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Home , Claudio Guastalla, Francesco Cilea, Gian Francesco Malipiero, Ildebrando Pizzetti

Nicolodi: The Italian Fascism 293

En Amérique Latine,les musiques›nationales‹obéissaient àdes sollicitations idéologi- quesfortdifférenciées pendantles années trente.Les Bachianas Brasileiras de Villa-Lôbos, allianceconstruiteentre le folklore brésilien et le ›retouràBach‹,furentécrites en parallè- le avecses pièces de propagande pour la dictaturepopuliste de GetúlioVargas26.Aumême moment,Silvestre Revueltas, militantdelaLigadeEscritoresyArtistasRevolucionarios composait,enmarge desmanifestationspubliquesanti-fascistesetdesolidaritéinterna- tionale, despiècescomme Janitzio, Sensemayá ou HomenajeaFedericoGarcíaLorca,dans lesquelles lesréférencesàdes éléments populaires locaux soutiennentundiscours musical quisynthétiselaquête identitaire en dehors desstéréotypes ›nationalistes‹ et l’exigence deslangagesmusicauxavancés de sontemps.27

Fiamma Nicolodi () The ItalianFascism

I. Afterhis ascent to power in 1922,BenitoMussolinitookchargeofthe variousmusical trends of that time: (Francesco Cilea, UmbertoGiordano, ,Ric- cardo Zandonai), Futurismo(FrancescoBalilla Pratella,Luigi Russolo,SilvioMix,Franco Casavola)and theso-called Generazionedel 1880 (FrancoAlfano, AlfredoCasella,Gian FrancescoMalipiero, ,OttorinoRespighi).The management of music wasled by Mussoliniwithabsoluteindifferencetowards onetrend or another. Duringthe firstyears,the primeministerwas in effect notworried about specific issues of styleorcon- tents. Insteadheconcentratedonobtainingthe assent of themostprestigious musicians (composersand performers), with an ›instrumental‹ idea of artfor politicalpurposes,anidea that supposedly wouldcontributetostrengthening theimage of fascisminItaly andabroad.1 Mussolini’sstatementsof1923, afew months afterhis ascent to power,showvagueness andnationalistic faith(inheritedfromthe past), butatthe same time aimatreassuringin-

26 Cf.entre autres, Heitor Villa-Lôbos, Amúsicanacionalistanogoverno GetulioVargas,Rio de Janeiro 1937;Simon Wright, Villa-Lobos,OxfordetNew York 1992. 27 Cf.entre autres, SilvestreRevueltas, SilvestreRevueltas porélmismo,México1989; JulioEstrada,»La obra política de SilvestreRevueltas«, inédit,1998; PeterGarland, In search of SilvestreRevueltas,Santa Fe 1991;CoriúnAharonián,Mariano Etkin, GracielaParaskevaídis,»SilvestreRevueltas«, Dossier, dans: Lulú 2, BuenosAires 1991,p.32–53. 1 Renzo De Felice, Mussolini il duce, Torino1974, p. 107; Giovanni Belardelli, »Ilfascismoel’orga- nizzazione dellacultura«, in: Guerre efascismo1914–1943,ed. by Giovanni Sabbatucci andVittorio Vidotto (= Storia d’Italia 4),Bari1997, p. 457. 294 Symposien A: Neue Musik in totalitären Staaten, 1930 bis 1989/90 tellectualsand artistsonthe basisthatthe regimewould notadopt a»Stateart«.2 Since 1925 thetotalitarianswing of fascismgainsstrength, andasfar as thearts areconcerned, in 1928 theDuceexplainshis intentiontosafeguard »the diversity of temperaments andof artists« andnot to aimatapatentlypoliticized artistic production.Suchstatementsmarked asignificant differencebetween thefascist dictatorship andthe Soviet or Nazi dictatorship andwould prove to be awinning strategy in gainingthe supportofpeoplesuchasintellec- tualsorartists who, sincethe beginning, appear to be amongthe leastsubmissive. On theother hand,oppositefactionsshowedthe twocontrasting aspectsthatalwaysexis- tedinthe culture of fascism(thetraditionalist, theembodimentofwhich wasthe bossRo- bertoFarinacci,and themodernist,led by theministerGiuseppeBottai). Theseaspects clashed on more than oneoccasionlooking foranofficiallegitimation, that however was nevertobegranted. Thecaseofthe Manifesto of 1932 is emblematic.Ten subscribersbelonging to different politicallines –distinguished composers, such as Pizzetti,Respighi, Zandonai,the presi- dentofthe SindacatoNazionale Fascista Musicisti(National FascistUnion of Musicians), thedirectorofthe ConservatoriodiFirenze,the critic of Il popolod’Italia,anewspaper foundedbyMussolini–intendedtosupport fascistmusic characterized by ›Italic‹ melody and›melodrama‹,against thosewho letthemselvesbeinfluenced by foreignexperiences (»objectivism«,»expressionism«, »atonaland pluritonalhonkings«, as thedocumentscorn- fullyspecified). Thetargets of this controversy were,asitiswellknown,Casella andMali- piero, themostdedicated to thecause of Europeanmodernism.3 Theintelligentsia (,Massimo Bontempelli,etc.) supportedthe twoattacked composers, butthiscon- troversy didnot actuallyleave anyvictims on thebattlefield:the regimedid nottakesides, suggestingthatall theopponents were vaguelyright. As amatteroffact, theproject of a›new‹ art–asexpressed by theDucein1926–capable of harmonizingtradition andmodernity,was intentionallyambiguous,sothateveryone couldunderstandand fulfillittheir ownway.4 Thestrategyoftryingtokeepinwithbothsides –adopted also in thepracticeofpro- motions, patronage, audiences, inevitable photographic portraitsofthe Duce inscribed to musiciansbelonging to oppositefactions, personallyhandled by Mussoliniand by his office –turned outtobeone more effectivetooltogratify andbindmusicians,critics and performers to power in awell-calculated game of flattery andcorruption. Whereas in 1927

