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1970 The gona y of Lindsay Almond : 's transition from "" to "freedom of choice" John G. Mizell Jr

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Recommended Citation Mizell, John G. Jr, "The ga ony of Lindsay Almond : Virginia's transition from "massive resistance" to "freedom of choice"" (1970). Honors Theses. Paper 612.

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THE AGONY OF LINDSAY AL:-lOND:

VIRGINIA 1 S TRANSITION FROH 1 MASSIVE RESISTANCE 1 TO 1 Fru~Ef:o0:'1 OF CHOICE 1

Honors Thesis

for

Dr. F.~{. Gregory

In Partial Fulfillment of the ?.equircr..e!1t~ of the Degree

Bachelor of Arts

University of RichmcP.d

John Grant :·:izcll, Jr.• • 1970 .. .. _,~

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An analysis of the events in Virginia resulting from the Drmm dcsog- regation decision of 195'4 has justifj_abl:l been the subject of considerable

1 study. The irr~ortance of ttis neriod of "1~assive resistance ' to integrated schools should not be minimized because the South looked primarily to the

Old Dominion for leadersbip. lim-rever, studies undertt:~ken thus far have con- centrated principally on the initial reaction of Virginia to the decision and the formation of the ma~e of obstructionist ~ea0ures contrived to ~rc- vent integration, v-rhile largely nep;lecting the importa:1t as'?cct of the state's use of the "freedom of choice'' nolicy in Virr,inia 's schools.

An examination of this •1eriod re1uires a basic kno;-;ledr;e of the noli- tical forces operating in Virginia. The Byrd orear.ization dor-;imted the pm.;er structure, particularly in the rural areas and "J1 rrini::..

The leaders from these areas >-rield8d influence far above the nerce:!t,a;:e of the state po;>Ulation that their constituents re:Jresented. Becaus-e of' their backgrounds, these rr.en follm;ed the lead of chief a::-chitect Senator rinrry F.

Byrd in formulating resistance lef,islation and >-~ere extremely reluctant to permit any school inter.ra~ion in Virrinia.

The nersonality :.;ho occu;:>ie~ center stare in this study is indeed an enigmatic figure. J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., the son of a r<:iilroad enr,ineer, was born in Orange County, Virr.inia, anc'! '.iorkcd his "':ay through the Univ~r- si ty of Virginia Law School. In return for his assistance in Harry Byrd's

19?5 ca19aign for governor, Ali7:ond r;as able to unseat the incu~bent judge 1 of the Roanoke Hustings Court in 1932. In 194f) he ;:on the Sixth 'Cistrict

Congressional ~eat, but resir.ned in Anril 19h8 to br.;ccr·;;; state attorney

ii iii

general after the death of narr.f Apperson. Almond 1 s popularity and rhetor­

ical talent aided the organi7.ation 1 s ticket in the Democratic orimary in

July 1949 and the general election in November, with the result that he be­

came attorney general in his oHn right. He served in that position until

the surrmer of 1957.2

The country-bred laHyer, hm-mver, was too independent-minded to fit in

neatly with the close-knit, tightly-contro11od B-trd or[nai7.ation. Several

actions of Almond made Senator Byrd ske?tical that he could ever becone more

than a _distant associate of the organization. Almond had veered ~rom the

Byrd line in St..'?portinz both the r;arshall Plan and the Truman !Joctrine of

aid to Greece and Turkey, as ·t-rell as ca:rr::>aiGning actively for Tru!'lan in

1948..3 Then in 1950 Byrd became extrr.ely irrit;;ted -r,;hen .Umond endorsed

Eartin Al Eu·tcllinson (Byrd 1 s OI"Jponcnt in the J.94t; Democratic senatorial

!)rimary), Tru..11an's a~)rointee for the Federal Trade Com:r.ission.4 Thus, even though Alnond 's position as attorney general nlaced him in line for the covernor's office in 1953, ~Jrd lacked su:ficient confidence in him to en­ dorse Almond f.'or ~;overnor. Instead he selected Thonas Stanley and a1lm·:ed

Almond to renain in the attorney r,eneral's office.

Lindsay Alrnond 1 s stater.1~nts and actions follmring the Brm-rn decision were characterized by inconsistency ::md contradiction, but may be under­ stood in light of his political aJT.bition •. Ha-.,inr; '.·iOn lavish praise for his presentation of the South's point of vie·..r before the Su/reme Court,. Almond vias loo.ked upon as the ''I'c:r,osthenes of the CJ.d !)or:!inion." Fe-..r could err.ulate the sincerity of his devotion to the principle of segregation or-his genuine iv

fear of the effects of inter;ration. He believed that the stntc v:as entitled

to a thorough legal defense in the courts. In the state his role in the

draftine of raassive resistance lecislation •·ms a coo'Jerative, rather than a

positive one. Almond the lmryer had r:r.'l'!C reservations· about the constitu-

tionality of some of the massive resistance lcr,islation, so he sim?ly re-

stricted himself to the role of legal advisor. Ho<:ever Alr..on.d, the poli-

tician, could not afford such a luxury; ro he reluct;mtly .'Jcceptcd, and

later enthu-Siastically advoc:.ted, the massive resistance vehicle uith the

hope that it uou.ld carry hirrt to the Governor's i:3.nsion.

Bet'1-1een 1954 and 1959 Vir[.inia ~r.ade a full circle on the Brc•m decision.

The process consisted of three stat;es: (1) hesit:mt ar.ce?ta:::ce; (~) !'l';"ssive

resistance j

of r~sistance efforts, the tasl<" :mdert:1kc:l :wre 3tt.:::::~~.s to '113ke ::t ~'.ll'80ry

revieH of t:!? higL.lights of the rnove:r,=nt and emphasi"?;e the change t:~ 3. heu policy. ~ue to the unique a'!:d corr:plex ~ature of the school problem in

Prince Ed1-rard County, t~El story of the mjor e•;cnts in that locality have been omi tterl. The ?rimary pUI?;)Se of tbis study is to :::hcd cre:;ter lii;ht llt'10n the factors ~~hich caused Lindsay Almond to see the nec.:::ssity. for a nm·; approach to scl1ool deser,rer.ation in ;'irgini<~ 3nd to describe hovr that nolicy was imple:!tcnted. TABLE OF COf\TENTS

FRONTISPIECE ...... i

PREFACE ••• ...... • • • ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... v

LIST OF ?LA TES ...... vi CHAFTER I. THE q:.ASSIVE RESISTANCE' POLICY ...... 1 CHAPTER II. A DE.~D-END ROAD ...... 5

CHAPTER III. Ak~~,lOND 1 S 1 FHEEDON OF CHOICE 1 ?OLICY FOR VIRGINIA 16 CP.A PTER IV. CONCLUSION ...... ?3

FOOTNOTES .• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . . . -. . • • • • • • • • 26

APPE~illiX I. "Deadlock at the Intersection!' (Cartoon) • , •••••• 30

APPENDIX II. i·lan of Southside Vireinia • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 31

BIBLIOGR..;.?tri • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 32 LIST OF PLATES

Plate I. J. Lindsay Alffiond, Jr. (Frontispiece) 1 • . . • • . . . I I i Plate II. t'Deadlock at the Intersection" (Cartoon) • ...... • 30

Plate III. Hap of Southside Virginia 1 • • • • • • . . • • • •• 31

vi CHA?TEil I

THE 1iiASSIV.E HZSISTA:JCE' i'OLICY

On l'!ay 17, 195h, Chief Justice Zarl ~·Jarren issued the unanimous opin- ion of the SuoremC> Court, striking dotm the "se':')arate but equal" princil_)le of the ?lessy v. ?crruson decision of 1R96. It declarc~d unconstitutional racial ser,regaticn in the public schools of twenty-one states. The court concluded ''that in the field of nublic educ3ticn the doctrine of 1 senarate but equal' has no place. Sera rate educational faci- lities are inherently unequal. Therefore, 1-re hold that the plaintiffs ••• have be.en ••• , denrivecl of the equal protection of the laH~ f.U3rantccc by the Fourteenth Amendment. 5' The decision voided section 1/..;0 of the

Virginia State Cons:,itution >rhich said: !'Hhite a:1c! colored children shall not be taut;ht in the same school. ':6 As a result, the foundations· of the existing social structure in the S:uth ~·rerc shaken, and public education in

Virginia was confronted c..rith a major crisis of shiftinr; from a dual to a uni tar.r system.

