, 2007 30 6. Bipartisan Consensus on 16-17-Year-Old-Preregistration, 2009 33 VI. Voter ID and the Restriction of Early Voting: The Preview, 2011 A. Constraints 34 B. In the Wings 34 C. Center Stage: Voter ID 35 VII. H.B. 589 Before and After Shelby County A. Process Reveals Intention 37 B. Facts 1. The Extent of Fraud 39 2.
    [Show full text]
  • William W. Holden and the Standard-- the Civil War Years
    The Woman's College of The University of North Carolina LIBRARY COLLEGE COLLECTION JANNETTFG^RfRINa^H FIORE WILLIAM W. HOLDEN AND THE STANDARD-- THE CIVIL WAR YEARS by Jannette Carringer Fiore A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts Greensboro June, 1966 Approved by Director APPROVAL SHEET This thesis has been approved by the following committee of the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, North Carolina. Thesis Director- /^/^r?^. Oral Examination A V Committee Members (/-f ft O A 0 Date of Examination 297101 FIORE, JANNETTE CARRTNGER. William W. Hol'ien and the Stan-'ard--The Civil War Years. (1966) Directed by: Dr. Richard Bardolph. op. *2, One of the most controversial Civil War political figures in North Carolina was William W. Holden, editor of the powerful Raleiph, North Carolina Standard, member consecutively of four political parties, and reconstruction governor of North Carolina. Holden has been cenerallv re- garded as a politically ambitious and unscrupulous man, as well as some- thing of a traitor for his role as advocate of pence during the Civil War. Holden, trained in newspaper work from boyhood, left the Whig partv in 1843 to accept the editorship of the Standard, the Democratic partv organ in Raleigh. He rapidly built it into the larrest paper in the state and became a leader in the Democratic partv, and one of its more liberal voices. Originally a defender of the right of secession, his liberal position on other matters and his humble origins had led bv 1860 to his alienation from the leadership of his party, and from the slaveholding interest in North Carolina.
    [Show full text]
  • Journalism, Racial Violence, and Political Control in Postbellum North Carolina
    ABSTRACT BENTON, ANDREW MORGAN. The Press and the Sword: Journalism, Racial Violence, and Political Control in Postbellum North Carolina. (Under the direction of Dr. Susanna Lee.) Political tension characterized North Carolina in the decades after the Civil War, and the partisan press played a critical role for both parties from the 1860s through the turn of the twentieth century: Republican papers praised the reforms of biracial Republican legislatures while Democratic editors harped on white fears of “negro rule” and black sexual predation. This study analyzes the relationship between press, politics, and violence in postbellum North Carolina through case studies of the 1870 Kirk-Holden War and the so-called Wilmington Race Riot of 1898. My first chapter argues that the Democratic press helped exacerbate the Kirk-Holden War by actively mocking black political aspirations, criticizing Republican leaders such as Holden, and largely ignoring the true nature and scope of the Klan in the 1860s. My second chapter argues that rhetoric played a crucial role in the way the violence in Wilmington transpired and has been remembered, and my conclusion discusses the ways that the press manipulated the public’s historical memory of both tragedies. It is not my intention to argue direct causation between racist rhetoric and racial crimes. Rather, I argue that North Carolina’s partisan press, and especially its Democratic editors, exacerbated pre-existing racial tensions and used images and language to suggest modes of thought—defense of white womanhood, for example—by which white supremacists directed and legitimized violence. The Press and the Sword: Journalism, Racial Violence, and Political Control in Postbellum North Carolina by Andrew Morgan Benton A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of North Carolina State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts History Raleigh, North Carolina 2016 APPROVED BY: Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Defendants' Proposed Findings of Fact and Conclusions Of
    IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE MIDDLE DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA COMMON CAUSE, et al., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) ) CIVIL ACTION ROBERT A. RUCHO, in his official ) NO. 1:16-CV-1026-WO-JEP capacity as Chairman of the North ) Carolina Senate Redistricting Committee ) THREE-JUDGE COURT for the 2016 Extra Session and Co- ) Chairman of the Joint Select Committee ) on Congressional Redistricting, et al., ) ) Defendants. ) League of Women Voters of North ) Carolina, et al., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) ) CIVIL ACTION Robert A. Rucho, in his official capacity ) NO. 1:16-CV-1164-WO-JEP as Chairman of the North Carolina ) Senate Redistricting Committee for the ) THREE JUDGE COURT 2016 Extra Session and Co-Chairman of ) the 2016 Joint Select Committee on ) Congressional Redistricting, et al., ) ) Defendants. ) ) DEFENDANTS’ PROPOSED FINDINGS OF FACT AND CONCLUSIONS OF LAW Case 1:16-cv-01164-WO-JEP Document 60 Filed 06/05/17 Page 1 of 91 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FINDINGS OF FACT........................................................................................................ 1 A. Enactment of the 2016 Contingent Congressional Plan ........................................ 1 B. Characteristics of the 2016 Plan. ......................................................................... 11 C. Plaintiffs............................................................................................................... 13
    [Show full text]
  • Past-Tense-Vol-4-No-1-Spring-2016.Pdf