2 , »Allamostradel ›Novecento‹«, 26th March1923, in: Operaomnia,vol.19, ed.by Edoardo andDuilioSusmel,Firenze 1956,p.187–188:»Dichiaro cheèlungi da me l’ideadiincoraggiare qualchecosache possa assomigliare all’artedistato.L’arterientra nella sferadell’individuo. Lo statoha un solo dovere:quellodinon sabotarla, di farcondizioniumane agli artisti, di incoraggiarlidal puntodi vistaartistico enazionale.« (»Ideclarethatfar from me is theideaofencouraging somethingresembling aState art. Artbelongs in theindividualsphere. TheState hasonlyone duty:not to sabotage art, to make humanconditionsfor artists, to encouragethemfromthe artistic andnationalstandpoint.«) 3 The Manifesto waspublished on 17 December 1932 in thenewspapers Corriere dellasera, Il popolod’Ita- lia and La Stampa;the othersignatories were:Alberto Gasco, Riccardo Pick-Mangiagalli, GennaroNapoli andGuido Zuffellato.For an analysis of the Manifesto,see:FiammaNicolodi, Musica emusicisti nelven- tennio fascista,Fiesole andFirenze 1984,p.140–149. 4 Mussolini, Operaomnia,vol.22, 1957,p.230. Nicolodi: The Italian Fascism 295

