PIANO MUSIC IN ITALY DURING THE FASCIST ERA

by

KARIN MARIA DI BELLA

.Mus., The University of Western Ontario, 1994 Mus., Washington University in St. Louis, 1996

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

(School of Music)

We accept this thesis as conforming tp—^-fre-^required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January 2002

© Karin Maria Di Bella, 2002 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.

Department

The University of Vancouver, Canada

Date

DE-6 (2/88) Abstract

This thesis investigates Italian instrumental music

(specifically piano music) during the two decades between

the two World Wars, the period of Italian fascism under

Mussolini's rule. After two centuries of opera domination

in that country, instrumental music, especially an up-to-

date brand of it, was sorely lacking. A number of

composers recognized this need and began to effect changes

in the instrumental music scene, some with more success

than others. Most of these composers are not well known to

the general music public today.

The pressing question is, to what extent the fascist government and its culture had an effect on the development of music during this period. Were there Italian bureaucratic equivalents to those sanctioned by the Nazis

in the world of art? What was the extent of musical

censorship? Did the fascist regime influence the music of the composers writing under it? Is there a musical style which can be labelled "fascist"? In order to answer these questions, the proper context must be presented.

In the first chapter the history of fascism is explored, followed by a general survey of music and its particular development and influences during the first half of the twentieth century. The remaining chapters (3-8) explore the contributions of the major composers in Italy active during fascist rule, with special emphasis on the piano works of these composers. Chapter 9 presents

Conclusions. Works for analysis were chosen from the entire period of 1919 to 1944, and represent different compositional camps, from the conservatives (Respighi and

Pizzetti) to the progressives (Casella and Malipiero), the older generation (the 1880's generation) to the younger

(Dallapiccola and Petrassi), and one Jewish study

(Castelnuovo-Tedesco). Aside from the analysis of the works, sources for the study were books, articles, and theses in English and Italian.

Results of the study reveal there to be no direct effect of fascist policies on the music of the period unde its rule. Not only was there no coherent basis of stylistic censorship (apart from racial bans on Jewish composers beginning in 1938, regardless of style), but, consequently, there does not exist a fascist musical style nor specific compositional traits. The music evolved rather independently, resulting from Italian music's peculiar historical position. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ii

Table of Contents iv

Preface vi

Acknowledgments ix

Dedication xi

Chapter I A Short History of Italian Fascism 1

Chapter II The Musical Scene in Italy during the First 8 Half of the Twentieth Century La Generazione dell'Ottanta 11 Stylistic Traits: Neoclassicism, Gregorian 19 Chant, "Dannunzianesimo" The Effects of Fascism on Culture and Music 22

Chapter III Alfredo Casella 33 The First Period: to 1913 34 The Second Period: 1913-1920 37 When in Rome ... 41 The Società di Musica Moderna and Music 4 3 during the War The Third Period: 1920-1944 45 The Corporazione delle Nuove Musiche 51 Casella's Involvement with Fascism 54 Piano Compositions of the '30s and '40s 58 Due Ricercari sul nome "B-A-C-H" (1932) 61 I. Funèbre 63 II. Ostinato 69

Chapter IV Gian Francesco Malipiero 80 Compositional Style 84 First Period: to 1920 89 Second Period: the 1920s 92 Illustration of the Second Period: 94 Cavalcate I. Récalcitrante (Somaro) 97 II. Dondolante (Camello) 104 III. Focoso (Destriero) 107 Third Period: 1930s and later 116 Approach to the Piano 118 Malipiero and Casella 119 Malipiero's Involvement with Fascism 121

Chapter V La Generazione dell'Ottanta: 124 The Conservatives Ildebrando Pizzetti 124 Pizzetti's Piano Music 128 Pizzetti's Involvement with Fascism 133 Ottorino Respighi 135 Tre preludi sopra mélodie gregoriane 142 I. Molto lento 143 II. Tempestoso 152 Respighi's Involvement with Fascism 162

Chapter VI The Next Generation: Goffredo Petrassi 163 and Luigi Dallapiccola Goffredo Petrassi 163 Petrassi's Involvement with Fascism 171 Luigi Dallapiccola 175 Compositional Style 180 Music for Solo Piano 187 Sonatina Canonica 18 9 I. Allegro comodo 190 IV. Alla marcia; moderato 199

Chapter VII Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco 210 Style 212 Piano Works 214 Piedigrotta 1924, Rapsodia Napoletana 216 I. Tarantella scura 216

II. Voce luntana 221

Chapter VIII Conclusion 230

Bibliography 23 6 Appendix A Recital Programs 24 6 Appendix B Recordings 2 55 PREFACE

The connections between politics and cultural life have become an important topic of research in recent years.

In particular, the influence of dictatorial regimes in the

1930s and '40s on various aspects of life, especially cultural issues, has generated a proliferation of studies.

Slowly the music world is grasping Wagner's public anti- semitic views.1 Restrictions imposed by the Soviet regime on its composers have been documented, notably in the case of Dmitri Shostakovich.2 The links between politics and music and France have also come to light in a recent publication.3

Perhaps hidden under the more obvious blanket of the effects of Nazism, Italian fascism and its culture have become a general subject of research only more recently.

The one-hundreth anniversaries of an influential generation of composers in Italy born in the 1880s and which, consequently, was fully active during the fascit period, sparked interest in the music of these composers. Italian- language studies of the music between ca.1920-1945, as well

•'•Paul Laurence Rose, Wagner, Race and Revolution (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992); Marc Weiner, Richard Wagner and the Anti-Semitic Imagination (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995) .

2Laurel E. Fay, Shostakovich: A Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

3Jane F. Fulcher, French Cultural Politics and Music: from the Dreyfus Affair to the First World War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999) . as of the political implications of the period for culture, began to appear during this decade. The first major text to treat this matter comprehensively is the study by Fiamma

Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti nel Ventennio fascista which appeared in 1984.4 This book followed a publication under

Nicolodi's supervision of the proceedings of a convention surrounding the composers of the "Generation of the 1880s," published in 1981.5 An English-language source comparable in scope with Nicolodi's work emerged in 1987, Music in

Fascist Italy by Harvey Sachs.6 A similar project exploring the world of visual art in fascist Italy has just been released in the year 2000.7

Information concerning instrumental music of the fascist period in Italy is scant, and emphasis on piano music even more so. Many articles in addition to the sources mentioned above deal with piano music of the time in limited ways. Furthermore, much of the useful information to be found on the topic exists in Italian or even in German.

4Fiamma Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti nel Ventennio fascista (Fiesole: Discanto Edizioni, 1984).

5Fiamma Nicolodi, ed., Musica italiana del primo novecento, "La generazione dell '80." Atti del convegno Firenze 9-10-11 maggio 1980 (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 1981).

6Harvey Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987).

7Emily Braun, Mario Sironi and Italian Modernism : Art and Politics under Fascism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). The present study is an attempt to offer an overview of piano music for the period between the end of the First

World War and the end of the Second in Italy, spanning roughly the years 1918-1945. The political climate is crucial to the understanding of the cultural life of the time, and, therefore, much space is given to this subject.

From the sizeable amount of solo piano music composed by important Italian composers active during this time, selected works or movements will be presented and analyzed, with emphasis on the possible connections between the composers' political positions and the style of their works for solo piano.

A topic such as music for a specific instrument during a period of political volatility undoubtedly brings with it a set of expectations. Many assumptions concerning music in the fascist period exist, possibly, out of comparison with information surrounding Nazi censorship and attitudes in Germany. The following pages attempt to show that despite certain similarities, the two movements are substantially different from one another with respect to attitudes toward music. In the end, it is hoped that knowledge of the period may open possibilities of repertoire that have been unjustly overlooked or forgotten. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Many thanks to Robert Silverman, for endless hours of patience, musical guidance, more than a few bad.jokes, and for the suggestion of this topic. To Vera Micznik, for her diligence, scrupulous scrutiny, intelligence, class, and friendship. In addition to this fine faculty, the

University of British Columbia's Main Library greatly facilitated my access to their recordings collection, which houses many of the musical works mentioned in this study.

I am blessed with an immense battery of support, including family and close friends, some of whom were lost along the way, and without whom this project would not have been possible. Many thanks to those whose enthusiasm and support have led me through many a dark hour. A special thanks to Devon, who endured - at close quarters - every moment of the writing process, and managed to keep me safe and sane along the way.

During the writing of this document, my mentor and artistic champion, James Reginald Wilson, passed away. I am deeply indebted to his years of guidance, love, support, and admirable ability to see the humour in every situation.

His talents as a harpsichordist, pianist, teacher, musicologist and author have left an enduring mark in the lives of many, and will not be forgotten.

Finally, many heartfelt thanks to my parents, who have stood by me, supported me in every possible way, laughed and cried with me, and who have remained my biggest fans. To my parents

and

To James R. Wilson

In memoriam CHAPTER I

A SHORT HISTORY OF ITALIAN FASCISM

The history of Italy during the first half of the

twentieth century is extremely complex, and in many ways

unique. To grasp fully the role music played during such a

tumultuous period in a country's existence it is imperative

to understand the complicated context into which it fits.

The following is an extremely brief overview of the major

events and trends in Italy during the years following the

First World War to the end of the Second.

The First World War was a major disaster for Italy.

The country entered the war in 1915 on the side of Britain

and France, never expecting the battle to last very long.

Rather, the results were utterly devastating, both socially

and economically, and the Italian population in all social

classes was left scrambling and searching for effective

leadership.1

Elections during the years 1919-1921 for the most part

involved the two main parties of socialists and popolari, each of which was divided by major internal conflict and dissent. Mussolini's newly-founded Partito Nazionale

Fascista or National Fascist Party benefitted from this general governmental disarray, and during these years managed to secure supporters from all levels of class and

^Harvey Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 8. power. Rather than providing a clear declaration of the party's basic tenets, Mussolini put forth fascism as a much- needed alternative to "socialist and democratic egalitarianism."2 Riding on the disgruntled attitudes of a crumbling post-war Italy, Mussolini promoted the glory of the state above all else, and the complete subordination of the individual to it.3

The country seemed ready for such drastic measures. By

1922, the government under the leadership of Luigi Facta had completely lost its effectiveness and power. In October of that year, Mussolini made it known that he and the Fascists wanted to be part of the formation of a new government, and if their demands were not met, they would take the city of

Rome by force. When Mussolini pressed these demands, Facta decided to decree martial law in order to arrest the band, which would have allowed the use of troops to stop the squads by force. When presented with the final order however, King Victor Emmanuel III refused to sign it, knowing that many politicians strongly supported fascist participation in government.4

This final seizure of power that gave Mussolini and the

Fascists total control of the Italian government is referred to as the "March on Rome." Far from the dramatic military

2The New Columbia Encyclopedia (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), s.v. "Fascism."

3Ibid.

Alexander J. De Grand, Italian Fascism: Its Origins and Development (Lincoln, London: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), 37. conquest implied by its title, this "March" was rather a tense game in which Mussolini manipulated the crumbling government, threatening physical action in order to get his demands to be taken seriously. The poorly-armed band of

Fascists was no match for the regular troops surrounding the capital; but the group had garnered so much support, and

Mussolini had demonstrated considerable enough leadership and charisma to a population that was in dire need of authority, that the coup went off without incident. Thus, on October 29, 1922, Benito Mussolini was installed as

Italy's youngest Prime Minister, aged 39, thus beginning 21 years of Fascist rule in Italy.5

Alexander De Grand divides the years of Fascist dictatorship into two main periods: the ascendancy from

1922 to 1935, and the decline from 1936 to 1945. Within this general division are further subperiods and highlights of major events, which will be touched upon only briefly here.

