DOCSLIB.ORG

Remedial Secession Mckenna

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Remedial Secession Mckenna Remedial Secession: Emerging Right or Hollow Rhetoric? Mckenna, Miriam 2010 Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Mckenna, M. (2010). Remedial Secession: Emerging Right or Hollow Rhetoric?. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Title: Remedial Secession: Emerging Right or Hollow Rhetoric? Author: Miriam McKenna Master thesis 2010 The Faculty of Law, Copenhagen University Supervisor: Mikael Rask Masdem Downloaded from: http://portal.research.lu.se/portal/en/ REMEDIAL SECESSION: EMERGING RIGHT OR HOLLOW RHETORIC? I. Introduction ........................................................................................... 8 1. Preface .................................................................................................. 8 2. Statement of the Problem...................................................................... 9 3. Research Objective and Approach ........................................................ 9 4. Caveat ................................................................................................. 11 II. Remedial Secession in Law and Theory ................................... 12 1. Introduction ......................................................................................... 12 2. Secession within the Scope of Self-Determination .............................. 12 2.1.Choice Theory ........................................................................... 15 2.2.National Self-Determination Theory ........................................... 15 2.3.Remedial Right Theory .............................................................. 16 2.4.Calculation of Legitimacy Theory ............................................... 16 3. Assessment of Theories of Secession in Light of Territorial Integrity .. 17 3.1.Conclusion ............................. Fel! Bokmärket är inte definierat. 4. Seeking a Legal Basis for Remedial Secession .................................. 19 4.1.Treaty Law ................................................................................. 19 4.1.1.United Nations Charter ........................................................ 19 4.1.2.Two Covenants ................................................................... 20 4.1.3.Conclusion .......................................................................... 22 4.2.Other Instruments ...................................................................... 22 4.2.1. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Peoples ............................................................................................... 22 4.2.2.Friendly Relations Declaration ............................................ 25 4.2.3.Vienna Declaration .............................................................. 27 4.3.Conclusion ................................................................................. 27 4.4.Judicial Decisions ...................................................................... 28 4.4.1.Åland Islands Decision ........................................................ 28 4.4.2.Katangese Peoples’ Congress v. Zaire ............................... 29 4.4.3.Loizidou v Turkey ................................................................ 30 4.4.4.Re Secession of Quebec .................................................... 31 4.5.Juristic Opinion of Eminent Legal Scholars ............................... 32 5. Conclusion .......................................................................................... 34 III. State Practice ..................................................................................... 34 1. Introduction............................................................................................. 34 2. Delimitation of Cases Examined ......................................................... 35 A) Bangladesh ................................................................................. 36 a) Introduction .................................................................................. 36 b) Background ................................................................................. 36 i.Formation of Pakistan .................................................................... 36 ii.Events Leading to Secession ........................................................ 37 iii.Military Intervention................................................................... 38 iv.India’s Intervention ................................................................... 39 c) Elements of Bangladesh’s Secession .......................................... 39 i.The Claimants ................................................................................ 40 ii.Discrimination Against East Bengal .............................................. 40 2 iii.Human Rights Abuses .............................................................. 41 iv.Geographic Bifarcation ............................................................. 41 v.Indian Intervention ........................................................................ 42 d) Reaction of the Pakistani Government ........................................ 42 e) Reaction of the UN ...................................................................... 43 f) Reaction of the International Community ...................................... 43 B) Croatia ......................................................................................... 44 a) Introduction .................................................................................. 44 b) Background ................................................................................. 45 i. Formation of the SFRY ................................................................. 45 ii. Events Leading to Secession ....................................................... 45 iii. Military Intervention .................................................................. 46 c) Dissolution vs Secession ............................................................. 47 d) Elements of Croatian Secession ................................................. 