Mascagni,asamemberofthe older generation,was chosen to represent Italianmusic in , on theoccasionofthe celebrations forthe centenaryofBeethoven’s death, for theyounger Alfano theDucearrangedinthe same year,inhis ownresidence, thepreview performanceofthe 2ndQuartet. Themimetic attitude of Mussolini, amateurviolinistand manneredmusic connoisseur àlapage,personallywriting (orrevising) theprograms of theconcerts he wasgoing to at- tend,welcoming patronages andfunding at festivals, ensnared notonlymostItalian musi- cians, criticsand musicologists, butalsomanyforeigners. Edward J. Dent,president of the InternationalSociety of ContemporaryMusic,after the1928Siena festivalofthe Society addressed aletterofthanks to Mussolini,inwhich he declaredtobeoverwhelmed by the »new imprint[…] impressed by Your Excellencyonthe life of this wonderfulNation«.5 Igor Stravinskij, whowas wellknown as aconservativecomposer,was received by theDuceon several occasions andgavehim gifts, describedMussolinias»thesaviour of Italyand […] of Europe«.6 ThecriticWilli Reich,advocateofthe ›Schönbergkreis‹ (aswellasthe only translator into German of Mussolini’s Scrittiediscorsi), reportedfromanaudiencegranted to himin1934–where he presented theDucewithhis avant-garde revue 23 –the »erstaun- licheFachkenntnisse« of the»gütigenund liebenswürdigenMenschenMussolini«7. To reducethismattertoessentials, it is notwrong anyway to divide fascistmusical policy roughly into twodecades:the firstmoretolerantofmodernistic choicesand exchanges with foreigncountries,orevenencouraging them;the second characterized by conformism, andbydemagogic andpatentlyautarchic positions. Significant of thefirst yearswas thepretentiousstatement of 20th-century faithgrant- ed by Mussolinionthe occasionofthe firstevent devoted to contemporaryItalian instru- mental music, under thepatronage of theprime ministerand funded by him: theExhibit of 20th-century MusicinItaly (, 1927). Anothereffective watershedbetween the twosides of thefascist period is theirregularityofthe measures endorsing music, promul- gatedinthe firstdecade, measures,moreover,scarcelyinnovativewithrespect to thepre- viousdecade,ifcomparedtothe largeamountoflegislative measures of thefollowing decade,meant to regulateand putunder thecontrol of theState both musicalinstitutions andmusical life. When theInspectorateofthe Theatrewas establishedin1935(from 1937,HeadOffice forTheatre andMusic at theMinistryofPopularCulture)somepreviouslypassedinitia-

5 Letter of Edward J. Dent to Mussolini15September 1928:»In thecharming andpeacefulenviron- ment,where ourmeeting took place, in theatmosphereofliberalityand balancethatconstantlysur- roundedus, not only didwefeelthe poetry andbeautytraditional of theItalian spirit,but thenew imprint, too,impressed by Your Excellency on thelifeofthiswonderful Nation« (Roma, Archivio Cen- traledello Stato, PCM 1934 –193614.2.1955). 6 This statementwas grantedtothe critic AlbertoGasco,onthe occasionofanaudienceatPalazzo Venezia; see AlbertoGasco,»Strawinsky eilFascismo«,in: Da CimarosaaStrawinsky,Roma1939, p. 142; forthe giftsoffered to theDuce(such as thesecondvolume of Chroniques de ma vie,agolden medaland thescore of Duoconcertant) andmoregenerallyfor thecomposer’s attachment to fascism we refer to Harvey Sachs, MusicinFascist ,London1987, p. 167–169. 7 WilliReich,»Mussoliniund sein Uebersetzer«,in: Reichspost,Wien4.10.1934,p.11. 296 Symposien A: Neue Musik in totalitären Staaten, 1930 bis 1989/90 tives–asamatteroffactnever operative, due to theslowness of theItalian bureaucratic ap- paratus–wentintoeffect. Under thedirection of Nicola De Pirro, theInspectoratehired in itsranksthree young composers: MarioLabroca,GiuseppeRosatiand Goffredo Petrassi. They sought to reconcile–withmoreorless interest andcommitment–the musician’s creative role andthe officer’sbureaucraticrole, exactlywhatthe regimeorderedartists should do,tobepartofthe productive rhythm of society. Amongthe main purposes of this central- ized institutionwere: thecoordinationofproductionsofthe main musictheatresfinanced by theState (entiautonomi),the increase given to contemporaryopera productionsand thediffusion of instrumental andsymphonic music.8 Duringthe years1935–1943,the ten most importantinstitutionsfinancedbythe State9 staged an overall number of operaand ballet performances by contemporary composers, higher than thenumberofperformances with musicbycomposersnolongerliving: 320against 315. (The leadingcomposerswere Mascagni,Giordano, Zandonai andCilea,along with Respighi, themostsuccessfulcom- poser of theGenerazione del 1880). Theselecting criterionactuallyreflected an attitude of greatopenness towardsclientshipsolicitation(both in thefield of trade-unionsand politics). In such system, many authorswererepresented only by onework (staged three times, never to be performedagain); moreover,inlackofmeritocraticprinciples,joining theFascist Unionwas sufficient qualificationtocross thethresholdofatheatre. Theestablishment of theInspectoratetookplace in thesameyearasthe Ethiopian War, whosevictory marked themomentofhighestsupport of theregime. At that time,the spreadingofracistculture beganthatwould soon lead to theraciallaws. In 1935,one of thefirst actionsofthe Inspectorate were thecensorshipmeasurestobetaken against the musicofthose countriesbelonging to theLeagueofNations that duringthe warhad im- posed economic sanctionsonItaly.(Mignon by Ambroise Thomas and TheLegendofthe Invisible City by NikolajRimskij-Korsakov, programmed forthe Teatro allaScala,were consequentlyreplacedbyGiordano’s Siberia andbyCilea’s Arlesiana;atthe Teatro Regio in Tu rin, L’elisir d’amore took theplace of JulesMassenet’s Werther,etc.) Thefirst tangible signsofautarchyhad unequivocallyworked theirway into Italy. Thepolitical alliancestipulatedbetween fascistItaly andNaziGermany wouldsoon afterwards make therepressiveordersinthe fieldofmusic peremptory. On 8thApril 1938, Joseph Goebbelsclarified to theSecretary of Statefor PopularEducation andhis loyal admirer,DinoAlfieri,the linefollowedbythe Reich,inorder to determine ajoint lineof action to preservethe »purity«inmusic andprotectagainst »dangerousinfluences«.10

