University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting

FROM PAGE TO STONE: REPRESENTATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE AT THE ABBEY OF SAINT-BENOIT-SUR-LOIRE, ITS INSPIRATION AND INFLUENCE

JENNACA SKYE TAIPALUS

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2018

To Charlie

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank everyone who has played a role in my academic achievements. First of all, my mother for her unwavering support and love. Karen, who has been my constant advocate, and my friends and cohort, whose help and friendship has been invaluable and made this experience something that I will always value. Finally, I would like to thank my committee chair Dr. Ashely Jones for her support, insights, and time, as I pursued my interests in the

Romanesque, and Dr. Ross for her feedback which has been integral in the formation of this thesis. And lastly, my interest in the Romanesque and apocalyptic art in general was sparked by

Dr. Scott Brown who I will be eternally grateful for. His excitement for the subject was infectious and inspired me to continue my education.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 4

ABSTRACT ...... 6

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 7

Apocalyptic Commentary ...... 8 Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire Today ...... 14

2 FLEURY ABBEY ...... 18

The Abbey ...... 18 An Intellectual Center ...... 19 Gauzlin ...... 20 Bell Tower and its Sculptural Inspiration ...... 24 Tower Layout ...... 26

3 FROM PAGE TO STONE ...... 29

Apocalyptic Cycle ...... 29 Textual Influences ...... 30 Space ...... 36

4 AFTER FLEURY ...... 44

Fleury’s Influence ...... 44 Pilgrims Guide ...... 46 Later Structures and Light ...... 49

5 CONCLUSION...... 54

APPENDIX ...... 58

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 59

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 62

Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

FROM PAGE TO STONE: REPRESENTATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE AT THE ABBEY OF SAINT-BENOIT-SUR-LOIRE, ITS INSPIRATION AND INFLUENCE

Jennaca Skye Taipalus December 2018

Chair: Ashley Jones Major: Art History

Situated between Aquitaine, Burgundy, and Neustrie, on the bank of the Loire River stands the Abbey of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. Construction on the abbey we know today began sometime in the late 10th century. The bell or porch tower, also known as Gauzlin Tower, boasts an unusual sculptural program, the like of which has little precedence.

This thesis looks at the construction and sculptural program of Gauzlin tower in relation to apocalyptic fears surrounding the millennium as well as the abbey’s position on pilgrimage routes. As the year 1000 approached it brought with it many fears as it was believed that it would bring with it not only a new millennium, but the beginning of the apocalypse as described in

John’s Revelation. The vibrant manuscripts produced at the time were filled with colorful images and whole pages were dedicated to prominent scenes in Revelation. One such manuscript, known as the Trier Apocalypse, may have informed the sculptors of the Gauzlin Tower. By adapting imagery from manuscripts, the sculptors at the abbey were able to create a unique structure and delineate meaning through the placement of well-known images. This thesis examines these similarities and contends that Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire is an important point in the development of apocalyptic representation as it jumps from the page to stone.

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Situated between Aquitaine, Burgundy, and Neustrie on the bank of the Loire River stands the Abbey of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. The large structure juts up from the relatively flat landscape creating an impressive profile against the sky that can be seen from a great distance.

Portions of the Abbey date from as early as the ninth century but there is evidence that a structure of this sort has stood there for longer than that. Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire gets its name from the relics of St Benedict that are housed at the abbey, but before that, it was known as

Fleury Abbey and that will be the name to which it is referred for the rest of this thesis.

Fleury Abbey boasts an unusual and impressive sculptural program that is housed in an area of the church, called Gauzlin tower, which is in itself unusual as there is very little precedence for a structure of this sort. This thesis will look at Gauzlin tower and its sculptural program and examine what may have influenced such an unusual structure and the impact it may have had on the construction of future sites. The first introductory Chapter will take a look at early textual and visual apocalyptic traditions as they developed out of the late antique and into the middle ages. Books such as the Trier Apocalypse prove to be very interesting when compared to the capitals found at Fleury. Chapter two discusses Fleury’s position in the kingdom and its power and influence not only as a monastery but as a center for learning, one that had connections to the king. It will also examine the construction of the Abbey as we see it today.

The capital cycle in Gauzlin tower fills most of Chapter three, taking a close look at the composition of the capitals and comparing them to textual sources from the time and examine their location within the tower itself. And finally, Chapter four will look at possible influences that would have inspired the builders of Fleury and the possible consequence it may have had on

future structures. Through all of this, Fleury Abbey appears to be a site situated at the cusp of a new sculptural tradition that would be fully realized in the later Gothic.

Apocalyptic Commentary

Apocalyptic concerns are deeply rooted in many societies, this is especially true for the western Christianized world. Such concerns, found in both the Book of Daniel in the Old

Testament and John's Book of Revelation in the New Testament, provided abundant material for contemplation and examination in the first millennium CE. The book of Revelation, in particular, was subject to exegetical examination in the medieval Latin West, which resulted in a multitude of commentaries produced by various thinkers. Authors such as the Venerable Bede, Beatus,

Ambrosius Autpertus, Alcuin, Haymo, and Berengaudus,1 were all writing before and during the reign of the Carolingians.2 Their texts included their own interpretations built on many of the themes and concerns of earlier authors and church fathers. Before the commentaries produced during the period of the Carolingians, the major themes found in apocalyptic thought dealt with the Antichrist, the myth of the duration of the 1000 year kingdom, and the Sibylline Oracles, all of which were the main concerns from about the year 100 to 600.3 Furthermore, earlier apocalypticism of the classical period also worked its way into later medieval themes and imagery regarding the end of the world.4 As the year 1000 grew near and fears of the end increased, John’s Revelation was thrown into the spotlight, inspiring new written and visual exegetical works that aimed to understand and decipher what was to come.

1 Not all of which will be discussed here

2 Bernard McGinn, Visions of the end: apocalyptic traditions in the Middle Ages. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 39-40.

3 Ibid. 13-14.

4 Ibid 15.

John’s Revelation, the last book of the New Testament, is an incredible work filled with vivid imagery. With over twenty-two references to the act of “seeing” it is no wonder that it has received such attention from artists of all time periods.5 Starting in the eighth century, manuscripts of the text were embellished with vivid illuminations, the iconography of which would slowly work its way into stone by the eleventh century. These images would eventually greet churchgoers as they entered cathedrals, standing as a graphic reminder of what is to come; and appear behind the altar, to serve as a backdrop to emphasize the importance of salvation and the role of the church. Before this could happen though, commentaries were written that parsed each passage of John’s vision and attempted to explain the vivid, and at times cryptic, events that were laid out in the text.

The Venerable Bede wrote his Commentary on Revelation at the end of the seventh century. It was one of his earlier works, but it became one of his most influential texts. Many copies were made, resulting in a large number of surviving copies. Today 113 manuscripts survive, 84 of which contain the full text, 28.5 from the eighth and ninth centuries, 7.5 from the tenth, and 16.5 from the 11th.6 The sheer volume of copies speaks to the importance of this text for exegetes. Bede’s systematic approach to John’s Revelation provides a precise analysis of each passage and methodically breaks down the symbolism as he sees it. The English monk paid particular attention to the foundation of the heavenly Jerusalem, the stones and gems involved, and the openness of the gates and the shape of the structure. He states, “that the gates will not be

5 Natasha O'Hear and Anthony O'Hear. Picturing the apocalypse: the book of Revelation in the arts over two millennia. (Oxford University Press, 2017), 18.

6 Bède le Vénérable, and Faith Wallis. Commentary on revelation. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. 2013) some of these surviving manuscripts bridge the dates grouped here, resulting in the .5’s

shut as a sign of total security” in response to Rev. 21:25.7 This is an interesting point when considering the open bays of Gauzlin tower, part of Fleury Abbey built in the early eleventh century, a design feature that is examined in detail later. Bede’s influence was so great that his work is included in some later apocalyptic commentaries and used by other commentators to strengthen their ideas on the end of time. These later manuscripts containing Bede’s work could also include visual representations of the passages as part of their examination of the text, highlighting important passages and eventually creating a canon of apocalyptic imagery that was almost formulaic in its application.

One of the most notable apocalyptic commentaries to follow Bede, especially regarding visual representations, was produced by Beatus of Liébana, a monk born around the middle of the 8th century in what is modern-day Spain. Copies of Beatus’ commentary on the apocalypse eventually became densely illustrated with images throughout the text, depicting with vivid colors and full-page illuminations how the world would end. Beatus' commentary was copied many times over, and yet none of the copies from his lifetime are still extant. The bulk of Beatus’ work was a compilation of earlier works that he arranged for his own exegetical reasons. In his introduction, Beatus explains some of his motives for compiling the text. He states that he hopes to make these earlier works accessible through the use of common language, thereby broadening the audience of these earlier apocalyptic commentaries.8 It follows, then, that the Beatus manuscript would evolve one step further to include visual representations of the passages. The illustrations within the text depicted vignettes from the Bible that appeared on the corresponding pages, instead of an exegetical examination of the text which was a common practice in earlier

7 Ibid. 297.

8 John Williams, "The Apocalypse commentary of Beatus of Liébana," in The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, ed Richard Emmerson and Bernard McGinn (Ithica: Cornell University Press, 1992), 218.

commentaries.9 None of the early versions of this text exist; instead, thirty-two copies created between the ninth and the thirteenth centuries preserve Beatus’ original work.10 In its final iteration, copies of the Beatus Manuscript contained one hundred and eight images, and by the tenth century more space within the codex was designated for the illustrations, many of which now contained vividly colored backgrounds and occupied two pages.11

There is some debate as to how far the Beatus commentary traveled and by what date.

We do know that it made it over the Pyrenees and into the western Frankish empire by the eleventh century. A well-preserved copy of the manuscript (the Beatus of Saint-Sever) produced at Saint-Sever in western France at that time is one of the earliest extant examples of this text in

France. This particular version contains vividly painted images that use bright blocks of color as backdrops for the dramatic scenes depicted; however, its influence on the region is unclear. By the thirteenth century, the Beatus manuscript’s fame had grown significantly with the production and distribution of copies stretching from Spain into France.