The inital reacLion of most political leaders in Virginia, including

Governor 'I'hom3.s Stanley, l-T:JS on-2 of node ration. Virginin 's Attorney General

Lindsay Almond, vrho had argued the case before the Surreme Court on behalf of the state, issued a conciliatory stater;'.ent: "The hir,hest court in t.he land has spoken. I trust that Vireinia 'Hill approach the question renUs­ tically and en:lenor to uork out some rational adjustmer.t."? From the be- cinnine .S8mtor Harry Byrd, ho'frever, never accented the decision. ~·Tithin tuo months he cave notice to the t;O'lernor rejectint; the Suyreme Court de- cision, rrhlch brcugl::t Stanley to s.::-sure his constituents that the state

1 2 would take all possible steps to prevent federal intervention in the onera­ tion of Virginia 1s.schools.8

\\hile the Old Dominion ado~tccl no official state policy immediately following the initial 1954 ruling, the only extrene reaction occurred in

Southside Virginia 1 s Fourth District. A r.~eeting of such men as State

Senator and Congressman ~·Iatkins Abbitttook nlace in Petersburg on June 20, 1951~, ·r,rith the result -that the leaders declared themselvec! Hun­ alterably O[Jposed" to the court decision. In October a pro-segregationist group ~nm-m as Defenders of State fio'!ereir,nty and Individual Liberties ·Has fanned and ap"Jeared eager to propose a constitutional revision to al.,olish the state's public school system.9

The Governor's Com~ission on Public ~ducation (referred to as the Gray

Cornrnission after the state senator vrho served as chairrr.an), -v:hj_ch dF.-livered its main reoort in !Ioverr.ber 195'5, seemed to strike a corn;Jro:nise betHecm the extre;..G vie·~rs held in Southside Vir£;inia and the :nore r.!O

controversy-, Virr,inians voted on Jmmary 9, 195f>, by a t1·1o-to-one marb,in in

favor of a referendum callinf; 11 constitutional convention to make possible

the use of tuition grants.l?

Hsanwhile, resistance to any such corr.pliunce v;i th school descr;rer:ation

began to develo~ 1-Jithin the Byrd oreani7.ation. An elderly rural attorney

from Chesterfield County "resurrected frora the ideological tomb of John C.

Calhou.'1" the doctrine of Interoosltion, 13 and James J. Kilnatrick of the

Richmond Hews Lec:Ider filled his editorial colu!lms -vrith !)Olysyll.sbic ca­

dences .writt8n lrith his fier.f nen.ll: Although Senator Byrd had endcr3-sd the

Janua~ referendllfl as a part of the im0lementation of the Gray Plan, he soon

realized that n:me~-1ed strength might be gained for his orr;aninti(,n by

leading the South in a determined effort ar,a:i nd any intep·ation.l5 ~-:nereas most of the necple of Virginia O?posed inter:raLion in varying deerees, Byrd

decided to bury the nrinciple of local o~tion contained in the Gray Pl:m and

renlace it -vrith a rigid, state-:1-ride nolicy of "massive resistance t!16 to any

school integration. Cne leader SU!T'~arized I3yrd 1 s strategy 1-1hcn he said:

"This Hill keep us in ryo;-rcr another t~-renty-five years. nl7

The soecific rr:easure:;necded to carry out the plan \iere discussed in a

July meeting by organization leaders, particuhrly .i3yrd, Stanley, and Gray.

A legislative :;ession follm-ied in Auf,ust where the General Asscnbly nassed a list of monolithic measure~ v:hich created a formidable shield ..,.rithin the

. t . t .. .&. ... t• 18 state governrnen aea1ns 1n~egra len. The :Jacl~age of bills adonted in-

1uded the creation of a three-m.e:nller Pu~il Placement Board, ao-:1ointe;d by the

governor, ;.rhlch teak from local school boards full authority to as~irn 4

pupils to schools. If the races Here mh:ed in any school, the board Hould

automatically close that school, 'dthholdinc all state funds from that

school system. The governor lms then to take control, and be reassi~nine; pupils or reort;ani:dng the school, tr.)• to reopen the school on a segrer.ated

basis. If these efforts failed, tuition granu uould be mnde available at

state expense to continue the education of the children in nonsectarian

private schools. So that the plan rught survive a court test, a loonhole was provideJ v.rhereb;y at the descretion of the r,overnor <1nd entirely from

local f.tmds, a school district could conc~:ivably o~erate interrated schools.

The governor could nermit it if deencd advisable, upon petition of the

school beard and the governing body of the locality.l9 So by the fall of

195'6 the lines had been dra-vm, and the !':'.assive resistenn·rere firmly secure

in their trenches awaiting the inevit:t'!::le fieht in thP- courts·. A DEAD-END Ii.OAD

At the very time th~t all the ~tat~ 1 s vreaoons 1-vere denloyed in nrcna- ration for the judicial struggle, Attorm.!y Gcner1l Lindsay ,\lmond decided to enter the gubernatorial race nearly a full year prior to the election scheduled for r:ovember 1957. It vras apparently Alnond 1 s last 07:-ortunit.y to becorrie governor, and he :was not about to tc:kc any chance on beinr; denied it. Thus he realized that if he was to be the gene:-al of the forces, hn not affordto abandon the i-:eaoons and equip~ent devcloned for the battle.

~·!ithout Deeking the custo:r.ary ap~rov:1l f!"om Senator Dyrd, Lindsny

Al;nond declared his candidacy for gcverncr on i'rover~ber 17, 1956, thus out- maneuv.~ring Senator G::-ay, "r~ho •~<.s more closel:r alir.ned ~.;ith the ort;anization.

Aft8r a test of strencth lasting ti-ro >·weks, Gray annour.ce::l on !)e~t:r.t'cer ') that he ~wuld not enter the gubernatori3l !'ace. 20 Five days later Alr;ond received a reluctant ''nod"· fro::: L;yrd viho stated: ''In Lincsa:,r Almond, the

Democra.tic Party will have a candidate tried and tested b:,' rr.an:l years of ,21 arduous ?Ublic service • • . . Inheriting the extremist :::>latform of Governor Star.ley and the 3yrd henchrr:en, Almond soon e;q:,ressed e:1thusiastic and vehement sun0ort for the oolicy. The Del':'.ocratic oatform read in '?art: '".·:e ~·rill 0?-;>ose -:rith every· faculty at our cmw.and, and -vlith Every ounce of our enercr, the ·atte:r:ut to mix 'tlhi te and lJsgro races in our classroor:s. I..et there re no nisunrkr- ,. . . standing, no vre<:.se 1 ~-rc rd s, on t n~s nolnt.: ~·!e dedicate or1r e·1ery ca"?acity 22 to ore serve ser;rq:a tion in tlw schools. Alr,..,or;d 1s olan lras to resist by 5 6 legal means every move tm.rard intecration.

