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The Sociological Mind at Work and Play

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The Sociological Mind at Work and Play 472 Review Essays our postracial era and do a nice job showing Race goes a step farther by thinking through how the election of a black president coexists how this research can be used to improve the uneasily with persistent structural disad- deleterious conditions blacks continue to vantage and growing racial inequality. face in a global and international context. They do this by highlighting how topics Both books could be useful for upper-level that may be familiar and innocuous to undergraduate courses on race because of readers (auto insurance policies, popular their potential to get students thinking about culture) can still serve to reproduce racial the particulars of how racial inequality oper- hierarchies in insidious ways. Repositioning ates in subtle, easily overlooked ways. The Sociological Mind at Work and Play JOSEPH C. HERMANOWICZ University of Georgia [email protected] While living in San Francisco in 1963, having published Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of What About Mozart? What About Murder? Deviance, Howard Becker was invited across Reasoning from Cases,byHoward S. the Bay to discuss his work at the University Becker. Chicago: University of Chicago of California, Berkeley. He presented his Press, 2014. 204 pp. $17.00 paper. ISBN: now well-known approach called ‘‘label- 9780226166490. ing,’’ in which deviance may be understood in terms of how people jointly affix under- standings to one another, rather than as an notoriously, conversational yet clear, and in innate human quality indicative of natural a tone that is at once beneficent and valedic- law. Standing at the back of the room was tory. Becker implies a great confidence in a dubious Philip Selznick, smoking a cigar, what future generations of social scientists who said: ‘‘Well, Howie, I see what you’re can do while expressing an appreciation of getting at; it’s very interesting. But after what past generations have done for him all, what about murder? Isn’t that really (and for us). This cross-generational dia- deviant?’’ Years later in Evanston, having logue of greetings and good-byes is magni- published Art Worlds (1982), Becker was fied by the several memories instructively invited to talk in a new ‘‘Dean’s Lecture’’ shared of his own master teacher, Everett series, where he likewise explained how art Hughes at the University of Chicago, and and artists achieve their notoriety through by the book’s final chapter, ‘‘Last Words.’’ the definitions assigned to them by an inter- Hughes obviously left a deep impression ested community. Fidgeting in his seat was on Becker. It is difficult to think of any other a skeptical dean who felt compelled to ask: person who has had more occasion to recall ‘‘Well, Howie, that’s all very interesting and write about Hughes. In so many words but, after all, what about Mozart? . isn’t Becker makes it apparent to would-be sociol- Mozart really a musical genius?’’ ogists that their work would stand to gain by These are but two of the examples that knowing the Hughes oeuvre (1958, 1971, abound in a book whose goal is to explain 1994). It formed Becker’s, whose in turn has how to reason using cases and, in so doing, endowed the work of sociologists across five to illustrate a mental craft of composing academic generations in the United States what Becker sees as an authentic sociology. and, increasingly, abroad, perhaps especially How has Howard Becker gone about his in France (Gopnik 2015). The cross-genera- work—on school teachers, medical students, tional influence is felt most prominently in artists, and marijuana users—and how the work and aspirations of those who, in their might others think about their own? This study of society, take seriously people and book tells that story in a style that is, their situated points of view. Contemporary Sociology 44, 4 Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 8, 2016 Review Essays 473 In an earlier edited collection with Charles (p. 186). This way of working with data, in Ragin (1992), Becker tackled this conun- which the researcher progressively moves drum: ‘‘what is a case?’’ Here, definitional from hunches to findings, from specific dilemmas are put to the side, and a ‘‘case’’ details to general patterns, by working is treated loosely and variously—as an ana- from the ‘‘inside out,’’ has informed Becker’s lytic category, as an instance of something, work throughout his career, as when, in or even as a thought that can be used to get 1961, he laid out how to think through data one to higher conceptual ground. This, that exposed the process by which students though, results in an undiscussed epistemo- become doctors: ‘‘If we were to carry on logical quandary. One can posit a case a priori our analysis by successive refinements of (such as the case of undergraduate attrition our theoretical models necessitated by the at a specified university). But most of discovery of negative cases, we wanted to Becker’s ‘‘cases’’ are demonstrated ex post work in a way that would maximize our facto: they constitute a case of something chance of discovering those new and unex- only after having led the researcher on to pected phenomena whose assimilation into something else. Like turning points in the such models would enrich them and make life course (Abbott 1997), Becker’s cases them more faithful to the reality we had acquire meaning after they have occurred. observed’’ (Becker, Geer, Hughes, and This returns us to the question of the mate- Strauss 1961:24). Becker’s work on marijua- rials with which we actually work. na showed that the experiences of users var- The recurrent theme is the push of work- ied substantially, depending on what they ing from a small observation to a large pos- knew about potential effects. Even though sibility, of getting from the detailed knowl- users ‘‘got high,’’ the effects were not uni- edge of one ‘‘case’’ to more general ideas form. There were, in other words, negative about how some part of society works. As cases whose incorporation into a working such, Becker has produced a kind of ‘‘sociol- explanation revealed that experience of ogy of the mind,’’ in which the task is to a substance depended on prior knowledge make explicit and articulable what the about how to recognize effects of the drug. human brain does and should seek to do in Pushed further, we could identify different producing accurate qualitative renderings types of users based on the intersection of of society and its varied parts and processes. key analytic dimensions. This is perhaps one of the work’s biggest Becker is intent on ‘‘looking for complica- contributions, because it lays bare how a cre- tions’’ and believes others should be also. ative mind goes about receiving, searching, This is a colloquial way of referring to nega- interpreting, and assembling data to tell tive or deviating cases. The goal is fullness of a persuasive social story. The weight of the consideration, not simplicity of explanation, book is made of examples that spell out such that rigor in qualitative research these practices. becomes the point at which one has duly Becker does not use language like evaluated all analytic categories relevant to ‘‘grounded theory,’’ ‘‘induction,’’ ‘‘constant the study of some phenomenon at a given comparison,’’ ‘‘negative cases,’’ and the like point in time. These proximal issues of qual- in this book, but all of these items are central ity and rigor in qualitative research form the to the mix. ‘‘When I investigate a case, I look core of an important essay Becker published for elements that seem to resemble each oth- in the volume Ethnography and Human Devel- er in many ways and then look for how they opment (1996). It is essential reading for differ, using the differences to uncover new social scientists of every methodological variables and dimensions of explanation. stripe. As for ‘‘saturation point,’’ it will never When I’m gathering data, I give up the secu- arrive and, for Becker, is nonsensical. A set- rity of a well-defined problem and plan of ting or situation is always in flux and thus research for ways of working that maximize susceptible to ongoing influence. Further- the possibility of running across things I more, we can only be more or less confident, haven’t thought of, things that will bring not certain, that the most relevant analytic new possibilities to consciousness where I categories have not escaped our eyes and can deal with them more systematically’’ ears. We are made more confident of our Contemporary Sociology 44, 4 Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on June 8, 2016 474 Review Essays explanation by the extent to which our story and concentrate on the empirical details succeeds in persuading others; that is, by our that situate work, careers, and outcomes in ability to adjudicate validity threats. that department in order to infer the cultural Two sub-themes are prominent in creation of mediocrity. Hypothetical cases of Becker’s thinking: the use of analogy and other departments in which specified char- the use of imaginary cases. In the culture acteristics vary from the empirical case and commerce of book publishing, Becker (e.g., where mediocrity is far less prevalent, asks, why are books delayed in production or where it occurred but was confronted or in being sent to reviewers? In some cases, and reduced) help to refine the explanation it comes down to staff who do not do their of the phenomenon and the conditions of jobs. By analogy with Donald Cressey’s its occurrence (Hermanowicz 2013).
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