The earliest extant illustrated apocalyptic manuscripts come from the Carolingian period, including one in the Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), which contains the most extensive

Carolingian apocalyptic image cycle. Known as the Trier Apocalypse, it is filled with seventy- four full-page illustrations. However, the relationship between the images and the text on the corresponding page is unclear as the images and text do not line up.12 There appears to be no influence of the apocalyptic commentaries, as it only contains the text of John’s Revelation, an

9 Ibid, 217-233. 223-226.

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid, 219.

12James Snyder. "The Reconstruction of an Early Christian Cycle of Illustrations for the Book of Revelation: The Trier Apocalypse." Vigiliae Christianae 18, no. 3 (1964), 147-148.

omission which may indicate that it belongs to an earlier date.13 The illustrations appear to have been created by one artist, or at least one hand created the strong outlines. The artist used zones to separate narrative scenes that occurred on the same page, although at times several moments of a narrative appear side by side without such clear distinctions. Often, the scenes themselves appear out of order. Notably, folio 19v depicts the four horsemen in the reverse order of how they appear in the text (Figure 1-1). The page is still divided into three registers, although there is no drawn border between the middle and bottom regions. These unique distinctions separate the

Trier Apocalypse from other illustrated apocalyptic cycles, even those that would appear later.

Furthermore, the artist added small details to fill blank space on specific pages. The figure of

John appears 71 times within the folio, which seems excessive compared to the facts that fewer than twenty passages within the Revelation call attention to his presence.14 The inclusion of John throughout the text may have been meant to enhance the idea of witnessing, connecting the image directly to the visions as seen by John and the authority that his presence and words carry.

The whole manuscript has an overall classical style, its figures are static, and there is little expression to show panic or alarm except for wide, dilated eyes (Figure1-2).15 Features such as this will prove interesting when looking at early representations of the apocalypse in stone.

From these early texts grew a canon of imagery associated with the apocalypse and the return of Christ. Revelation itself is a very vivid and often gruesome text and from these descriptions symbols and images were pulled and developed. As mentioned earlier, the

13 Ibid, 154.

14 Ibid, 150. (Scholars often refer to this figure as John the Evangelist, however how he would have been identified in the time of this manuscripts creation is uncertain)

15 Frederik van der Meer. Apocalypse: visions from the Book of Revelation in western art. (New York: Alpine Fine Arts Collection. 1978), 99.

descriptive language used to detail John’s vision in Revelation lends itself to the visual medium of manuscript illumination, its vivid descriptions providing the monks with a plethora of material from which to work; such as frescos, and eventually, sculpture typically found on the facades of churches. Common visual references of John’s vision include the alpha (A) and the omega (Ω), the Lamb, Christ in Majesty/God in Majesty, the four beasts of the apocalypse/or the symbols of the four evangelists, and the twenty-four elders. Early versions of this very popular visual imagery can be found well before the emergence of the sculpture that filled the facades of the

Romanesque and later Gothic. However, these scenes were expanded on and no longer served as a mere reminder of the book of Revelation, but also as a visual representation of its contents, complete illustrations of the last book of the Bible. Popular illuminations found in the text influence designs and the vision of heavenly Jerusalem inspired and guided architects of religious structures.

Figural stone sculpture in the Middle Ages would first appear as architectural embellishments found on column capitals and surrounding doorways of religious structures. A departure from their Roman predecessors who kept to vegetal designs to embellish their capitals.16 In many ways, monumental sculpture as it was created and developed under the

Carolingians was not a rebirth of earlier practices but a reimagining and continuation of an evolving practice.17 As the use of sculptural figures within an architectural space started to emerge, and quickly boom, in various parts of France around the year 1000, the style and proportions were altered to fit their new architectural frame. The function, arrangement, and

16 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 113.

17 Millard Fillmore Hearn. Romanesque sculpture: the revival of monumental stone sculpture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 1985), 24.

composition of these images in this new medium (i.e., stone) within the confines of an architectural structure proved to be an ongoing relationship that was under constant consideration. Themes that would appear very early on in one part of a church would later find a home in a new location that was deemed more appropriate for the overall cohesiveness of the sculptural program within the architectural body.18 Sculpture on the exterior of a church became a common occurrence, almost as a way to prepare the viewer for what they will experience within the confines of the church. At pilgrimage shrines, images of saints are found in specific chapels almost acting as a label for a defined space within the whole (as can be found at Santiago de Compostela).19 Churches and monasteries in different regions, influenced by different sources, began to share their styles and compositions, especially those monasteries united under

Cluniac rule or connected by established pilgrim roads.20

Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire Today

Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, formerly known as Fleury Abbey, is a beautiful example of the struggles faced by the Church and its craftsmen around the year 1000, and consequently, their problem-solving. The Abbey is situated south of Paris and East of Orléans on the banks of the

Loire river. The Abey, founded in the mid-seventh century, contains an array of sculptures from various periods as it has undergone several phases of construction and been subject to a few sackings at various points in time. The monastery closed its doors after the French Revolution, however, in 1944 it was re-founded, and reconstruction of the monastery and abbey began.21 One

18 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 114-18.

19 Ibid, 115.

20 V. I. Atroshenko and Judith Collins. The origins of the Romanesque: Near Eastern influences on European art, 4th-12th centuries. (Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook Press. 1986), 156.

21 “Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye- fleury.com/histoire.html

of the abbey’s most notable features is a bell tower that serves as the entryway on the western end of the church. In 2007 the bell tower, known as Gauzlin Tower, underwent conservation treatments to preserve its detailed sculpture. During the restoration of the bell tower, the church chose to finish some of the capitals that had up until then remained blank, or unfinished, since the initial construction of the tower in 1020.22 It is interesting to note that the current monks made careful selections for the topics of each new capital and they are rendered in such a way that they do not detract at all from the overall experience of the tower today.23

Gauzlin tower remains a vital structure, not only because of the abbey’s overall importance but because of its sculptural program. It contains some of the earliest New Testament apocalyptic imagery to be found in the medium of stone. Meaning that the capitals that reside in

Gauzlin tower were produced several years before the famed Romanesque tympana filled with last judgment scenes like those found at Reims, Autun, and Vézelay. Prior to Gauzlin tower, images of the Son of Man, or of the symbols of the evangelists (or the beasts of the apocalypse) were frequent visual references to the final book of the Bible but were confined to fresco or mosaics. It is at Gauzlin tower where the translation of not only images but also some narrative scenes from John’s Revelation into stone occurs. In an almost frieze-like manner, the narratives wrap around the capitals. Scenes from several other stories from the gospels and other texts, such as the life of Saint Martin and the life of the Virgin, can be found in the tower as well. The tower, constructed between the years 1004-1030, was meant to stand as its own structure, but with the construction of the current basilica beginning in 1067, that idea was short lived as the tower was

22 Viémont, Rodolphe, Olivier Py, and Régis Martin. Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire restauration de la tour-porche. ([S.l.]: Soleil cherche futur [éd.]. 2009).

23 The new capitals added in the end of the 20th century are omitted from this thesis.

incorporated into the overall structure. March 21, 1108, saw the consecration of the apse and choir and on August 2nd of that same year, King Phillip was buried in the sanctuary.24 The

French Revolution saw the dispersal of the monastic community and the destruction of the monastery, and Fleury Abbey would exist in a minor role until its re-founding in 194425

Fleury Abbey offers us a unique glimpse into the moment when images were moving from the page to stone. Credited with reviving the Corinthian style, Fleury looked to traditional

Roman sculpture, especially regarding architecture, and attempted to adapt it to the needs of the early 11th century. The oldest extant part of the abbey, its crypt has a few minor embellishments to the capitals of the stocky, heavy columns, that fill the space (Figure 1-3), and may reflect the style of the earlier structure that stood on the spot. The next oldest structure of the Abbey is

Gauzlin tower. Started in 1020 by Abbot Gauzlin, it was initially built to stand on its own. The square structure would have had a total of twelve entrances through the three open archways on all four sides. The current church was built to abutt the western wall of the tower, consequently filling in the two outer archways and preserving the central one as the entrance into the nave of the church. The original archways are still apparent from the interior of the ground floor of the tower, however, the addition of pilasters in the middle of each arch as though the architects were trying to obscure the original design of the tower. The capitals of these pilasters remained blank until the recent restoration and therefore do not figure into the original intended sculptural program. The windows in the second-floor chapel of the tower, are similarly filled in, further evidence of the towers original design as a free-standing structure.

24 “Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye- fleury.com/histoire.html

25 Ibid.

How Gauzlin designed, decorated, this tower and how it was eventually adapted to the overall structure of the basilica is worth examining. This small abbey church, that at one point had so much power and fame in the region, provides us with an example of a pivotal moment in the development of Romanesque sculpture. From the narratives that decorate the tower’s capitals and their style and compositions, which link them to early illuminated text, to the included details that are abandoned in later representations of the same story, Fleury offers an array of material to examine.

CHAPTER 2 FLEURY ABBEY

The Abbey

Located on the west bank of the Loire River, upstream and east of the town Orléans in modern-day France, lies the Abbey of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. The Abbey, formerly known as

Fleury Abbey, was founded between 630-650CE and has undergone several reconstructions and structural changes over time, resulting in the building we see today. The current structure is a hodge-podge of styles, with an early Romanesque bell tower and basilica, Carolingian crypt, and

Gothic northern portals. In the Middle Ages, Fleury Abbey was a significant teaching site for the church and was famous for its scriptorium and extensive library collection. Amidst the revival of learning that blossomed under the reign of the Carolingians in the 9th and 10th centuries, the library at Fleury flourished and led to the abbey amassing a vast collection of didactic works.

Scholarly monks came from all over France to study at Fleury in the latter half of the tenth century, often bringing with them more works to add to the growing collection.1 Unfortunately, fires, theft, and “borrowed” books have led to some significant changes in the collection over time, and it has proven difficult to catalog precisely what was housed in the abbey library and when.2 However, there has been an attempt to catalog the current collection, track down Fleurian manuscripts housed in other collections, and use what information can be gathered to piece together a better understanding of what volumes it once housed that are no longer extant.