During the sun;r,er of 1957 State Senator Theodore Dalton, ":·rho hr:~d , narrm·rly missed defca ting Stanley for c;overnor in 19)3, •m~ ncrsuaded to become the Republican Party's candidate again. 'Ihe po;mlar and hic;hly- regarded Dalton favored local oution 1-rhich rrould have allov:cd sorne desegrc- gation, vhile bcinc far frorn intee;rationist. In a speech acceptine the nor::- ination on July ? in Roanoke, Dalton said:

I chare.e that the cut-off-the- funds pror;ra:n of the Democr.:Jtlc · leadership is taking us ~cun a dead-end road that can end only in wholesale school integration or the closinG of the oublic free school of Vircini::;. I ~ay to the peo::>le of Virci~ia that there is a lWY to save our ser;rebated sr::hcols. That ".my is a pu~il assign.rnent nlan, l()cally admir,i~tF;re-:1. 23

During the cc::~aign he n~eat8dly criticized Ab:or.d for cr.:bre1cing -:-:assi·.-e resistanc-:: aftsr h:wing cha~ion~r. ths lccal option fe.:Jturc of the Gre1y '

Plan. 24

Contrary to the belief of rr,any, Lir:-Jsay Almond uas rrell aHare th-3. t there vras a good chance that sor:1e in-tesration vrould take !)lace in the schools. I!A ir.dicP.ted this fact in a television intervie-..r fi b:d in ~.. :ash- ington D.C. in early Cctober of 19~7 \-:hen he adr.dtted th~t so:':le enforced integration 1>rould have to b8 ncce!lted 1.mder the :-nandates of the fcder-11 courts. Almond sirnly prwicer:l "to hold it off as long and as effectively 'bl ,,25 as we poss~ y eRn.

UeverthelMs the election on !·Iovember S, 1957, gave Lindsny .\lnond and rr.assive resistance .g decisive victor,:r, as they von the support of nearly ~h oer cent of Virginians '[{ho voted. For cxa:r.;)le, in t~e race ~he House of 7

Deler;ates :i.n H:i.chrn.ond, four of the seven Hinners J'lacl endorsed massive rc- sistance and the other thre~ hctd vo~:8d ·to fir:ht for the prcsr.rvnticn of scr- regated schools. These men rec-eived more th~n double the nu>nbcr of votes received by anJr of the los:i.nr; cand~_dates, r.,ost of \·:hom favored a locally administered pupil assir,nment plan. 26 Any fear tlnt the Democrats may had had of losing the gubernatorial election had been elblin<1ted ~.;hen President - Eisenhm-rer ser.t federal troops into Little Hock to enforce school intq~ra- tion. :ls t:1e good-natured Dalton put it: "Little :lock i:::1oc!~ed ~e dm:n to nothine. It Han 1 t a little rod:, it \·:as a bic rock. n27

In his inaugural ocldrass on Janu3rJ' 11, 19)R, .Umor.d made it quite clear that he xot:lrl. 3c1here to the nassive :recist

However as the days pa.sf.'~d, the intensity of the ilr:pcncling crinis be- came more obvious. 1Ihen it Has clear that the courts •.-rould order schools integrated in sol"ie localities by the follm·::i.n6 Sentc::1ber, sol".e moderates across the state began to see the critical nature of the situ~tion. The

Arlington Com.r;d.tt:::e to Preserve Public Schools -...ms forr.1ed chiefly t? seek e·very poss.:l.ble 1egal ;wan::; of keepinr, nublic sch0ols open and to urce local option as the solution to tile nroLlen. 5 ...:.r.c:-:J.:.ri "'.ing the gravj ty of the 8

forl'her situation, Governor stated in the late summer: "There 1 s 11 nothing you or I can do at this star,e. ;.ro~ld only be denounced as 1 in- tcgrationists 1 . . . • Sad as it may see:"\, it ~..-ill ta}:e the actual fact of closed schools to restore sanity in this state. Virginia is goinr, to have

to learn the hard >ra:i I ir29

On the other hand, the r.:assi ve resisters h?d no idea of co:·i;)romj ~;in g.

Fearing irreparable darAb~ to his re:Jutation as the leader of the Southern forces in the U. S. Senate, Byrd cescribed the situation as "the gravest crisis 'since the Civil '\·.'ar." He said. the forces of inte;-;ration 1-:ere

''working on the theory that if Virginia can be brcu!::ht tC' her kmes, th8:f can march through the rest o: the South sin(;inc 111allelujah. 1 :rJO ?omer

Gove:::-nor ~~illian J'uck wrote to Alr.,ond: ''Tf.~ neoo le are behind you one- hundred per cent in your detcrninP.ti0n to keen the scl-.ools fron being in-

tegrated • • I • There 1-rill be no ;.reo kenin£ in the ranks, and· the harder and the tougher the going is the nore the folks 1-rill unite cehind you. rrJl 1 In early Septerr.ber as the neak of the school crisis was getting closer at hand, AL"':'!ond made a clear distinction betwet!n federal "poHer" and federal llauthority~" He personally believed the fAderal courts had overstepped their authority in ruling on a :::1att

As the fall school term began in Seotcrr.ber, court orders for desegre­ gation finally r.1ade initial cont:.1ct uith defenses of the state le[islnt.urc.

On Sentcmber 8 federal district judr.c Jolm Paul ordered the 1:!arren County school board to adr:d. t brcnty-tv.o rJegro applic<1nts to the Hhi te high school in the county seat of Front Hoyal. A subsequent appeal to stay the order failed. Exercisin£: for the first tir:1c the school-closing authority r,ranted to him b~r an act of the 19S'6 General A~ser:.bly, Governor Almond ordered the high school (vrith an enrollment of 1000) to be closF.d on .Se~tcnber 1?. Sim­ ilarly'· in Charlottesville on Septer.tber 16, Lnnc High 2chool ('•7i th iipnroxi­ mately 10.50 pupils), and Venable Elenenta:rJ School (tdth an!)roxin?.tel:;r 650 pupils) l-rere ordered closed. In additicn, on 3:mte"r.bcr 27 :·~or folk 1 s six tvhite high schools (uith a total enrollMent of lJ,OOO) l-Ierc locked by order of the governor to prevent inte[ration. In contrast, jud~e Albert V. BrJ~n postponed the comoliance of an order to dcsecreeate schools in ArUnt:ton until the ber,inning of the second tenn, thus avoidinr; an explosion ov~:r school-closing in the liberal-minded community. Of the 1?, 700 nuoils "Y:ho were locked out of Vir[inia 1 s !)Ublic schools by the end of Septcrrther, about

2,000 "ortuni t:r to return to school. 3 3

On the day inrn~diately follm·rine the initial school-closing in ~·!arrcn

County, Al!':lond and .lttorney General Alhertis S. Harrison filed a ''friendly suit 1' (Harrison v. Day) in Hhich they asked the Vireinia Su0rerr.c Court to valid2 te the tution grant -orogran, as '<;ell as the school-closing and fund- 10

cut-off lmrs. The action, hm-:ever J also opened the door for the court to

examine all the massive re.sistnnce leGislation and afforded an opportunity

to declare the entire orogram unconstitutional. J)~ Althourh Almond oublicly denied it at the tin;e, he later accitted that he felt the laws would be in-

validated by the court. In addition, he felt Virginians ,.rould acc~ot more

readily an order to retreat from nassivc resistance by a Virt;:inia court tlwn

a "foreignrr federol court.35

A furtttel· ind:i.cntion of Almond 1 s feelin£: uas evident frorr. his reaction

to the Little l-tock decision in the cace of Aarcn v. Co01Jer, ....rhcrc state

efforts to prevent school integration vrerc ruled unconstitutionnl. Feeling

that the S1;prcme Court made the decision ~dth an eye on VirEinia, Alnond

called it "tile most far-rt:!aching and dcva~:tating blow ever to bludgeon the

reserved oOi·Je~ s of the states of this union.'' lit a news conference in

Septer.1ber., Alrr.cnd coi'lr.1entcd: "It says to the states that they must totally abandon not cnly public fr~e· tchool3 \-There they cannot be

Perhaos the r;overnor already reco~nizcd the h.;,dwriting on the -vrall as the

nreli:odnary. si•malt. for the end of r!"l.assive rcsi:>tance.

