January 2018 • v. 58, n. 1 NewsNet News of the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies Betraying the Revolutions? Anna Grzymala-Busse,

The following Presidential Address was given on November have been familiar—but the commitment to a radical 11, 2017 at the 49th Annual ASEEES Convention. new organization of political, social, and economic life was not. The Revolution itself was one where conflict and Since this year’s conference theme invited them, violence were frequent on both the mass and elite level, I will indulge in some transgressions. Comparing the and complex and contingent episodes left politicians, incomparable and exploiting the centenary of the Russian soldiers, and workers careening from one unexpected Revolution, I will take a look at two very different turn to another. upheavals—1917 and 1989—and examine the paradoxical results of both. The outcomes, of course, are depressingly familiar: war, collectivization, and authoritarian repression, rather If we compare these two revolutions, two than the promised redistribution and empowerment of striking aspects are the ideological novelty each project the people. Yet precisely because the Revolution was such represented—and the degree of elite consensus or conflict a radically new project, there was enormous conflict and that followed. The regime project of 1917 was innovative, disagreement over both its direction and how to achieve unprecedented, and highly contested. 1989, in contrast, it. The conflict raged over the nature of the project, and with its tropes of a “Return to Europe,” was an attempt who would execute it; over land and collectivization; over to rejoin and to follow an existing template. Subsequently, the state and its reconsolidation; over the party and its the result of these revolutions was that the innovation of direction; over industrialization and economic policy; 1917 produced enormous conflict—and 1989 resulted in a over civil and its reassertion; over nascent forms surprising degree of elite consensus, one that would prove of civic self-organization and how they could navigate the self-cannibalizing. new environment. And as a result, commissars vanished, as did millions of others, in fits of revolutionary violence and Thus, 1917 was a radical ideological, economic, subsequent authoritarian terror. Innovation begat conflict, social, and political transformation. The entire which led to the annihilation of the involved elites, and the revolutionary regime project was unprecedented, unique, insane persecutions of the masses over whom they would and novel. The promises of peace, land, and bread may exert control.

Inside this Issue • January 2018 • v. 58, n.1 Betraying the Revolutions? 2018 ASEEES Board of Directors & Committees 15 by Anna Grzymala-Busse, Stanford University 1 Publications 17 2017 Executive Director’s Report 6 Institutional Member News 21 by Lynda Park In Memoriam 27 From Slavic Languages and Literatures to Russian and 10 Affiliate Group News 28 East European Studies at Penn Member Spotlight 30 by Mitchell A Orenstein, University of Pennsylvania Personages 31 Affiliate Organizations’ 2017 Prize Winners 12