During the ascendant years, Mussolini and the Fascists represented all things to all people. Mussolini was convinced that his genius was in ruling, and Italy and its people were the vehicles though which he would exercise this talent. He was brilliant at convincing people that his regime could offer the public what they required of their leaders. This first period was prosperous for the

5De Grand, Italian Fascism, 36-37; Sachs, Fascist Italy, 9. government, a time in which the needs of the people were being heard and answered. Puccini voiced the sentiments of a nation with the words, "And Mussolini? Welcome to him, if he'll rejuvenate the country and bring it a bit of peace."6

Representatives from all types of interest groups found themselves supporting the regime each for their own purpose.7 It should be mentioned that during these years

Mussolini made it clear that the fascist movement did not support biological racism. In contrast to Hitler's ideals, the core of. Mussolini's fascism was extreme nationalism, rather than the supremacy of an "Aryan" race.8

The Depression years of 1929 to 1934 marked a

fundamental change in the fascists' relationship with the masses. In the early years of the regime the already- existing social and economic structures were perfectly reasonable vehicles for fascist ideals and policies. The

Depression brought with it the need for new economic solutions, at which point the state took over much of the national banking system and industrial sectors, effectively eradicating small businesses.9 Another crucial event during these years was the Nazi acquisition of power under Hitler in Germany in 1933. Until this point Italy had been the

6Sachs, Fascist Italy, 104. Sachs does not note the source of this quotation.

7De Grand, Italian Fascism, 49.

8Ibid., 114.

9Ibid., 155. only then-current Western European model of totalitarian

governments, and Mussolini could proceed unchecked with no

fear of comparison with any other system. Nazism forced

such a comparison and Mussolini felt competition with his

own ideals, and the Italian public was forced to compare

their own slap-dash procedures with those of the highly-

efficient Germans. Many of the changes in the following

years of the Fascist regime may be regarded as responses to

this growing challenge, especially in reference to the stand

on racial policy.10

Nazi seizure of power failed to shake Italian wariness concerning racial prejudice. Instead, Nazi doctrines provoked Italian Fascists to stress the universality of their traditions, which excluded no part of the national community on grounds of blood or physical characteristics.11

After 1936 however, perhaps under "ideological competition"

from Germany,12 changes began to be seen in this sector in

Italy. The decisive blow against Italian Jews came in July

1938 with the "Manifesto of Fascist Racism," published under

the auspices of the Ministry of Popular Culture. Although protests against Mussolini's new racial policy were

extremely hushed, anti-semitism never took root among

Italy's populace where Jews accounted only for about one

one-thousandth of the population.13 Although restrictions

10lbid.

"ibid., 114.

12Ibid., 115.

13Sachs, Fascist Italy, 117, 187. were placed and policies created which had an effect on the daily lives of Jews, official physical persecution occurred only during the German occupation of Italy in 1943-45.14

Italy entered an official partnership with Germany with the "Pact of Steel" of May 22, 193 9. Germany convinced the

Italians that there were no plans of an impending war, and

Mussolini, responding to Hitler's demands, entered into this military alliance which, in very generalized terms, ensured mutual support should one of its members become involved in a conflict. Almost six months later, Italy declared its neutrality after hearing of a German treaty with the USSR.

In March of 1940, Mussolini met with Hitler and allowed himself to be convinced that Italy would be capable of entering the war in aid of Germany, and promised to do so at the proper moment. In June of 194 0, Italy declared war on

France.

By 1943 the war was not going well, and in February the fascist government demanded that Mussolini inform Hitler of plans to back out of the war. Typically, Mussolini instead allowed Hitler to lift his spirits. During an official session on July 24th the Fascist Grand Council demanded that

Mussolini step down, which he did in the early morning hours without much attempt at a defense. Mussolini was immediately arrested and imprisoned, and within hours the regime crumbled.15 Italy continued to fight alongside

14Ibid., 187.

lsDe Grand, Italian Fascism, 126-128. Germany for another ten weeks, finally surrendering to the

Allies in September 1943. The remaining twenty months of

the war marked the most destructive period in Italy's

history, during which time much of the country was occupied by the Nazis. In the meantime, the Germans had rescued

Mussolini from his prison and installed him as the leader of

a new fascist republican state called the Italian Social

Republic. Along with the problems of German occupation and

the Second World War happening all around it, the country

was now involved in a civil war, in which the population

fought either for or against its former leader.16

The concluding events happened relatively quickly.

Rome was finally liberated in June of 1944, followed by

large parts of central Italy. Mussolini, who had been

stationed in Sale on Lake Garda, fled Milan on April 25th,

1945; the next day the city was liberated by the Allies; on

the 27th, at a Resistance road block, Mussolini was

discovered hiding in a German convoy fleeing northward, and

on the 28th he was executed.17

16Many thanks to Harvey Sachs for the clarification in this section.

17De Grand, Italian Fascism, 137. CHAPTER II

THE MUSICAL SCENE IN ITALY

DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

Preparing for a Revival -- Italian Music Into the 1930s

At the turn of the 20th century the face of Italian music was largely opera-dominated, saturated by verismo and

in need of new inspiration. At this time composers were

recognizing the need to assert themselves in areas other

than opera, and some attempts at an instrumental revival

began. Three important figures from this early pioneering

period are Giuseppe Martucci (1856-1909), Leone Sinigaglia

(1868-1944) who incorporated folk music from the region of

Piedmonte into his compositions, and Giovanni Sgambati

(1841-1914), a pianist whose compositions for the instrument

were well-respected in Italy.1 These three composers

dedicated themselves almost entirely to instrumental music,

using as their models the German instrumental forms and

techniques inherited from earlier eras in order to create

their new brand of Italian music. Ferruccio Busoni (1866-

1924) is at times considered as belonging to this group, for

although he spent most of his career in Germany, he was one

of the first to try to introduce students to Italian

instrumental music, as well as to contemporary currents in

•'•Noel Nickson, "A Twentieth Century Revival: A Brief Introduction to Some Aspects of the Rise of Modern Italian Music," Miscellanea Musicologica 2 (March 1967), 7-8. the German music scene.2 These composers left no lasting influence, but their pioneering efforts were an important stepping-stone for the next generation of composers who would carry on in a new direction.3

This "new direction" was being sought throughout the rest of Europe as well as in Italy after the First World

War. The movement involved "the same phenomenon of renewal of traditional and native musical values in order to update them to the instrumental conquests of German Romanticism and of Wagnerian drama."4 The Italian instrumental composers, however, found themselves faced with a very strong, healthy, and immensely popular opera tradition from which they decided to separate. Many of the composers born in the

1880s made themselves extremely unpopular with audiences in the 1920s by deliberately going against this music that was so dear to the public.

Two currents were at work during this period. The first was the current asserting the need for something new at the turn of the century subsequent to many decades of opera domination. Second, the devastation after the First

World War left many European countries, Italy included, in

2Peter Yates, Twentieth Century Music: Its Evolution from the End of the Harmonic Era into the Present Era of Sound (New York: Pantheon Books, 1967), 168.

3Nickson, "Revival," 7.

4". . . lo stesso fenomeno di rinnovamento dei valori musicali tradizionali e indigeni per aggiornarli aile conquiste strumentali del romanticismo tedesco e del dramma wagneriano. ..." Massimo Mila, Breve storia della musica (Torino: Einaudi, 1993), 419. search of a voice distinct of traces of the old enemy,

Germany. This post-war national pride, crucial to the

popularity of Mussolini and his new fascist government, was

responsible for the attempts by many artists at an up-to-

date Italian-ness. These attempts took many forms, but they

all shared a common desire for national identity.

As with the study of any period in music, the

compositional styles of the average composers of the day are

the ones that get the least attention. For this reason,

this particular period of music history in Italy has been

largely neglected, and sources in English are particularly

scant. Few studies exist on the average composers

generally, and detailed information concerning the specific

case of piano music of the time is even more scarce. In the

case of piano music during the fascist period in Italy, many

composers fostered the aforementioned "renewal" through "the most insignificant means of romantic decadence."5 For these

composers, the arrival of fascism -- with its vision of

artistic conservatism in the name of national unity .-- was

their most fortunate moment.6 The style composers chose,

however, had nothing to do with governmental policies.

Mussolini chose not to insist upon a particular artistic

style for the period, rather wishing artists to present

works that were "strong and beautiful," all for the purpose

5Ibid.

6Ibid. of promoting national consciousness. There was never any bureaucratic push for an anti-modernism movement.7

The opposite side of this issue is that the pathbreakers and innovators of each period are those that get the most attention, those composers that for whatever reason, leave something noteworthy behind for posterity.

The period ranging from around the end of the First World

War to the end of the Second saw some important developments

in the field of instrumental music in Italy, and the catalysts for this movement are the handful of composers born in the decade of the 1880s, known in Italy as "la

generazione dell'ottanta," or "the generation of the '80s."

They were all innovative composers active during the period in question. It was this generation that would "change the whole climate of Italian music."8

La Generazione dell'Ottanta

The so-called "generation of the 1880s" was a crucial force in the transformation of Italian music in the 20th century. Banded generally by a need for advancement away

from the tyranny of the nineteenth-century Italian operatic tradition, and particularly the cult of verismo, the composers born in the decade between 1880 and 1890 each responded to the call in his own way. The four main

7Tim Parks, "The Non-Conformist," review of Mario Sironi and Italian Modernism : Art and Politics under Fascism by Emily Braun, in The New York Review of Books (Sep 21, 2000), 34.

BReginald Smith Brindle, "Italy," in Music in the Modern Age, ed. F.W. Sternfeld (New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers, 1973), 293. composers of this generation are Ottorino Respighi (1879-

1936), Ildebrando Pizzetti (1880-1968), Gian Francesco

Malipiero (1882-1973), and Alfredo Casella (1883-1947).

Regarding membership in this elite group of composers, occasionally other names have appeared in addition to these four: some include Riccardo Zandonai9 (1883-1944) among their ranks, or Giorgio Ghedini10 (1892-1965). There is even one reference to a group called "J cinque italiani" which leaves out Casella altogether and includes instead

Renzo Bossi and Giannotto Bastianelli11 (1883-1927).

Generally, the four main composers mentioned above are those who are most referred to, and for the purposes of this study, are the composers who contributed the most to the piano repertoire.

The years from 1918 to the end of the Second World War were very productive for these composers. Although joined in a common cause, this collection of composers does not abide by a stylistic unity. Rather the group is divided roughly into two, with the two older composers (Respighi and

Pizzetti) joined in a relatively more conservative approach, in contrast to the two younger (Casella and Malipiero), who

9Stanley Sadie, ed. , The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: Macmillan; Washington, D.C.: Grove's Dictionaries of Music, 1980), s.v. "Italy."

"Reginald Smith Brindle, "Italian Contemporary Music," in European Music in the Twentieth Century, ed. Howard Hartog (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957), 171.

"Graham Strahle, "A Searching Spirit: Art Nouveau Trends in Early Twentieth Century Italian Music," Miscellanea Musicologica 15 (1988), 153. display a more avant-garde approach to composition. The division into conservative and progressive camps is further

illustrated by the publication of "A Manifesto of Italian

Musicians for the Tradition of Nineteenth-Century Romantic

Art," which appeared in 1932 and was signed by many artists of conservative tendencies, among whom Respighi and

Pizzetti. The basic contention was that "the last century's

romanticism is being opposed and combatted," and had been

replaced by "atonal and polytonal honking."13 There was no government policy regarding compositional style, and any pressure felt by composers to conform to one style or

another came directly from the composition world itself, and not from any bureaucratic intervention. Sachs explains that the appearance of such a statement during a particularly

stressful time in Italy's cultural development is not

surprising, and regardless of how each composer interpreted the word "romanticism," the general intention of the manifesto was an attack on the more progressive composers of the time, particularly Casella and Malipiero. The intended

gains from this document are less clear. The progressives

had just as difficult a time getting their works performed

as most other composers in Italy at the time, with Respighi

and Zandonai in fact getting their compositions heard all

12Roman Vlad, "Situazione storica della generazione dell '80," in Musica italiana del primo novecento, "La generazione dell '80." Atti del convegno Firenze 9-10-11 maggio 1980, Fiamma Nicolodi, ed., (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, 1981), 3.

13Quoted in Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 24-25. over the world, and Pizzetti being quite popular within

Italy at this point.14 In any case, the division in aesthetics, already acknowledged by those involved, had now been publicly declared.

Despite these discrepancies, however, the general goal

remained the same for all instrumental composers of the time: their main objective was to create an alternative to the popularity of Italian opera which had claimed almost all musical life in Italy for decades. The search for something new and different led composers to explore the world of instrumental music. The deep need to create a uniquely

"Italian" language prompted them to explore the music of the

Italian instrumental masters of centuries before, to make use of a resource that was specifically Italian in order to create a new voice for the music of the country.15 As

stated above, each composer reacted to these needs in accordance with his own ideas and tendencies, but it was with this generation of composers that a particular attempt at an Italian brand of modern instrumental music was approached.