Another i;nportant develop;i'\ent occurred on October '?.7 vrhen t':~mty-.six

Norfolk . residents, including eleven children, filed a suit in federal court ch.:1llen9ing the school-clo.sinr; lau on the r.rounds that closing ccrt.:lin

:Iorfo].k schools, 1-;hilc per;d. tting ~ch:)ols to oper'!te clse•-rhere in the state der>rived the nlaintiffs and ot.her in ~lorfolk of cqu1l nrotection of thA laH. 11

Thus the significant case of Ja0:cs v. ,\lmonn souc;ht to force the state to

carry out its resronsibility of nrovicing public education for the 10,000

students in Norfolk.37

Throughout this tense ncriod the governor refused to be n_ narty to

moves of intir:1idation or rcnrisal ar,ainst Virr;inia's Ncr;:ro citi7:cns. A

vague provision in one of the laHs im?licd that the governor should r.:nke an

effort to have Negroes \dthorn',~ their applications frcm the closed schools . . . so they could be reopened on a segregated basis. Comoletely ignoring this

in the initial case in ~!arren County, Aln-.ond stated: "I ~rill not ":Jer:ni t the ·

office of governor to be used to co'3rce or take undo advantagr: of an:r citi:>:en

relative to thafcitben 1 s conc,-:pt of his or her constitutional rights . . . .II

Later, vThen ~~.crr.bers of Norfolk's city council took steps in retaliation fa':"

school-closing to force the closing of :·Ict;ro hig:1 :::chools as Hell, il.lr.:ond

com.•1ented angrily that this 11;,oulc! be a vicious and retaliatory blm·r a[·ainEt

II the Negro race .JB

Once the school-closings had become a reality in Virginia, the tide

gradually bcr:an to turn ap:ainst Massive resistnnce, and Governor Al:.tond cR:'Ie under intense ores sure to ch.anee the state 1 s course of action. The Vir-

ginia Congress of Parents and Tcacht':rs defeated by a 557-557 tie votl" a

resolution supportine r.:a[:si ve resistance and narrov:ly adonted 51 C:-513 a

resolution endorsing loc3l onticn as the best solution to Virginia's S8hool

crisis )9 At a r:~eeting of the H.otar.t Club in Itich;-:;ond on Nov~:o.bcr 11,

James J. Kilpatrick, the out-s!)cken editor of the l~ich:-.1cm :r~~Is Lr:adcr, nre- dieted the invaJ.ida~ion of the st:-tte 1 s anti-integr~tion la~·s by the ccurts 12 and called for a new annroach to the problem. The next day the ll.ich:·:onct

Times-Dis;:;atch urccd Governor Almond to ap-ooint a state ccn:nission on edu­ cation to re-evaluate the school situation in Virginia.40 A general shift in the tone of a majority .of ne-vrsnaper editorials across the state was no- ticeable by the end of November. Dr. Lorin A. Thompson, University of Vir- ginia Director of the Bureau of Pooulation and Econorr~c i~search, published a paper in Dec~r:1bcr emphl!sizing th~ loss of industry and new residr;nts that

Virginia had suffered as a result of the state's policy of abandoninr. nublic schools.41 Later that sarr.e month, at a Hotunde Club dinner nceting in

Richmond, a large number of Hichmond's bur:ine:cs leaders expressed to Gover­ nor Almond their grave and urgent c.:.1ccrn over the school closine:s and their effect on business. DurinG January a group of business leaders in the

Charlottesville area, headed by Francis ?• Hiller, ado:pted a re~olution eventually sirned by 1200 citizens, cx:,ressing conf:i.rience in their local school board and urging that schools be reopened. 4:> As a result, Lindsay

Almond carried no small burden on his shoulders during th~se tryinr. months.

By the end of 19?9 the private school ex~eriment set up to replace public schools -vras considered only a oartial success. In Charlottesville

1,384 of the 1, 73S displaced nupils ·Here in r.mkeshift private achools and

179 had found schools elsevrhere, possibly public school in other co:nmuni­ ties. The segregationi~t Chnrlottesville Education Foundation and the oro­ public school Parents' Comrr~ttee for E~ergency Schoolinr, sponsored the high school jointly, with each organization ooerating its mm ele::tentary school. _

U~ing thirty classroo:ns in five different buildin~in dmmtm-m Front I\oyal, 13

one private school organization in Harren County took care of 7RO of the approximately 1,000 displaced high school students. The Norfolk community . was less successful, for fe-v:er than one-half of the 10,000 displaced punils were accommodated in.local private school classes. Nearly 1,000 students transferred to public or private schools outside the area, and a few entered other schools without requesting transcripts of their records. Between 2,500 and 3,000 Norfolk children were receiving no education or tutoring of any kind. Generally; the experiment proved most successful in the districts with the smallest number of disolaced pupils, but the difficulties seemed to multiply as the number of students increased. In an extreme case of irony, tuo court decisions soundinr; the death knell of massive resistance laws vrere delivered on January 19, 1959, the birthday of the famous Confederate general, Robert E. Lee. In the case of

Harrison v. Day, the attorney general had argued that since section lllO of the state constitution dealing with seeregated schools had been invalidated by the Suoreille Court, all other sections of that same article (including one dealing vrith maintainine "an efficient system of oublic free schools throughout the state nhh) also fell, leaving the General Assembly unrestricted with respect to operating public schools. However the ccurt failed to find

any basis for such a contention, so the state maintained its resoonsibility for one rating a system of oublic schools. Furthermore, rrhile not invali­ dating tuit~on grants oer se, the court held that the power to appropriate school funds did not allow the General Assembly to rrithhold such funds 14 from public schools and use that money to pay tuition grants. hS Simultaneously the federal district court in Norfolk ruled in James v.

Almond that as long as a locality maintained a school system," the closing of any part of the public schools to avoid desegregation while nerrnitting others to remain segregated at taxpayers'. expense violated the equal pro­ tection and due process clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment. The court did not specifically direct the reooening of the schools, but rather declared the governor's school-closing proclamation void because it was based uoon and unconstitutional statute. It restored to the Norfolk school board the rights -.;.rhich it previously had, including that of complyinr, \d th the fed­ eral court order of Februa~ 26, 1957, to desegregate.46 In reoly Governor Almond delivered a fifteen-minute radio and tele- vision address on January 20. !.fu.ny observers believed that he might suggest a new school policy, but instead Almond nledeed himself to any unyielding fight against of Vir€rinia nublic schools. His ~?ords imnlied that he still firmly rejected any ideas of local option as a new state policy. He denounced as "false pro-ohets" those who spoke of "little or token integration,~ and said: "I will not yield to that which I knoH· to be wrong and fWhicb] ~-Till destroy every semblance of education for thousands of children of Virginia." At a time when it l·ras clearly visible that the resistance shio Has sinking, Almond declared: 1 ~i!e have just begun to fieht. ,.IJ7 Naturally the hard-line massive resisters around the state anolauded

Almond's words. ~·Jilliam Tuck sent the follo1-1inr; message: "I congratulate you on the fine address you made last night. It should give our oeoole 15 gre[lt encourarrement.uhB That same day Conr,ressman Fatkins·Abbitt called his presentation "the finest speech I've ever heard you make. 11119

Observers, hm-:evcr, soue;ht an exolanation for the governor's failure to be more realistic. Almond later admitted that the speech was.orobably the big[est mistake of his adr.1inistration because it misled the oeople by

giving them the irrnression that integration ·Has avoidable. "I saw the v.rhole thing crumblin,9}i ne has :.observed. "Tired and distraught, I agoni7.ed and

gave vent to my feelings, vlhich never should have been done. u50 Almond v.ras making one last attempt to tell the people that he had done everJthing oos- sible and to assure them that no r.~as:::i ve onrush of integration "rould occur.