January 2018 • NewsNet 1 The collapse of in 1989, in contrast, Yet this mainstream agreement on liberal was a rejection of the very Soviet imperial project that 1917 desiderata had a paradoxical effect. The one set of critics generated. It was neither an innovative nor a particularly to emerge during the 1990s and early 2000s was made violent revolutionary episode. Instead, it was dominated up of illiberal parties, which were often populist and by a nostalgia for a past that never was: the counterfactual frequently extremist. We saw the rise of several parties of a region that did not experience the four decades of that criticize the elite consensus and view it as a corrupt murderous imperial communism. The “Return to Europe” and tacit conspiracy between the governing elites on the became a dominant trope, established through elite one hand, and the international forces that would rob negotiations, mass mobilization, and the stirring images these countries of sovereignty on the other. Such parties, not only of a rising civil society, but of leaders across the whether Samoobrona in Poland or MIÉP in Hungary, generations and regimes calling for freedom and reform. were often dismissed by the mainstream elite parties as marginal extremes, protest parties that could not possibly The “return to Europe,” as articulated by Havel, represent the broader populace. Yet even as these parties Michnik, and others, was not an ideological innovation, but articulated otherwise unspoken grievances and concerns, a rejoining of a community of existing social democracies other political parties began to co-opt their message— and modern economies. It had diverse but familiar actors such as the Party of Young Democrats (Fidesz) meanings to its advocates: a rejection of the communist in Hungary, or the fragmented right-wing forces that era; a reassertion of European practices and norms; the eventually coalesced to form the Law and Justice Party adoption of liberal democracy and market economies; and (PiS) in Poland. In other words, the liberal consensus above all, a reversion to a status quo ante—an irretrievable generated an illiberal—and fundamentally alternative history of a Europe undivided, destructive—backlash. where the postwar trajectories of these countries were not warped by the imposition The resulting irony is that the early of an alien and authoritarian regime. “poster children” of reform—places like Hungary, Poland, or the — The result was an ideological are precisely where we see the the populists consensus among the political and cultural move from the margins of political life to the elites. First, the consensus on the return to center of government. Fidesz, PiS, and their Europe meant the widespread adoption of counterparts fulfill the two criteria of populist liberal democratic institutions (if not always movements: first, that they harbor a deep practices). Parliaments, constitutions, anti- skepticism regarding the corrupt elite cartel; corruption bureaus, and regional governments second, that their primary political category were all duly established and empowered. is “the people,” who are pure and good, in Second, it meant the implementation of free- contrast to the elites that have failed them. market policies, by governments that were nominally both The problem with the populist conception of politics is Left and Right, in the absence of any possible ideological two-fold: a) an anti-institutional stance, since political and alternative. International organizations, whether the economic institutions are the product of degenerate elite International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, or the cartels (here, often between communist and “opposition” European Union itself, played a role in generating this elites), and b) the desire for an unmediated expression of consensus, by offering rewards to those who succeeded the will of the people—which all too often translates into in the reform process and incentives to those who lagged the politicization and colonization of state institutions behind. to comport with the “general will”—understood by their party proponents to be identical with a partisan mandate. The crowning moment of the elite consensus was the accession to the European Union. Here, over So how did we get here? The scruffy young the course of several years, mainstream political elites revolutionary, Viktor Orbán, who so charmed articulated an unwavering commitment: there was no international observers in 1989, gradually coopted his alternative but joining the European Union, an unalloyed erstwhile competitors, such as the Christian Democratic good that would benefit these countries enormously— or Smallholders’ Parties. Over the course of the 1990s, he not least because it would finally confirm their status as transformed Fidesz from a party of young liberals to one of returnees to Europe. committed nationalists and populists. As Hungary steadily moved towards the EU, Fidesz called for the defense of January 2018 • NewsNet 2 Hungarian and traditions in the face of European and universities were the next targets. Journalists and hegemony and democratic formalism. It made steady program directors were summarily fired for their political electoral gains, and achieved the two-thirds supermajority unreliability, news programming came under renewed of seats in the Hungarian Parliament in 2010 and again scrutiny, new registration requirements were imposed in 2014. Meanwhile, PiS in Poland was conservative in Hungary for civil society and religious organizations, and populist from the start. It viewed the post-1989 and the Central European University became the target changes in Poland as an illegitimate compromise between of a new set of educational laws that were designed to communist and liberals that sold out Poland’s interests. register it out of existence. Fidesz used its supermajority Its chair, Jarosław Kaczyński, openly denounced the post- to introduce a new constitution in 2011, one that skewed communist elite “układ” (arrangement, or cartel) and the playing field towards Fidesz whether in or out of office. divided Poland into the better kind of party loyalists and New supermajority requirements for ordinary legislation, the “worse sort of Poles” who had the temerity to criticize such as government budgets, mean that even if Fidesz is him. After a brief and disastrous stay in government in not the governing party, it effectively retains a legislative 2005-2007 (PiS succumbed to the coalition infighting that veto for the foreseeable future. As befits a party of lawyers, had been prevalent in Poland), the party won the 2015 each of these steps was done with exquisite care and the elections with 38% of the votes and 52% of the seats—an requisite enabling laws. As is less fitting, these steps also unprecedented parliamentary majority that allowed the party to govern alone, with no cumbersome coalition partners. CfP: THIRD ANNUAL TARTU CONFERENCE In both cases, the parties had come to power ON RUSSIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES thanks to the faults of the mainstream parties that had Reflecting on Nation-Statehood in , preceded them: parties that articulated the pro-European, Russia and Eurasia pro-liberal policy consensus but also had succumbed to Tartu, Estonia, 10–12 June 2018 deceiving voters, encountering economic difficulties, and simply exhausting the political formulas that kept them in The Tartu Conference is a venue for academic discussion of the fundamental cultural, social, power. The result was that Fidesz and PiS could come to economic and political trends affecting all aspects power with few credible opponents that could take votes of people’s life in Russia and Eastern Europe. away from them—and with the parliamentary authority to Inaugurated in June 2016, this forum brings together remake the institutions in their respective countries. scholars from across multiple disciplines, from the region and beyond. The theme of 2018 conference In both Poland and Hungary, accordingly, Fidesz is an invitation to address the intellectual challenges and PiS have made full use of this newfound discretion associated with such concepts as popular to erode the policies and institutions that the earlier sovereignty and national culture one hundred years since the introduction of nation-statehood as the elite “cartel” had imposed, and to remake political and main frame for political, cultural and economic life economic institutions to reflect the “popular will”— throughout the region. Keynote presentations will understood to be identical to the partisan interests of the be delivered by Grzegorz Ekiert, Laurence A. Tisch governing parties. In keeping with the critique of an elite Professor of Government and Director of the Minda establishment cartel and the degenerate institutions that de Gunzburg Center for European Studies at Harvard this elite consensus produced, Fidesz and PiS began to University; and Catriona Kelly, Professor of Russian at the University of Oxford and a Fellow of the British systematically dismantle the formal institutions of liberal Academy. democracy. The Programme Committee will consider proposals addressing the theme of the conference For both Fidesz and PiS, the first targets were the as well as other issues relevant to the development of courts, and judicial autonomy. The number of the supreme Central and Eastern Europe, Russia and Eurasia from court judges, their terms and retirement ages, and the very any disciplinary angle. Interdisciplinary perspectives domains over which they would exercise judicial review are particularly welcome. Deadline for submissions were all reviewed and duly curtailed in ways that brought is 20 February 2018. Additional information and submission forms: http://tartuconference.ut.ee/. the judiciary firmly under the political control of the governing parties. Monitoring and oversight institutions were weakened and politicized. Non-state actors, such as the public media, non-governmental institutions,