The first strides in this direction occurred in 1917, with the founding by Alfredo Casella of the Société Italians di Musica Moderna (Italian Society of Modern Music). This

"Sachs, Fascist Italy, 25.

"Reginald Smith Brindle, "Italian Contemporary Music," 171; Alfredo Casella, Music in My Time: the Memoirs of Alfredo Casella, trans, and ed. Spencer Norton (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955), 140. J

organization was in existence for only two years, but by the time it disbanded its original goal had been achieved. It provided a forum for young composers of differing musical

languages and goals, and created an interest among musicians throughout the country for contemporary music.16 The members included Malipiero, Jewish composer Mario

Castelnuovo-Tedesco (1895-1968), Pizzetti, Respighi, and

Zandonai. Unlike these last three composers who in 1932 would publicly renounce the cause of modern music in Italy,

Casella did not so easily give up the cause. In 1923 he and

Malipiero banded together in the founding of the

Corporazione del le Nuove Musiche (Corporation of New Music) which survived for five years. The purpose of this group was to bring to Italy the latest advancements and masterpieces of modern music from around Europe, which included such works as Schoenberg's Pierrot lunaire which

Schoenberg himself conducted, and Stravinsky's Rite of

Spring.17

The goal, as already stated, was to create "a genuinely

Italian aesthetic where this was felt to be missing . . ."18 which would be based on the great tradition of Italian instrumental music that existed before the advent of popular

Italian opera in the 18th and 19th centuries. The need for such a movement had been evident for some time already, as

16Casella, Music in My Time, 148.

"New Grove, "Italy."

18Strahle, "A Searching Spirit," 153. the attempts by the pioneers such as Sgambati and Busoni

indicate. Alfredo Casella remains at the cornerstone of the movement that actually did take hold, and whether his

influence was a result of circumstance or actual genius is perhaps irrelevant. Casella's importance lay not so much in his compositions but rather in his zeal for the development of this new aesthetic, his efforts in establishing the'two contemporary music organizations mentioned above, and in his great influence as a teacher. Casella spent most of his early career in Paris, returning to Italy in 1915 and bringing with him the exposure and experience of being surrounded by current anti-romantic European trends. Of particular impact on Casella's own work were the works of

Stravinsky, and to a lesser extent, Schoenberg.19 Even more importantly, because of his exposure to the Parisian musical world which offered more than popular opera every evening, he was able to show his countrymen what options they had available to them.

The efforts of the generazione dell'ottanta differed from the earlier pioneers in a couple of respects. In the

1920s there was a definite self-conscious denial of forms and techniques (in varying degrees) inherited from the

Romantic and Classical eras. Furthermore, contemporaneous musicological research in the field of Italian pre-Classical

19Casella, Music in My Time, 106. Casella was influenced by nearly everything he heard. Earlier influences include Fauré, Debussy, Ravel, Mahler and Strauss. Max Graf, Modern Music: Composers and Music of Our Time (New York: Philosophical Library, 1946), 221. music made available to this generation works of Giovanni

Gabrieli and others, and Malipiero himself is responsible

for the first complete edition of Monteverdi's works and an

edition of much of Vivaldi's music. These studies gave the

younger composers something new to draw from, allowing them

to make a stylistic break with the German forms as well as with the saturation of opera thriving in their country, while at the same time developing and drawing from an

Italian national language.

Composers involved in this reform of modern music had two major factors to consider in their efforts.20 First of all, they needed to rediscover and develop this instrumental tradition that had been overwhelmed by opera for over 150 years. As a result of this, especially in the early phase of the revival much of the music has an archaic flavour, coloured by the use of newly-available pre-classical models, as well as a self-conscious use of modality and polytonality by many of the composers. Secondly they "imposed an alignment of Italian music with the main currents of

European music."21 This involved importing and absorbing contemporary modern techniques from elsewhere in Europe, including "French impressionism, central European chromaticism, the new Russian school, and the various kinds

20The following arguments are often mentioned but rarely cited; the original source is Roman Vlad "Riflessi della dodecafonia in Casella, Malipiero e Ghedini, " La Rassegna musicale 27 no.1 (1957), 44.

21". . . si imponeva 1'allineamento della musica italiana con ultimi sviluppi del 'corpus formale' della musica europea. ..." Ibid. of diatonic writing of the other national schools of the

day."22 I

Stylistically, the harmonic language of the two more

adventurous composers, Casella and Malipiero, had been on a path toward extreme chromaticism in the years closely preceding 1920. With the self-proclaimed goals stated

above, new directions began to appear in the works of these .

composers and others. Generally there was a sharp turn away

from chromaticism in favour of a more diatonic language,

there appeared typical folk idioms such as dance rhythms

like the tarantella, polyphonic writing became common, and various treatments of Gregorian chant melodies showed up in

some composers' works, to name a few characteristic trends.

Italy finally caught up with the wave of serialism only after the war, with Luigi Dallapiccola's efforts. It has been conjectured that this sharp turn to neoclassicism and national traits was a necessary period in Italy's musical development, one through which it was crucial to live, before serialism could find its real place in a country with no recent instrumental past to draw upon.23

22Roman Vlad, "Italian Music Today," in Twentieth Century Music, ed. Rollo H. Myers (London: Calder and Boyars, 1968), 184. This article is a translation of the earlier Vlad article in Italian.

23Vlad "Riflessi della dodecafonia," 48. Stylistic Traits: Neoclassicism, Gregorian Chant,

"Dannunzianesimo"

The wave of neoclassicism appearing in Italy in the

1920s was certainly a part of similar turns happening

elsewhere in Europe at the time. As opposed to its

appearance in other countries however, neoclassicism in

Italy had a purpose to serve. This style was the vehicle through which the great history of Italian music before the advent of melodrama could be recuperated and brought forward

in a new light. In contrast with a country such as Germany, where the popularity of the great J.S. Bach has remained a consistent source of inspiration, in Italy the glorious past of renaissance vocal polyphony and Italian baroque

instrumental forms was barred entry into the 20th-century

language by the immense popularity of 19th-century Italian opera. Popular audiences saw this return to pre-romantic and pre-classical models more as a deliberate attempt at the obliteration of the opera they had known and loved for decades, but this return to the past is the source that would serve as a springboard for many generations of Italian composers. Not only composers such as Monteverdi, Vivaldi,

Scarlatti, or even nineteenth-century masters such as

Paganini were re-claimed as part of the Italian heritage, but also Gregorian chant was explored as a source. Many composers, including Malipiero, Pizzetti, and Respighi used chant as sources for their vocal or instrumental works.

That the enthusiasm for the revival of earlier masters remained still present even in later generations of composers is a testament to the importance of this movement in Italy's musical history.

A particular stylistic development in Italy stemmed from the influence of the poet Gabriele D'Annunzio, especially during the early stages of the Italian instrumental revival. D'Annunzio was a great exponent of praise of the Italian past, and apart from the importance of his verses and his political influence, D'Annunzio had a profound effect on music of the 1910s and into the '20s.

The style of his verses influenced a musical style which

John C.G. Waterhouse describes as "a special kind of pretty, rather superficial decorativeness in which a variegated and colourful palette serves purely hedonistic ends."24 The adoption of this approach occurred around the same time that

Debussy's popularity began to reach Italy, during the First

World War.25 The two styles were very well suited to each other. Their incarnation is evident in many composers' works of the time, most readily in many of Respighi's works, particularly in the orchestral ones, but evident as well in the Tre Preludi sopra mélodie Gregoriane for piano of 1919.

D'Annunzio's influence reached even beyond the poetic and political impetus. The musical renaissance occurring in

Italy was championed by the poet, who became the director of

24John C.G. Waterhouse, "The Italian Avant-Garde and National Tradition," Tempo 68 (Spring 1964), 21.

25Max Graf, Modern Music: Composers and Music of Our Time, trans. Beatrice R. Maier (New York: Philosophical Library, 1946), 220. a series of volumes of early Italian music. This

collection, I Classic! della Musica Italiana (Classics of

Italian Music), was introduced in 1917.26 During the First

World War years he gathered around him a circle of composers, including Pizzetti and Malipiero, who shared

D'Annunzio's conviction that the Italian baroque would be a

fine model for modern music.27 He also had a hand in the development of the Corporazione delle nuove musiche that

Casella and Malipiero formed in 1923, which promoted in

Italy contemporary works from around Europe. Some of

D'Annunzio's verses themselves were used for musical purposes, being set for voice by Pizzetti during the years of the First World War. Ultimately the D'Annunzio circle had in view the same objectives towards which Casella and others were striving in their rediscovery of the Italian past.

These were the general musical issues being tackled by the composers of the generazione dell'ottanta during the

1920s and 1930s. Although united in an effort at creating a new language, the mode of approach to this end was far from unified. As with any period, each composer used influences from different sources as they suited his purposes at the time. The result is a period in which many ideas were being attempted, rejected or absorbed according to each musical

26John C.G. Waterhouse, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001), s.v. D'Annunzio, Gabriele.

27Graf, Modern Music, 289. situation. The main factors that the composers of this period share are their interest in the past and, especially,

their disinterest in opera. But the similarities, other

than in general terms, end there.

The medium of the piano was approached enthusiastically by the two more forward-looking of the group's members

(Casella and Malipiero) and more ambivalently by the

conservatives (Respighi and Pizzetti). Furthermore, along with the need to rediscover new modes of composition in the

field of instrumental music in general, the Italian piano repertoire had very little to draw from. Busoni's efforts

from a few decades prior were important in their own right, but for the purposes of the new generation Busoni's

"[oscillation] between German academics and a tendency toward melodrama"28 was sorely outdated. Following chapters will examine more closely the efforts by the four main composers of the generazione dell'ottanta in the realm of music for piano solo during the fascist period.

The Effects of Fascism on Culture and Music

The results of Nazi policies for German cultural life are generally known to most. In the 1930s the Nazis took a very steadfast and violent approach to purging of any art that did not fall in line with its ideals. The label

"entartet" or "degenerate" was the term used "to defame

28Piero Rattalino, "La 'generazione dell'ottanta' e il pianoforte," in Musica italiana del primo novecento, 358. independent thinking, free expression, and of course,

anything created by a Jew."29 In 1933 there were public book burnings; three years later all art criticism was banned to ensure against dissent;30 works of "degenerate"

art were put on display at the Entartete Kunst exhibition in

1937 with the hope of inspiring revulsion in its viewers; museums were purged of art that was either destroyed or sold at auction; and in 1938 there was a similar exhibit of

Entartete Musik which was to serve the same purpose as the art exhibit of the year prior. The common chord and tonality were claimed to be German, and atonality was dubbed

"proletarian and anarchist."31

The Nazis moved through German culture with alarming speed and efficiency. In order for such a sweep to take place, the Nazi government needed to be extremely organized, and they had a definite set of criteria, some racially based, upon which to control its cultural purge.32 Little more than a month after Hitler came to power, the Reich

Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda was installed in March of 1933. By September the Reich Culture

Chamber was created with subdivisions for press, music, theatre, visual arts and literature, and after November 1st

29Thomas Gayda, "And the Banned Played On," Gramophone 70 (April 1993), 30.

30De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: The "Fascist" Style of Rule (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), 72.

31Gayda, "Banned," 30.

32De Grand, Fascist Italy, 72. any professional in any field needed a permit from its

appropriate Chamber subdivision in order to survive. The

laws were clear and strict; the options were either

adherence to the laws, or exile or imprisonment and,

eventually, also torture and death.33

Many may assume a similar situation to have existed in

fascist Italy. Both countries indeed strove for a

"national" tradition, "expressed as a . . . return to

classical models and solidity of form."34 Mussolini did

finally install a racial policy similar to Hitler's, but not until 1938. Of course the ban on Jewish composers did have

its effects, and along with the war, "openness to the

international music scene was severely curtailed."35 Even

so, Alban Berg's Wozzeck was performed in Rome as late as

1942, whereas "such a tribute to Schoenberg's circle would have been unthinkable in Nazi Germany."36

This is simply an example of the profound differences

in priority and execution between two governments that coexisted and that did share to some degree their ideologies. The differences in the two regimes are far greater however, and these are especially evident in regard to coherent ideology and cultural policy. Whereas it took

33Ibid. Thanks also to Harvey Sachs for the clarification.