Thus in late January 1959, the state policy stood on the brink of como lete collapse; and Virginia stood on the verr.e of enterinp; a nevr era i.n oublic education. CHA?TER III

ALHOND 1 S 1FREED0!'i OF CHOICE.' ?LAN FOH VIHGINIA

During the feu days ir.unediately follo~Yine: his vicious attack uoon in- tegrationists, Governor Alrnond did a considerable amountof soul-searchinr, reflecting upon the signific:'mce of the tHo court decisions and the school integration ordered to take place on February 2. He had come to the ?oint where a choice had to be made bet~·recn shutting down the state 1 s entire public school system or admitting a few Negroes to white schools. Accor- dinglyi a:nid0t considerable variance of on inion as to his moti vcs, Almond called a special session of the General Assembly to convene on January 28.

In what sor'le observers have called '!his finest hour" the governor con- vened an extra session of the legislature by delivering a forty-minute address in a slovr and forceful manner. Com:ncndcd for his eloquence and courage, Almor1d recognized as defunct the oolicy of massive resistance and called for the adoption of a well-calculated ?Olicy of contai~~ent.51 This action necessitated a break ldth Harry Byrd, who remained firmly opposed to any integration.

After briefly tracing the history of resistance in the state, including his own role in it, Almond stated: rrThe time has arrived to take a nm.;r, thorough, and long look at the situation which confronts us. 11 To the hard- line resisters he offered this advice:

It is not enough for gentlemen· to cry unto you and ma, 'Don't give up the shio. 1 1Stop them. 1 1 It must not happen, 1 or- 1 It _ can be orevented. 1 If any of ther:1 knm·T the uay through the dark maze of. judicial aberration and constitutional exploitation, I' call uoon ther.1 to shed the lieht for '-rhich Virginia stands in dire need in this, her dark and ae:onizing hour. rio fair-:ninded 16 17

person would be so unreasonable as to seek to hold rr:e resnonsiblc for failure to exercise ooHers which the state is pm-.rcrlcss to bestov1.

Almond stated that he i-:as ·vrilling to serve a jail sentence if it vrould ac- comnlish the desired purpose, but he sm.r it merely as an exercise in fu- tility. Finally, he announced the appointment of an education study co:n­ mission.S2

The immediate reaction to Almond's message 'H3~ quite favorable. In a telephone poll conducted immediately follmdnr; the f.OV~rnor' s address by nevmpapcrs in Richmond, ~(orfolk, Arlinv,ton, noanokc, and JJynchburF,, more than t•vo-thirds of those questioned expressed anproval of the nevi aonroach to the school problem. ~Jhcn asked, "Hmr v.:ere you i::t!)rcsscd gcn~rally by

Governor Almond's message to the ler.;islature, ·~ 67 per cent renlied "favor­ ably," 17 per cent "unfavorably,'' and 16 oer cent ''undecided. "c;3

The legislature follm-red the eovcrnor's recommendations and agreed uno~ a four-point program before takinG an extended recess on February 2.

The orogr8l'71 consisted of repealing the co~ulsory school attendance law, enacting a new tuition r:rant program acceptable to the courts, strengtheninp: the laus ar:ainst disorders and violence, a~d ocstponing any rn!:ljor chanfje until a legislative commission could make a recommendation.Sh

Almond's initial victory, hovever, uas not obtained without a hard- fought battle. His forces had to overcome efforts by such pouerful as­ sembly leaders as E. Blackburn ~1oorc (Speaker of the House), Senator Garland

Gray (chairman of the ~:ena te 's Democratic caucus), Senator J. D. Hagood

(fincance connittce chairnan), and Senator Charles T. :·roses (president nro 18 tempore and floor leader of the Senate). \·Ihile this serrcr,ationist bloc sought to delay Almond's orogram in favor of som9thine more drastic, Almond gained solid support fror.1 a makeshift coalition of noderate members of the

organization, anti-organi?:ation members, and Hepublicans.55 He was assist0d by Lieutenant Governor A. E. S. Stephens, ·rrhor.~ the r;ovcrnor called "the

giant uho brought order out of the chaos resulting in the asser:1bly follorrinp: the January 28 sneech.56

On Fe?rual"J 2, ~·rhile the lcr,islators anxiously auai ted the outcome be­ fore adjourning, schools in tv10 Virginia communi ties \·:ere quictl:r integrated.

Four Negro children entered the seventh grade at Arlington's Stratford

Junior High School and seventeen Negro nUl')ils ·vrere admitted to six Norfolk vrhilte hir.;h schools without incident. 57 The :·lational Gu11rd \oms on alert., not to be arrayed agair.5f the federal goverm,ent, but to augment state and local nolice in pr.:>tecting the right of the children and the safety of the people. This vras in strikinr; contrast to the action taken earlier by Gov­ ernor Faubus in Arkansas regarding school integration.58

Later that month desegregation wasf;Jtponed in Charlottesville ~~til the follmving Sentember and tvro segrer;at~d schools nrOn:tJtly reopened, but

\-Jarren County High School vras ordered to reC";)en and ad,dt twcnty-t~·ro Negro pupils. On February lR, 'r!hen the v!arren County school open<:d its doors, the Negro children entered; but not a single ~-!hit!:! child r •.:turned. 59 This total boycott see:ns to have resulted fror:i a refusal to disrupt the Hhite students' uork at the private schools in the r:iiddle of the term rather than from outright stubbornness and racial hatred. Nevertheless, the turn of 19

events vras 1ddely interpreted by newspapers across the South as a 1wrthy model of resistance.60

After tvro months of deliberation, the ·f9rty-membcr PerrO'I-7 Commission,

headed by the senator from Lynchburc, made its recc~endations in early

April. The re9ort consisted of a thirty:one-member majority ooinion and a

dissenting ~osition signed by nine memb2rs. In many ways the ~rooosals of

the majority v:ere very similar to the earlier Gray Plan. Embq:iJ'inr, .the

principle of local option, the recomrnendations relied chiefly on an exten-

sive system of tuition grants or "scholarships" as a safety valve in order

to provide "the. greatest oossible 1 frecdor.t of choice 1 for each locality and

each individual. "61

Desnite Governor Almond's uholehearted endorserr.ent of the coP~ission's

recornr::endatior<;, the administration once again encountered stronr; oonosi-

·tion. Only through vigorous efforts by Lieutenant Governor Steohen,and a

small group of moderates, usuul1.y associated Hith the Dyrd organization,

was Almond able to maintain his makeshift alliance. It vras necessary to

turn back atterrots by the massive resistance bloc to strike out the state

constitutional requirement that the state ODerate a nublic school system. 62

Displaying brilliant parliamentary r.taneuvering, the pro-administration

forces led the Senate to vote itself into a Com:nittec of the ;,!hole on t;.ro

occasions by key votes of 20-19 to avoid having ~easures killed in an un­

syrnoathetic education committee.63 During the twenty-five-day session, the General Assembly adopted es-

sentially the coF.nlete legislative program suggested by the commission. The 20

Almond-Perrow formula put resistance to integration on an individual and local government basis, v1ith aid and encoragem~.;r from the state. The broadened tuition grant program included scholarships of up to ~2~0 to those who preferred a private nonsectarian school to the publc school. 64 Allou­ ances 'Here made to helo any city or county to susoend the operation of its public schools, rather than integrate, by cutting off local school appro­ priations and reducing state school aid to a trifling minimum. Provision was made for cities and COUnties to ador•f 3 Heak Compulsory attendance lau so no parents Hho conscientiously objected would be required to send their children to school. Finally, a local ouoil assignment plan •ras to replace the state plan, effective Harch 1, 1960.6~

Nevertheless, even the freedom of choice plan did not fully com!1ly t.rith the SUl)ren.e Court decision and ·vras considered "moderate" only in Virr,inia and the deep 3outh. In theory and feneral effect it preserved the state 1 s public school system, but in practice it virtually enabled any city or county to abandon public schools if the locality chose to do so instead of integrating. 66 At best the Almond-?errm-r plan Has the most realistic so­ lution for the situation in Viq~inia in 1959. It may have been imnost>ible to obtain enactment of. any rilan that came closer to full comnliance Hith the court rulings.