January 2018 • NewsNet 3 introduced targeted, retroactive, and ad personam laws, as an outsider. As minister, he denounced the European in violation of basic norms of liberal democratic rule of Union as “meddling” in Czech politics, and the Czech law. The nationalization of sensitive economic sectors in parliament as a mere “talking shop.” One wonders what he Hungary, from pharmacies to energy, served the needs of will do as premier. the governing party and enriched its extensive network of elites, activists, and hangers-on. In the end, then, the 1989 consensus over the “return to Europe” has generated its own backlash—a All these formal steps had their counterparts in highly corrosive set of political forces that eroded liberal the repeated violations of the informal norms of liberal democracy in the region and systematically began to democracy—the opposition was no longer included in dismantle the institutional achievements of the post- sensitive parliamentary committees, the governments now communist era. It has produced a spate of illiberal parties made its massive advertising buys exclusively with allied in the region, who are busy undermining the institutions media and ad agencies, new “astroturf” organizations of democracy that were built by this earlier consensus. arose with government funding to replace the “degenerate” One would not wish the violence that followed the 1917 grassroots ones, and conflict of interests norms came revolutions on any country—but some of the vibrant under fire. debates and elite clashes may have been useful.

As if this depressing catalog were not enough, there The final irony is that the populist turn in East is evidence of coordination between Fidesz and PiS. Their Central Europe has now become a “return to Europe” of a leaders have held multiple meetings, their strategies follow different sort. In the rest of Europe, similar dissatisfactions an identical sequencing and targets (a populist template, have been brewing with what is widely regarded as the as it were), and they have repeatedly stated that they will depoliticized agreements of complacent elites. Popular support their shared vision in the European Parliament grievances include immigration, a straining welfare state, and other international forums, committing to mutually and the technocratic attacks on national sovereignty veto any potential sanctions by the European Union. The by European Union directives. As a result, support for EU, for its part, has shaken its fist but never gone as far as populist parties everywhere in Europe is growing. In the the second step of Article 7 sanctioning procedures, which old member countries, it has more than tripled since 1990 would have invoked the unanimity rule—and its effective and the 5% that these parties then commanded. In the veto by Poland or by Hungary. Moreover, there is a recent new member countries, it started off at higher levels, at addition to the Polish-Hungarian axis, in the person of around 15%, and has more than doubled (See Figure 1.) Andrej Babiš and his ANO party in the Czech Republic. A figure like Trump or Berlusconi, Babiš is a successful In the end, then, the region is “returning to businessman who nonetheless credibly portrays himself Europe”—or perhaps Europe itself is returning to an earlier time, when polarization and illiberal critiques of democracy Votes for Populist Parties in Europe held sway. This is not the first 35 or last set of revolutionary promises that have been 30 betrayed. But the irony is that a return to the familiar and the 25 democratic should produce a backlash that is new, illiberal— 20 and returns the region to the

15 very authoritarian rule it had rejected in 1989. An unhappy

10 transgression, indeed.