34Ibid., 68.

35Harvey Sachs, "Fiddling in Fascist Italy: Musicians Responded in Different Ways to the Duce's Dictates," Opera News 53 (March 4, 1989), 29.

36Ibid. the Nazis a month to install a cultural ministry, it took

the fascists eleven years even to get one started. The

Secretariat for Press and Propaganda was formed in 1933, to

be transformed into a Ministry in 1935; this in turn became

finally the Ministry of Popular Culture in 1937, or

MinCulPop as it became known. Its purpose was "no longer

merely to control the press and emasculate the news, but

rather to make Fascist the whole culture and spirit of the

Italian people by supervising books, theatre, cinema,

broadcasting."37 This MinCulPop was ill-fated from the

start however, as it "failed to establish fixed criteria for

the censorship of literary and scholarly works."38 Not only

that, but just as Mussolini finally had a cultural ministry

underway, he allowed the Ministry of National Education to

act as a rival in its establishment of a deliberately

eclectic arts policy.39 All this meant that "Fascism

remained deeply divided over fundamental issues such as modernity versus tradition [and] the relationship of Italy

to European and American culture."40

This lack of coherence was not exclusive to the

cultural sphere, but rather an extension of the fascist

government as an entity. From its inception the party was

37Elizabeth Wiskemann, Fascism in Italy: Its Development and Influence (London: Macmillan, 1969), 64-65.

38De Grand, Fascist Italy, 70.

39Ibid.

40Ibid. held together by "a commitment to strong government and charismatic leadership,"41 and little else. The March on

Rome may even have taken Mussolini himself by surprise, after which time he and his fascists simply created policies as they were needed.42 At the foundation of this fundamentally different style of rule from Hitler's is

Mussolini's role as the embodiment of all things to everyone, the belief in his own power of ruling, and the need of the Italians for a charismatic hero figure to lead the country out of the ruins of post-World War I turmoil and back to the glory that had once been and was still rightfully theirs.

Andrew Dell'Antonio proposes the theory that this need for a hero began with the death of Verdi in 1901. He states that Verdi had become for Italians "the foremost artistic motivator for unification,"43 and that "the Italian critical public was awaiting a similar heroic figure to lead the arts into the twentieth century."44 Gabriele D'Annunzio attempted to fill this void himself for a while. He was already a famous poet by 1915, and he fashioned himself into a war hero by leading air-raids over Austrian towns where he dropped leaflets of propaganda which he had composed. These

41Ibid, 15.

42Ibid.

"Andrew Dell'Antonio, "Il divino Claudio: Monteverdi and Lyric Nostalgia in Fascist Italy," Cambridge Opera Journal 8 no.3 (November 1996), 272.

"Ibid, 273. excursions cost him an eye and earned for him the devotion of Italy's youth. After the war, perhaps in an attempt to

continue living "the great life" and in avoidance of

returning to the drudgery of the everyday world, he led a band of under-armed and disgruntled veterans into the

Croatian town of Fiume, which he managed to control for over a year. Respect for him was such that no one wanted to

remove him from his post, but the dream finally ended with a bloody battle at Christmas of 1920, when the surrounding troops were given orders to attack. D'Annunzio escaped unharmed, and he remained a great influence on Italy's youth.45

Dell'Antonio continues:

The need for an artistic charismatic figurehead (one that D'Annunzio himself sought to fill) may well have resonated with a similar need for a political figurehead which favoured first D'Annunzio's temporary success in Fiume and later the emergence of the Duce.

This thinking goes against the legendary vision of Mussolini

leading Italy into a new era, rather supporting the view that he simply appeared at the right time, exhibiting the qualities the public needed in a leader. His promises were

favourably received by many who truly believed he would be the one to bring order back into the chaos Italians were

living after the end of the war. Despite the fact that many

"information gathered from Dell'Antonio, 273; Wiskemann, Fascism in Italy, 5; Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism, trans. Leila Vennewitz (New York and Toronto: New American Library, 1969), 198, 243.

46Dell'Antonio, "Il divino Claudio," 275. opposition leaders were assinated, and that thousands had been imprisoned or exiled for their opposition to the regime, the majority of Italians accepted fascism and many were enthusiastic supporters of the regime.47 During the

first decade of his rule Mussolini managed to live up to their expectations.

Throughout, the common goal was a strong feeling of

Italian nationalism. Mussolini harbored this in the field of music by providing government assistance for a series of volumes of music of Italy's glorious past, placing

D'Annunzio as editor-in-chief. The first complete edition of Monteverdi's works, headed by Gian Francesco Malipiero, was a result of this funding. Musical festivals were installed, including Florence's Maggio Musicale which began in 1933. These works and events were all for the purpose of promoting Italian music, for inspiring a young generation of composers, but not necessarily for the promotion of fascist ideology, which at any rate remained nebulous.

In the upper echelons of musical bureaucracy, administrative posts were taken over by fascist party members, and by the beginning of the 1930s, adherence to the regime, either real or feigned, was expected. Those who did not at least appear to support the fascists lost their posts to those who did. Into the 1930s, "Fascist Party membership cards served as meal tickets for millions of Italians."48

47Many thanks to Harvey Sachs for this elucidation.

48Sachs, "Fiddling," 28. For composers this meant adhering to an ideology that did not really exist. Many artists were attracted to the

"generic conservative and national appeal" of the regime's message, while another camp opposed the interference of the state on any kind of intellectual progress.49 Some composers began to fall into camps of conservatives and progressives, and manifestos began to circulate. Most however fell into a middle ground, retreating into their everyday lives and did not openly express an opinion. There was "very little real opposition" to the regime by composers, and most simply "reaped whatever benefits the government offered them in prestige or hard cash."50

The composers encountered most during this period

(Alfredo Casella, Gian Francesco Malipiero, Ildebrando

Pizzetti, and Ottorino Respighi, the so-called "Generazione dell 'ottanta") born around the same time as Mussolini

(1883), spent the greater part of their compositional careers under the Duce1 s reign. All except Respighi tried to work the government's opportunities to their advantage, as this was the main means of survival during this period.

Respighi did not have to extend himself in this regard, as his international fame was such that governmental favours came his way without him having to ask. Sachs explains that

"his palatable modernism, brilliantly attractive orchestral

49De Grand, Italian Fascism: Its Origins and Development (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), 143.

50Sachs, "Fiddling," 29. spectrum, and the ethnocentricity of his popular tone poems were just what the regime needed to demonstrate that progressivism and fascism were natural allies."51 For all of these composers, whether their loyalties lay honestly in

support of the regime or not, the opportunities they earned were gratefully received. Especially for Respighi, who did not have to garner for support of his own accord, the fact that he did accept favours from the government demonstrates that he did not oppose what they had to offer him.

There was very little censorship of musical activity, partly because there was no coherent basis for it until the racial laws banned music by Jewish composers after 1938, and also in part because the composers applied their own censorship, "unwilling to antagonize authorities" in the hopes of getting their works performed.52 The debates over progressive and conservative musical styles were begun within the compositional and critical circles themselves, and not from any real government intervention. In fact,

Mussolini himself embodied this dichotomy to some extent.

The Futurists were among the earliest supporters of

Mussolini prior to the March on Rome, and even later the

Duce retained his interest in the modern: "He wanted

fascism to be identified with dynamism, speed, action and

51Ibid.

52Ibid. combat, although he never fulfilled Marinetti's hopes to see

futurism recognized as the official art of the regime."53

To add further to the pluralism of the period, many composers -- whether progressive, conservative, or neutral

-- had friends in high places. Casella and Malipiero were two such composers, progressive in inclination, who managed to bring to Italy many new works by important international composers, along with the presentation of contemporary

Italian works, organized into festivals such as Venice's

International Music Festival and the Maggio Musicale,54 which, it will be recalled, were supported by the Duce.

Such events must have brought no end of grief to those who believed fascism to be inherently conservative in its national consciousness. Generally, most musical trends

"found essentially equal degrees of support or indifference within the regime."55

Sachs boldly states the question present in many people's minds: "Can pro- or anti-fascist intentions be pin-pointed in a piece of music written during the fascist era?" The answer is stated just as plainly: "Only if the title shows where the composer's sympathies lie. . . ."56

Compositional trends during this period were steered not by any governmental censorship or direction, but rather by the

53De Grand, Fascist Italy, 71.

54Sachs, "Fiddling, " 29.

55Ibid.

56Ibid. needs of a nation for a significant and unique language in

order to exert its importance on the European music scene.

This is not to say that the fascist regime offered no

influence at all, but, rather, that the impetus for change

came from the country's historical situation rather than

directly from fascist policies. The stylistic pluralism

present during this time is a reflection of the multi-

faceted nature of fascism, not just in its lack of clear

ideology, but perhaps more positively in its interest in

variety, all in the name of a national consciousness, particularly during the years prior to the racial laws of

1938. Sachs reveals the ideas of philosopher Norberto

Bobbio, who theorizes that there was no such thing as a

"fascist culture," rather "that the movement merely splashed

a crude veneer over an already extant culture."57

Ibid, 30. CHAPTER III

ALFREDO CASELLA

"The importance of Alfredo Casella in the development of music in Italy in the twentieth century can hardly be exaggerated."1 Casella (1883-1947) was the leader of the generazione dell'ottanta composers, the personality who saw the need to forge away from the realm of opera-dominated

Italian music after the First World War, and it is largely due to his influence as a teacher, work as an organizer, and tireless devotion to his goal of a national Italian instrumental tradition for the twentieth century that the face of Italian music has been able to progress in the way it has.

As a member of this group of composers, Casella was certainly not the only person to be interested in such an enterprise, nor were his ideas adopted broadly by all who were involved in the reform of Italian music. On the contrary, he met with even more opposition and criticism than praise throughout his life, both in reference to his works and to his efforts in the promotion of contemporary music.

Casella's background differs greatly from that of his

Italian compatriot composers, a background which contributed

^-Raymond Fearn, review of Alfredo Casella negli anni di apprendisiato a Parigi: atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Venezia, 13-15 maggio 1992, ed. Giovanni Morelli, in Music and Letters 11 no.2 (May 1996), 289. significantly to the paths he chose to follow in his career.

Considering his importance and the uniqueness of his history, it is useful to examine the development of

Casella's compositional styles and philosophies through the chronological events in his life.

It is customary to divide Casella's compositional output into three periods, the first up to 1913, the second

1914 to 1920, and the third from 1920 to the end of his compositional career in 1944.

The First Period: to 1913

The young Alfredo showed early signs of promise as a pianist. His mother, herself a pianist of the first rank, recognized the need to give her son the type of education unavailable in Italy at the time. So, in 1896 shortly after the death of Casella's father, the two remaining family members left Turin and set off for Paris.

Casella became an integral part of the Parisian musical scene, and remained so until his departure from that city in

1915. He began his career as a pianist, but soon turned to composition, which he studied under Fauré. This composer remained for Casella one of the most lasting and important influences on his own work, especially so for his early compositions. Casella refers to his own first work for piano written in 1902, the Valse-caprice, "which had an indecent resemblance to the style of Fauré. . . . [It] has

fortunately been mislaid."2

He began to frequent some of the salons of the city where he met aristocrats, politicians, journalists, writers including Proust and Gide, the painters Degas and Boldini, the sculptor Rodin, and many musicians including Saint-

Saëns, Cortot, and others. The publishing house of Mathon and Bellon similarly held get-togethers for their artists and friends, where Casella had the opportunity to meet

Florent Schmitt, Satie, and others including Ravel, with whom he forged a strong friendship.3 He played the two- piano version of Iberia with Debussy, and knew Milhaud,

Bartok, Hindemith, and Szymanowski.4 He attended concerts by many other important contemporaries.

As a composer Casella had a gift for absorbing every style he came in contact with. In this period of abundant musical activity he already displays the aspects of his style which would later be labelled "eclecticism." The two collections from 1911-13 called A la manière de . . . are the first instances of Casella's penchant for such amalgamations. The two series comprise stylistic parodies of a total of eight composers: Wagner, Fauré, Brahms,

2Alfredo Casella, Music in My Time: the Memoirs of Alfredo Casella, trans, and ed. Spencer Norton (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955), 64.

3Ibid., 65-66.