Prior to becoming a center for learning in the monastic world, Fleury Abbey was the home of the bones of St. Benedict. The relics, brought from Italy to the abbey around the year

1 Marco Mostert. The library of Fleury: a provisional list of manuscripts. (Hilversum: Verloren Publishers. 1989), 30.

2 Ibid.

700, put the abbey on the map as a pilgrimage destination (and influenced the later name of the abbey in the 20th century as Saint-Benoit-sure-Loire).3 The abbey’s role as a pilgrimage site, a center for learning, and its proximity to Orléans and relationship to the ruling powers ensured that there was a constant influx of visitors to the site.

An Intellectual Center

In the late tenth century, under the rule of Abbot Abbo (988-1004), the intellectual influence of the abbey was at a high point. Fleury was able to maintain an amicable relationship with the palace and the newly established Capetian dynasty, under the rule of Hugh Capet, which afforded the abbey certain privileges and allowed its reputation and status to grow.4 The library at Fleury was deemed a "teaching library" in 798, and this status kept the monks of the abbey busy copying and transcribing books and teaching and training new monks and fellow scholars.

Many duplicate texts, created at Fleury, found homes in other monastic libraries and various collections.5 As mentioned before, a complete catalog of the library’s collection is not available, and attempts have been made to create a comprehensive list of some of the items as well as use what remains to determine what might have been in the abbey’s possession in the past. Many of the writings that were known to be part of the collection are works of historical significance, works focusing on the liberal arts, classical knowledge, various religious texts, and their many commentaries. The scholarly practices and vast library would lay the groundwork for the building programs undertaken as the abbey rebuilt itself and evolved into what we see today.

3 Kenneth John Conant. Carolingian and Romanesque architecture, 800 to 1200. (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1993), 266.

4 Marco Mostert. The library of Fleury: a provisional list of manuscripts. (Hilversum: Verloren Publishers. 1989), 19-20.

5Ibid, 2-22.

Abbot Gauzlin became the abbot in 1004, and under his rule, the abbey school continued to grow. His status as the illegitimate son of Hugh Capet, the king of the Franks and a descendant of Charlemagne, brought attention to the abbey, extending its influence to England and Spain.6

Gauzlin was able to increase the abbey’s reputation and secure its importance in the region.

Monastic schools often donated to the collection at Fleury and as new prayer communities developed the relationships with other religious centers were strengthened.7 It was under his rule that the church underwent some major structural changes, most notably a new library he hoped to be fireproof, and a bell tower at the western entrance of the church. The “turricula” or tower he built was a separate structure from the basilica and consisted of several floors.8 The upstairs contained the library collection while the main floor served as the scriptorium. The bell tower that now bears the abbot's name, Gauzlin Tower, is a significant structure that this thesis will examine further.

Gauzlin

The tower at Fleury was named for Abbot Gauzlin who built on the important work of his predecessor Abbo. The monastery of Fleury was ruled by Abbot Abbo for sixteen years until he met a gruesome death in the year 1004. During his time, he earned the reputation of being the most learned man of his day and was an advisor to the king.9 He controlled the abbey and maintained its position of power during the fall of the Carolingian rule and the rise of the

6Kenneth John Conant. Carolingian and Romanesque architecture, 800 to 1200. (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1993), 266-268

7 Marco Mostert. The library of Fleury: a provisional list of manuscripts. (Hilversum: Verloren Publishers. 1989), 25-27.

8 The great library was destroyed by the Huguenots during the Wars of Religion (1562–98) (“Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye-fleury.com/histoire.html)

9 Elizabeth Dachowski. First among abbots: the career of abbo of fleury. ([Place of publication not identified]: Catholic Univ Of Amer Pr. 2013), 11.

Capetians beginning with Hugh Capet in 987. Abbo produced many works in his time on various subjects. One of his most notable works, Apologetic Work, dates from around 995, and in it, he defends monastic rights.10 Abbo met his end during a riot at La Reole, where he was attempting to enforce monastic rule. The Fleurisian monks were quick to claim his status as a martyr, and his biographer, a fellow monk, named Ainoinus, was quick to start his work chronicling the abbot's life. Abbo was a powerful , and while he eventually formed a relationship with the newly appointed king, Hugh Capet, there is evidence that this relationship did not start off smoothly.

Certain parts of Abbo’s life were glossed over by his biographer, most likely as an attempt to focus on his achievements that would aid the abbey in strengthening its relationship with Hugh

Capet.11 This may also explain the monks of Fleury’s haste to proclaim Abbo a martyr and thereby add to the abbey’s reputation. His successor, following Abbo’s example, did much to improve the abbey’s standing in the eyes of the monarchy. Gauzlin was a fellow monk, and his connections to the Capetians and his influence led to the abbey becoming an essential center for royal propaganda and monastic learning.12

Gauzlin was the Archbishop of Bourges, Abbot of Fleury, and advisor to Robert the Pius

(Robert II) the second member in the House of Capet and King of the Franks who ruled from 987 until his death in 1031.13 Gauzlin was a man of influence and power, and in the year 1004, he became the Abbot of Fleury. Under his rule, the abbey school continued to grow, and the

10 Bernard McGinn, Visions of the end: apocalyptic traditions in the Middle Ages. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 306.

11 Elizabeth Dachowski. First among abbots: the career of abbo of fleury. ([Place of publication not identified]: Catholic Univ Of Amer Pr. 2013), 2-3.

12 Ibid

13 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003), 17.

collection’s safety and care became a priority which inspired later building projects that will be discussed later. Adhemar of Chabannes (989-1034), an eleventh-century chronicler, states that

Gauzlin was a mamzer.14 A mamzer is a son of a noble prince and a whore.15 As an illegitimate child born out of wedlock, according to Adhemar, he was raised in the monastery at Fleury, later becoming abbot and eventually the archbishop of Bourges.16 His status as the illegitimate son of

Hugh Capet (c.941-96), the king of the Franks and descendent of Charlemagne, brought attention to the abbey, linking it to the power and influence of the monarchy and extending its influence as far as England and Spain.17

Gauzlin’s role within the church and his status in relation to the ruling family, as well as his position as advisor to his supposed half-brother King Robert the Pious, made him an influential during a time when many believed and feared that the end of time was fast approaching. Rumors of raining blood had the king seeking out the advice of Gauzlin.18

Gauzlin’s biographer, Andrew of Fleury, was among the following generation of clerics at

Fleury and therefore cannot provide a first-hand account of his life. However, he was able to collect stories of Gauzlin’s life and copy down many of the abbot's responses to the worried king in regard to the apocalypse, which allows us a glimpse into Gauzlin’s own personal concerns.

Gauzlin's preoccupation with the apocalypse is apparent in his projects detailed by his

14 Sara McDougall. Royal bastards: the birth of illegitimacy, 800-1230. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2017), 29

15 Ibid. 107

16 Adhemar also discusses the monks’ opposition to have the son of a whore “filium scorti” as their abbot, and therefor they fought against his election. This would eventually prove to be a futile effort though as he was elected to the position of abbot in 1004. Ibid.107

17Kenneth John Conant. Carolingian and Romanesque architecture, 800 to 1200. (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1993),266-268

18 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003), 18-19

biographer, things like letters, church décor, building projects, and the coordination of prayer brotherhoods.19 He believed that penance and alms were the best way to seek salvation and that if enough people repented then perhaps it might provoke the mercy of God. His preventative- care approach to the last judgment quite possibly influenced his building projects at Fleury, namely the bell tower with its historiated capitals.

The anxiety surrounding the year 1000 was felt by many, and the year of the apocalypse was not questioned by many since it was in direct correlation with the birth of Christ (The exact date, however, remained in contention). Still, the anxiety did not dissipate when the year 1000 passed without a major incident. The capitals situated throughout the bell tower of Fleury, constructed under Abbot Gauzlin in 1020, indicate that the stories and happenings associated with apocalypse still weighed heavily on the mind of the Church and its followers at the beginning of the new millennium.

There has never been a unanimous agreement on an exact date that the world would come to an end. The various texts examining this matter are a testament to just how much thought was given to calculating an exact date, according to many accounts from the time.20 Abbo of Fleury included in his Apologetic Work that he believed that the world would end when Easter happened to fall on the Sunday after the Feast of the Annunciation, which occurred on March 25th and which also happened to be the day of the crucifixion.21 Abbo met with a Parisian cleric to discuss how to calm and address a populace that was agitated by apocalyptic concerns. Their debate,

19 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003), 19.

20 Ibid, 28.

21 Bernard McGinn, Visions of the end: apocalyptic traditions in the Middle Ages. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 306

conducted in public, only increased the concerns of Christians. A date correction published by

Abbo in 981 claimed that the Anno Domini22 was going to occur in 987, but this did little to address or calm fears, especially with the fall of the Carolingian empire in at the end of the tenth century. Previously, it was determined that the world could not end as long as the Roman Empire still ruled. Since the people saw the Carolingians as being part of that heritage, their fall from power did little to quell the fears that the end was near.23 Since the reign of Charlemagne, the

Latin Church had found itself reminded of it eschatological roots and as such clerics and priests were expected to address these fears and teach the masses about the apocalypse and encourage them to “do good work” and repent.24

Bell Tower and its Sculptural Inspiration

Since its founding, the abbey has undergone several phases of construction. The crypt is what is all that remains of an early Carolingian structure, the current basilica was built in various stages between 1070-1130, and construction of the bell tower began in 1020 by Gauzlin, and has remained relatively untouched with the exception of the third story and some modern conservation efforts.25 The tower, often called Gauzlin tower in honor of the abbot who directed its construction, contains the historiated capitals that have garnered much attention since their creation. This structure was designed to inspire not only those who passed through its arcades but

22 Referring here to the second coming of Christ as described in Revelation.

23 Richard Landes, “The Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian Historiography, Medieval, and modern,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000, ed Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter, (New York: Oxford University Press), 252-54

24 Johannes Fried, “Awaiting the End of Time around the Turn of the Year 1000,” in The Apocalyptic year 1000, ed Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter, (New York: Oxford University Press), 24

25 According to the abbey, the third story was removed as “punishment” for refusing to accept the commendatory abbot sometime between 1525-1527 – (“Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye-fleury.com/histoire.html)

other abbeys as well. Gauzlin’s concern with the apocalyptic future and his knowledge on the subject led to him earning the reputation of being an expert of sorts, and his counsel was sought after by the king and other high-ranking officials regarding unsettling events that occurred at the time.26 Who better than a man with that reputation to undertake such a new and unusual building program.

