Defendants' Proposed Findings of Fact and Conclusions Of
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A Nalysts Disagree About How to Frame the Recent
ml-l ii FROM THE CENTER O UT The Evolution of Party Politics: The March of the GOP Continues in North Carolina by Mebane Rash Whitman In March, the Center released the tenth edition of A Reactionary , Revolutionary, or Article II: A Guide to the N.C. Legislature. Article Evolutionary Election? II is a comprehensive guide to the 1995-96 General A nalystsdisagreeabout howtoframe therecent Assembly, containing profiles of each member, ef- electoral wins of the GOP in North Carolina. fectiveness rankings, demographic trends since Were the wins reactionary, that is, were voters 1975, and committee assignments. The latest edi- reacting in an angry anti-incumbent, anti-Democrat, tion reveals three major trends: (1) the significant anti-tax, anti-big government manner? Were the gains of the Republican Party, which now holds 92 wins revolutionary, a changing of the guard in terms of 170 seats in the legislature; (2) women have of which party governs the state-from Democrats, more power in the 1995-96 General Assembly be- whose party has governed the state for almost all of cause they secured plum committee chairs; and (3) the 20th century, to Republicans, who hope to gov- African-American legislators lost the speakership ern much of the 21st century? Or were they evolu- and powerful committee chairs, so their influence tionary, a single step in the long march of the has declined. Republican Party toward true competitiveness in a two-party state? The results of most elections are to some extent elections in North Carolina should not reactionary, but 1994 was not a run-of-the-mill be underestimated. -
When African-Americans Were Republicans in North Carolina, the Target of Suppressive Laws Was Black Republicans. Now That They
When African-Americans Were Republicans in North Carolina, The Target of Suppressive Laws Was Black Republicans. Now That They Are Democrats, The Target Is Black Democrats. The Constant Is Race. A Report for League of Women Voters v. North Carolina By J. Morgan Kousser Table of Contents Section Title Page Number I. Aims and Methods 3 II. Abstract of Findings 3 III. Credentials 6 IV. A Short History of Racial Discrimination in North Carolina Politics A. The First Disfranchisement 8 B. Election Laws and White Supremacy in the Post-Civil War South 8 C. The Legacy of White Political Supremacy Hung on Longer in North Carolina than in Other States of the “Rim South” 13 V. Democratizing North Carolina Election Law and Increasing Turnout, 1995-2009 A. What Provoked H.B. 589? The Effects of Changes in Election Laws Before 2010 17 B. The Intent and Effect of Election Laws Must Be Judged by their Context 1. The First Early Voting Bill, 1993 23 2. No-Excuse Absentee Voting, 1995-97 24 3. Early Voting Launched, 1999-2001 25 4. An Instructive Incident and Out-of-Precinct Voting, 2005 27 5. A Fair and Open Process: Same-Day Registration, 2007 30 6. Bipartisan Consensus on 16-17-Year-Old-Preregistration, 2009 33 VI. Voter ID and the Restriction of Early Voting: The Preview, 2011 A. Constraints 34 B. In the Wings 34 C. Center Stage: Voter ID 35 VII. H.B. 589 Before and After Shelby County A. Process Reveals Intention 37 B. Facts 1. The Extent of Fraud 39 2. -
Dred Scott Rules from the Grave
JOYNER FORMATTED FINAL READ (DO NOT DELETE) 4/14/2017 7:45 PM NORTH CAROLINA’S RACIAL POLITICS: DRED SCOTT RULES FROM THE GRAVE ∗ BY IRVING JOYNER INTRODUCTION The right and ability of African-Americans to vote and participate in the political process in North Carolina is aggressively being attacked. This is not the first time in North Carolina history that similar attacks have occurred. In the past, the attacks have been successful, but African-Americans have battled back to regain and reassert the right. This article reviews that long history of disenfranchisement and discusses how the North Carolina General Assembly has supported these campaigns, and at critical points, how the federal courts have resisted efforts and devices that have been imposed in an attempt to prohibit political participation by African-Americans. The discussion will trace how governmental embracing of white supremacy and right wing politics have cooperated to deny African-Americans the right to vote and is presently threatening to restore the political vision announced in the infamous Dred Scott v. Sandford1 decision that African-Americans have no rights which whites are bound to respect. With each of these battles, African-Americans have fought back, but the many victories have never been permanently enshrined into the legal fabric of North Carolina politics—despite the right to vote being guaranteed by the state constitution. Dating back to slavery, there has been a consistent theme that has guided political decisions relating to the right of African-Americans to vote in North Carolina. That central theme has been undergirded Copyright © 2017 Irving Joyner. -
Black Politics in North Carolina a Case Study of The