8 Nicolo De Pirro, »L’Ispettorato delTeatro«,in: Scenario 4/8(August 1935), p. 404. 9 La ScalainMilan,the Realedell’OperainRome, theTeatroVittorioEmanuele in Florence,the VerdiinTrieste,LaFeniceinVenice, theComunaleinBologna, theCarlo Felice in , theSan Carlo in , theMassimo in , theArena in Verona. 10 Letter of Joseph GoebbelstoDinoAlfieri,8.4.1938: »Ladisposizione presa neiriguardidella musica nondesiderataeperniciosail18dicembre1937, ha avutoloscopo di escludere la musica scadente, nell’ intentodiliberareilpopolotedesco daglieffetti pocograditi cheessapuò esercitare sullavitaculturale. NellaConferenza tenutaaLondradallaConfederazione delle Società degliAutori, questa disposizione nonaveva potuto essereapprezzata pienamente da tuttiipartecipanti nel suoverovalore, essendo stata comunicata pocotempo prima. Credoperòdipoter supporre concertezzache irappresentantidell’Italia Nicolodi: The Italian Fascism 297

Amongthe most distinguishedvictims of the1938raciallawswould be many Jewish composers, amongthem: MarioCastelnuovo Tedesco, Renzo Massaraniand Vittorio Rieti, whowereforcedtoexpatriate. In wartime, thepasswordwas to bestow privileges on performers andcomposersagree- able to Germanyand itsallies; amongthe involuntarilypositiveconsequences of this fact, Mozart’s ,until then relativelylittleknown in Italy, became more oftenperformed, theoperasofRichard Strauss, whowas themostperformed living foreigncomposer in Italy, acquired notoriety.