Gauzlin Tower (Figure 1-3) is a uniquely designed space, and there is very little precedence for a structure like it. The tower has served many purposes throughout its life, protecting the entrance to the church from the elements, its ground floor providing shelter to pilgrims on their long journeys, and housing a private chapel on the second floor. The footprint of the tower is almost square (Figure 2-1), with three entrances on three sides which would have paired nicely with the three stories that, according to the church's records, the tower once had.

However, in its current conditions, without a third floor, the grandness of the structure is still impressive. The architects of the space found inspiration for the structure in the last book of the

New Testament as the layout follows the form of the heavenly Jerusalem as described in

Revelations 21.13: “There were three gates on the east, three on the north, three on the south and three on the west. The wall of the city had twelve foundations, and on them were the names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb.”27 The tower follows this description with three gates on the north, south, and western sides. On its eastern side, where the tower connects to the front of the church, colonnades are utilized to create the illusion of three entry points and mimic the column pattern that borders the interior space of the tower. Furthermore, twelve columns bear the weight of the tower, not unlike the holy Jerusalem with its twelve foundations. The repetition of the

26 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003) 17 27 Rev. 21.13 (KJV)

numbers three and twelve was not new in the construction of holy structures as they not only connect to the description mentioned before but also to the Trinity, the twelve apostles, and features of the Holy Sepulcher.

The tower abuts the western façade of the church, and while it is not decorated on the exterior with sculpture as is later seen in the fully realized Romanesque, the interior of the tower takes the first steps in that direction. The capitals within the tower are all elaborately carved with a few exceptions of unfinished or blank capitals that remained empty until the tower’s restoration in 2007.28 While the majority look back to antiquity with their Corinthian style and acanthus designs, as well as other vegetal themes, several capitals contain figures that depict scenes from several books of the Bible. Their style and choice of topics seem to be inspired or pulled directly from earlier manuscript illuminations. In total, there are fifty-four capitals on the ground floor of the tower, of which nineteen are historiated capitals, twenty-eight are the more traditional acanthus-like capitals, and the remaining seven are rough stone.29 One of the capitals is signed

"Unbertus me fecit," although his role as sculptor or master is unknown, the inclusion of a name taking ownership of the creations is a notable development. The second floor also contains elaborately carved capitals, although these appear to stick to vegetal designs.

Tower Layout

The layout of the tower, with its nine archways (Figure 2-2), allows for there to be multiple pathways through its interior. No one archway is emphasized or marked as the main entrance and as such people would have been free to enter the space from any side. However, the

28 Viémont, Rodolphe, Olivier Py, and Régis Martin. Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire restauration de la tour-porche. ([S.l.]: Soleil cherche futur [éd.]. 2009).

29 These “blank” capitals have since been recurved with themes decided on by Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire by the conservators who worked on the tower in 2007

southwestern portions seem to lead out into open space off of the main road which would suggest that it is from this direction that most people would approach the structure. Assuming that we can begin to piece together an idea of how the space would be experienced. The square footprint of the tower is almost as wide as the nave of the cruciform church that it abuts helping it blend into the church’s overall structure. The interior arcade of the bell tower is accessible by nine archways, three on each side except for the eastern wall which connects to the nave and contains the entrance into the church’s interior. The pillars and transverse arches divide the interior space into nine equal squares. There are twelve load-bearing piers, each with a pilaster on all four sides except for the two outermost corner piers. Almost all of the pilasters are complete with an elaborately decorated capital making for fifty-four capitals in total on the ground level. Of those fifty-four, seventeen are historiated or figural, with seven being apocalyptic; two contain stories from the gospels; two depict scenes from the life of Mary; and nine are more secular, often involving animals in some way.30

The bulk of the historiated capitals exist on the southern half of the bell tower with the majority of the apocalyptic scenes are grouped in the south-west corner. The two capitals involving the life of Mary (capitals 39, 49) are closer to the entrance of the nave while the gospel scenes are rather far apart. Capitals containing hunting scenes and animals nestled among acanthus-like leaves are scattered throughout, with the majority attached to an outer pier. It is interesting to note that entering through the central western façade forces a visitor to pass by one of the denser groupings of carved images and following that central path to the church’s entrance

30 Often times more than one vignette occupies a capital at Gauzlin tower, allowing for some of the capitals to depict scenes that can be both apocalyptic and from the gospels.

causes the visitor to pass by the two interior capitals that are more crowded with their depictions of various stories.

If one were to enter the bell tower and abbey from the western façade, they are immediately confronted with images of the last judgment, a popular theme but one that had little precedence in stone at the time. On the right side of the central arch that leads into the interior of the tower, scenes from revelation are crowded onto the capitals of the same pier (Figure 2-2).

Continuing to walk down the center aisle that is created by the interior piers, visitors would have to walk past at least two more scenes referencing Revelation before they made it into the haven of the nave. Apocalyptic scenes can be found on two other capitals situated on the outer piers of the tower. On the capital on the left of the central arch (capital 6) mentioned before, one can find the inscription "Unbertus me fecit" prominently featured above the volutes, a possible signature of the master sculptor responsible for the execution of the carvings in the tower.

As Fleury Abbey stands now, the bell tower and the crypt are the two oldest portions or the overall structure. Due to various fires and sackings by foreigners, the structure has been rebuilt multiple times. The current abbey occupies almost the same footprint as the earlier structures although there are some minor changes to allow for growing congregations and different building materials. The bell tower started in 1020 has its eastern wall integrated into the existing basilica, subsequently changing its function to that of a narthex or porch.

CHAPTER 3 FROM PAGE TO STONE

Apocalyptic Cycle

The historiated capitals at Gauzlin tower contain a variety of subjects including scenes from the life of Mary, Saint Martin, secular subjects, as well as several crowded scenes from

John’s Revelation. When construction began on the tower, there was no sculptural standard for a structure like it in Gaul (especially considering how new and innovative the structure itself was).

As such, each image that was carefully carved into stone was chosen by Gauzlin with a purpose, imbuing the space with meaning and perhaps fulfilling a desire to transform it into something else. In this way, the capitals act as visual labels, demarking the space as something special, an extension of the church that is both an interior and exterior, straddling the divide between the sacred and the secular.

Representations of Christ enthroned surrounded by twenty-four elders, a subject found in books four and five of Revelations is a common subject found in early Christian basilicas in

Italy, often as a mosaic or fresco located in the apse or tympanum of the church. Depictions of this typically entail Christ sitting on a throne in all of his glory while the elders occupy smaller seats crowded at his feet, wearing crowns, and often hold small bowls or chalices.1 The capital sculptures at Gauzlin Tower take this apocalyptic reference one-step further to include more of

John’s vision. The book or scroll with the seven seals, the Last Judgment, Satan in chains (as a serpent), the vision of Saint John, the Son of Man, the four horsemen, ascending souls, and possibly the Woman of the Apocalypse, are all scenes from Revelation on display in the tower.

Alongside these apocalyptic visions are scenes from the gospels such as the Flight into Egypt,

1 Meyer Schapiro and Linda Seidel. Romanesque architectural sculpture. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 2006), 108-109

the Temptation of Christ, the Visitation, and a few other scenes from the life of Mary.

Additionally, there appear to be some secular subjects such as hunting, a figure that has been called by the modern monks a “magician,” masks, lions, and other various animals (Figure 3-1), often hidden among leaves on the capitals.

Textual Influences

The composition and sculptural style seen on the capitals at Gauzlin tower may have been influenced by the abbey’s own library and scriptorium. In Gauzlin tower, there are certain tropes at work that are frequent subjects in earlier illuminated manuscripts. The Venerable Bede mentions the use of manuscripts and texts, including a copy of the Book of Revelation brought from Rome to Wearmouth Abbey in Great Britain, used as models for church decorations.2 At

Gauzlin tower, a scene from the life of Mary as well as several apocalyptic narratives provide compelling evidence that the images found on the pages of manuscripts informed the images carved into stone just as they had further north. At the Abbey, on the capital of the flight to

Egypt, God's hand can be seen descending from heaven to the right of Mary (Figure 3-2). This heavenly hand can be found in many manuscripts, including the Trier Apocalypse on Fol. 11v

(Figure 3-3) where the hand of God peaks out from the heavens and directs John's gaze.

The Trier Apocalypse is one of the earliest of the illuminated texts that might have influenced the sculptural program of Gauzlin tower. Its illuminations are rendered with simple, strong lines with pale pigments added here and there. Often, one page will contain several scenes from the book of Revelation and collapse them into one, a mode of representation that would become very popular with Romanesque sculptors. This comprehensive approach to depicting the end of the world is similar to that found on the capitals of Gauzlin tower.

2 Bède le Vénérable, and Faith Wallis. Commentary on revelation. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. 2013).

For a more in-depth examination of this approach as well as the connection to the Trier

Apocalypse, the capital with the four horsemen serves as an excellent and unique example.

Located on the western central arch, the four horsemen (capital 8) would greet those who enter the tower porch. It is a unique addition to the traditional apocalyptic iconography established before 1020. The four horsemen do not appear consistently on church facades until the thirteenth century like those found at Reims, Amiens, Notre Dame in Paris, and Autun. Traditionally, in earlier and later manuscripts, the horsemen appear in the order that they appear in the text: first,

Conquest on a white horse; second, Famine on a red horse; third, Pestilence one a black horse; and finally, Death on a pale horse with Hades on his heels.3 Other attributes help to identify each horseman are a crown, bow, a great sword, and scales, which are useful when the colors of the horse are not included or no longer present as is the case at Gauzlin tower.

It is unusual then, that the horsemen appear in the reverse order in the Trier Apocalypse

(Figure 1-1). In the Trier Apocalypse, Conquest, the first horseman, appears first as he receives his crown which is usually how he is represented, but he is separate from the other three horsemen who appear in the lower register where Death, on his pale horse, leads the group. The four horsemen capital in Gauzlin tower (Figure 3-4) also makes use of this unusual composition.