49 i. Claimants ...................................................................................... 50 ii. Discrimination Against Croatia ..................................................... 50 iii. Human Rights Abuses ............................................................. 51 iv. EC Intervention ........................................................................ 51 e) Reaction of the SFRY Government ............................................. 52 f) Reaction of the UN ....................................................................... 52 g) Reaction of the International Community ..................................... 53 C) Biafra ........................................................................................... 54 a) Introduction .................................................................................. 54 b) Background ................................................................................. 54 i. The Colonial Legacy ..................................................................... 54 ii. Nigerian Independence ................................................................ 55 iii. Secession ................................................................................ 55 c) Elements of Biafran Secession .................................................... 56 i. Claimants ...................................................................................... 56 ii. Discrimination Against Biafra ....................................................... 56 iii. Geo-political Factors ................................................................ 57 d) Reaction of the Nigerian Government ......................................... 58 e) Reaction of UN ............................................................................ 58 f) Reaction of International Community ........................................... 59 3. Analysis of the Theoretical Framework of Remedial Secession in Light of Case Studies ................................................................................... 59 3.1 Overview of the Theoretical Criteria........................................... 60 3.2 Claimants: ”People” ................................................................... 60 3.3 Breach of Internal Self-Determination and Extreme Human Rights Violations ......................................................................................... 62 3.4 Measure of Last Resort ............................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bosnia to War, to Dayton, and to Its Slow Peace – European Council On
    REPORT BOSNIA TO WAR, TO DAYTON, AND TO ITS SLOW PEACE Carl Bildt January 2021 SUMMARY The international community was gravely unprepared for the conflicts that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, it neglected the challenge of Bosnia. Europe alone was not enough to bring peace, and the United States went from disinterested to disruptive and finally to decisive for a credible peace process. Russia in those days was a constructive actor. The war in Bosnia lasted years longer than it should have more because of the divisions between outside powers than because of the divisions within the country and the region itself. The fundamentals of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 were not too dissimilar from what had been discussed, but not pursued, prior to the outbreak of the war. It is a solution that is closer to the reality of Belgium than to the reality of Cyprus. After the war, many political leaders in Bosnia saw peace as the continuation of the war by other means, which has seriously hampered economic and social progress. Ultimately, it will be difficult to sustain progress for Bosnia or the region without a credible and clear EU accession process. INTRODUCTION It was a quarter of a century ago that the most painful conflict on European soil since the second world war came to an end. Peace agreements are rare birds. Most conflicts end either with the victory of one of the sides or some sort of ceasefire that is rarely followed by a true peace agreement. The map of Europe shows a number of such ‘frozen conflicts’.
    [Show full text]
  • “Diaspora” During the War in Yugoslavia Global Studies
    CENTER FOR Global Studies Project on Global Migration and Transnational Politics ISSN 1941-7586 The Invention of the Croatian Diaspora: Unpacking the Politics of “Diaspora” During the War in Yugoslavia Francesco Ragazzi Ph.D. candidate Institut d’Etudes Politiques (Paris) and Northwestern University (Chicago) Global Migration and Transnational Politics Working Paper no. 10 November 2009 The Center for Global Studies at George Mason University was founded to promote multidisciplinary research on globalization. The Center comprises more than 100 associated faculty members whose collective expertise spans the full range of disciplines. The Center sponsors CGS Working Groups, publishes the Global Studies Review, and conducts research on a broad range of themes. The Project on Global Migration and Transnational Politics, a partnership between CGS and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, investigates how political dynamics around the globe have been transformed by new patterns of human mobility and the development of innovative transnational social networks. The project sponsors research workshops, working papers, and conferences that all focus on developing a new research agenda for understanding how global migration has transformed politics. WEB: cgs.gmu.edu ISSN 1941-7586 Francesco Ragazzi The Invention of the Croatian Diaspora: Unpacking the Politics of “Diaspora” During the War in Yugoslavia Francesco Ragazzi Ph.D. candidate, Institut d’Etudes Politiques (Paris) and Northwestern University (Chicago) Abstract: The Croatian “diaspora” is an invention of the 1990’s. Over the course of the 20th- century, Croats living abroad were traditionally divided into three socio-political categories: “old emigrants,” “political émigrés” and “guest workers.” At the turn of the 1990’s, rising ethnic tensions in Yugoslavia pushed these groups towards a short-lived unity when diasporic organizations provided a vast humanitarian, military and lobbying support for the newly founded state of Croatia.