II. Theareas where thetheatre management wasoperative were normal theatreand concert activity,the more exclusivemusical events,asfestivals, andthe popularonesthatgained specialinterest around 1933–1934, when theneedemerged to create afascist culture forthe masses.Mussolini’sadmonitionto»reachfor thepeople«,formulatedin1934, in thespeci- fictheatre fieldaimed at creating »far-reaching«stage productions, to »achievethe goal of an audience of fifteen or even twenty thousand«.11 As aconsequence, there wasasearch foralternative spaces, alivelycriticaldebateand more than oneyieldingattitude, as faras artistic choiceswereconcerned. As earlyas1930, theCarro di TespiLiricowas established–asummer ruraltravelling theatremainly meantfor thefarmers’masses.12 Seven yearslater the Sabatoteatrale (Thea- trical Saturdays) were foundedfor operaand drama, reserved to theworking class of the main cities (students, factoryworkers, craftsmen, soldiers,etc.),who were allowedtoattend performances staged on Saturday afternoons by major theatres at areasonableprice.In thesameyear1937, the»Estate musicale italiana«(Italianmusical summer)was launched; that took placeinspots of particular beauty,althoughtheywereinmostcases acoustically inadequate. In theaesthetic debate, Mussolini’sdemagogic injunction foundnumerous musicians andcritics unprepared.Theyofferedresistancetoacertain extent,orworked outverbal desiderino, al pari di noi,dimantenere pura la lorovitamusicaledainfluenze perniciose«.(, Archi- vioCentraledello Stato, MinCulpop b.22 f. 321). 11 Anon., »Spettacolo all’aperto: teatrodimasse«,in: Scenario 4/8(August 1937), p. 367:»[Ilteatrova ricondotto]acontattodigrandimasse di popolo,secondo le direttive del Duce.[Il qualeadditò] perprimo la strada buona quando,[…] parlando nel 1934 agli autoridrammatici, ebbeadireche bisognavariportare il teatroacontattodel popolo,faredel teatroper le grandi masseecreareopere sceniche di largorespiro, capaci di agitare, come le antiche, le grandi passioni collettive.›Bisognaarrivare al teatrodiquindici oventimila persone‹,affermò Mussolini. Ealteatrodiquindicieventimila spettatori quest’anno siamo giunti«. 12 TheCarro di TespiLiricowas arranged to be disassembledinafew hours andtobetransported by acolumn of twelve trucks with trailers;ithad twostages, so that,while aperformance wastakingplace in onecity, they couldproceed to assemble thesecond stageinthe next city nearby;itseatedthree thousand in thestallsand twothousand in thegallery; thestage consistedofa27-meterhighscaffolding, andthe proscenium wasofthe same dimensionasthe largesttheatres; in addition, theCarro hadanelectricity controlcabin,dressingrooms,offices,tailor’s workshops, scenerystorerooms, bar, etc. 298 Symposien A: Neue Musik in totalitären Staaten, 1930 bis 1989/90 acrobaticstoopposethe project, at thesametimereaffirming (pretense to save theap- pearances or truthful belief?) theirfaith in fascism. In anycase, some foundithardto accept theideathataregime, aftersuppressingdemocracy andimposinganti-equalitarian theories,would bringupthe principleofsovereigntyofthe peopleinthe sphere of artistic evaluations.

III. As farasthe output of thefascist period is concerned, musicproveditselfa›polysemous‹art, so abstract that nobody coulddemonstrate theessence of awould-befascist stamp, unless takingintoaccount thenumerousjunctions connecting it to thepast(that wouldconnect it in lateryears to thepost-fascistera,too). Termssuchas›melody‹, ›choraldimension‹, ›melodrama‹or›Italianness‹were toovague to be identified as arecognizable›epoch style‹. This does notprevent that many musicians, even amongthe most alert, self-censoring their ownexceedinglyboldexpressions andstyles, agreed to settomusic mythscreated,orinhe- rited, by theregime, such as Romanity,empire, etc. (The yearning forself-representation hasalwaysbeenawish, more or less happilyfulfilled,ofdictatorship).Thisisespecially noticeable in theoperaticoutput. In theoperasofthe 1930’s,the winkings at power appear in therhetoricalemphasis(in timbre,melody, etc.), reproducingsomanymagniloquentfascist ritualsand symbols, be- hind whichthe poorness of culturalprojectswas hidden,along with that typicalinconsis- tencythatmade largecompliancepossiblefor fascism. Casella’s Il deserto tentato (1936 –1937), inscribedtoMussolini,draws itsinspiration from theundertakingofthe Italiansinthe Ethiopianland, whereas forthe same occasionGiordanocomposed aHymntothe Empire. ThecultofRomanityendorsedbyMussolinifor purposes of propaganda since1922 wouldremain apersistentcomponentoffascist ideology.Numerousoperaswould follow, in thetradition of imperial Rome, differentfromone anotherinstyle,formand language: Mascagni’s Nerone (1935),Malipiero’s Giulio Cesare (1934–1935)and AntonioeCleopatra (1936–1937), Respighi’s (1936) andEnnio Porrino’s GliOrazi (1941).The last by Mascagni, Nerone (libr. by Giovanni Targioni Tozzetti), assembled together newmusic andmusic previouslycomposed,ofRoman setting, too(Vistilia,1891).Iffromthe original play by Pietro Cossa (1871) some lines praising freedom were cutout forclear censorship purposes,other lines were added, so that themusic couldexpandin›oleographic‹ choral parades. However,neither hymnstoRome, normanlysettingsofpraetorians were suffi- cienttomakebelievableinthose timesasubject that –borntothe environment of late 19th-century archaeologicalrescues andaffectederudition (the time when Boitowas work- ingonhis Nerone)–asamatteroffactwas hopelessly misplacedinthe rhetoric of regime. So much so that some critics, afterthe openingnightatthe Teatro alla Scala(on 16th Ja- nuary1935),somassivelyadvertised, didnot miss theopportunity to pointout theincon- sistenciesbetween thenew politicalclimate,sointensely committedtomythicizing Roma- nity,and »thisNero, singingwhile soakinginblood,anidiot with alyrehanging from his neck,aranterwithout gloryand an inexcusablemurderer«13. Nicolodi: The Italian Fascism 299