Having temp~arily found a solution to the vexing school problem,

Governor Almond becane the eloquP.nt defender of public education. He ac­ cepted invitations to deliver graduation address at Lon~•ood College, the

Coller;e of l:Jilliam and i·:ary, and the private school established in ~·!arren 21

County. Displayine remarkable courage in a most difficult assignment,

Almond addressed the patrons of the private school in 1:~nrren:

No error could be more eraYe-nor mistake more costly, than to succumb to the blandishments of those 'Hho t-~ould have Virginia abandon public education and ther~~by consir.n a ecneration of children to the darkness of illiteracy, the pits of indolence and de?endency and the dungeons of delinquency •

• • • I call upon all Virt;inians uho believe in the soundness and righteousness of tgat pos~ tion to rally to my supr·ort before it is too late •••• 7

The real test of suouort for the neH freedom of choice program carr.e in the ~uly Democratic prima~ for state offices. The extreme rieht ele­ ment in Virginia camoai9"ed vigorou~ly in an atternnt to re-establish a massive resistance majority in the lep:islature. Althour,h the die-hard scp;- gregationists make limited gains in the House, the Almond-PerroH forces 1ron the key Senate races. 68 State Senators Arnistead Booth and Blake T. :·JeutoP- scored one-sided triur.phs in in hard-foucht contests Hith segregationst opponents. In Norfolk, meamrhile, moderate Senator Breeden won a ver-.r close contest \-There the school question took a seconda~ role to local political fighting. 69 'l'hus it appeared that the mass:i.ve resistance moverr£nt had lost the support of the peoole and freedom of choice had been acce~ted in its place.

\\Then the regular session of the General Assembly met in January-Harch

1960, the massive resisters made a final attem;_:>t to th~.,-.art Almond's plan.

The resister forces rained a small initial victo~, but lmre set back ,.rith the def~at of a pro~osal by Delegate James L. Ynorooson of Alexandria to postpone the local option feature of the placement act for tHo years. 22

Speaker 1·1oore, Harry Byrd, Jr., and Mills GodHin >pearheaded the opro~i tion in torpedoing the governor's propsed sales tax in revenge for his victo~ in the snecinl session of 1959. Hmvever in a curious twist of irony, it became necessary to adopt a makeshift patch-vrork of neH taxes, :i,ncludine a whiEkey tax and the state's first cigar and cigarette tax, in order to balance an increased budget. This \·ms quite a bitter pill to S1,·£>.11:o~·r for the resisters from Vireinia's Southside tobaccoland.7° So as the 1960 session ended, massive res"'.stance rras finally laid to rest in its grave-never to revive again in Virginia. CHAPTEl{ IV CONCLUSION

In a little more than five years the state of Virginia com;)leted a

full circle in its policy to;.1ard compliance with the Suoreme Court decision of 195h. An initial reaction of moderation Has soon "corrected" by the Byrd organization leaders to the extremism of massive resistance by the fall of

1956. In his ambition for the eov~rnor's office, Lindsay Almond became a reluctant recruit for this extremism. Hovrever once in office, he found that imolementing this policy endanEered the entire education system in Virginia.

After the courts struck dorm the resistance program, Almond couraeeously, though someuhat belatedly, led a determined fight to maintain puhlic edu­

cation. An important question for discussion has been Hhether the intermediate

step of massive resistance was necessa~. It is quite likely that an en­ tirely different tyPe of political leadership could have avoided this tran­ sitory step in Virginia. HoHever, given the precarious condition of the dominant in 1954 and the power of that Orf.anization controlled by courthouse cliques from Southside and other rural elements, the weight of the evidence indicates that a reaction of extremism should not have been unexpected, oossibly even :predictable. It >-:as far easier to rally suoport around action based on emotion than to elicit suooort for a ca1m and moderate program. Yet the sudden rise of the organi7.ation's fortunes was based on false hcues; and after only three year~ its nosition had fallen arrain.

23 24

Hany of Lindsay Almond 1 s 1-rords and actions i·J'Cre both regretable and in­

defensj.ble, but at least they Fere understandable. His political experience

prior to 1957 certainly qualified him for the governor's office but he de­

termined that his only chance to 1-rin the gubernatorial election la.v in en­

dorsing massive resistance. Despite his r8servations about the constitu~

tionali ty of certain legislation, he (.:~ose to enforce the Virginia statutues,

and the school-closing tragedy became history. Yet perhaps only this action

could have sufficiently alarmed the peonle to the possible collanse of their

public school system. Almond 1 s speech in January 1959 following the tHo

court decisions i·iaS deceptive to Virginians, but pcrha:;s it 'l:as part of a

general plan to reaffirm his association with the segrc8otionist blcc so that more of his close foJ.loHers Hould go v.1ith him \~hen he embarked on a

nevr course.

Once the governor determined to chart the new course of freedom of choice, his subsequent actions ·Here both courageous and admirable. I'esoite being subjected to severe criticism and bitter treatr.,ent by some, A1:nond stood tall and ";aged d tireless fight for his realistic program. Overcoming a vigorous effort on the part of die-hard segregationists Almond gained over­ l-Ihelming public support; and by early 191>0, massive resistance "'as laid to

rest. Lindsay Almond by not means emerged from this chapter in Virginia his­ to1y as the knight in shining armor, but he may be rightly called the tragic hero. In a period filled -vrith emotion, 1-:hich sometir.,es reolaced reason,

Almond fell partial victim to his environ1nent. However at a time -vrhen 25

Virginians themselves Here not certain uhere they stood, it was difficult to provide firm leadership. The Almond program did not solve all the problems of school integration in the state, but at least it nut the state back on the road to progress. FOOTUOTES

1. "Virginia: The Gravest Crisis, 11 Time, LXXII, September 2?, 19~8, 1~. (He rcinafter referred to as '"i'he Gravest Crisis, '' Time. )

2. Luther J. Carter, Norfolk Vir~~inian-Pilot, June 7, 1964. This is oart of a series of three

3. J. Harvie V:ilkinson, III, Harry Byrd and the Changing Face of Virr,inia Politics, 19!6-1966 (Charlottesville, 1968), lJh-35. ~~ereinafter re­ ferred to as Hilkinson, Harry Byrd.)

h. Carter, Virginian-Pilot, June 7, 1964.

5. Brmm v. Board of Education of Tooeka, 347 U.s. 483 (1954).

6. , Article IX, Section 140, (19::>1).

7. Richmond Times-Disoatch, l'f;ay 18, 195h. (Hereinafte-r referred to as Times-Dispatch.)

8. James Latimer, "Historic 1954 Court Decision Echoes Still in State's Life,·" Richmond Times-Disr:>atch, aay 18, 1969. (Hereinafter referred to as Latirr.er, Tirr.es-Disoatch, ~-~ay 18, 1969.)

9. Benjamin i-J:use, Virginia's l·laEsive Resistance (Sloomington, 1961), 7-9. (Hereinafter referred to as l·:use, Vir[inia 's Hassi ve H.esist~.)