    [Show full text]
  • Committee Guide Historic Security Council
    ASMUN Conference 2019 Committee Guide Historic Security Council A 1 A 2 CONTENTS CHAIRS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 4 GIJS VAN DE MERBEL ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 JORDXCHAIR: LOVE AT FIRST SIGHT – JORD NIJHUIS ----------------------------------------- 4 COUNTRIES IN THE COMMITTEE ------------------------------------------------------------------ 5 THE SECURITY COUNCIL --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 5 THE HISTORIC SECURITY COUNCIL -------------------------------------------------------------- 6 THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL OF 1995 (UP UNTIL THE 22ND OF SEPTEMBER) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 6 THE BOSNIAN GENOCIDE ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7 THE SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA ---------------------------------------- 7 PRESIDENT SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC -------------------------------------------------------------- 8 THE CROATIAN INDEPENDENCE ------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 THE YUGOSLAV WARS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 9 THE BOSNIAN WAR ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10 SREBRENICA ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 12 INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE ---------------------------------------------------------------------
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic Hungarians in Ex-Yugoslavia
    ETHNIC HUNGARIANS IN EX-YUGOSLAVIA S.O.S. TRANSYLVANIA – GENEVA COMMITTEE April 1993 Ottawa Table of Contents Introduction Map of Republics and autonomous territories of former Yugoslavia. … . 5 Part I: Baranja/Baranya , . …. ……. 6 Expulsion and execut.on of Hungarians and Croatians. .. .……………..6 Geo-politicalHlstory of Baranja/Baranya . ……..….. .10 Part II: Vojvodina/Bacska and Banat ……………………………………………...……11 Letter to the President of Serbia from Andras Agoston …………………...…..12 Letter of the Leaders of the VMDK to the Serbian Parliament. 14 Hungarian language education in the Vojvodina/Bacska and Banat ………….15 Law of the Republic of Serbia concerning official language use. 17 Amnesty International Alert. ... 19 Declaration of the Human Rights \Committee of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Vojvodina . 20 Geo-politicalhlstory of Vojvodina/Bacska and Banat ………………………….21 Ethnic composition of Vojvodina/Bacska and Banat …………………………..26 Map1. The ethnic composition in the 11th century …………………………….28 Map 2. The ethnic composItion in the 15th century. ………… . 29 Map3.The ethnic composition in1981 ………………………………………….30 Part III: Historicalnotes …………………………………………………………………...31 Geopolitical Hlstory of Croatia …………………………………………………31 Geopolitical History of Serbia…………………………………………..………35 Historical maps of Europe from1250 to 1920 Map 4. Europe in 1250………………………………………………………… 41 Map 5 Europe in 1500…………………………………………………………..42 Map 6. Europe in 1648 ………………………………………………………….43 Map 7 Europe in 1750………………………………………………………….44 Map 8. The constituent parts of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. ……….. 45 Map9.Europe in 1815 …………………………………………………………..46 Map 10. Europe in 1885 ………………………………………………………...47 Map 11. The split of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after World War I ……….. 48 Map of “Great Serbia” – Serbian territorial claims……………………………...49 Hungarians in Yugoslavia, Croatis and Sovenia. ………...…50 Hungarians in Hungary and surrounding countries (present) .