Malipiero wouldturn,aroundthe midthirties, to acoupleofRoman playsfreelytrans- latedand adaptedfor thestage from Shakespeare: Giulio Cesare (1934–1935)and Antonioe Cleopatra13 (1936–1937). This wouldhappenonaccount of thefailure of La favola delfiglio cambiato (libr. by L. Pirandello), brutallycancelled from theseasonofthe Teatro Realein Romeafter thepremière (24thMarch 1934)byexplicitinterventionofMussolini, much »disappointed« in aworkthatheverysuperficiallyfound offensiveofmoralsand of the monarchicinstitution.14 Forthe débutofhis Giulio Cesare,Malipiero obtainedthe preventive approval of the Duce,inorder to protecthimself from unpleasant surprises. Theorchestra,inawidediver- sity of timbres, relies on therestrained sonorities of thestringquartet,coagulatesin screamsofgloomy effectiveness,orexpands towardsrents of magniloquentemphasis in the woodwindsand in thebrass instruments, fillingwiththeir clangorsthe episodesthatare more unrelated to thecomposer’s sensitivity(amongwhich,the battle scene). At theend of theplay, Malipiero introduces achoralscene,which is missinginShake- speare,marking Octavius Caesar’s triumphantentrance, accompaniedbyarejoicing crowd that starts to sing Horace’s Carmen saeculare (»Alme sol«). With athunderingunisonbegin- ninginff,thischorusreprises thesharp andimperious themecharacterizingCaesarsince theopera’s Preludio,astosignify that theRoman tradition, afterthe emperor’s death, wouldfinditselfagain in thefigureofthe young heir andnew leader:aquite patent allu- sion to thepremierofthe newItaly (Example1). With asubtlyprovocative intention, Respighimade astepbackwards too, usingthe al- readyobsoletelabel of melodramma for (1931–1933; by ClaudioGuastal- la), from Anne Pedersdotter (1906) by theNorwegian Hans Wiers-Jennsen, but in thenew settingof7th-century Ravenna.The score movesawayfromthe polyphonic complexities andthe timbre chromatisms of Respighi’sorchestra,simplifying itself to theadvantage of amelodic expansionand of astyle that does notdisdain themoststereotyped resources of tradition(accompanying formulas in arpeggioed quadruplets, or in triplets). Theuse of thematic material capableofalluringthe listeners is significantaswell, beingreminiscent of theemotional meaningimplied by so many quotations freely reinvented: on theone hand, they allude to Monteverdi’srecitative(Example2); on theother hand,tothe overflowing vocalphrasingofmuchromanticand post-romanticopera (Donizetti,Verdi, Ponchielli), whosestructure of closed musicalnumbers is used again.Itiscertainly acarefully devised product, although in an unmistakably rétro taste,almostanexplanatory essay meanttohush