10. Latimer, Times-Disnatch, ;·1ay lR, 19/)9.

11. Huse, Virpnia's Hassive Resistance, 15.

12. Times-Dispatch, Januar.r 11, 1956.

13. Latimer, Times-Dispatch, Hay 18, 1969; Muse, Virginia's Massive Resis­ tance, 20. Interposition vras to be used as a means for the states to interoose their sovereignty between their schools and the Sunreme Court, thus nreventing any outside interference in the operation of their schools.

14 •. Latimer, Times-Dispatch, Hay 18, 1959. John s. Battle, the Byrd organization candidate, had narroHly defeated Francis Pickens Hiller in the Democratic gubernatorial Primary in 1949. Four year later in the 1953 gubernatorial race, Renublican Theodore Dalton nolled 46 per cent of the vote against Democrat Thomas Stanley.

26 27

16. The term "massive resistance" vras used officially for the first time on February 24, 1956, in the Hashineton office of Senator Harry F. Byrd.

17. Latimer, Times-Disoatch, Hay 18, 1969.

18. Latimer, Times-Disoatch, May 18, 1969.

19. Southern School Neus, -III, October 195(), 16; Tines-Disnatch, September 23, 195f1.

20. Times-Disnatch, November 18, December 7, 1956.

21. Times-Dispatch, D~cembcr 12, ·1956. ·

22. Southern School He;rs, IV, October 1957, 1.

23. Southern School Nevrs, IV, August 1957, 16.

24. Carter, Virginian-Pilot, June 8, 1964.

25. Richmond NeHs Leader, October 9, 1957.

?.6. Times-Disnatch, November f>, 1957.

27. Southern School NeHs, IV, December 1957, 10.

28. J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., '!Inaugural Address," January 11, 1958.

29. Huse, Virginia's Hassive Resistance, 56-SB.

)0. "The Gravest Crisis," ~' 15.

31. Tuck to Alnond, S~ptember 91 1958, Almond Executive Paners, Box 35. 32. Times-Dispatch, September 3, 1958.

33. Huse, Virginia's Hassive Resistance, 58, 74-75. Almond indicated in seoarate interviews 1d th Luther Carter of the Virginian-Pi lot and this author that he beli;?·;,:

34. 11use, Virp:inia 1 s !·lasdve Resistance, 84-85.

35. J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. - intervie~-r, }~arch 12, 1970. It is customary procedure for a federal court to refrain from ruling on a constitu­ tional question also being heard in a state court until the state court ·has a chance to render a decision. 28

36. J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., Statement at nmvs conference on Scntember 3:::>, 19!)8, as re~rinted in U.S. Nm,•s and 1-_Torld Henort, XLV, October 10, 195R.

37. Times-Disnatch, October 28, 1958.

38. Huse, Virginia's Massive Resistance, 82.

39. Southern School He1·rs, v, November 1958, 13. Times-Dispatch, November 1?, 1958. 41. Southern School .l\ews, v January 1959, 35. ' 4?. Huse, Virginia's Hassive Resistance, 120-21. Francis P. Hiller had been the an~Byrd organi7.ation candidate for the remocratic gubernatorial nomination in 1949 and ~-ras a •rell-known relieious leader in the state.

43. 1:1use~ Vir~inia 1 s r'.assive P..esistance, 111-13. lt4. Constitution of Virr,inia, Article IX, Section 129, (1901).

1!5. Race Relations La;.r .r:enorter, IV, January 1959, 65-SS. (Hereinaft8r referred to as Hace :-telatJ.ons.)

46. Race Rela·, ~ons, u!)-46. 47. J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., "Address of Janua:--y 20, 1959," Al:"'1ond Executive Paners, Box 39. h8. Tuck to Almond, January 21, 1959, Almond Executive Paoers, Box 3!). 49. Abbitt to Almond, January 21, 1959, Almond Executive PaDers, Box 35. so. Carter, Virr,ini.an-Pilot, June 9, 1964.. Almond 1 s feelinr,s about the speech v:ere confirmed in an intervie:,· vrith this author.

51. Huse, Vir;rinia·1 s Hassive Resistance, 132. 52. J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., "Address to the General Assembly (:3xtra Session)," on January 28, 1959, Almond Executive Paners, Eox 39.

53. I1use, Virginia 1 s I·!assivc Resistance, 135.

Sh. Tirr.es-Dispatch, January ?9, 1959. 55. Times-Disnatch, February 1, 1959. 29

56. J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. - intervieu (Barch 121 1970).

57. 1'irnes-Disoatch, February 3, 1959.

58. , "Next in the South 1 s Schools: Limited Intcr,rntion, '' U.S. Nmvs and Horld Reoort, XJ}J, January 18, 1960, 94.

59. Times-Disoatch, February 191 1959.

60. }1use, Virp.inia's Nassive Resistance, 147-4fl. The myth of the "unanimous boycott" viaS proved false in September 1959 Hhen 417 v1hite pupils, along 1-1ith 19 Negroes, enrolled in the high school.

61. Mosby G. Perrm7, Jr., Renort of the Commission on Education to the Governor of Virr,inia (nichr.ond, 1959), 6, Al~ond 1xecutive ?aners, Box 37; Numan Bartley, The Rise of Hassive Resistance (Baton Houge, 19h9Y, 325. (Hereinafter referred to as Bartley, The Rise of Nassive Resistance.)

6?. \·lilkinson, Harry Byrd, 149.

63. Times-Dispatch, April lS-21, 1959. The Co:n:n.ittee of the ~·Thole teachnique had not been effi91oyed since the Constitutional Convention of 1901-1902.

64. Although the tuition grant or scholarshin program Has initially quite popular, it gradually declined in use. Finally in February 1969, a special three-judge federal court invalidated Virginia's tuition grant statutes because they permitted the continuance of a segregated public school system.

65. Times-Dispatch, Aoril 25, 1959.

66. Times-Disnatch, Anril 4, 1959.

67. Muse, Virrrinia's Hassive Resistance, 165.

68. Bartley, The Rise of V.assive itesistance, 326.

69. Ti:nes-Dispatch, July 15, 1959.

70. Latimer, Tirnes-Disoatch, Hay 18, 1969. Latii'ler also revie

30 ·Wilkinson, Harry Byrd and the Changing Face of Virginia Politics; 1945-1966.

Virginia's Ind'lendent Cities Map I. Virginia: Regional Areas, • Congressional Districts Map ngressional Map Congressional (1g6o),f Counties,f and Independent Cities~ !!z Ci!Z DiJtrlct ( 196o) ICe~ City District (1 g6o) I Mosandria 10 25 Radford 6 a Brlslnl 9 a6 Richmond 3 3 Buena Vbta 7 •r Roanoke 6 • Charlatterville 8 28 South Boston 5 5 Chesapeake ,. sg Staunton 1 ~1DMapl 8 Cliftoo Forge 6 JO Suffolk • • The Southoide deS.. exact geographical des;gnation. Topography, population characteristics. 7 Colonial Heights 3 31 Virginia Bel'Ch 1 c:cmgresaicmal districttng lines. and political history have determined the area shown here. 6 32 Waynesboro 7 t Taltee from the Congnui<>>WJl Dirtricl Da14 B<>olc ( DUtrict1 of tlur 88th Cong,.., ), p. su. 8 Covinr I Norfolk aDd Prine... Anne counties weno eHminated ;n 1g63. 9 Dan. 33 Williamsburg 1 5 I The independent citieo iDclude thooe lncorpon.led through 1g66, although they are listed 10 Falrfu 10 34 Winchester 1 bo tlwir 1g6o COD~ diatricto. ll Falbo Churclt 10 35 Lexington 7 lll Franklin .. 13 Fm:lerichburs 8 14 Calu 5 15 Hamptoo l 18 Ham.ooburs 7 17 Hopewell .. 18 L~ 6 19 M . 5 so Newport News 1 II Norfolk • u Norton ll ll3 .._.:::::1 ... l'llmmou •