    [Show full text]
  • The Formation of Croatian National Identity
    bellamy [22.5].jkt 21/8/03 4:43 pm Page 1 Europeinchange E K T C The formation of Croatian national identity ✭ This volume assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework that calls both primordialist and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity into question before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so it not only provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important but also closely examines 1990s Croatia in a unique way. An explanation of how Croatian national identity was formed in an abstract way by a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state is given. The book goes on to show how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora change change groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to The formation legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different visions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were in manifested in social activities as diverse as football and religion, in of Croatian economics and language. ✭ This volume marks an important contribution to both the way we national identity bellamy study nationalism and national identity and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society. A centuries-old dream ✭ ✭ Alex J. Bellamy is lecturer in Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Queensland alex j. bellamy Europe Europe THE FORMATION OF CROATIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY MUP_Bellamy_00_Prelims 1 9/3/03, 9:16 EUROPE IN CHANGE : T C E K already published Committee governance in the European Union ⁽⁾ Theory and reform in the European Union, 2nd edition .
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Yugoslav War Novel: Lost Homes, Lost Cities
    The Post-Yugoslav War Novel: Lost Homes, Lost Cities Damjan Božinović Thesis Supervisor: prof. dr. Ann Rigney Secondary Reader: dr. Susanne Knittel 1 1 1 A broken statue of Josip Broz Tito. Photo taken in Novi Sad, Serbia in 2009 by Lea Lonza. 2 Acknowledgements I am immensely grateful to Professor Ann Rigney for her invaluable help with this thesis. Thanks to Svetlana Ivanović for lending me the copies of the novels. Thanks to Nella Lonza for her hospitality during my stay in Utrecht. Last but not least, thanks to Colin Reilly for proofreading the manuscript. 3 Table of Contents 1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..5 2. Crash Course in Yugoslav History and the Myths that Shaped It…………………………………...............15 3. Enter Nostalgia………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….22 4. Memory and the City………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….31 5. Nowhere Man, ‘Miss Sarajevo’, and the Bosnian Blues…………………………………………………………….40 6. Bridges, Sieges, and Gramophones…………………………………………………………………………………………..60 7. The War for Peace…………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………75 8. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..90 9. Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………97 4 1. Introduction Emir Kusturica is arguably one of the greatest Yugoslav and European filmmakers ever. His fifth film – Underground, also known as Once Upon a Time There Was a Country, a surrealist black comedy about the history and breakup of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, won the Palme D’Or at the 48th Cannes Film Festival in 1995. It was the director’s second accolade at Cannes in ten years; Kusturica also won the coveted award for his 1985 film When Father Was Away on Business. In the spring of 1995, the wars in Bosnia and Croatia were nearing their final stage. Despite the fact that the conflict was coming to its close after four long years, some of its most horrifying and atrocious chapters were yet to be written, and some of the most heinous war crimes in Europe since WWII yet to be committed.
    [Show full text]
  • It Is Customary for Bosnians to Refer to Bosnia and Hercegovina Collectively As Bosnia
    Is there/will there be a “Bosnian” language? Aspects of the Language Question in Post-War Bosnia By Geoff Husic One may be hard pressed to select a topic that is likely to provoke more emotional responses among the people of the Balkans than language, the obvious contender, of course, being religion. The reason for such ardent reactions to language and religion is that they are at the core of the identity of the majority of the people of the Balkans and are the characteristics that accentuate the differences between a specific group and their varied but often closely related neighbors. In other words it is these two characteristics which to a great degree determine the “ethnicity” of the various Balkan peoples, or more specifically for the purposes of this paper, the Serbo-Croatian (SC) speaking nationalities of Bosnia12, namely the Muslims, Serbs, and Croats . It is axiomatic that the importance of language is rarely limited to purely linguistic concerns. Far from being only a means of communication, language often reflects social, cultural, and political realities. This has certainly been the case in the past and continues to be the case in the present in the former Yugoslavia. In this paper I will examine how language issues have been intimately intertwined with the issues of ethnicity and nationalism in the SC speaking lands of former Yugoslavia in general and in Bosnia specifically, and how these issues are playing out after the breakup of Yugoslavia. Historical Background Before we can delve into the intricacies of the Yugoslav and Bosnian language issues, we must first review some of the history of the region in question, the Balkan Peninsula, and the 1It is customary for Bosnians to refer to Bosnia and Hercegovina collectively as Bosnia.