Each rider is identifiable by their unique attributes. Conquest, wearing his crown, holds his bow and arrow on the left side of the capital and situated at the rear of the grouping (Figure 3-5). War is a smaller , still distinguishable by his sword, he is tucked under the head of the first horse, situated on the corner of the capital. Famine appears larger with his scales, and like the second

3 Revelation 6:1-8 King James Version (KJV) - "7 And when he had opened the fourth seal, I heard the voice of the fourth beast say, Come and see. 8 And I looked, and behold a pale horse: and his name that sat on him was Death, and Hell followed with him. And power was given unto them over the fourth part of the earth, to kill with sword, and with hunger, and with death, and with the beasts of the earth."

horseman, only part of his horse is visible as though they are all riding together and stacked in front of each other. And finally, Death, who occupies almost the whole face of the capital as though he is leading the pack of the apocalyptic horsemen. He appears in profile and is larger than the others; his hair is detailed and wild as he gestures forward not unlike images found in the Trier apocalypse. Situated right behind Death is the face of Hades, who has wild hair and eyes, wicked teeth and gazes directly out at the viewer.

Early depictions of the four horsemen are not well documented, and while there are many examples of figures that serve as apocalyptic reminders in tympana, as well as depictions of the four beasts of the apocalypse (also read as the symbols of the four evangelists), there is little evidence of early depiction of the breaking of the first four seals. This would mean that Gauzlin tower is a unique occurrence and may contain the earliest example of these figures as part of a sculptural program in a religious structure; a moment in time that perhaps sparked a tradition, influencing later sculptors and solidifying their iconography with the laity.4 The uniqueness of this inclusion in the sculptural program would indicate that the sculptors were not looking to previous religious structures to inform their work, but instead to other pictorial sources such as manuscripts. All of this together would evolve and develop into a cannon of imagery that would become almost synonymous with the Romanesque and the later Gothic cathedrals.

The remaining side of the four horsemen capital contains an image of the Lamb standing on an altar above the souls of the martyrs, appearing as stacked faces awaiting their resurrection as described in Revelation 6:9.5 The addition of the martyrs’ souls and the lamb creates a visual

4 This would later lead to an iconography that would permeate pop culture and become immediately recognizable by the public.

5 Rev. 6:9 (KJV) “And when He had opened the fifth seal, I saw under the altar the souls of them that were slain for the Word of God, and for the testimony which they held.”

narrative that encompasses Revelations 5:5 to Rev. 6:9 for a total of six scenes on one stone matrix. This practice repeats throughout the first floor of the tower with the sculptors making the most of the stone surface available to them to tell a story. The vision of Saint John and the Last

Judgment capitals are situated around the same pier as the four horsemen. Each capital similarly has several scenes packed into one, utilizing all three sides of the capital.

The sculptors have crowded the surface of the capitals with narratives, illustrating stories that may be understood in a multitude of ways. For example, the Flight into Egypt (capital 39) is a common theme typically comprised of Mary sitting on the back of a gentle donkey, the baby

Jesus in her lap, while Joseph holds the reins and leads the holy family to safety (Figure 3-2).

This image appears in Gauzlin tower on an interior capital that sits near the entrance to the cathedral. Only here, Mary's donkey faces away from the entrance into the church, Joseph holds the reins in his left hand and a palm in his right. Above the palm frond, a disembodied hand emerges and simultaneously draws our gaze to the Virgin and Child and directs the holy family toward the star situated over Mary's right shoulder as well as the entrance into the body of the church and out of the liminal space of the bell tower. The disembodied hand of God, utilized by earlier manuscripts such as the Trier apocalypse, appears here emerging from the sky.

Interestingly, though, the Virgin sits atop her faithful steed with a posture that invokes the imagery of the Maria Regina. Her feet rest on a stool, her head backed by a halo, while the Christ child sits in her lap with his cruciform nimbus as he grasps an object, perhaps a Eucharist wafer, in his left hand while his right-hand mimics that of his heavenly father, pointing in the direction of salvation. Flanking either side of the holy family on the sides of the capitals is an angel and

King Herod. Behind Mary, the angel does battle with a dragon. The angel’s face is lost to us, but he appears to be clothed for battle as he thrusts his spear into the mouth of the beast (Figure 3-6).

Quite possibly this is the archangel Michael who battles with Satan in the form of a dragon as described in Revelation.6 If this is the case, are the monks of Fleury allowing for Mary and her child as they appear in the gospel of Matthew 2:13-23 to also represent the woman of the apocalypse who is clothed in the sun and is attacked by a red dragon just after giving birth? This would be in keeping with the apocalyptic motif that is present in Gauzlin tower, allowing the inner capital to engage in the discourse already begun on the outer borders of the space and with those who follow the gesture of Christ and the disembodied hand of God to find safety within the cathedral proper. Additionally, another danger lurks behind Joseph on the capital, King Herod with his royal staff, who threatens the life of the infant after seeing the star appear indicating his birth (Figure 3-7). The holy family’s escape was made possible due to a warning delivered to

Joseph in a dream.7 Again, perhaps the heavenly hand is also directing Joseph away from the impending threat of the King. This capital merges the iconography of the beginning of Christ's life with his second coming. The dualistic nature of the representation on the capital, its placement within the porch, and its apparent engagement with the space connects the interior of the church to the imagery that borders the space.

This method of representing multiple scenes in one image is not confined to this one capital. While almost all of the capitals have separate scenes on all three sides, each side may contain even more. The Vision of Saint John (Figure 3-8 and capital 11), situated on the western side of the tower, on the south side of the central arch, greets people with images from the

6 Rev. 12:2-17 (KJV) "And she brought forth a man child, who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron: and her child was caught up unto God, and to his throne.6 And the woman fled into the wilderness, where she hath a place prepared of God, that they should feed her there a thousand two hundred and threescore days.7 And there was war in heaven: Michael and his angels fought against the dragon; and the dragon fought and his angels”

7 Mat. 2:13 (KJV) "And when they were departed, behold, the angel of the Lord appeareth to Joseph in a dream, saying, Arise, and take the young child and his mother, and flee into Egypt, and be thou there until I bring thee word: for Herod will seek the young child to destroy him."

beginning of the book of Revelation as they first enter the tower. The capitals tend to read right to left. On the far-left side of the capital is the only other text besides Unbertus’s inscription. In this case, the text appears inscribed on the pages of a book that is presented to a figure who is most likely Saint John although he is heavily damaged. The inscription reads, “Quid videris et audieris scribe in libro” which roughly translates to “What you will have seen and heard, write it in a book.” These instructions mirror those found in Revelation 1.9 where John is instructed not only to write down what is seen and heard but also to distribute it to the seven churches. The opposite side of the capital refers to these churches where John appears again, this time kneeling with the book and next to his head appear seven candlesticks and seven faces of men who evoke the leaders of the seven churches. Furthermore, above this patterning of symbols, the sculpture has included an inscription that says “seven churches” to clarify what exactly is represented below.

The capital to the right of the Vision of Saint John is the Last Judgment (Figure 3-9 and capital 10); a theme that would become incredibly popular and eventually dominate many of the later western facades of Romanesque and Gothic churches, something that will be explored in

Chapter four. Although at Fleury it is relegated to one capital. Like the Vision capital, a Christ- like occupies the volutes of the capital, almost projecting himself out of the stone matrix and peering at the onlooker with piercing eyes, which still have some of their original pigment.

However, this capital is perhaps one of the most heavily damaged capitals in the bell tower. Read from right to left, the capital follows the story as it is written in Revelation. Acting as a mini frieze that bends around the form of the capital creating a visual narrative perhaps adding clarity as sculpture would follow what the viewer may have heard at mass.

The one pier contains the majority of explicitly apocalyptic scenery, i.e. the vision of

John, the last judgment, and the four horsemen.8 With the three sides and their respective capitals, representing a vast majority of the account in the book of Revelation, it sets the tone for the capital program. The reliefs on the capital manage to collapse several narratives from the

Bible into one scene; however, all of the narratives are from the same book, Revelation, a method of representation that would continue in later structures. The elaborate reliefs that will eventually fill tympana would build on this idea, condensing many chapters of Revelation into busy compositions, allowing one scene to represent many chapters from the book.

Space

Both floors of Gauzlin tower contain elaborately carved capitals. As previously mentioned there are forty-four capitals that survive on the ground floor, twenty-four of which can be categorized into the Roman “Corinthian” style (i.e. purely vegetal), eight are purely figural, and the rest are a combination of acanthus-like decor with masks, animals, and other various designs.9 The use of antique features, capitals, and arches reflect a desire to create a visual link to the Roman Empire from which the Carolingians and later Capetians saw themselves descended, which was complemented by a movement to create a uniform liturgy throughout the empire.10 The structure of the tower is indicative of the ambitions of the 9th and early 10th century to look back to the Roman Empire. The interior space of the tower has many

Roman features: barrel vaults, arches, and a large number of Corinthian capitals. The composition and style of the figural images used at Gauzlin tower are not as refined as those that

8 Seefigure2-2 for the layout of the tower and the locations of the historiated capitals

9 Marilyn Low Schmitt. "Traveling Carvers in the Romanesque: The Case History of St.-Benoît-sur-Loire, Selles- sur-Cher, Méobecq". The Art Bulletin. 63 (1981.): 7. 10 Linda Seidel. Songs of glory: the Romanesque façades of Aquitaine. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1987), 23-25

decorate tympana and facades that would follow later in the century. Rather they act almost as a frieze filling the entablature on the exterior of a temple, but here the ribbon of images are broken into pieces and wrapped around each capital. The image progress in a linear fashion instead of the stacked and chaotic grouping of figures that fill the late tympana. However, these capitals are taking a step toward the creation of an exterior space defined by images.

Gauzlin tower's very placement and relationship to the church creates a space that is many things all at once. Visitors are entering a sacred space demarcated by the nine arches and their historiated capitals. The arms of the church embrace them, and yet the space remains connected to the world outside through those very same open gateways. Visitors are simultaneously in a profane and sacred space. The gates that never close create a space that is both interior and exterior. As viewers pass through and consider the images positioned above their heads causing them to reflect on both living and dead, repenting and judged they inhabit this liminal space. That is until they enter the abbey proper, which is in itself an earthly manifestation of the sacred. Those who wait in the tower for entry to the church are reminded by the capitals of the salvation offered by the church and its messages. The sculpted capitals and the layout of the tower as the Heavenly Jerusalem of Revelation help to define the space as previously discussed, connecting the structure to a lineage of sacred spaces linking it to the word of God and the holy land.