D1' •• • ... Regional Areas D.. ~ • ... _ ~ + w J i Congressiomll 'Districts J; \ 6 1-' ...... ! Ill Southside Virginia ,- " I "r,.• 1 __ .,- -· ;~ 0 4 .. mSI:? .-.4;;{~ : ...... (.·~···~ _,;-;~ '{6 .. ',....f"' ...... \ '-./ '- / /, ___ _..)'"-"' ...• b' ,...,-,J ~'..•• \. . ') ) . .../ ,.,tc•''""' S•"a."o \:. ~· ~""' ' .:cl~ . ' -/.-· \ .... \ " ~ " . .. . _..:.". n ..,. ••"''~ • _..; J -., .. , ,..; _j • -L.!.._ . . 9 \ _,..s;_ .t~·~··~.,. t,-•u ... -- > ICOTT .-) .-·,..-:\··~1" Y.. rl\~1). ·"~ ;~ /' ' ·' \ \ . •/'" ---..!• ---.:-• ( .___...... \ ...~ ,.. so\}'->'. ·~"'"' ,~··~ ~-' i1\'y,..,.,-~·~'· ·r· , •• - ---·__ ..__t •,~·' ~·- ,~c•""o""' \ '\. "' -·---x:.._ ... , -.._r.'' •• --.o"U AY I __ 14 '\ • • T I 10 10 I a I I I -- Western Virginia Piedmont • I • T 10 ...... BIBLIOGRAPHY

Pr~~a~ Sources:

Almond ~~ecutive Paners (1958-196?), Boxes 35, 37, 39. Available at the Virginia State Library, these paners are very val­ uable for the speeches, correspondence, and legislative material con­ tained in the1;1. A reading of selected material from these papers pro­ vides a go~i insight into the governor's position durinG this crisis period. The follm;ing letters, speeches, and reoort are e~pecially helpful: A. Abbitt, 1-!atkins, letter to Almond, January ?.1, 1959. B. Almond, J. Lindsay, Jr., "Address to the General Assembly (Extra Session), 11 on Januarj 28, 1959. C. Almond, J. Lindsay,· ,Tr., !'rlddress of January 20, 1959." D. Perrm•, Hosby G., Jr.,- Reoort of the Comrnissio:1 on Education to the . Richmond, 1959. E. Tuck, l::illiam, letters to Al:nond, Seoternber 9, 195f3 and January ?1, 1959. .

2. Almond, J. Lindsay, Jr. - intervieH (;,:arch 12, 1970). This intervie>·T ·Has very valuable becnuse of Judge Almond 1 s frankness in discusEing the events bet1,reen 195h and 19h:::l. It enabled the vri ter to have a much better appreciation for the difficulty of Lindsay Almond's situation.

3· Almond, J. Linds£~y, Jr., Statement at neus corference on Sentember JO, 19~8, as reprinted in U.S. Nmrs and 1·.1orlcl Eenort, XLV (October 195A), LJ. 4. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). s. Constitution of Virr:inia. (1901) •. 6. Race Helations La1-" Reoorter, IV (Snrinr; 1959 ), 45-46, 65-66. The quarterly oublicatj_on, edited by the Vanderbilt Uni verfli ty School

of U:n..J1 is financed by the Ford Foundation. It is very useful for the excellent documentation of court cases and speeches, as well as its clear and concise summaries of information relating to the nroblems in the South after 195h.

7• Richmond NeHs Leader, October 9, 1957. Desnite the imnortant influence of the paner durinr this neriod, its coverage is concentrated primarily on local neivs. Thus it is less helo­ ful than the other Richmond neusoaper.

8. Richmond Ti:nes-Disnatch, September 1956-!1arch 1960. This pa>Jer gives an excellent chronolo,o:ical oresentation of the key events in the state 1 s nolitical and educational crisis during this nerioc. The publication's chief attributes are the keen insight and reliable re­ nortinrr of James Latimer. 32 33

9. Southern School i\eHs, III-V (July 19.56-June 19.59). BeE;Un in September 19.54, this monthly journal oromoted by Southern nevrspaper editors and educator and financed by the Ford Foundation r.ives an objective, factual account of the events in the Southern school crisis following the initial Brmm decision.

Seconda~ Sources:

10. Bartley, Nurnan, The Rise of Hassive Hesistance. Baton Rour,e, 1969. This new study of race and politics in the South during the 1950's is of limited value for this topic because of its broad area of coverage. Houever, several sections present good sumn;aries of the events in Vir­ ginia and the author's critical essay on sources is probably the best available on tho broad topic of massive resistance.

11. Carter, Luther·J., ·Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, June 7-9, 1964 • . This series of three articles >·Jas l·;ri tten by the Vireinian-Pilot 1 s '-!ashington correspondent Hho constructed it from intervievrs ~,ri th ,n~.ond and a study of his pa-;)ers. It provides an excellent bioeranhical sketch of Almond's life in public service and is valuable for the frankness >-ri th ·,rhich the former governor ans1.;ered critical questions.

12. Dabney, Virginius, "Next in the South's Schools: Limited Inteeration, 11 u.s. Ne-vrs r 1d Horld Henort, XLV (January lg, 1960), 92-94.

13. Latimer, James, 11Historic 19.54 Court Decision Echoes Still in State's Life," :\ichmond Times-Disnatch, May 18, 1969. This article is nrobdbly the best brief slli~ary of the school crisis story from 1954 to 1960 tfwt is available. The author Has on the scene at the Ca:)itol during the entire period as chief political "

14. !'.use, Benjamin, Virginia 1 s Hassive Resista:1ce. Bloo:nington, 1961. Uritten by a former ltepublican gubernatorial nominee, former Virr,inia senator,~ and Hell-knOim Southern reporter, this book is very hcloful for its excellent analysis of the school crisis in the state. It is the best available book dealing \-d th the topic, but has the liability of lackin~ both a biblio~raphy and footnotes.

1.5. !!Virginia: The Gravest Crisis, 11 Time, LXXII (September 2?, 19.5R), 14-18.

16. t{ilkinson, J. Harvie, III, Harry Byrd and the Chanf!ing Face of Virginia Politics, 191!5-1966. Charlottesville, 19oJ. Originally Hritten as a senior thesis at Yale, this 1.o:ork orovides an excellent analysis of the decline of the Byrd machine. It orovides a good understandinf of the influence and oneration of Virginia's too political o:q~ani7ation during the 19.58 1 s and has a valuable biblior,raphy. Hm·rever, the section dealinf: ''ith this tonic is generally Heak, for it leans very heavily uoon Muse's Virginia's Nassive Resistance. 34

Sources Consulted But Not Cited: 17. Gates, Robbins L., The !1akinr, of Hassive Resistance. New York, 1964. Originally ;.rri tten as a doctoral dissertation, this vrork is gen­ erally regarded·as the best available on the subject of massive re­ sistance per se, but it ends in July 1957 before the main area of em­ phasis in this paper begins. The book is valuable for background material in getting a better understanding of how and ''"hy Virginia . reacted as it did betvmen 19.54 and 19.57. 18. Latimer, James (political \

20. Huse, Benjamin, "Lindsay Almond: Learning the Hard \'iay, 11 The Nev1 Republic, CXL (Hay 4, 19.59), 14-18. 21. Huse, Benjamin, Ten Years of Prelude. Nel-l York, 1964. This book gives a thorough analysis of the application for the Brown decision to the South, but is much too broad in scope to be of great value to this topic. One chapter dealing with the school closings, as well as ~ bibliography and good documentation, proved to be of some assistance.