    [Show full text]
  • Croatian Catholic Church and Its Role in Politics and Society
    Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 30 Issue 3 Article 1 8-2010 Croatian Catholic Church and its Role in Politics and Society Thomas Bremer Catholic Theological Faculty of the University, Münster, Germany Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Catholic Studies Commons, Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bremer, Thomas (2010) "Croatian Catholic Church and its Role in Politics and Society," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 30 : Iss. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol30/iss3/1 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CROATIAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND ITS ROLE IN POLITICS AND SOCIETY Thomas Bremer Dr. Thomas Bremer (Roman Catholic) is professor of ecumenical theology and Peace Studies at the Catholic Theological Faculty of the University of Münster, Germany. He has published several books and many articles on Orthodox theology, on the situation of churches in Eastern Europe, and is a specialist on south eastern Europe. Bremer is also a member of REE’s advisory editorial board. This article first appeared as a chapter in a book published in 2008.1 Bremer finished his text in 2006, so new dioceses created in 2010, for example, are not included. We are happy to publish it in REE because it provides a needed broad survey of recent Catholic Church developments in Croatia.
    [Show full text]
  • IX. Deferring a Substantive Settlement While Agreeing to a Settlement Mechanism
    IX. Deferring a Substantive Settlement while Agreeing to a Settlement Mechanism When autonomy or federalisation is not acceptable to one side and secession is not on the cards for the other, the option of deferral of the issue comes to the fore. This allows both sides to retain their legal positions. In the meantime, they may enter into negotiations on a substantive settlement or establish an agreed interim phase of autonomous administration until final settlement negotiations can take place. For instance, under international pressure, Lithuania suspended the application of its declaration concerning independence to facilitate negotiations on an agreed divorce.209 Similarly, under the Brioni Agreement, Croatia and Slovenia were meant to suspend the application of their declarations of independence a few days after they had been made. This suspension for a period of three months was meant to “enable negotiations on the future of Yugoslavia”.210 The brief outline settlements for South Ossetia of 1996 and for Abkhasia of 1993–1994 were also meant to provide space for a more detailed settlement while freezing the situation on the ground through a ceasefire. However, the inability to constrain the parties to negotiate seriously after agreeing to suspend their positions has led in this instance, and in the case of Transdniestria, to the establishment of the term ‘frozen conflicts’ within the diplomatic vocabulary. Accordingly, this option bears the risk of enhancing the position of the party which benefits from the status quo. Indeed, as the latest events in Abkhasia and South Ossetia have shown, this may extend to an attempted consolidation of de facto independence over time.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Different Discourses in Creating Arguments for Self
    Secessionist framing: The role of different discourses in creating arguments for self-determination By Beáta Huszka Central European University International Relations and European Studies Department Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Word Count: 90496 Supervisor: Erin Jenne CEU eTD Collection Budapest February 2010 Declaration I hereby declare that the thesis contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. To my knowledge the thesis does not contain unreferenced material or ideas from other authors. Name: Beáta Huszka Signature: CEU eTD Collection I Abstract By looking at the self determination movements which emerged in Yugoslavia and its successor states, we find that the various movements were framed very differently while political leaders tried to garner support for their state building ambitions. While Slovenia claimed to seek independence mainly on economic grounds, in Croatia, historical and ethno- nationalist arguments dominated the discourse on independence. Economic arguments played a prominent role also in Montenegro during mobilization where, however, a reformist, pro-democracy rhetoric became the most salient. The question arises why in some cases of self-determination elites push for a higher level of sovereignty in the name of economic advancement, whereas in other cases, self-determination movements refer to ethnic identity, human rights issues and other kind of rationale. Therefore, this dissertation specifically asks why some movements are framed by certain types of arguments and not by others. Why did the Montenegrin independence movement rely so heavily on a pro-democracy rhetoric and why did economic arguments become so central in Slovenia? How can it be explained that in Croatia ethno-nationalist themes dominated while references to economic reasons remained marginal? This study is based on the assumption that framing influences inter-ethnic dynamics during the course of a self-determination movement in a multi-ethnic setting.