4Marcella Vernazza, "Piano Music by a Pianist: Alfredo Casella," American Music Teacher 36 no.5 (1986), 26. Debussy, Strauss, Franck, d'Indy, and Ravel (the last two were written in conjunction with Ravel). Concerning this

type of enterprise, Fearn remarks: "the problem is that

Casella the pasticheur is often dangerously close to Casella

the creative artist."5 This is an inclination that would

remain with him throughout his entire compositional career,

taking different forms and degrees of intensity in various

stages of his output.

The final stage in this first period involves Casella's

first attempts to create an Italian contemporary style. In this first incarnation he turned to the use of Italian folk music, most notably in his rhapsody for orchestra, Italia.

In reference to the use of such idioms, he states:

It is a phase of nationalism which always characterizes the dawn of a new school or the first steps of a personality who is trying to create a national style. . . . It is an easy and expeditious method of achieving the appearance of nationalism.6

Perhaps it may be seen as another example of his use of pre• existing types for his own compositional language. Either way, the process had begun.

5Fearn, review of Casella, 290.

6Casella, Music in My Time, 95. The Second Period: 1913-1920

Then, in 1913-1914, Casella confounded predictions by- leaping into the extreme avant-garde: the optimistic charm which had seemed to be one of his predominant characteristics was 'suddenly cancelled and overthrown by that eruption of expressionistic lava that has been called his second style'.7

The year 1913 was an important year for major musical

influences on the young composer. He was already involved

in the promotion of modern music in Paris through the

Société musicale indépendante, remaining at the forefront of the latest currents in Paris and of Europe. It was this,

year that he met his compatriot Gian Francesco Malipiero, with whom he quickly became friends, and who helped keep him

abreast of the musical situation in Italy.8 Along with the premiere of Rite of Spring, this same year was the one in which Casella for the first time came in contact with the

recent works of Arnold Schoenberg, as well as with the compositions of the Hungarians Bartok and Kodâly.9

It has already been mentioned that Casella was

influenced by all music he came in contact with. The

Schoenberg influence was particularly strong during this expressionistic period, and stayed with him for a period

roughly equivalent to that of the First World War, a time which Casella refers to a "period of doubts and of various

7Stanley Sadie, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: Macmillan; Washington, D.C.: Grove's Dictionaries of Music, 1980), s.v. "Casella, Alfredo." Quotation by Mila.

8Casella, Music in My Time, 111.

9Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti nel Ventennio fascista (Fiesole: Discanto Edizioni, 1984), 238. experiments." He continued to hold admiration for the

work of Schoenberg all his life, even when his own language

would take him down a different path. His works of the

First World War period thrust toward the threshold of

atonality with sudden and convincing ardour.

The year 1913 announced the emergence of the atonal

period of Casella's. This new style was announced in the

form of the Nove pezzi (Nine Pieces) for piano, written in

1913-14. The Nove pezzi provide "a useful inventory of the

new manner's salient characteristics."11 The harmonic

language is characterized by parallel major sevenths and minor ninths, thick chords often stacked in fourths, extreme

dissonance at times and unstable tonality.12

As was the case with the series of pieces A la manière

de ... of 1911-13, each of the Nove pezzi also makes use

of a style as a springboard. In the earlier work these took

the form of homages to specific composers; in these pieces

the style itself is described in each title, preceded by the

designation "In modo" meaning "in the style of." Each piece

has a dedication, some of them describing the probable

source of the inspiration for that specific style: In modo

funèbre (Stravinsky), In modo barbaro, In modo elegiaco

(Ildebrando Pizzetti), In modo burlesco, In modo esotico, In

10Casella, Music in My Time, 106.

^New Grove, "Casella."

12John Arthur Krebs, "The Solo Piano Music of Alfredo Casella," (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland at College Park, 1991), 3. modo di nenia (Ravel), In modo di minuetto, In modo di

tango, In modo rustico (Gian Francesco Malipiero).14

These pieces are often dismissed as merely style studies that achieve their importance through their chronological position in Casella's stylistic development.

Michelle Biget-Mainfroy cautions that such a consideration would be "too reductive," pointing out the expansion in the tonal resources of the piano, the "diversification of sonorities," exploring the "refined and evanescent" like

Debussy or the "aggressive" like Bartok.15 A common technique is the presentation of a theme in unison, which then comes back later in a more lush harmonization {In modo elegiaco, In modo di nenia). Some of the pieces involve three or even four staves to permit the different layers of sound desired to be plainly visible on the page {In modo funèbre). Even a popular dance form is included {In modo di tango).16 Avant-garde signs abound as well, including quartal harmonies {In modo esotico, In modo di nenia), parallel major sevenths {In modo elegiaco, In modo di

""Dirge."

14The other dedicatees are Enrique van der Henst, Yvonne Lumley, Florent Schmitt, Tina Dreyfuss, and Yvonne Muller. Source: Dietrich Kâmper, "L'opera per pianoforte di Alfredo Casella negli anni di apprendistato, " in Alfredo Casella negli anni di apprendistato a Parigi. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi, ed. Giovanni Morelli, Studi di Musica Veneta, vol.20 (Firenze: Leo S. Olshki Editore, 1994), 263-64.

15Michelle Biget-Mainfroy, "Casella et l'écriture de piano de son temps (la période 1900-1920), in Alfredo Casella negli anni di apprendistato, 235.

16Ibid., 236. tango), parallel triads and the percussive use of the piano

{In modo barbaro) .17

Throughout his time in Paris Casella retained contacts with other musicians in Italy. He remained keenly

interested in the musical world of his native country, and

despite his high level of activity in the Parisian circles he always felt somewhat of an outsider. Unwilling to

relinquish his Italian citizenship, he realized this kept

him at arm's length from the community. He knew he could

succeed reasonably well "as an independent professional, but

every official post as teacher or director would always be

closed. . . .1,1 8 The more news he received from Italy about

the musical situation there, the more he recognized the vast difference in atmosphere between his old world and his present one. Concerning the appearance in print of

Marinetti's futurist manifesto in 1909, Casella remembers it thus :

However we may judge that artistic movement today, do not forget that it was the first indication of a bold, rebellious, and youthful spirit to come from Italy, which had been considered for so many years to be "the land of the dead" with regard to art. ... It seemed the announcement of a new and greater Italy.

With the outbreak of war Casella finally returned to his homeland. He accepted a teaching position at the Liceo

Santa Cecilia in Rome in 1915, and would remain in that city until his death 32 years later.

17Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti, 238.

18Casella, Music in My Time, 68. When in Rome ...

Meanwhile, Casella's "second period" was well underway and continued on in full force. The tonal experiments begun

in Paris continued in the works composed during the war

years, only the audience had changed drastically. Casella

found himself for the first time facing extreme criticism and a very unwelcome attitude from the critics. The Italian public remained closed to activities of foreigners in their own land, and although Casella was a born-and-bred Italian, his formative years in Paris and his daring harmonic experiments were enough for the Italian public to give this stranger from over the Alps a wide berth19. The first wave of criticism began January 21, 1917 at a performance of

Casella's orchestral Heroic Elegy. The public erupted shortly after the beginning of the third and final movement, and the noise lasted long after the piece had ended.

Casella recalls the situation in this way:

The next day, the press reaction was extremely violent, as could have been foreseen. Some days later, Matteo Incagliati, the editor of a pseudomusical journal called Orfeo, published an ignobly vulgar and defamatory special number. I was represented as an antipatriot and a menace to the national culture; my removal from the country was even requested.20

Two other major solo piano compositions hail from this second period, these from the years in Italy. The Sonatina

19Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti, 240.

20Casella, Music in My Time, 141-142. of 1916 and A notte alta of 1917 continued along the path

broken by the earlier Nove pezzi. The Sonatina was in fact more harmonically daring,21 and Casella later admitted to "a

hint of the twelve-tone system" appearing in it.22 The

"ominous stillness"23 of A notte alta makes it Casella's

only piece of program music.24

Lesser piano works of this period are Inezie, Deux

contrastes and Cocktail's Dance, all from 1918. These works begin to show Casella's changing attitude with respect to

the atonal system. The first of the Contrastes is yet

another of the composer's parody types, this time using the melodic outlines of Chopin's A Major Prelude Op. 28, no. 7,

and reharmonizing it in a "classic example of wrong-note

humour."25 Both of the Contrastes involve quartal

harmonies, ostinatos, and major seventh and eleventh chords.

Even so, the change in attitude away from the ferocity of

the Sonatina was clearly evident, and Cocktail's Dance is in

fact so triadic that it can only be seen as a musical joke26

-- or perhaps a type of spiritual cleansing in preparation

of the next phase.

Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti, 238.

'Casella, Music in My Time, 137.

'New Grove, "Casella."

Casella, Music in My Time, 143.

'Krebs, "Solo Piano Music of Casella," 93.

;Ibid., 96. The "Société di musica moderna" and music during the war

Casella's most important work of this period involves the organization of an Italian equivalent of France's

Société Musicale Indépendante with which he had been actively involved. The Société nazionale di musica, later renamed the Société di musica moderna (SIMM),27 was formed in 1917. His first companions in this adventure were

Respighi, Pizzetti, Malipiero, Carlo Perinello, Vittorio Gui and Vincenzo Tommasini, with whom Casella formed "a united front" against "the dilettantism, the mediocrity, and the provincialism which were then still too common in Italy, 1,28 or in other words, the prevalence of popular opera. Many of the composers involved in this group were likely searching for a way to have their reputations expanded, but the society also presented works of their fellow countrymen who were not members of the society, as well as some modern works by foreign composers. The concerts during the society's two years of existence "provoked predictably violent protests from the public."29 But the impact on the musical community was great, stirring up musicians and amateurs in their support against a public still not ready to accept a new kind of music.

27 The change in name was to make "the position and the aims of the institution clear beyond the shadow of a doubt." Casella, Music in My Time, 144-45.

28Ibid., 140, 143.

29Ibid. The first concert of this society took place in March of 1917, and involved four of the Generazione dell'ottanta composers, Respighi, Malipiero, Pizzetti, and Casella, as well as the young Jewish composer Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco.

Other composers represented during the society's existence include: M. Enrico Bossi, Vincenzo Tommasini, Luigi

Perachio, Renzo Bossi, Giulia Recli, Vittorio Gui, Riccardo

Zandonai, and Vincenzo Davico,30 offering a good representation of the composers who were active during this period.

Performances of Casella's works continued to be met with much opposition, and not until January 1919 did a performance of one of his compositions proceed without interruption. This particular performance involved an orchestrated version of the short piano duet War Pages, and despite the brevity of the work (about eight minutes),

Casella considered the lack of incident to be a great victory.31 He remarks as well that the end of the war brought perhaps the opportunity for modern music to find its proper place in society, with the reappearance of many young artists and the return of daily life to a more normal pace.32 The end of the war also brought with it the end of

Casella's period of harmonic and tonal insecurity.33 It

30Ibid., 142-43.

31Ibid., 147.

32Ibid., 149-150. almost seems as if his own battle had been fought and won, his point made, and his attention turned toward a new proj ect.

The Third Period: 1920 - 1944

"About 1920 . . . Casella's 'second manner' disappeared almost as suddenly as it had arrived."34 The change was just as drastic as the one of the previous seven years.

Waterhouse describes the harmonic language of the new style as "crisply dissonant diatonicism with incidental chromatic excursions" involving linear textures and driving motor rhythms.35 The Italian folk music influences toyed with near the end of Casella's first period returned here, along with the composer's renewed interest in creating an Italian instrumental tradition. His propensity for making use of pre-existing forms and styles continues as well in this new stylistic treatment. Furthermore, "for the first time in his work there appeared marked signs of the influence of pre-nineteenth-century Italian music."36 This is most notable in his work for piano and chamber orchestra of 1926,

33For a general discussion of piano compositional style during war years, consult Elizabeth Ann Wallace, "The Effect of War on the Lives and Work of Piano Composers and the Evolution of Compositional Technique in War-Related Piano Pieces from 1849 through the Second World War," (Ph.D. diss., Texas Tech University, 1990). For Casella's First World War period works, see Massimo Mila, "Itenerario stilistico 1901-1942," in Alfredo Casella, eds. Fedele D'Amico and Guido M. Gatti (Milano: G. Ricordi & C, 1958), 38.

MNew Grove, "Casella."

35Ibid.