The four horsemen begin the events that bring the world to its end as they appear with the first four seals broken by the Lamb.11 Without the devastation brought about by the breaking of the seals, the blowing of the trumpets, and the pouring of the bowls, and judgment, the world cannot be born anew. Those who have already passed, according to [Revelations 20:5] are lying

11 The lamb appears on the side of the capital (8) at Gauzlin tower that contains the four horsemen.

in wait for the end of days when their souls can undergo judgment, and they can join God. The capitals are reminders to beholders that if they live a pious life, enter the church, participate in its rituals, and follow its teachings that they might make it through the last judgment to find peace in the sacred. In this way, the bell tower becomes a performative space allowing for a brief encounter with the fate that awaits those who choose to enter the abbey, directly addressing the apocalyptic fears felt by many.

The apocalyptic cycle creates a threshold that separates and sets the stage for the liminal space within. The tower porch or narthex of a church was often a place of refuge for traveling pilgrims. It was a place of meetings and could serve as a space for the church’s engagement with the community. Such a likely possibility of being seen by many and a desire to inspire contemplation may explain some of the unusual layout choices regarding the sculptural program.

Fleury Abbey, unlike many Romanesque basilicas, is not situated on the cardinal directions.

Instead, it sits on a diagonal with the western face of the bell tower pointed in a north-west direction. This particular orientation may have influenced the sculptors and the sculptural program of the bell tower. Due to the angle, the south-west corner of the bell tower would be illuminated with sunlight throughout most of the year, and the narrative images contained on the capitals could be highlighted by the sun’s rays throughout the day. The strategic use of light to highlight specific elements within an architectural structure is something found in later churches such as St-Lazare at Autun.12 Linda Seidel makes a strong case for this relationship between natural light and the placement of sculpture which will be discussed in the next chapter. The sunlight, as it hits the bell tower, would highlight the outward facing capitals (capitals

12 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 119-123

45,29,14,11,10,1,6), the majority of which are concerned with the last judgment, and the end of days, and almost acting as a label for the interior space that mimics heavenly Jerusalem.

Gauzlin was deeply involved in the creation of the bell tower. He saw it as a structure that would serve as an example for future sites.13 Upon examining how the narrative sculptures are arranged within the bell tower, it becomes apparent that the majority of them reside in the south- west corner. At first, it seems odd that they would be so concentrated and not evenly distributed around the structure like a frieze. However, by placing the narrative capitals in that one particular corner, it ensures that they are illuminated year-round and throughout the day all with natural light. The northern portion of the tower would be thrown into shadows for the majority of the year obscuring the capitals making their narratives hard to decipher. By placing the figural capitals in a portion that receives the most natural light, Gauzlin and the sculptors could ensure that their stories and themes would be seen and considered by those passing by year-round.

Gauzlin did not live to see the tower completed or to witness the impact such a structure would have on the Romanesque style, especially at fellow Benedictine abbeys like Vézelay.

Regardless, his tower seems to act as a stepping stone for monumental sculpture as well as the development of narrative themes that would become a standard for church façades and influence church design and layout in the region. The tower, when it stood on its own, was an ambiguous structure, however, once it was attached to the newly constructed church it took on new functions, acting as a narthex or porch. Features such as the narthex were not a common feature for cathedrals in France at this time, and in fact, they were a more common sight in Spain.14 This architectural similarity to Spain may be explained by the abbey’s position on a pilgrim route to

13 Susan Marcus, Romanesque Sculpture, and ecstatic art. (Victoria, Friesen Press. 2014), 45.

14 Ibid.

Santiago de Compostela in Spain, furthering our understanding of how ideas and styles made their way through the region. The builders could have also been looking east at Carolingian westwerks, or multi-storied towers connected to great churches.

The unusualness of the structure of the bell tower at Fleury bears keeping in mind. There is little precedence for this type of structure prior to its construction. Making one wonder what could have influenced said structure and how was it received. There are few other sites that contain a tower such as the one Fleury. Even Henri Focillon, when discussing the tower, remarks that names such as tower, porch, narthex, and the like seem incorrect as Gauzlin tower seems to transcend all of these and appears to be a structure created with original thought.15 When considering the timeline of the construction of the various parts of Fleury: the tower in the first half of the 11th century, 1150-1218 for the nave, and transept and the crypt 1067-1108, it is easy to wonder what exactly was the original intent of the tower. Was it always intended to abut the nave, or had it been conceived of as a free-standing structure, meant to be accessed from all four sides? There is archeological evidence that suggests that the tower was meant to stand on its own or, considering the sculptural program, perhaps it was built waiting for a companion structure.

Regardless, few other structures offer “en avant corps” such as this suggesting that this structure was both revolutionary and experimental.16

Further evidence that supports the idea that this structure was initially conceived as a free-standing structure are the filled-in arches found on both floors of the extant tower. Had it been meant to always abut a larger basilica, it would make sense that the architects would have designed the connecting wall in a manner that would be different from the other three sides that

15 Jean-Marie Berland, Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire. (Paris: Nouvelles éditions latines. 1965), 11.

16 Ibid.

open to the outside. Dom J.-M. Berland, notes in his text on the tower, that the addition of the of the basilica gave the tower a liturgical purpose which begs the question if the tower was meant to exist as a free-standing structure what its purpose was and why was it so quickly altered to its current state.17

When considering other free-standing structures associated with churches, things like baptistries and belfries come to mind. And while Gauzlin tower is often referred to as a bell tower, it never was intended to house bells. The ground floor would have remained open at all times to the outside while the first floor was accessible by two spiral staircases, that are now connected to the wall of the nave but prior to this would have been accessed from inside the tower.18 The first floor now contains several chapels that are clearly not part of the architect's preliminary plan but knowing this does little to aid in our understanding of the towers initial purpose. The only conclusion that can be drawn when considering all of this is that this structure was unusual and perhaps experimental. It looks to classical architecture as the Corinthian capitals would suggest, as does the layout of the figural capitals with their frieze-like progression. Its adaptation in the abbey’s overall structure contextualizes an otherwise confusing structure, and perhaps unintentionally inspired future similar structures, as it created a liminal space that is both inside and out, sacred and profane, a place of crossroads where those entering can choose to enter the basilica and reach salvation or turn around and leave.

The unusualness of the tower would have certainly caught the eye of any patron of the church or passersby. Especially considering the sheer size of the structure as it juts straight up toward the heavens, allowing it to be spotted from a great distance. Given the abbeys size,

17 Ibid. 18.

18 Ibid, 15.

political importance, it’s famed scriptorium and library, its role in reforming other abbeys, and its connection to Cluny, it would make sense that many people would have seen the unusual tower, allowing tales of it to spread and perhaps influence the construction of later sites.

Understanding and/or tracking the influence that Fleury had on other sites along the Loire can be difficult. There is no one style of carving in use at this time. Each site has its own characteristics. However, there are often small details and other connections that can prove to be useful. Fleury was reformed in the early tenth century by a Cluniac monk, linking it to a powerful institution that would eventually connect monasteries from England to Spain. While

Fleury followed the Cluniac rule, the abbey was still able to retain its independence and some of its own customs, allowing Fleury to keep strong ties to both the ruling dynasty and the growing power of Cluny and its network, and as such, it was able to become a model monastery and a center for reform extending its power and influence.19

Abbo and Gauzlin worked very hard to secure Fleury status, influence, and importance in the eyes of the king, other monastic communities, and the general public. Church facades and porches with elaborate sculptural programs like the one in Gauzlin tower appear almost immediately after the tower’s construction at contemporary sites, although many of these do not include the four horsemen that feature so prominently at Fleury. It is not until about two hundred years later that the four horsemen are included in sculptural programs depicting the apocalypse, though these seem to be far and few between. One excellent example can be seen on the eastern façade of Reims Cathedral, which will be discussed later.

19 “Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye- fleury.com/histoire.html

It is important to remember the sheer size of these structures and the accompanying re- emerging monumental sculpture. The capitals at Fleury Abbey alone are several feet tall, allowing them to be legible even given the height of the arcade. To walk through a structure the size of Gauzlin tower would have been impressive (and still is today). The unusualness of the foliate and figural capitals, a type of sculpture that had not been used in a very long time, paired with the sheer size of the building surely make an impression. Imagine the impact of the busy scenes that dominate large portions of a structure’s architecture, as they were read by the medieval viewer. The power and impact of these façades filled with relief sculpture can be better understood through The Pilgrim’s Guide, written in the 12th century, which makes a note of several impressive structures.

CHAPTER 4 AFTER FLEURY

Fleury’s Influence

When Gauzlin broke ground on his tower, no dominant style or mode of representation had yet to emerge. There were various structures scattered here and there with a smattering of sculptural relief but the capitals at Fleury take representation one step further from earlier sites like Saint-Bengine. At Fleury, the capitals are crowded with scenes and figures and attempts are made to show depth. There is even evidence of paint on many of the capitals indicating that perhaps, in their original state, they did match their vibrant and colorful predecessors found in illuminated manuscripts in more ways than just composition. The emphasis placed on the eyes of the figures harkens back to the Tier apocalypse and the large eyes used to represent expression in its illustrations.

Furthermore, the capitals of the bell tower use the figures to take the place of classical elements of the capital. Where a volute would swirl out toward the corners of the abacus, a figure leans out instead. Its angle allowing it to look down at those passing by and its large eyes were emphasized by a dark pigment, highlighting its gaze. Here we see the sculpture adapting to the frame of the architecture. Finding space on the structure and adjusting earlier pictorial methods such as the frieze, now truncated slightly and its narrative collapsed upon itself, wrapped around a capital.1 The struggle to find the appropriate place for figural representations and retain some likeness to natural proportion is observable at Fleury. The shape of the architecture dictated the shape and style of the figures and led to an almost formulaic layout on future architectural features of later churches. Henri Focillon credited Fleury with restoring the grandeur of the

1 Henri Focillon and Jean Bony, The art of the West in the Middle Ages. 1 1. (London: Phaidon. 1969), 108.

Corinthian capital while also evolving it to fit the needs of the Middle Ages.2 The sculptors of

Gauzlin tower used grotesque creatures, and animals, as well as a small figures who appears to be engaged in a hunt to intertwine into the natural form of the acanthus leaves, and eventually the figural forms would take over the whole capital. In this way, the tower at Fleury bridges the gap between the traditional Roman capital and the historiated capital that would eventually dominate the Romanesque and later Gothic.