BLACK POLITICS IN NORTH CAROLINA A CASE STUDY OF THE SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY ZAPHON R. WILSON DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ATLANTA, GEORGIA MAY 1990 \~\ ~ \ 1 ABSTRACT POLITICAL SCIENCE WILSON, ZAPHON R. B.A. APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY, 1976 M.A. APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY, 1978 BLACK POLITICS IN NORTH CAROLINA: A CASE STUDY OF THE SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT Adviser: Dr. William H. Boone Dissertation dated May, 1990 An important characteristic of contemporary research on black political participation in the United States has been its emphasis on black electoral behavior. Few studies, however, have examined in detail the impacts of political structure on black electoral behavior or the influences of the Good Government Movement, known as Progressive Reform, in the south on black politics. This study examines black politics in the Second Congressional District in North Carolina. The purpose of the study is to examine how black political activity is influenced by government structure on the local, state and congressional levels. Case studies were conducted of two congressional campaigns in 1982 and 1984, respectively, and one state senate campaign in 1985. Each candidate was interviewed along with representatives from four black political 2 organizations in the study area. These case studies reveal several points regarding black politics in the Second Congressional District and how structure, particularly the Second Primary Run-off, effects black candidates. By the same token, race is still an important concern in elections in the study area. -
Shaw V. Reno: a Mirage of Good Intentions with Devastating Racial Consquences
Fordham Law Review Volume 62 Issue 6 Article 2 1994 Shaw v. Reno: A Mirage of Good Intentions with Devastating Racial Consquences A Leon Higginbotham, Jr. Gregory A. Clarick Marcella David Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation A Leon Higginbotham, Jr.; Gregory A. Clarick; and Marcella David, Shaw v. Reno: A Mirage of Good Intentions with Devastating Racial Consquences, 62 Fordham L. Rev. 1593 (1994). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol62/iss6/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Shaw v. Reno: A Mirage of Good Intentions with Devastating Racial Consquences Cover Page Footnote *Chief Judge Emeritus, United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit (Retired); Of Counsel to Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison; Professor, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. B.A., Antioch College, 1949; L.L.B., Yale Law School, 1952. Judge Higginbotham has been appointed Special Counsel by the Congressional Black Caucus to file amicus curiae briefs in the edistrictingr cases pending in the federal courts of North Carolina, Louisiana, Texas, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina. **A.B., Princeton University, 1986; J.D. New York University Law School, 1990; Associate, Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison. ***B.S., Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, 1986; J.D., University of Michigan Law School, 1989; Associate, Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison. -
Expert Report of Orville Vernon Burton in Community
Expert Report of Orville Vernon Burton in Community Success Initiative v. Moore, No. 19-cv-15941 (N.C. Superior Court) May 8, 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Summary of Opinions II. Professional Background and Qualifications III. Aims, Methodology, and Materials Reviewed IV. Introduction: The Struggle for Voting Rights in North Carolina V. Antebellum Felony Disfranchisement VI. Post-Civil War Felony Disfranchisement VII. Felony Disfranchisement in the Twentieth Century VIII. Conclusions 1 I. Summary of Opinions My name is Orville Vernon Burton. I teach at Clemson University in South Carolina and am the Judge Matthew J. Perry Distinguished Professor of History. I have been asked by attorneys for the plaintiffs in this litigation to assist the court in assessing the history and intent underlying the North Carolina constitutional provision and statutes disenfranchising persons convicted of crimes. Based on my more than 49 years of experience as a historian focused on the American South, and my review and research of this question for the purposes of this report, it is my opinion that: North Carolina’s authorization of felony disenfranchisement by constitutional amendment in 1875 was racially motivated, with the end goal being the total disenfranchisement of not just persons who had committed a felony, but of all African Americans. North Carolina’s 1877 statutory disenfranchisement of persons who had committed a felony was motivated by a desire to disenfranchise black voters and maintain white supremacy in post-bellum North Carolina. At least as early as 1866, white North Carolinians had disfranchised black North Carolinians by rendering them “infamous” through corporal punishment, and the codification of felony disfranchisement was a continuation of that tactic.