13 MarcoRamperti, review of Nerone (La Stampa), now reprintedin: MarioMorini, »Per la storia delle opere. Carteggi,documenti,cronache«,in: PietroMascagni,ed. by MarioMorini, vol.1,Milano1964, p. 425–426: »questoNerone, canterinogrondante sangue,mentecatto concetra al collo, istrione senza eassassinosenza scuse«. 14 Report of an anonymousinformer, 31.3.1934(Rome, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Ministero dell’ InternoDir.Gen.P.S.Div.Polizia politica fasc.Malipiero G.F.): »IlDucesisarebbe compiaciutocol pubblicoche protestava,invidiandonelapossibilità di fischiare, trovando anzi chegli spettatori furono anchetroppovivaci nelle loroopposizioni.« (The Duce is reportedtohavebeenpleased with thepro- testingaudience, enviousoftheir possibility of booing andhissing in disapproval;heeventhought the audienceweretoo weak in expressingtheir dissent.) 300 Symposien A: Neue Musik in totalitären Staaten, 1930 bis 1989/90

Example 1: , Giulio Cesare. Dramma musicale in 3atti e7quardi da Shakespeare. Libera traduzione eriduzione di Gian Francesco Malipiero. Riduzione per pianoforte ecanto, Milano: Edizione Ricordi 1935, PN 123509, p. 164 –165. Nicolodi: The Italian Fascism 301

thealarmingrumours of thecrisisofopera.Havingput useless experimentalisms aside, Italianopera –Respighiseemedtosay –would stillbeabletomeetthe expectations of the audience, if only it wouldgoover themostsignificant phases of operatic traditionfrom the17thuptothe 19th century. 302 Symposien A: Neue Musik in totalitären Staaten, 1930 bis 1989/90

Example 2: , La fiamma. Melodramma in tre atti di Claudio Guastalla (da »The Witch« di G. Wiers Jenssen). Riduzione per canto epianoforte di Luigi Ricci, Milano: Edizione Ricordi 1976, PN 122746, p. 201. Nicolodi: The Italian Fascism 303

Pizzetti,without yielding toomuchfromthe stylecharacteristicofhis firstoperas, with thecentral role of therecitativeand of Gregorianmodes (,1909–1912), allows Orseolo (1933–1935) –anopera commissioned by Mussolini–anadditionaloperatictouch (such as intertwining contrastingsequences,unexpectedeffects,widechoralpages with asound density reminiscentofVerdi: e. g., Inno aVenezia). In 1937,for thefilm Scipionel’Africano directed by Carmine Gallone, Pizzetti wouldcompose InnoaRoma forchorusand , apageinscribed to theDuceand conductedbythe author in thepresenceofMussolini(on 28th April1937).The commission to Pizzetti from theJapanesegovernmentin1940for the Symphony in A,tohonor the2600thanniversary of thefoundationofthe Empire,isin- steadtobeconsideredinsidethe newsystemofalliances andculturalexchanges,where Italy wasonthe same side as Germany, Spain andJapan.The list of compositions more or less explicitly involved with theregimeistoo long to discusshere.Whatcan be pointedout in generalisawidespread aurea mediocritas,along with asortofcommonlanguage, with its typicalrhetoricand triumphantattitude.

IV. If fascistmusical policy towardsthe masses aimedateducation,and therefore wassubject to restraintand control, festivals insteadwere less subject to particular conditions,being more exclusiveinternational events,intendedfor narrow circlesofmusicians,critics,con- noisseursand foranaffluentaudience.15 Theseoccasions beganaround1930, promoted and funded by theregimetoimprove itsown imageabroad andencourage tourism, at atime of seriouseconomicalcrisisfor thecountry.Among themostimportant:the Inter- national MusicFestival, that opened in September 1930 andhostedthe ›Italian‹début of first-class foreigncomposers: Zoltán Kodály (Duet forviolin andcello,1930), (La Création du monde,1930), Igor Stravinskij(Capricciofor pianoand orchestra, conductedbythe author,1934), (the ›Konzertarie‹ DerWein,1934, cond.Her- mann Scherchen), Béla Bartók (Musicfor Strings, Percussion andCelesta, 1937), Arnold Schön- berg (Suite op. 29,1937),PaulHindemith (Nobilissimavisione,suite from theballet,1938) andmanymore. It is unnecessarytomention that on that date several of thesecomposers (Berg,Bartók, Hindemith, Schönberg) hadalready disappearedfor some time from the musicseasons of Nazi Germany. In addition, it is worthmentioning, as amajor attraction, thefestivalof»Maggio musicale fiorentino«, that relied upon high-level performances andinnovativestage productionsand staging. TheFlorentinefestivalpresenteddrama and ballet,symphonic repertoire, andfrommedievalmystery playsto20th-centuryopera (Volo di notte by the36-year-old LuigiDallapiccola wouldreceive itsworld première there in 1940). It will be finallymentioned the»SettimanaMusicaleSenese«,established in 1939 by theAccademia Chigiana, anddevoted to promotingthe knowledge of stillunknown com- posersofthe past., theauthorwhose musicnowadaysweall know,was a