36Ibid. Scarlattiana, in which 80 themes from the 545 sonatas of

Scarlatti are given new treatment. Casella notes, "I eliminated with the greatest care any residue of nineteenth century chromaticism."37

Just as the love pezzi from 1913 announced the characteristics of Casella's new and turbulent second period, so did the Undid pezzi infantili (Eleven Children'

Pieces)38 for piano of 1920 provide an anthology of the third period's features. The composer remarks on the importance of this collection:

The Eleven Pieces mark my final liberation from uncertainty and experimentation and my secure and knowing entry into a creative phase now fully personal and clarified.39

Chords are now much more triadic in their basis, although

Casella was adamant about this new diatonicism being in no way "primitive" in its treatment,40 but stemming from the

"human necessity ... to group sounds around certain

' centers . ' "41

For all their new diatonicism, the pieces in this collection represent an amalgamation of many twentieth- century techniques, as well as a nod toward pre-existing

37Casella, Music in My Time, 173.

38Dedicated to Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco.

39Casella, Music in My Time, 151.

40Krebs, "The Solo Piano Music of Casella," 101.

41Casella, "Harmony, Counterpoint, etc.," Pro-Musica Quarterly (March-June 1926), 34. Quoted in Krebs, "The Solo Piano Music of Casella," 102. types or styles. Its organization into a "suite" of character pieces reflects the revival of the French baroque keyboard suite, which began as far back as Debussy's

Suite Bergamasque (1890), and had been espoused in a more neoclassical idiom by some of the younger French composers:

Ravel's Le tombeau de Couperin (1917) for example, predates

Casella's "suite" by only a few years.

Casella1s collection of pieces follows in the footsteps of this tradition, incorporating the latest 20th-century techniques which were of recent interest to him. The

"Preludio" includes diatonic/whole-tone bi-tonality, with the left hand in d minor/F major and the right hand in a whole-tone scale on F-sharp (example 3.1). "Valse diatonique" is fiercely on "white" keys, but is not so clear with respect to rhythmic stability; the triple time signature of the waltz is negated by the 2/4 implication of the left-hand writing, made even more confusing by the quick tempo Vivacissimo (in uno) (example 3.2). The "Canone (sui tasti neri)"42 is pentatonic. There is a "Bolero" marked

Allegro spagnuolo. The "Omaggio a Clementi (esercizio per le cinque dita) "43 is chromatic (example 3.3).44 There is a

"Siciliana," a "Giga" and a "Minuetto" with a "Musette" as the trio section. The "Carillon" contains the same bitonal

42Canon on the black keys.

"Exercise for the five fingers.

44This homage to the composer of so many diatonic finger exercises seems to wink at Debussy's "Doctor Gradus ad Parnassum" as well. procedure as the aforementioned "Preludio," and the bell•

like quality is achieved by playing in the high register of

the keyboard. The penultimate piece is a "Berceuse." The

"Galop final" is very similar in its opening to the

rhythmically nebulous "Valse diatonique" (example 3.4), and

is entirely diatonic as well except for a sudden and

unexpected excursion to F# Major for eight measures (example

3.5).

Example 3.1 Casella, Undid Pezzi Infantili, I. Preludio, measures 6-10.

—^ 1—- i .—— I i—rr-i rr— l - i i i 1 —•—J—* m • l À iV Example 3.2, Casella, Undid Pezzi Infantili, II. Valse diatonique, measures 1-7.

Example 3.3, Casella, Undid Pezzi Infantili, V. Omaggio a Clementi, measures 1-8. Example 3.4, Casella, Undid Pezzi Infantili, XI. Galop Final, measures 1-5.

Prestissimo. allegramente

t irrf

sen/pre slacc.

Example 3.5, Casella, Undid Pezzi Infantili, XI. Galop Final, measures 45-57.

meno forte

vfCsempre mottostacc.) 1 mr i ff'r E

SI

gfiËÉ 4 Along with the use of pre-existing formal types or generic schemes in line with the keyboard suite, the collection of eleven pieces in its entirety belongs to a tradition of similar French works, for piano solo or duet, intended for children or which evoke childhood scenes:

Bizet, Fauré, Ravel and Debussy all wrote such collections.45 (The well-known Kinderszenen of Schumann are also of this type., negating Krebs ' implication that the influence is purely of French inspiration.) Casella's pieces are not technically demanding, although there is a degree of finger virtuosity required for many of the pieces, and a level of maturity hidden perhaps by the pieces' simple appearance.

Piano solo works fell to the wayside during the next twelve years of Casella's career, with the exception of the short Due canzoni popolari italiane of 1928. These years remained productive for other types of works, such as compositions for stage, orchestra, and chamber ensembles.

The Corporazione del le Nuove Musiche

In addition to his composing during this time, Casella renewed his impetus in the reform of Italian instrumental music. The Corporazione delle Nuove Musiche was formed in

1923 by Casella along with his earlier partner Malipiero, now joined by Mario Labroca, with the strong encouragement

45Bizet, Jeux d'enfants (1871); Fauré, Dolly Suite (1897); Ravel, Ma mère l'oye (1910); Debussy, Children's Corner (1908). Krebs, "The Solo Piano Music of Casella," 107. of the poet Gabriele d'Annunzio and generous monetary

support by Mrs. Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge.46 This group had slightly different intentions than the earlier Société

di musica moderns had: the aim was now to act more as a

"vehicle of modern culture which should bring to Italy the

latest expressions and the most recent researches of

contemporary musical art."47 Whereas the first

collaboration had as its purpose the furthering of opportunities for Italian composers and their works, this group wanted to show Italy what was going on elsewhere in the world of contemporary music, along with what was happening at home.

The corporation joined very soon after its inception with the International Society of Contemporary Music as its

Italian branch. This group brought to Italy many of the ground-breaking compositions of the time, by some of the world's most respected modern composers, most of whom were unknown to Italians. Casella helped oversee many of

Stravinsky's Italian premieres, such as Petroushka,

Les noces, Oedipus Rex, and L'Histoire du soldat.

Perhaps the most important and influential of the guests to appear during this period was Arnold Schoenberg, brought to Italy to.conduct his Pierrot lunaire in a tour of eight Italian cities. Casella had the utmost admiration and respect for Schoenberg and his art, but he felt this path of

46Casella, Music in My Time, 160.

"ibid., 158. necessarily follow. He regarded the knowledge of foreign works and trends as his responsibility as a composer and as a promoter of modern music, believing that the public should have their eyes open to trends happening elsewhere, while judging their inherent worth in their own right. This attitude perhaps came from his experience in France, where he had the opportunity to be in contact with the latest trends in everything occurring in Europe. Concerning this period in Italian music, Casella thought:

Our own musicality is evolving towards a kind of classicism, which will be comprised, in eurythmie harmony, of all the latest Italian and foreign innovations, and will differ greatly from French impressionism, Straussian decadence, the cold scientific works of Schoenberg, Iberian sensuality, and the fantastic audacity of the recent Hungarians.48

These are the ideas Casella had in mind for his Italy, regardless of the high respect he maintained for Schoenberg and for other trends occurring around Europe. Either way, the concert tour of Pierrot went forth, and each performance of it was preceded by Casella's own Concerto for string quartet, "in order to demonstrate how much our new sensibility and our resurrected tradition were independent of the Viennese master's art."49 The style of the Concerto

48". . . la musicalité nostra evolva verso una specie di classicismo, il quale comprenderà in una armoniosa euritmia tutte le ultime innovazioni italiane e straniere e differirà tanto dall'impressionismo francese, quanto dalla decadenza straussiana, dal freddo scientismo di Schônberg, dalla sensualité iberica, dall'audace fantasia degli ultimi ungheresi." Alfredo Casella, "La nuova musicalité italiana, " in Ars nova (January 1918), 2-4. Quoted in Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti, 241. was a continuation of that begun in the earlier Undid pezzi infantili. As might be expected, Casella remembers that

"the tour was a series of rowdy scenes,"50 but he recalls one concert in Florence to which Puccini made the trip from his villa in Torre del Lago to be present. Puccini loved the concert, and afterwards he and Schoenberg engaged in a discussion in which each composer asserted his respect and admiration for the other,51 perhaps one of the only satisfying and affirmative moments Schoenberg had during the entire tour.

Casella 's Involvement with Fascism

It should be stressed that the Italian attitude toward foreign works and modern tendencies was well in existence before the arrival of fascism. It should also be noted that

Casella's shift to a more diatonic and less overtly avant- garde style also occurred before the 1922 March on Rome.

Casella openly declared his fascist sympathies in 1926, although in retrospect he claimed to have been enthusiastic about the movement since the 1922 takeover.52 Just as he yearned for Italy to pull itself out of a musical rut, so he hoped the new fascist government would do the same for the

'Casella, Music in My Time, 163.

'Ibid.

Ibid., 164.

Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti, 245. shambles of post-war Italy. Many composers and much of

Italy felt the same way as he did.

As a pedagogue, and fundamentally concerned with the future of Italian music, Casella (among others) began to push the need for a reform in music education. Around 1925 when he first began asking the government's assistance, the tone of his writing takes on the following slant: "This condition . . . will be corrected gradually by the present national development and constantly growing national well- being."54 He was one of many composers requesting the same reforms from the same government, and also one of many who would adopt "fascist rhetoric in the hopes of furthering their own aims, generous or otherwise."55 Such statements always involved flattery of the regime combined with a firm reassertion of nationalistic sentiment.

It was around this time that he began to draw parallels between fascist ideology and .his own aims as an artist. The fascist government remained non-commital in its cultural policy, except in terms of the glorification of all things

Italian. This allowed artists to interpret the demands of the regime to suit their own endeavours, and as long as the element of flattery were included there may be hope for the idea to take hold. Casella conveniently maintained there to

"ibid.

54Quoted in Harvey. Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 36.

55Ibid. be "a strong relationship between neo-classicism and fascism; both stood for order and reactionary revolution."56

Of course those composers practicing neo-classicism who were not fascists ardently disagreed with him. In 1939 he referred to the "renewing breeze" of fascism, which allowed

Italian music to break away from its prior foreign influences such as Strauss, Debussy and Stravinsky, and brought with it "a new sense of national dignity."57 A more specific musical tribute took the form of a "mystery" for the musical theatre, II deserto tentato, dedicated to

Mussolini in praise of the Ethiopian campaign of 1936.58

Even after the racial policies were adopted in 1939,

Casella continued to speak out in support of fascism.

Despite the fact that both his present wife and his first wife were French Jews, that year he accused, in print, "many important composers -- without naming names -- of

'internationalism,' and called their music 'the product of international Judaism.'"59 Perhaps the horrors of the situation were still far too distant from him. Although the policies involved did have an effect on the Jewish population, "overt anti-semitism never took root among

Italians -- official physical persecution of Italian Jews

56Ibid, 136.

S7Casella, "Problemi e posizione attuale della musica italiana," in Le arti, Florence, 1-3 Feb. 1939, 256-64. Quoted in Sachs, Fascist Italy, 138.

58Sachs, Fascist Italy, 137.

59Ibid., 187. He does not note the article. having occurred only during the German occupation, from

September 1943 to April 1945. "60

The German occupation of Rome during these months did finally bring the situation home for Casella. He was living in an occupied city, himself ill with cancer, and in constant fear that his wife and daughter would be taken from him. Massimo Mila, a friend of Casella, had this to say about the composer's actions:

Until the time of the racial laws, Casella was a fascist -- not an evil one, but full of enthusiasm. But I saw him later, during the war, in 1940 or '41, and he was undergoing a complete change. He was beginning to understand.61

The last composition of his career would be the work for chorus and orchestra, Missa solemnis pro pace, begun shortly after the retreat of the Germans from Rome in 1944.

The conductor Gianandrea Gavazzeni had a slightly different angle concerning Casella's involvement with the regime. He observed that Casella was not exactly a fascist, but rather that "his whole culture and outlook were absolutely European."62 He continues: "Do you want to know in what way Casella was a fascist?. Simply that he wasn't an active anti-fascist. Above all, he was fundamentally uninterested in politics."63

Ibid.

Interview with Sachs, Fascist Italy, 53.

Interview with Sachs, ibid., 160.