The tower, as a whole, is a unique structure. The terms used to describe it: tower, porch, narthex, or a combination thereof, all seem to be lacking, and yet it also seems to be all of those.

It is indeed an innovative structure with deliberately designed space. Originally designed to stand as its own structure, as evidenced by the filled in windows and arches on the second and ground floor respectively (Figure 4-1), its adaptation to the overall structure of the church explains some of its ambiguity in its intended design and function. The tower, as it stood on its own, may have harkened back to the earlier Carolingian westwerks, visually calling on the power and prestige associated with the structures, although the tower at Fleury varies from these earlier structures, adapting to serve a different purpose. However, the influence of Gauzlin tower structure and its use of figural sculpture can be seen in structures built not long after the tower’s completion.

The pilgrim routes united distant cites allowing for people to be inspired and influenced by the structures and great monuments they encountered on their journey. This occurred as the eleventh century saw a boom of monumental sculpture on a scale that had not occurred for centuries. The placement of sculpture on architectural features forced sculptors to re-examine how to use the human form. Remaining Roman structures provided some examples of features such as the Corinthian capitals, and friezes are not entirely dissimilar to reliefs found on lintels in

2 Ibid.

early Romanesque structures. The adaptation of the human figure to the architectural elements is where they began to experiment. The crypt at Saint-Benigne is a prime example of the early attempts to consolidate these ideas and influences. This early Carolingian structure contains several capitals decorated with bas-relief images. Some are reminiscent of the acanthus leaves that traditionally decorate a Corinthian capital while other contain figures whose proportions and positions are altered to fit within the confines of the stone matrix (Figure 4-2). The figural capitals vary in style and composition allowing for a very visual example of how sculptors at the time were grappling with how to adapt the human figures to their new architectural frame. At

Saint-Benigne there are examples of single figures occupying the whole capital as well as slightly more crowded compositions. Some capitals are merely images created with incised lines, while others attempt a higher relief .

Pilgrims Guide

Just before the year 930, a pilgrim crossed the Pyrenees on his way to Santiago de

Compostela in Spain. This early account of a monk from the Abbey of Reichenau would be the beginning of a long history of pilgrimage in the middle ages. Soon sites boasting important relics with miraculous histories became destinations for pilgrims from all over Europe. Established routes that stretch from eastern France to the western tip of Spain made the long journeys more accommodating with shrines and sites along the way, many of which were willing to house or shelter pilgrims for the night. From this tradition sprang The Pilgrims Guide. Believed to be an account of a Frenchman who traveled the routes to Compostela sometime between 1120-1130, the Guide takes note of locations, food, where to find safe shelter, and other such details.3 While

3 Alison Stones and Jeanne Krochalis. The Pilgrim's guide. a critical edition. V. I V. I. (London: Harvey Miller. 1998),15

the Guide may not have been intended to function as a practical guide for fellow pilgrims at the time, it does allow a glimpse into the pilgrims’ experience as they traveled from site to site. The oldest extant copy of the Guide itself was found inside two other codices, and its original form or intended audience is unclear.

Included in this account is a description of St. Gilles Tomb, at the abbey of Saint -Gilles found in southern France. The abbey was expanded and decorated when it became affiliated with

Cluny in the eleventh century. Its decorated façade, depicting the twenty-four elders as described in several chapters of Revelation is described in The Pilgrim’s Guide in great detail and with a sense of awe as the author parses the sculptural program register by register, including the twenty-four elders.4

Another location to garner similar attention is Vézelay. An abbey located not too far east of Fleury. Like Fleury, Vézelay has a covered Narthex with an impressive sculptural program.

Having been built several years after the completion of Gauzlin Tower, its sculpture was composed in a much different manner, with great attention being paid to the tympanum and doorways that lead into the nave. Although Vézelay has been heavily damaged and reconstructed, the narthex has remained relatively unchanged, its roof protecting the interior.

There are three western entrances into the basilica, two lead into the aisles and have smaller decorated tympana, one depicting the life of Christ and one showing the nativity and the ascension. The subject of the central tympanum (Figure 4-3), over the large entrance into the nave, is a bit more cryptic. Often labeled as a depiction of the Pentecost, it shows Christ appearing before his apostles with rays of his divine light emerging from his hands and

4 Paula Gerson and Annie Shaver-Crandell. The Pilgrim's guide. a critical edition. V. II V. II. (London: Harvey Miller. 1998), 370-41.

terminating in the minds of those close to him. This scene is surrounded by images of pagans,

Jews, gentiles, and people from the far reaches of the earth; all under an arch of the zodiac coupled with the labors of the month. The damage sustained to the tympanum during the French

Revolution has left many of the figures without a head, making positive identifications difficult.

Most notably, the two long figures that break the frame of the lintel and extend into the center scene of the tympanum, are believed to be Peter and Paul leading the people on the lintel to the glory of Christ. 5 However, they lack concrete attributes that would confirm their identity.

Furthermore, archeological evidence has shown that the tympanum composition underwent changes during its creation, perhaps hinting at a shift in subject matter or composition affecting the portal’s message. 6 Regardless, the images surrounding the central scene of the Pentecost are comparable to the description of the miracles occurring at Vézelay according to the Pilgrims

Guide. Thus, the tympanum acts as a billboard, advertising to those passing by what the site has to offer thanks to the relics housed there. If monumental sculpture can function in this way, it adds another layer to the purpose and power of architectural sculpture.7

After the tower’s construction and the subsequent building boom, many structures were built adorned with scenes of last judgment scene containing many chapters of the book of revelation, piled together in one busy composition, designed to fit a unique architectural feature of the cathedral. The tympanum, the space above the door or main entrance, as well as the lintel and archivolts, all become fully realized canvases used by sculptors to depict a multitude of

5 Véronique Rouchon-Mouilleron and Daniel Faure. Vézelay: the great Romanesque church. (New York: Harry N. Abrams. 1999), 13.

6 Kirk Ambrose, "Influence". Studies in Iconography / Western Michigan University. 332012. (2012): 197-206.

7 The Pilgrims Guide mentions Moissac, St. Sever, Orleans, and Tours, which can also provide interesting insight into the structures and their adornment.

narratives in one space. One of these most famed examples of this is Saint Lazare at Autun

(Figure 4-4), where the last judgment scene on the central tympanum was preserved for years under a layer of plaster. The lunette is divided into two halves by the central figure of Christ in judgment who appears in a mandorla supported by four s. He is highly stylized, with little attention paid to proportions. In fact, many of the figures appear slightly elongated. To his right, souls judged to be worthy are allowed into heaven while on his left monsters and demons torture those who have been punished to spend eternity in hell. The lintel is filled with figures that are being resurrected in preparation for judgment. The structure was begun in 1120, and its detailed crowded sculptural program beautifully shows the cannon of imagery with the last judgment that looks at only a few chapters of Revelation but is captivating none the less. They have taken what

Fleury managed to create on several capitals, boiled it down to the most sensational moments and adapted it to the façade of the church. In fact, the eastern façade of Autun has a relatively shallow and open porch when compared to Vézelay and Fleury. 8

Later Structures and Light

The stereotypical Romanesque church is thought of as dark, with heavy arches and small windows. Architects had not yet made the advancements that would manifest in the gothic style and allow them to fill the vast interiors of churches with light. Regardless, earlier architects still concerned themselves with light. Interiors were illuminated during the day through the use of

8 It is important to note that while many of these sites have been subject to some “restoration,” often at the hands of Viollet-le-Duc, that altered the space to fit the early 19th-century idea of the Romanesque rather than restore them to their original state, but a few untouched examples remain. The narthex at Vézelay has managed to survive bombings and the basilica’s reconstruction, its sculpture protected by its roof. As well as the sculpture that occupies the porch at Saint Lazare at Autun, which was deemed ugly at one point and covered in plaster, obscuring the complex last judgment scene for years while simultaneously protecting the 11th-century sculpture. Both sites are situated not too far from Fleury Abbey, and they were at one point connected by their Cluniac associations as well as pilgrim roads. Furthermore, each of these structures makes use of a space that is like that of Gauzlin tower, often functioning in the same way as well.

windows and clerestories. Architects at the time had to consider aspects like these, disregarding them could result in a dark space, rendering the images and decorations they contained illegible.

Therefore, how best to illuminate aspects of the church structure was something that architects and sculptors at the time had to consider.

Linda Seidel has carefully examined the interplay of light and architecture, and she makes a compelling case for the symbiotic relationship between stone carvings and the sun at

St.-Lazare at Autun. Like Fleury, the church at Autun does not lie on a strict east-west axis. It is situated similarly to Fleury, only angled slightly more north (Figure 4-5). St-Lazare was constructed in the mid-twelfth century, and its western façade has a fully realized apocalyptic last judgment scene adorning the central tympanum (Figure 4-4) as previously discussed.

Inscribed with the name Gislebertus, the carving that adorns that exterior and interior are elaborate and well preserved. The sculptural cycles that exist within the cathedral help to define the space they occupy, acting as a pictorial label for the viewer within that space.9 As the seasons change the highlighted images would shift as the sun moved, causing different themes to become more visible allowing them to be considered by the viewers.

As the canon of imagery associated with each narrative became more concrete distinguishing who was who became easier. However, even if a narrative was unknown to the viewer, they could create their own connections or attempt to parse apart what they saw and how it related to the sculptures around it. The visual nature of stone carving ensures that the viewer could access everything included on the carved matrix. In this way, the church and sculptors

9 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 119.

were able to inspire “extra-textual” associations and allow the viewer to become visual exegetes.10

The inclusion of biblical stories on the exterior of churches allowed the viewer to be able to match up the stories told within the church walls with the very images that they had just passed by. Figural narratives carved into stone were not always readily deciphered, and associations between neighboring capitals or sculptures may not have been clear, but that would not have stopped the viewer making connections as they attempted to decipher and consider the information in front of them. The interpretation of the images chosen to decorate capitals and other surfaces within the church were not accompanied by text, like their counterpart illuminations in manuscripts. As such, the images’ locations could also influence how they were interpreted by those passing by necessitating a careful consideration of their placement within a structure. The careful placement of images at Autun allow for particular themes to be highlighted with natural light, emphasizing the level of contemplation this visual exegetical creation would receive.