5 Anna Grzymala-Busse is the Michelle and Kevin Douglas

0 Professor of International Studies 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 and Senior Fellow at Freeman Spogli Institute for International New member avg EU avg Old member avg Studies, Stanford University. January 2018 • NewsNet 4 New from Slavica PubliSherS Three String Books is an imprint of Slavica Publishers devoted to transla- David Wolff, Yokote Shinji, and Wil- Asia towards its central involvement tions of literary works and belles-lettres lard Sunderland, eds. Russia’s Great in the 20th century’s bloodiest wars. from Central and Eastern Europe, in- War and Revolution in the Far East: The Northeast Asian theater was not cluding Russia and the other successor Re-imagining the Northeast Asian peripheral to the developments of the states of the former . Theater, 1914–22, c. 420 p., 2017 (ISBN era but rather an integral part of an in- 978-0-89357-430-7), $44.95. ternational and transnational history Jan Novák. So Far So Good: The Mašín This volume features new research of conflict, destruction, and transfor- Family and the Greatest Story of the on the critical effects of World War I mation. The essays in Russia’s Great , xvi + 453 p., 2017 (ISBN 978- and the Russian Revolution and Civil War and Revolution in the Far East help 089357-458-9), $19.95. War in Northeast Asia, a broad region us appreciate a number of the less- Voted Book of the Year by the Czech that has historically included the Rus- er-known complexities of this story, Republic’s Magnesia Litera when pub- sian Far East, Mongolia, China, Korea, offering scholars valuable new per- lished in Czech translation in 2004, So and Japan. Drawing together noted spectives in the process. Far So Good: The Mašín Family and The international specialists, the chapters Edward Alsworth Ross. Russia in Up- Greatest Story of the Cold War by Jan break new ground, bringing unused or heaval, ed. Rex A. Wade, xx + 166 p., Novák is now published by Slavica in understudied sources into the histor- 2017 (ISBN 978-0-89357-470-3), $24.95. the original English. Although it reads ical record and posing new questions Sociologist Edward Alsworth Ross like a thriller, this “novel-document” is about the causes, consequences, and spent July–December 1917 traveling based on the true story of three young dynamics of the war and revolution- across the and talking Czech men, Radek and Ctirad Mašín ary upheavals in the region. These ti- to representatives of its kaleidoscope and Milan Paumer, whose daring ex- tanic events convulsed the entire em- of social classes and nationalities. This ploits of anti-Communist resistance and pire, including Russia’s faraway world is his eyewitness account of that time. flight through the Iron Curtain to West on the Pacific, reshaping Northeast Berlin set off the Tschechenkrieg, a Slavica Publishers [Tel.] 1-812-856-4186 massive manhunt by 27,000 Indiana University [Fax] 1-812-856-4187 East German police and 1430 N. Willis Drive [Toll-free] 1-877-SLAVICA Red Army regulars. Bloomington, IN, USA [email protected] 47404-2146 http://www.slavica.com Magdalena Mullek & Julia Sher- wood, eds. Into the Spotlight: Vol. 18, no. 4 (Fall 2017) New Writ- ing from Slova- kia, trans. Mag- Articles dalena Mullek & Julia AnnA JoukovskAiA & Peter Sherwood, viii + Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 193 p., 2017 (ISBN 978-089357-466-6), A Living Law http://kritika.georgetown.edu $19.95. JAn Arend Though Into the Spotlight is drawn from Russian Science in Translation the work of writers from one of Europe’s kseniA TATArchenko smallest countries, this source reveals it- Kritika is dedicated to critical self to be something like a magic lamp inquiry into the history of Russia “The Computer Does Not Believe in Tears” and Eurasia. The quarterly journal out of which comes a multitude of features research articles as well Echoes of Great October subjects, themes, and styles well out of as analytical review essays and MichAel dAvid-Fox proportion to its size. Like the best writ- extensive book reviews, especially Toward a Life Cycle Analysis of the Russian Revolution ers, this anthology brilliantly balances of works in languages other the specific and the universal. There than English. Subscriptions and History and Historians previously published volumes are stories that could have taken place available from Slavica—including, Jonathan Daly anywhere—of love and hate, beauty as of 16, no. 1, e-book editions The Pleiade and ugliness, illness and music—stories (ePub, MOBI). Contact our distinctly and intriguingly Slovak—of business manager at slavica@ Review Essay a devout Slovak’s imprisonment in the indiana.com for all questions MoriTz Florin regarding subscriptions and Russian Gulag, the rough and tumble eligibility for discounts. Beyond ? world of the country’s Roma—stories from other countries and continents, and stories that seem to come from other worlds entirely—of real or imaginary doubles and surreal nocturnal circuses.