    Pictures Frozen in Time: Determining Whether or Not Confederate Currency Vignettes Functioned as Proslavery Propaganda........................Christian M. Lengyel “A Revolution in the Public Mind”: American Anxiety and German-Americans in New York State during the First World War..................Evan P. Sullivan Sir Herbert Meredith Marler: e Life and Lineage of a Montreal Patrician.........Jason Butters Book Reviews by Cornel Bontea, Joshua Fattal, Daniel Gorman Jr., Blake McKinney, Alan Parkes, Allison M. Smith, Peter B. Strickland Spring 2016 Volume 4, Issue 1 Table of Contents Front Matter Copyright ii Masthead iii Acknowledgements iv Articles Pictures Frozen in Time: Determining Whether or Not Confederate Currency Vignettes Functioned as Proslavery Propaganda Christian M. Lengyel 1 “A Revolution in the Public Mind”: American Anxiety and German-Americans in New York State during the First World War Evan P. Sullivan 22 Sir Herbert Meredith Marler: The Life and Lineage of a Montreal Patrician Jason Butters 38 Reviews 67 About the Contributors 80 Past Tense: Graduate Review of History 4, 1: i-iv. University of Toronto Department of History, 2016. Copyright Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms: a. Authors retain copyright and grant the journal right of first publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal. b. Authors are able to enter into separate, additional contractual arrangements for the non- exclusive distribution of the journal's published version of the work (e.g., post it to an institutional repository or publish it in a book), with an acknowledgement of its initial publication in this journal.
    [Show full text]
  • Under the Direction of Dr
    ABSTRACT KING, STEFANIE ALYSON. Consent and Coercion in the Central Piedmont of North Carolina during the Civil War Era. (Under the direction of Dr. Susanna Lee). In recent years the study of Civil War loyalty has gained considerable scholarly attention. Most of these studies demonstrate that many in the North and South struggled to balance conflicting loyalties between nation, state, family, religion, and self-interest throughout the war. This thesis finds that while all of these factors contributed to dissent, an underlying element that created dissent and disloyalty during the Civil War era was the belief that the government was violating the principles of proper republican rule. This study focuses on white North Carolinians living in a small region in the piedmont of North Carolina that was known as a hotbed of Unionist sentiment during the Civil War. The study uses newspapers, correspondence, political speeches, and testimony from the Southern Claims Commission to analyze how these white North Carolinians rationalized their positions. White North Carolinians from the secession crisis, through the Civil War, and into Reconstruction consistently criticized the both the Union and the Confederate governments for abusing their power. They concentrated their criticism on the ideas of consent and coercion by claiming that the government was not relying on the consent of the governed and was also using coercive policies against its own residents. White North Carolinians in the piedmont resisted the perceived imposition of illegitimate government power by advocating a truly republican form of government. The rationale that the government was failing to represent the will and the good of the people was central to shaping disloyalty during the Civil War era.
    [Show full text]
  • Graham Residence Hall
    Graham Residence Hall The Board of Trustees of the University of North Carolina named this building in 1928 to honor John Washington Graham, class of 1857.1 Graham: • Commanded Confederate troops who participated in the massacre of fugitive slaves during the 1864 Battle of Plymouth, North Carolina • Established a distinguished career as a lawyer and politician • Championed white supremacy, was likely a member of the Ku Klux Klan, and in 1872 sponsored legislation that granted Klansmen amnesty for crimes committed as members of a secret organization • Supported a state constitutional amendment and 1877 law that effectively excluded Blacks from elective county government • Served on UNC's Board of Trustees from 1876 until his death in 1928 John Washington Graham was born in 1838, the second son of William Alexander and Susannah Washington Graham. The labor of thirty-eight Black women, men, and children enslaved on the Grahams' Orange County farm made the family wealthy and paid the tuition for John's studies at the University of North Carolina. He earned an A.B. degree in 1857, joined the faculty as a Latin tutor in 1858, and in 1860 completed an L.L.B. in preparation to practice law. The university also awarded Graham two honorary degrees, an M.A. in 1859 and an L.L.D. in 1921. Graham served on UNC's Board of Trustees from 1876 until his death in 1928 and was an elected member of its executive committee beginning in 1891.2 Graham's father, William, was a prominent figure in North Carolina politics. He served in the state legislature and the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Gendering Secession: Women and Politics in South Carolina, 1859- 1861
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations Spring 2020 Gendering Secession: Women and Politics in South Carolina, 1859- 1861 Melissa DeVelvis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation DeVelvis, M.(2020). Gendering Secession: Women and Politics in South Carolina, 1859- 1861. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/5709 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GENDERING SECESSION : WOMEN AND POLITICS IN SOUTH CAROLINA , 1859- 1861 by Melissa DeVelvis Bachelor of Arts University of Georgia, 2014 Bachelor of Arts University of Georgia, 2014 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2020 Accepted by: Mark M. Smith, Major Professor Woody Holton III, Committee Member Marjorie Spruill, Committee Member Sarah Gardner, Committee Member Cheryl L. Addy, Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School © Copyright by Melissa DeVelvis, 2020 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION To my sisters, Addie and Paige. Agents of chaos. The DeVelvi triumvirate. You've had my heart from the very beginning. Every day I strive to be a person worthy of your love and friendship. The best version of myself is one that you're proud of. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank OneNote, dry shampoo, my dog, hot yoga, and Radiohead. I feel like a certain amount of levity is necessary under the circumstances, as we experience a global pandemic in the form of COVID-19.
