An Analysis of Phonetic and Semantic Changes of English Borrowing Words in Korean Language
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Korean Histories
Korean Histories 1.1 2009 INTRODUCTION 2 ChEJU 1901: RECORDS, MEMORIES AND CUrrENT CONCERNS – 3 Boudewijn Walraven KOREA’S FORGOTTEN WAR: APPROPRIATING AND SUBVERTING THE 36 VIETNAM WAR IN KOREAN POPULAR IMAGININGS – Remco E. Breuker ThE FAILINGS OF SUCCESS: THE PROBLEM OF RELIGIOUS MEANING 60 IN MODERN KOREAN HISTORIOGRAPHY – Kenneth Wells HISTORY AS COLONIAL STORYTELLING: YI KWANGSU’S HISTORICAL 81 NOVELS ON FIFTEENTH-CENTURY CHOSON˘ HISTORY – Jung-Shim Lee LiST OF CONTRIBUTORS 106 ISSUING THE FIRST VOLUME OF KOREAN HISTORIES The reasoning behind the creation of this new, biannual peer-reviewed journal, Korean Histories, has proceeded from a simple idea: that the creation of history in the sense of rep- resentations of the past is a social activity that involves many more individuals and groups than the community (or rather communities) of professional historians and, of course, long predates the nineteenth-century appearance of historiography as an academic specialism in the context of the rise of modern nation-states. The involvement of other actors becomes even more obvious if one considers the many ways history actually functions in human societies. Because representations of the past in some form or another are judged to be socially relevant, historical representations are not the exclusive preserve of professional historians; in fact, historical representations are also produced by novelists, film makers, painters, sculptors, journalists, politicians and members of the general public, and are part and parcel of the discourse of many social and political debates. It is probably as difficult to imagine a society that does not in some way represent its past(s) as it is to imagine a society without any form of religion, even if one may doubt the reality of what is represented or of the objects of worship. -
Comforting an Orphaned Nation
Comforting an Orphaned Nation 1 2 Comforting an Orphaned Nation Representations of International Adoption and Adopted Koreans in Korean Popular Culture Tobias Hübinette Stockholm University Department of Oriental Languages 2005 3 © Tobias Hübinette Department of Oriental Languages, Stockholm University, Sweden; www.orient.su.se Cover: Park Kwangsoo, kwangsoo’s thought (Seoul: Sodamx), p. Printed by Akademitryck AB, Valdemarsvik, ; www.akademitryck.se Graphic design: Inge Skog; www.akademitjanst.se ISBN --- 4 It’s a shame that Americans call Korea the largest exporter of toys and tex- tiles and babies. We should be ashamed of ourselves and put a stop to this immediately…In Europe, in the United States, wherever I’ve been, I’ve seen our children. I am ashamed. Kim Dae Jung in Asia Week, April 6, 1990. Now you must forget your difficult past and renew your relations with your native country in order to work together toward common goals based on the blood ties that cannot be severed even if we wanted to…Your mother coun- try is developing day by day to become a first-rated nation in the 21st century…I hope you maintain your Korean identity and help enhance the pride of the Korean people doing your best wherever you are. The First Lady Lee Hee-ho at the 1st International Gathering of Adult Korean Adoptees, Washington D.C., 1999. Korea is now recognized as one of the global economic powers in light of its economy ranking 12th in the world. However, Korea is not called an ad- vanced country, because it fails to meet international standards on various norms, such as the quality of living and care of the underprivileged. -
Outline for Korean Peninsula Ag Piece
Korean Food, Korean Identity: The Impact of Globalization on Korean Agriculture *John Feffer Pantech Fellow 2004 Agriculture is the foundation of the nation. Ancient Korean saying The mere smell of cooking can evoke a whole civilization. Fernand Braudel1 The food situations in North and South Korea, on the face of it, could not be more different. The collapse of the heavily mechanized agricultural system in the North, coupled with a longstanding ideological orientation toward self-sufficiency, has produced an acute food crisis that has lasted for at least a decade. In the South, integration into the global economy has brought Korean products to the world market and flooded stores at home with international brands. There is hunger in the North. There is abundance in the South. While North Koreans try to supplement their meager diets with plants eaten only during a famine, South Koreans are bombarded with messages to increase their caloric intake from such diverse sources as instant ramen, hamburgers, and sugary soft drinks. At a deeper level, however, the two Koreas are facing the same two problems: how to maintain agricultural production under what are widely considered to be conditions of comparative disadvantage and how to maintain a particular Korean food culture in the face of homogenizing pressures from the outside. In other words, despite their relative differences, both Koreas face the same general dilemma at the points of production and consumption. They are small, and the global market is huge. In South Korea, for instance, small farmers are struggling to compete against cheap food imports. Korean companies that specialize in Korean-style food and drink – shikhe, kimchi, kalbi made from hanu (Korean beef) – face steep competitive pressures from Coca-Cola, Chinese kimchi manufacturers, and Australian beef producers.