January 2018 • NewsNet 5 2017 Executive Director’s Report Lynda Park

I am delighted to report that ASEEES experienced a on “1917 and Its Implications” featured presentations by remarkably successful year in 2017. The programs that Gerald Easter, Laura Engelstein, Sergey Glebov, Serguei we launched in 2015 and 2016, after a strategic planning Oushakine, and Andrei Soldatov. The 2017 ASEEES process of 2013-2014, continued to provide additional President Anna Grzymala-Busse gave her presidential benefits for our members. We added more travel grant and address on “Betraying the Revolutions?” at the award mentoring programs in 2017. The annual convention in ceremony. Thirteen institutions provided sponsorship at Chicago was a well-attended, dynamic event. We launched various levels. We especially thank our Platinum Sponsors: the ASEEES Commons, a new online discussion and Cambridge University Press and Williams College, and repository platform. Finally, we forcefully advocated not the Mobile App Sponsor - the American Councils for only for our field but for higher education and academic International Education. The Exhibit Hall featured 61 freedom. exhibit booths set up by 58 companies/organizations. We thank the Program Committee, especially the chair Membership The Association’s individual membership Keely Stauter-Halsted and the associate chairs, for their continued to increase in 2017, after a dramatic 8% increase tremendous work. in 2016 from 2015. For 2017, we had 3,330 members: 665 student members (20%); 312 affiliate members (9.3%); The Convention was well-attended, with 2,488 994 international members (30%) from 50 countries, of registrants (783 international from 45 countries): which 251 (7.6%) were from the 18 countries in Eastern 2,227 members; 261 non-members; 485 students (412 Europe and Eurasia. The top five countries outside the members; 117 international); 442 first-time attendees US with most members were the UK (153), Russia (142), (228 international; 198 students). Of the 783 international Canada (141), Germany (105), and Poland (51). In 2016, registrants, the largest contingents were from Russia (118), we had 3,268 members: 641 students, 930 international the UK (112), Canada (109), and Germany (77). In total, members from 47 countries. For trends in membership we had 2,620 attendees, including the exhibitors. We faced over the last decade, please see the table below. In terms an unexpected problem when the US embassy in Russia of institutional members in 2017, we had 56 members (4 announced in late August that it would not schedule new): 20 premium members and 36 regular members. non-immigrant visa interviews outside of Moscow due to massive staffing shortages. We sent a letter to the US th Convention The 49 Annual Convention at the Chicago embassy requesting assistance for Russian participants Marriott Downtown Magnificent Mile on November impacted by this decision. While the embassy contacted 9-12, 2017, was an exceptional event. The Convention us with advice and willingness to assist, we heard from a program featured 657 sessions (48 more than the 2016 DC number of Russian participants who failed to get visas. convention), a presidential plenary, 6 film screenings, and 40 We are still trying to determine the details of this impact. meetings. The theme of “Transgressions” resulted in many innovative sessions and papers. The presidential plenary To mark the centenary of 1917, we had a wide array of activities and exhibits outside the Membership by Year convention sessions. The planning 3400 committee, made up of Robert Bird, 3300 3200 Christina Kiaer, Harriet Murav, 3100 Kristin Romberg, Mark Steinberg, 3000 2900 and Padraic Kenney, worked to set up 2800 2700 exhibits and other events around the 2600 time of the convention in Chicago. 2500 2400 The Smart Museum at the University 2300 2200 of Chicago held an exhibit called 2100 “Revolution Every Day,” for which 2000 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 they offered a reception and tour for the convention attendees followed by January 2018 • NewsNet 6 a film screening of Vertov’s “Three Heroines” in 35 mm. for the Regional Scholar Travel Grant, we gave out 12 The Art Institute of Chicago had a major exhibit called grants to scholars from 8 different countries; and for the “Revoliutsiia! Demonstratsiia! Soviet Art Put to the Test,” Convention Opportunity Travel Grant, we awarded 10 for which a walking roundtable as part of the convention grants to scholars from 7 countries. program was held. The Art Institute also offered free admission for the convention attendees, for which we New for this year, we received a two-year grant were very thankful. We also set up a website on 1917 from the Carnegie Corporation of New York to provide resources on the ASEEES Commons. Not related to the travel grants to the convention participants from Russia theme