    [Show full text]
  • The Slovenian-Croatian Confederal Proposal: a Tactical Move Or an Ultimate Solution?
    The Slovenian-Croatian Confederal Proposal: A Tactical Move or an Ultimate Solution? u Dejan Jovic´ u On October 2, 1990, the political leaderships of both Slovenia and Croatia officially proposed a new confederal agreement to the four other republics of the Yugoslav fed- eration. If it had been accepted, the proposed Yugoslav confederation (or the Union of Yugoslav States that the proposal suggested as an alternative), would have turned Yugoslavia into a loose association of independent states, each of which would be recognized as a sovereign state—both by other members of the confederation and in the sense of international law. Croatian scholar of international law Vladimir Djuro Degan was the main author of the draft of both the document titled Model of Yugoslav Confederation and the actual Confederal Treaty that accompanied it.1 He has noted that the documents were based upon the assumption of contractual mutual recognition of full state sovereignty and international subjectivity of all post-Yugoslav states. The confederation plan called for a “union of states,” not a “state union.” In a structural sense the proposed con- federation was to be modelled almost as a copy of the European Community, only marginally adapted to specific post-Yugoslav circumstances. Although the proposal and the contract offered many alternative solutions for practical issues—such as, for example, three options regarding the monetary issues, two on the issue of transport, three on the structure of defence forces, three on coordination of foreign policy, and many more on the structure (and existence) of the institutions of confederation— it offered no alternative to the proposal for statehood.
    [Show full text]
  • Tourism Urbanization in Croatia. the Cases of Poreč in Istria and Makarska in Dalmatia
    Südosteuropa 67 (2019), no. 3, pp. 393-420 JASENKA KRANJČEVIĆ AND SANJA HAJDINJAK Tourism Urbanization in Croatia. The Cases of Poreč in Istria and Makarska in Dalmatia Abstract. Taking Croatia as a case in point, the authors compare the influence of spatial planning on tourism urbanization. To understand how tourism and spatial planning have interacted on a subnational level, two tourism centres on the Adriatic coast, Poreč in Istria and Makarska in Dalmatia, were chosen as case studies. The authors argue that while tourism- driven urbanization during the socialist era favoured the development of hotels paired with quality communal infrastructure and public facilities, the subsequent socio-economic transformation has oriented tourism investments towards private profit in ways that have often led to the neglect of public interest and facilities. The two chosen cases represent different paths, however. In the last thirty years, Makarska has fallen prey to what has come to be called apartmanizacija (apartmentization)—an usurpation of valuable coastal space through the uncontrolled construction of private apartments. Poreč, on the other hand, has maintained its well-planned space by carefully rebuilding and upgrading its hotel capacities. Jasenka Kranjčević is a Senior Research Scientist at the Institute for Tourism in Zagreb. Sanja Hajdinjak is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Department of Empirical Theory of Politics at the Geschwister Scholl Institute of Political Science at the Ludwig Maximilians- University in Munich. Introduction Croatia is one of the fastest developing tourism economies in the world, with tourism on average contributing more than 20% to the annual national An earlier draft of this article was presented at the conference ‘Socialist and Post-Social- ist Urban Transformation in Small Cities of Southeast Europe’, organized in Regensburg in November 2018 by the Leibniz Institute for East and Southeast European Studies in coop- eration with the Southeast Europe Association, Munich.
    [Show full text]