    [Show full text]
  • An Orthodox Christian Fired the First Shot in the American Civil War by Nicholas Chapman
    A JOURNAL OF ORTHODOX FAITH AND CULTURE ROAD TO EMMAUS Help support Road to Emmaus Journal. The Road to Emmaus staff hopes that you find our journal inspiring and useful. While we offer our past articles on-line free of charge, we would warmly appreciate your help in covering the costs of producing this non-profit journal, so that we may continue to bring you quality articles on Orthodox Christianity, past and present, around the world. Thank you for your support. Please consider a donation to Road to Emmaus by visiting the Donate page on our website. AN Orthodox CHRISTIAN FIRED THE FIRST SHOT IN THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR by Nicholas Chapman 30 AN Orthodox CHRISTIAN FIRED THE FIRST SHOT IN THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR by Nicholas Chapman 31 Road to Emmaus Vol. XII, No. 3 (#46) Days before going to press, Nicholas Chapman sent Road to Emmaus this intriguing account, saying, “This is about as unlikely a title for an article on American Orthodox history I ever expected to come up with! ... It underscores for me how essential it is to research the history of Orthodoxy in the Americas within the wider context of the relationship between the “Great Powers” of the world stage from the fifteenth century to the present. n 2011 we are remembering the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Ithe outbreak of the Civil War, which is generally dated to April 12, 1861. This was the day the Confederates opened fire on the Union-controlled Ft. Sumter in Charleston, South Carolina. Others reckon the date back to Janu- ary 9, 1861 when the ship “The Star of the West” was sent to re-supply the Union forces in Charleston harbor and was driven away by Confederate fire.) According to Southern folklore, it was the young daughter of the governor of South Carolina who was given a lighted taper to fire the first cannon by her father.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil War Manuscripts
    CIVIL WAR MANUSCRIPTS CIVIL WAR MANUSCRIPTS MANUSCRIPT READING ROW '•'" -"•••-' -'- J+l. MANUSCRIPT READING ROOM CIVIL WAR MANUSCRIPTS A Guide to Collections in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress Compiled by John R. Sellers LIBRARY OF CONGRESS WASHINGTON 1986 Cover: Ulysses S. Grant Title page: Benjamin F. Butler, Montgomery C. Meigs, Joseph Hooker, and David D. Porter Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Library of Congress. Manuscript Division. Civil War manuscripts. Includes index. Supt. of Docs, no.: LC 42:C49 1. United States—History—Civil War, 1861-1865— Manuscripts—Catalogs. 2. United States—History— Civil War, 1861-1865—Sources—Bibliography—Catalogs. 3. Library of Congress. Manuscript Division—Catalogs. I. Sellers, John R. II. Title. Z1242.L48 1986 [E468] 016.9737 81-607105 ISBN 0-8444-0381-4 The portraits in this guide were reproduced from a photograph album in the James Wadsworth family papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress. The album contains nearly 200 original photographs (numbered sequentially at the top), most of which were autographed by their subjects. The photo- graphs were collected by John Hay, an author and statesman who was Lin- coln's private secretary from 1860 to 1865. For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402. PREFACE To Abraham Lincoln, the Civil War was essentially a people's contest over the maintenance of a government dedi- cated to the elevation of man and the right of every citizen to an unfettered start in the race of life. President Lincoln believed that most Americans understood this, for he liked to boast that while large numbers of Army and Navy officers had resigned their commissions to take up arms against the government, not one common soldier or sailor was known to have deserted his post to fight for the Confederacy.
    [Show full text]