of 1917, we sponsored a talk by Andrei Soldatov for 2017 and 2018. For 2017, we awarded 26 grants of on “Russia’s Cyber Offensive” as part of the Chicago varying amounts. We will offer this program again in 2018. Humanities Festival. Finally, the convention featured Slavic Review Slavic Review’s partnership with Cambridge a photo exhibit, “High Stakes of Macedonia’s Colorful University Press was launched in 2017, after a year of Revolution,” sponsored by U of Chicago CEERES, at the transition work. Slavic Review is now available online on convention venue. Cambridge Core. ASEEES members have access to the The 2018 Convention, which will be the 50th entire collection on Cambridge Core. JSTOR will still convention and 70th anniversary for ASEEES, will be held maintain an archive but with a wall of three years. In terms at the Boston Marriott Copley Place on December 6-9. of subscriptions and global access, we saw a dramatic This is later than our usual dates. We hope to organize increase due to CUP’s consortia arrangements around the a variety of special events to celebrate the anniversaries. world. Peter Rutland will serve as the program committee chair. The editorial office at the U of Illinois, under The convention theme is “Performance.” the leadership of Harriet Murav, continues to handle all 2019 ASEEES Summer Convention We plan to organize content and editorial work on the journal. For the first the next summer convention in the region in 2019, in time, we published a special online-only issue, on “Global Zagreb, Croatia, working with the University of Zagreb. Populisms” and “Russian Influence in 2016 US Presidential The tentative dates are June 14-16, 2019. Election,” with free access until the end of 2017, which was well-received. The fall issue was on “1917-2017, The Convention Travel Grants In general, we offer three Russian Revolution a Hundred Years Later,” featuring 18 convention travel grants – the Davis Graduate Student articles that were shorter than the usual format. Travel Grant, the Regional Scholar Travel Grant, and the Convention Opportunity Travel Grant. For 2017, we Fellowships and Grants In its second year, the Cohen- awarded 41 grants for a total of $21,445. For the Davis Tucker Dissertation Research Fellowship (CTDRF) Travel Grant, we awarded grants to 19 graduate students Program awarded four $22,000 fellowships to: Simon (12 to students at US institutions and 7 at non-US Belokowsky (History, Georgetown U), Gabrielle Cornish institutions, including citizens of 8 different countries); (Musicology, Eastman School of Music), Kathryn David (History, NYU), and Joy Neumeyer (History, UC CFP: INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE Berkeley). We thank the KAT Charitable Foundation for HUMANITIES its continued support for the program. Also in its second MAG 2018 ANNUAL CONVENTION year, the ASEEES Dissertation Grant program awarded 11 Lviv, Ukraine • June 27-29, 2018 grants up to $5,000 to PhD students in diverse disciplines, mag.ucu.edu.ua/en from linguistics to sociology, at 10 US universities; 4 being international students studying at US universities. Finally, The convention theme, Image of the Self, follows in its third year, we disbursed $10,000 in total to award the previous convention’s “Image of the Other.” first book subventions for seven books in 2017. Proposals for complete panel sessions and roundtables will be given priority; individuals SAVE THE DATE: may also apply. Applicants from Eurasia and Eastern Europe (non-EU) are eligible for travel 2019 ASEEES SUMMER CONVENTION grants. We are partnering with the University of Zagreb Deadline for all applications: to plan a summer convention to be held June January 30, 2018 14-16, 2019 in Zagreb, Croatia.

January 2018 • NewsNet 7 Mentoring The mentoring program continues to be well expressing serious concern over the White House’s so- received by our members. For the 2017 program, we called “Muslim ban” Executive Order. We signed an matched 31 pairs of mentors and mentees. The program amicus brief for a case filed by Howard University and is intentionally designed to be low-key and informal. We the Middle East Studies Association challenging the also launched a new program this year called “Exploring ban in court. In August, we issued a statement against Career Diversity” modelled on a similar program offered racism and intolerance, arising in part from a request by the American Historical Association. The program by Q*ASEEES and ADSEEES. Just recently we issued provides informational interviews for those graduate a statement and a call for action opposing the proposal students and junior scholars interested in non-academic to tax graduate student tuition waivers as income in the careers to speak with non-academic professionals with new US tax bill. We are also seeing more institutions and post-baccalaureate degrees in our field. scho