Ibid. A confusing state of affairs. Sachs summarizes his observations thus:

Casella1s real problem was the irreconcilability, which he refused to see, of his political and artistic ideas. He tried to belong to the fascist artistic hierarchy while representing the musical avant-garde -- rather like trying to be simultaneously an orthodox follower of two religions.64

Piano Compositions of the '30s and '40s

Compositions for piano solo dropped off after the

Undid pezzi infantili in favour of others genres. Four more solo piano works were written during the next two decades: Due ricercari sul nome "B-A-C-H" (1932); Sinfonia, arioso e toccata (1936); Ricercare sul nome "Guido M. Gatti"

(1942); and Sei studi (1942-44).

There were no further sudden changes to Casella's style akin to those of 1913 and 1920. To assume that his style stayed close to that of the Undid pezzi infantili would be misleading however. There were gradual shifts, but in general, once Casella set down his ideas as they appeared in

1920, the basic characteristics remained. The look to pre• existing forms and types is still evident in these works.

64Ibid., 136. The use of the term "avant-garde" here might seem misleading, in light of the fact that Casella's neoclassical compositional style seems rather conservative, compared to other European currents of the time, and even in comparison with his works of the previous decade. In the context of Italian music during the fascist era, what was labelled "avant-garde" were styles which strove to break away from the compositional comfort zone of the long-established Italian Romantic opera and offshoots of it. Refer to pages 12-14 of this document. Sinfonia, arioso e toccata are also types which were in circulation well before the Classical period, and the

Sinfonia even begins with section of double-dotted rhythms very much in the style of a French overture. There is also an allusion to the nineteenth century French group of works called "triptychs," two with similar titles by Franck,

Prelude, aria et finale and Prelude, chorale et fugue, as well as the Estampes and Images of Debussy, which each contain three pieces as well.65 This work of Casella is his longest piano work, and he considered it one of his most important, mostly due to "its form completely freed form every suggestion of the past."66 Exactly how he intended this comment to be understood cannot be known.

The Sei studi (Six Studies) belong to the tradition of etudes, each with its own technical problem, treated in an artistic manner. The prefatory note to the collection reveals these pieces as "a humble homage of admiration and gratitude to the memories of F.F. Chopin and of M. Ravel."67

Each study is dedicated to a pianist, all but the first

(Carlo Zecchi) students of Casella's. The six studies comprise 1) major thirds, 2) major and minor sevenths, 3)

"Krebs, "The Solo Piano Music of Casella," 131-32.

"Casella, Music in My Time, 214.

67"La présente collana di 'studi' vuol essere un unile omaggio di ammirazione e di gratitudine verso le memorie di F.F. Chopin e di M. Ravel." Casella, Sei studi per pianoforte, op.70 (Milano: Edizioni Curci, 1944). legato fourths, 4) repeated notes, 5) fifths ("Omaggio a

Chopin"), and 6) a perpetuum mobile (Toccata).

The Ricercare sul nome Guido M. Gatti is a much smaller

C Q work, and was composed in honour of the well-known critic for his fiftieth birthday in 1942. The letters of Gatti's name are the source for the notes of the theme, and those letters that do not comprise part of the musical alphabet are treated as if the note names extend alphabetically past

G. As one would expect from a ricercar, the texture is contrapuntal but not very imitative.69

Before completing the discussion of Casella with a more detailed look at the Due ricercari sul nome "B-A-C-H", his general compositional tendencies as well as his particular talent may be summed up in this often-cited quotation by

Mila: "The Casellian quality par excellence . . . [was] this barometric sensibility to the oscillations of contemporary taste."70 Whether such a tendency was seen as an advantage or a crutch is perhaps personal opinion.

Through all of Casella's stylistic shifts, harmonic crises, and experiments, the one unequivocal constant in his work was his look to forms, styles, genres, or composers which

68Around 2:20 in length.

69Krebs, "The Solo Piano Music of Casella," 134-35.

70Massimo Mila, "Itinerario stilistico 1901-1942," Alfredo Casella, Fedele D'Amico and Guido M. Gatti, eds. (Milano: G. Ricordi & C, 1958), 33. Translation in William Austin, Music in the 20th Century: from Debussy through Stravinsky (New York: W.W. Norton & Company Inc., 1966), 421-422. had all come before. The degree and treatment may vary, but the inspiration seems to come from the same place.

Due Ricercari sul nome "B-A-C-H" (1932)

During the renaissance there existed two types of ricercar. One type is characterized by sectional organization, highly polyphonic writing, and is based on the development of short motives. The other type is homophonic in texture, interspersed with running passagework.71 Many prominent Italian keyboardists, among them Cavazzoni,

A. Gabrieli and Frescobaldi, explored this compositional form. The practice was transmitted to Germany and Austria, but it did not become formalized until J.S. Bach's experimentations, which evolved into what we now call the

"fugue".72 The two ricercars in this work by Casella in many ways parallel these two historical types of ricercar.

A further layer of historical hat-tipping is hinted by the title of the work, with the main motivic material in both of the Due Ricercari being derived from the letters of

Bach's name. According to the German alphabet, "B" =

B-flat and "H" = B-natural, so that the motive created is:

B-flat, A, C, B-natural. In these two pieces, in addition to borrowing the ricercar type of composition, the use of the B-A-C-H theme has the dual implication of referring both to the baroque master, and also to the use of this same

71Krebs, "The Solo Piano Music of Casella," 121.

12The New Grove Concise, s.v. "Ricercare." theme by other composers. Bach was the first to use his own name in his Art of Fugue, and composers during the nineteenth century revived the practice.73

The first of the two ricercars is titled Funèbre, and is dated October 10, 1932, the first anniversary of his mother's death. This piece "is a little elegy dedicated to her memory."74 It is noteworthy to examine more closely the dates of completion. Not only is the date 1932 indicated

(October 21st after the second ricercar), but the designation "X" is included as well. This is the dating of the fascist calendar, taking its cue from the French

Revolution, and using the event of the March on Rome to mark its first year, 1922.

Some critics note a turn by Casella toward more polyphonic and serious genres during the 1930s.75 Mila considers these two pieces to be the best example of this trend.

73Among the composers to use the theme are Schumann, Liszt, Busoni, Webern, Schoenberg. The Norton/Grove Encyclopedia of Music, ed. Stanley Sadie (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1988), s.v. "B-A-C-H."

74Casella, Music in My Time, 192.

75Mila, Breve Storia (Torino: Einaudi, 1993), 53-54; Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti, 257. This movement is marked Molto moderato, quasi lento,

4/4 time, J = 60-63. Of the two types of ricercar

described above, the first one in Casella's pair reflects

the polyphonic variety based on the development of short motives, organized into sections. The "B-A-C-H" theme

functions as the basic motivic material through the entire movement and is always present, whether used thematically or

in an accompanimental fashion.

A proposed division of the movement into four sections

is as follows: a fugal exposition measures 1-12, a song•

like section in E-flat major measures 17-21, a more

sorrowful melodic passage in B-flat minor measures 32-39,

and a short coda measures 40-48. The remaining measures

function as transitions between the sections.

The polyphonic and motivic nature of the movement is

presented clearly in the opening section. In the first

twelve measures, Casella nods to the later development of

the ricercar by J.S. Bach, who was responsible for the

development of fugal form out of the renaissance practice.76

Comprised entirely out of the four notes of the BACH

theme, the subject is divided into three motives, each set

off by a rest (example 3.6). The first measure shows

clearly the derivation of the theme from the letters of

Bach's name, presented in the alto voice. Its quarter-note

16The New Grove Concise, s.v. "Ricercare." Molto moderato, quasi lento J=60-63

Ppoco espress. j. m r r Mr ,B A C H 7

motion will be referred to as motive "x". Motive "y" involves an acceleration of the rhythm in three eighth-notes and two quarters, again using the BACH notes and repeating the B-flat on the last quarter note. The "z" motive completes the third and fourth statements of the BACH theme, using eighth-note motion and employing octave displacement.

The subject ends where it began, on a B-flat on the downbeat of measure 4.

Measure 4 also marks the entry of the soprano voice.

In accordance with normal fugal practice, the answer apears in the dominant, beginning on F. The alto voice continues as a counter-subject in a rhythm derived from that of motive y (example 3.7). In order to accommodate the return of the subject to tonic (B-flat), measure 6 is expanded from 4/4 time to 5/4, allowing the descending chromatic line of the subject to extend downward from the target F (beat 5) through E, and finally to E-flat on the downbeat of measure

7, where it serves in a counter-subject capacity.

Example 3.7, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," I. Funèbre, measures 4-7.

The third statement of the subject begins in measure 7,

in octaves in the left hand. The right contains the soprano

and alto voices which play off each other rhythmically with

motive y. At the arrival of motive z in the left hand in

measure 9, the rhythm of motive y is maintained, combined

with the octave displacement of motive z, and is treated in

sequence over three measures (example 3.8). A final

statement of BACH in the tonic in octaves completes the

section.

A four-measure transition to the second section of the

piece begins in measure 13. Growing out of the third

statment of the fugal first section, the division of voices

into four parts with two voices working in concert continues here. The soprano and bass play off the rhythmic motives x 2. z *

and y, while the inner voices move in parallel perfect fourths. Measure 16 expands the range to prepare the next section of the movement.

Whereas the first section of the piece revolved around a chromatic subject based on B-flat, the second section remains firmly planted in the key of E-flat major. This passage is marked by a change of mood, a placement of the

BACH subject in its entirety to the alto voice, a tonic- dominant oscillation underlined by half-note bass motion, and a tuneful melody in the soprano which moves in quarter notes (example 3.9). The overall effect is of a cabaret-

style song, while at the same time the strong motivic anchor continues in the alto voice.

Example 3.9, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," I. Funèbre, measures 17-21.

The next transition beginning in measure 22 involves a breaking down of the subject into smaller components. At first chromatic motion inspired by the subject evolves in the alto while the soprano continues the quarter-note motion of the previous measures. Motive x then appears for two measures before it is broken down into two-note pairs, harmonized by fifths in a spacing that will reappear in the next section. A full statement of the subject accompanied by a walking bass line prepares the next melodic entry.

A change of key to five flats hails the key of B-flat minor for the third section of the work at measure 32 (example 3.10). As in the second section, here the BACH

motive remains in the alto voice, only now motive x is used

exclusively. The bass alternates between B-flat and E-flat,

also•reminiscent of the tonic-dominant oscillation in

section two (compare to example 3.9). The predominance of

the upper part is marked in the score by "la parte superiore

molto espressiva," indicating the upper part to be given the

most expressive attention.

Example 3.10, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," I. Funèbre, measures 32-3S.

la. parte, superiore molto espressiva

X WWW,I—! ! U T f f T T f" " r r PmoUo ctfoLcc

semprc Sena arp.

An eight-measure coda rounds off the movement. Motive x appears in the left hand, first in octaves and then in one voice, under right-hand triads in ascending groups of three half-notes. The penultimate measure involves a vertical stacking of the BACH notes, indicated clearly in the score by the inclusion of the appropriate letters (example 3.11).

The final measure is left empty except for the designation

"tenere a lungo." It is perhaps no accident that the inclusion of an empty measure should bring the measure count to 48, in reverence to Bach's great contribution to the

literature for keyboard, the 48 preludes and fugues of the

Well-Tempered Clavier.

Example 3.11, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," I. Funejb-re, measures 46-48.

IT. Ostinato

Just as the Funèbre movement represents one type of

Renaissance ricercar, the second movement, Ostinato, is

reminiscent of the type which is predominantly homophonic,

interspersed with running passagework. In this piece, passagework occurs as occasional flourishes within the homophonic texture, rather than acting as articulation points between sections. -

A gradual increase in excitement is the overall effect created by this movement, achieved through a gradual thickening of the texture and an increase in tempo toward the end of the piece. A division into sections can be accomplished by referring to the treatment of the ostinato, which changes approximately every eight to twelve measures.

The ten sections of the piece are not contrasting, but

rather serve a cumulative purpose in the drive toward the

end of the movement.

The movement begins with a two-measure introduction in which the ostinato is stated. The "ostinato" indicated by

the title is comprised of the notes of the BACH theme, at their original pitches (B-flat), one statement per bar. The rhythm of the ostinato remains fixed as well: within a 2/2 time signature, the ostinato is stated in the first two measures as eighth-notes separated by eighth-rests (example

3.12). Treated in various ways throughout the movement, both the notes and rhythm of this ostinato remain fixed.