15 Fiamma Nicolodi,»Su alcuni aspettidei festivals traledue guerre«, in: Musica italiana delprimo Nove- cento. »LaGenerazione dell’80«.Attidel Convegno (Firenze 9–11 maggio 1980),ed. by Fiamma Nicolodi, Firenze 1981,p.141–203. 304 Symposien A: Neue Musik in totalitären Staaten, 1930 bis 1989/90 rediscoveryofthe »Settimane«. Thankstothe festival, alarge selectionofthe RedPriest’s scoresresurfaced:unknown operas,aswellassacredand instrumental works. Theauthors of transcriptions andarrangements, mostly composersthemselves(therefore more inspired by astrongerinstincttoovercomethe original sourcesthanthe musicologistswere), ignored theprinciples of musicalphilology (atthe time stillundeveloped in Italy).Theyattempted to meet theaudience’staste with ›modernizing‹intentions, sometimesheavily cuttingthe simple recitatives, sometimesintroducingchoreographic inserts,someother timesantho- logicallyassemblingthe most beautifulpages of oneauthor. Forsometime, fascismwelcomedtoItaly festivals promoted by othercountries.The most importantofthemwas theInternational Society of ContemporaryMusic (ISCM) chaired by Edward J. Dent, that organized annual events in whichthe most diverse tendenciesof avant-garde took part,»with no national,racial, politicaland religious distinction«,asthe associationbylawsread. In 1924 theItalian sectionofthe Society wasfounded:the Cor- poration of NewMusic (CDNM), createdbyCasella (director),Malipiero andD’Annun- zio. Threesessions wouldtakeplace in Italy; Mussoliniwould grantthemfinancial support andhis »high patronage«:inVenice(1925), in Siena(1928)and in Florence(1934). Only afew more yearsand this peaceful relationshipwould be shattered. TheMinistry of PopularCulture decidedtostopfinancing thefestival, on thegrounds of Italy’sinsuffi- cientparticipation in theeventsannounced for1939, when theinternational jury selected only oneItalian piece: Dallapiccola’s Trelaudi.But by this time,asweknow, Italyshared thehostilities of Nazi Germanytowards an enterprise that hadbeenunpopularfor years, becauseitwas accusedofbeing ›Kulturbolschewismus‹(theGermans hadleftthe Society in 1935). Engl. translationbyAloma Bardi.

Tatjana Rexroth () Abhängigkeiten und Paradoxien im Verhältnis zwischen Musik und Politik

Wenn manüberdie russischebzw.die sowjetischeMusik des20. Jahrhunderts spricht, orientiert mansichstets an einerGliederungder sowjetischenEpocheseit1917indrei Abschnitte.Die erste Zeitphasesinddie 1920er Jahre, diebewegendenund bewegtenJahre einesneuen gesellschaftlichenAufbaus,verbunden mitder erstenrussischen Avantgarde- bewegung, dieauchdie Musikbetrifft.Die zweite Phasesinddie beiden Jahrzehnte von 1930 bis1950. Siesindgeprägtdurch dierigorosePolitik undIdeologisierungaller Lebens- bereichedurch Stalin.Esist dieZeitder großen KomponistenSergej Prokof’ev undDmitrij