While these sites show the boom in apocalyptic monumental sculpture, they often omit common details that are typically found in apocalyptic manuscripts. These are often the seven cups, the breaking of the seals, and the four horsemen. However, Notre-Dame de Reims is a grand French Gothic cathedral whose sculptural program includes an apocalyptic scene that includes details from almost every chapter of Revelation. Emile Male has made the case that the sculptors at Reims were perhaps looking to Anglo-Norman manuscripts for inspiration.11 Citing several specific examples that seem to be pulled right out of the text. The four horsemen also

10 Ibid, 122.

11 Emile Mâle, The Gothic image: religious art in France of the thirteenth century. (New York: Harper & Row. 1972), 362

make an appearance on the eastern façade of Reims. On the front of the buttress on the southern side of the façade, the four horsemen appear but in an unusual fashion (Figure 4-6). On the lower register, the first seal is broken, and the first horse of the apocalypse appears, Conquest with his crown. Behind him presumable is War, however, this figure has sustained rather substantial damage. As the buttress is read from the bottom up, the next two riders appear, Famine with his scales, and behind him Death who appears as a bearded figure who stares directly out at the viewer. A corpse of a man and a nude female figure also appear on his horse, and the rider behind him with animalistic features is presumable Hades. The fact that the riders appear nude hear is an unusual detail with no known precedence.12 The top and final register three naked souls kneel before the altar where there once was a chalice, while the two figures on either side of the altar have already been clothed in white.

Other horsemen appear in the archivolts at Amiens (Figure 4-7), and at Notre Dame de

Paris where they function as heralds for the end as it is depicted in the great tympana at each site.13 They add to the narrative quality of the sculptural programs found at each site. In later iterations, they are read from the outermost archivolt and move inward leading to the final judgment scene that is the focus of the program. Comparing these to the much earlier, and possibly the first, capital of the four horsemen found at Fleury, and similarities can be found. A few seem to look directly to text for inspiration, however, they all serve the larger sculptural program. Rather than just depict the moment of judgment. These structures and the sculptural

12 An aspect alone which warrants further study but for which there is no room for in this thesis.

13 Emile Mâle, The Gothic image: religious art in France of the thirteenth century. (New York: Harper & Row. 1972), 368.

programs create a narrative that can be read much like a book. Allowing for meaning to be pulled from the stone and a timeline of events to be deciphered.

By the thirteenth century, Revelation was boiled down to five acts, the first of which was the opening of the first seal and the appearance of the four horsemen and the impending doom they bring with them.14 The inclusion of the horsemen of the apocalypse at Fleury may be the first time that they appeared carved in stone, leaping from the page and onto monument. It is interesting that not until a few hundred years later, at sites that also have visual similarities to illuminated manuscripts, that these figures appear again, meaning that the sculptures were not looking to the traditional canon of apocalyptic imagery typically found covering the facades of cathedrals, like the one found at Autun, and instead looking elsewhere for inspiration. This also may indicate what manuscripts were housed at each site and how they may have traveled the pilgrim roads.

14 Ibid, 367.

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

Apocalyptic concerns were rampant as the year 1000 drew near, causing people to search for answers to prepare for what was to come. The resulting commentaries on the apocalypse proved to be an influential force that would impact many facets of pictorial representation in the church. Images were another way to examine what was to come as it is laid out in Revelation, adding to the overall understanding of the text and providing further insight to the exegetical work that had been produced leading up to the year 1000. Furthermore, these fears allowed

Fleury to solidify its role and power within the kingdom as it was Gauzlin who the king sought out for help in interpreting ominous events and signs in the hopes of preparing for the end.

As books became more visually appealing, resulting in incredibly vivid works like the

Beatus of Saint-Sever, and even the earlier Trier Apocalypse, it is easy to imagine that those reading from these volumes for their own edification, to make a duplicate, or for the benefit of a congregation, would have become enraptured by the drama of the illustrations depicting the horrors that many believed to be just around the corner. The fear surrounding these events caused people to look for those who could speak with authority on the subject. Even the king was prone to these fears and wrote to Gauzlin after hearing of an ominous event where it had supposedly rained blood. Indicating the extent of Gauzlin’s reputation as an authority on the apocalypse, which would have only been bolstered by the elaborate sculptural program found in the bell tower that now bears his name.

Fleury Abbey is situated at the crossroad of Neustrie, Burgundy, and Aquitaine, uniquely positioning it in the region. The Abbey is often central in debates about the origins and development of the Romanesque. Because of the clear distinctions between the foliate capitals and the figural capitals it has even been suggested that perhaps they represent two sculptural

campaigns. However, according to the work of Marilyn Low Schmitt, they are in fact one homogenous group that actually coincide with a small relief found on the northern wall of the tower (Figure 5.1) whose style and execution seem as though they would be suited to an earlier time period.1 Her work connects the sculptural styles and grouping to two other sites suggesting that what was created at Fleury proceeded later similar sculptural programs, furthering the idea that Fleury was incredibly influential to the surrounding area.2

The millennial fears may have prompted artistic creations that examined the events outlined in revelation, leading to beautifully illustrated manuscripts whose imaginative imagery was paired with centuries of exegetical work. The fear of the year 1000 faded as life continued into the eleventh century, the fear that the end was near remained ever present and now it had the added quality of uncertainty as scholars scrambled to interpret the bible and omens in an attempt to predict a new date. This kept works like the Beatus and other exegetical texts relevant and further securing the church's role as the route to salvation. Benedictine monks, as part of their practice, always kept the judgment before them.3 What better way to do this than to place a giant illustration of the events to come as laid out in John’s Revelation.

With the growing fears and search for those who could understand them, it makes sense that this desire to visually examine Revelation would not be confined to manuscripts. However, while later structures built just after Gauzlin Tower would include imagery of the apocalypse, it wasn’t until about 200 years later that the four horsemen would appear again in stone.

1Schmitt, Marilyn Low. "Traveling Carvers in the Romanesque: The Case History of St.-Benoît-sur-Loire, Selles- sur-Cher, Méobecq." The Art Bulletin 63, no. 1 (1981): 6

2 Ibid. p.6-8 The sites that Schmitt looks to focus heavily on styles of vegetal designs which is why they have been omitted here.

3 Frederik van der Meer. Apocalypse: visions from the Book of Revelation in western art. (New York: Alpine Fine Arts Collection. 1978), 78

The creative use of the stone capitals to tell the story of Revelation but also portions of the life of Mary and other books of the bible plays on these fears and the role that the church plays as the primary route to salvation and uses the structure to create a space that allows those walking through it to move with the story being told as it directs them into the sacred space of the basilica. Guided by the hand of God, directing the viewers and pointing towards the entrance of the basilica as the viewer makes their way past judgment upon entering the tower. The tower itself even invoke the idea of the Holy Jerusalem as described to John adding to the overall experience of the space.

While later structures would take on the subject of the Last Judgment as the focal point for their portals, situated above the entrance of the cathedral, at the moment of Gauzlin tower’s construction there appears to be little precedent for such sculptural program. The revival of monumental sculpture was just beginning situating the bell tower on the cusp of a movement that would be fully realized in the Gothic. While there has been some research into the connection between Fleury and a few other sites focused on the foliate capitals of the first floor as a way to identify carvers possibly working at several sites, It would be interesting to do the same for the figural groupings. 4 Doing so could perhaps give us a better understanding of the actual influence of the tower on the surrounding area and even along the pilgrim road it is situated on. We know the tales of the great cathedrals covered in sculpture were passed along the pilgrim roads as evidenced by the Pilgrims Guide so perhaps there is an account buried somewhere telling of the beauty found in the tower structure at Fleury. Investigating this in the future could lead us to a

4 Marilyn Low Schmitt. "Traveling Carvers in the Romanesque: The Case History of St.-Benoît-sur-Loire, Selles- sur-Cher, Méobecq". The Art Bulletin. 63 (1981).

better understanding of the chronology of monumental sculpture in the Romanesque as it leads into the Gothic.

APPENDIX - LIST OF FIGURES

1-1 Four Horsemen, Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), c. 9th century

1-2 Vision of John, Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), c. 9th century

1-3 Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, France, c. 11th century

2-1 Floor plan of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, France

2-2 Gauzlin Tower floor plan with numbered capitals

3-1 Hunting and Lion capitals, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020

3-2 Flight into Egypt Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020

3-3 Devil in Chains, Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), c. 9th century

3-4 The Four Horsemen Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020

3-5 Detail of the side of the four horsemen capital

3-6 Detail of Flight into Egypt Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020

3-7 Detail of Herod and Joseph, Flight into Egypt Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur- Loire, c. 1029

3-8 The Vision of Saint John Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020

3-9 The Last Judgment Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020

4-1 Interior of Gauzlin tower with filled in archway, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020

4-2 North capital, south-east angle and east face: volute-creature and complete standing man; first quadruped, Saint-Benigne, c. 12th century

4-3 The tympanum of the central portal of the Abbey of Sainte-Marie-Madeleine de Vézelay, in northern Burgundy, France. Ca. 1130.

4-4 The Last Judgment by Gislebertus in the west tympanum of the Cathédrale Saint Lazare d’Autun in Autun, France, from the XII century.

4-5 Floor Plan of Autun with Directions

4-6 Four Horsemen Buttress, Reims Cathedral, c. 13th century

4-7 Porch of the Apocalypse, Basilique Cathédrale Notre-Dame d'Amiens, c. 13th century, Amiens, France

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Jennaca Taipalus is from Boulder Colorado. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree summa cum laude from the University of North Florida where she majored in Art History with a minor in History. Since then has worked in art conservation labs and galleries until she decided to pursue her interest in early Romanesque art at the turn of the 11th century and apocalyptic art at the University of Florida, where she completed her Master of Arts degree in December 2018.