The tempo indication of Vivacissimo ^ — 100 is supplemented by the indication "per cominciare, e poi poco a poco animando," meaning to begin at the indicated tempo and to become more animated as the piece progresses.

Example 3.12, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," II. Ostinato, measures 1-2.

Vivacissimo J= 100 per cominciare, e poi a poco a poco animando (B) (A) (C) (H) 1—-i 1 1- H f f *t—

*> f r r

accompaniment to a typically Italian dance, the style of

which is also characterized by a gradual increase in speed,

a lilting tarantella77 (example 3.13). It is the grouping

of sextuplet eighth-notes in this passage which will emerge

later as the flourishes within the relentless eighth-

note/rest rhythm of the ostinato. At measure 13 the second

section begins with the ostinato in a middle voice, the

addition of a bass line in leaping tenths, as well as a

third, upper, voice.

Example 3.13, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," II. Ostinato, measures 3-6.

A shift up the octave of the ostinato hails the third section at measure 23. Three voices now move in the ostinato rhythm, while dyads punctuate the strong beats of

71The New Grove Concise, s.v. "Ricercare." the measure. Two flourishes of sextupet eighths appear in

the left hand, raising the excitement level and expanding

the range to lead into the next section (example 3.14).

Example 3.14, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," II. Ostinato, measures 31-33.

7 lp a _kl^ fc * • * fag » 1 A m 1km—1—" 1 m *i— j[ " i • 4. : i—*t L yHrpf 7T 7 r7q f1 \ i i 1

K U^TTTr r r r r f -É3 •ujr

Another register shift of the ostinato, now into the bass doubled in octaves, marks the beginning of section five at measure 33. The right-hand melody continues in dense triads, and another scalar flourish leads into section six at measure 42. . Here again the ostinato shifts up by two octaves into the right hand, while left hand chords which span a tenth punctuate strong beats, as at measure 23

(example 3.15).

At measure 48 there is a more marked thickening of the texture with full four-note chords in each hand on the first and fourth quarters of each measure which envelop the notes of the ostinato. The two remaining notes, A and C, are pointed out in bare octaves between the chords (example

3.16). /ljJ , n'ig-^-V *> "r * < M Pi i•— » ?* ij-tf • •?* vff) 4 j *—1—*—F ? ^ morcatissimo

L i K LP|E » 7 % *1 - - *I !' 4 . . .—• • M<7W (7/•/>.)

Example 3.16, Casella, Due .Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," II. Ostinato, measures 48-50.

1 Œ3B ^

sempre molt of ai i The thickening process undergoes a rhythmic element in

the seventh section, with a telescoping of the 2/2 time

signature into 3/4, the ostinato in harmonized two-note

pairs, with a registral shift for each of these pairs

(example 3.17).

At measure 68 the time signature returns to 2/2, with

the designation Animando poco a poco reminding the performer

to continue building the intensity. A crescendo to ff and beyond underscores an expansion upward of the right hand register in open-spaced chords and a widely-leaping left hand (example 3.18) .

Example 3.17, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," II: Ostinato, measures 60-67. * «faf f H - 'i1 4p 1 1 nSh^i W —1—t W--.-mr**—*>— 1 1 1 1

I • gi ' • t=^—i1 " •s 1

< • — — J_.—

A subito ^piano and another reminder to keep speeding up, Stringendo molto, occur at section nine, measure 80.

The twelve measures of this passage act as a sort of recapitulation of the intensification techniques used thus far in the movement. After the ititial piano marking, the ostinato rises by an octave every few measures accompanied by a crescendo molto, and the underlying quarter-note beat ostinato is still adhered to while a new constant eighth- note motion is added for further intensity (example 3.19).

At measure 86 the right-hand open spacing of measures 76-79 returns, now on off-beats to the ostinato, continuing the rise in register (example 3.20). The four-note chords on the first and fourth quarters of the measure, as at measure

48, return in measure 89, again rising three times in octave register. Example 3.20, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H., II. Ostinato, measures 86-89.

The final section is hailed by yet another reminder to keep going faster, "di nuovo string, e molto" at measure 93.

The tried-and-true practice of beginning the ostinato in a low register and gradually raise it by octaves, accompanied by an increase in dynamic level, occurs again in this passage by the left hand in octaves. The right hand punctuates with chords on strong beats. In the last two measures the ostinato stops abruptly, only to be arranged vertically as the same motive was treated at the end of the

Funèbre movement (example 3.21). A fff, accented B-flat minor chord finalizes the work, bringing the BACH motive

around to its first note once again.

Example 3.21, Casella, Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H.," II. Ostinato, measures 101-102.

Roma, il 21 oHobrç W32-X.0

The two pieces in this set reflect Casella1s most noticeable compositional quality: the ability to assimilate the styles and influences of the past. Concurrent with the trend in Italy during the fascist period, Casella's choices reflect the glory of the great Italian past. The use of the

Renaissance keyboard ricercar tradition, which was made famous by Italian keyboardists during that period, is a reflection of this way of thinking. The inclusion of the tarantella at the beginning of the Ostinato movement is another use of a particularly Italian tradition in a new and updated guise. The reverence given to the great German master, Bach, seems to go against this Italianizing trend.

Rather than seeing the two traditions as antithetical however, perhaps another reading of the merger might be as the vision of the two traditions existing as complementary to each other, the Italian Renaissance tradition and the later development -- indicated by the use of Bach's name as well as the fugal exposition form in the Funèbre -- by the acknowledged master of counterpoint.

During the 1930s Casella was a fascist supporter. The dates of each movement in this set, making use of the fascist calendar ("X.°" for 1932) indicates his sympathies at the time of the composition of this work. The contemporary Italian trend toward past Italian styles in a new guise is indeed present here, through the ricercar form and the inclusion of the tarantella, but this was in no way a peculiarly fascist inclination.

The year of composition of this work was also the year in which the notorious "Manifesto of Italian Musicians" pitted the "conservatives" against the "progressives" in the music world, Casella being labeled as one of the latter.

Although the work is fairly firmly entrenched in B-flat minor, the opening of Funèbre, with its reliance on the chromatic subject of Bach's name, may present some harmonic difficulties to the more romantically minded critics, even though the entries in the fugal exposition point to a tonic- dominant relationship at its foundation. Even the dissonances in the Ostinato have a basis in triadic harmony.

Trying to assess Casella's compositional style as the result of his fascist inclinations is a mistake, since one is really examining two completely different issues. His unpopularity within the world of his contemporary composers is absolutely no reflection of his support of the fascist regime, nor of his deep and long-lasting concern for the future of a fundamentally Italian art for his country. That fascim's concern for the glorification of Italy coincided with Casella1s (and others') similar wishes in the world of art and education, reflects a deeper evolution in the state of the nation, rather than a successful policy implementation from those higher-up in government. CHAPTER IV

GIAN FRANCESCO MALIPIERO

Gian Francesco Malipiero (1882-1973) is considered by- many musicologists to be "the most original Italian composer of his generation," and perhaps also the most elusive.1 From a difficult upbringing to a comfort in solitude, this complicated personality has created an opus which still defies codification. His unusual approach to form and the unevenness of the quality of his output2 has resulted in his work being very difficult to categorize into stylistic periods, or even to describe adequately.

Nicolodi theorizes that Malipiero's youth may hold the key to his complicated adult personality, which is also reflected in his compositions. Generally, his work until the 1930s betrays anguish, unhappiness and despair in the face of death and tragic loss.3 The break-up of his parents in 1893 -- his mother of noble blood and his father a pianist and conductor -- resulted in the young Malipiero going with his father away from his mother's home in the

Veneto region, through Trieste, Berlin, and finally to

Vienna, where he studied at the conservatory there for the year 1898-9. Unhappy away from his home, he returned,

-'-Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 132. Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti nel ventennio fascists,• 200. New Grove, s.v. "Malipiero, Gian Francesco."

2New Grove, "Malipiero."

3Nicolodi, Musica, 201. settling in 1910 in the Veneto town of Asolo. But the retreat of Caporetto in 1917 forced him and his family to flee the region again. He arrived in Rome with completely shattered nerves,4 and remained there for four years.

The years of the First World War were crucial in

Malipiero's development as a man and as an artist. He recalls that

in 1914 the war disrupted my whole life, which remained, until 1920, a perennial tragedy. The works of these years perhaps reflect my agitation; however, I consider that if I have created something new in my art (formally and stylistically) it happened precisely in this period.5

Another formative event, this one coming before the onset of war, occurred in 1913 with Malipiero's first trip to Paris. It was there that he formed a lasting friendship with Alfredo Casella, and he found himself face-to-face with the European musical avant-garde for the first time in his life. He had the opportunity to absorb "the techniques of musical Impressionism, "6 traces of which would be present in his compositions for many years to come. At Casella's recommendation Malipiero attended the premiere of The Rite of Spring. He later described that experience as waking him

"from a long and dangerous lethargy."7

''New Grove, "Malipiero."

5Ibid'.

^Baker's Biographical Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Classical Musicians, s.v. "Malipiero."

7Ibid. Unlike many of his European contemporaries (or his comrade Casella, for that matter), Malipiero always remained firmly tied to his home region of the Veneto, finally re• settling in Asolo in 1926 and remaining there for the rest of his life. He was not an internationalist at heart, preferring the company of animals to people at times, and immersing himself in the study and transcription of manuscripts of earlier Italian masters. These influences would remain crucial in his development as a composer.

Malipiero's first official teacher of composition was

Marco Enrico Bossi, with whom he studied between 1900-2 and again in 1904. From Bossi Malipiero became schooled in late

German romanticism. He furthered his study of this tradition for a short while with Max Bruch in 1908 in

Berlin. This formal schooling aside, Malipiero felt he learned far more about music through two completely different experiences.

The first experience, and most lasting in reference to his compositional output, was the discovery in 1902 of manuscripts of "long-forgotten early Italian music

(Monteverdi, Frescobaldi, Merulo, etc.)" which he found in the Biblioteca Marciano in Venice.8 Of his own decision he began to transcribe these works. This interest led him eventually to complete the sixteen-volume complete works of

Monteverdi, which he prepared over a sixteen-year span from

New Grove, "Malipiero." 1926 to 1942. The edition has met with much criticism, but

its historical importance is unmistakable. He also edited many works of Vivaldi for the complete edition of his works.

He contributed as well to the modern editions of composers of the 16th through 18th centuries in the collection I

Classici della Musica Italiana, which he pursued under the patronage of Gabriele D'Annunzio.9

The other major influence in his development as a musician occurred during 1905, when Malipiero worked as an assistant to the blind composer Antonio Smareglia.

Smareglia was a "disciple of Wagner,"10 and had his young helper transcribe, through dictation, the parts he composed in his head. Malipiero claimed later "that he learnt more, especially about orchestration, from this experience than from all his formal studies."11

Certainly the Monteverdi edition was of great importance to Italians. Malipiero was also influential as a teacher of composition, a career which he pursued alongside his compositional activities. In addition, together with

Casella (and others) he helped create new paths for young composers of instrumental music to follow after the years of opera's domination over Italian culture. It has been suggested moreover that Malipiero's particular importance

9Everett Helm, "Gian Francesco Malipiero: a thoroughly contemporary style with baroque roots," Musical America 72 (April 1952), 8 .

10New Grove, "Malipiero." has most to do with his realization that the salvation of an

Italian instrumental tradition "lay neither in the application of temperamentally uncongenial transalpine concepts nor in a continuation of an exhausted Italian operatic tradition."12 Consequently, he turned instead to the pre-classic masters he was so familiar with. It is this turning away from contemporary influence which fundamentally sets his approach apart from that of his comrade Casella.

The idea had already been formed in Malipiero's reasoning that the traditions of Gregorian chant and 15th- century vocal polyphony would be the antidotes against the

"musical infection" of the 19th century. Nicolodi surmises further that Malipiero's retreat into the shades of great composers of the past -- Monteverdi to Vivaldi to Domenico

Scarlatti -- was his way of escaping the ugliness of daily reality.13

Compositional Style

In an article entitled "Modernité e antimodernismo in

Malipiero,"14 Massimo Mila describes the two main currents of Malipiero's style not as the duality between modernism and its antithesis, but rather as the coexistence of avant-

12Everett Helm, "Malipiero in Retrospect," The Music Review 36 no.l (1975), 70.

"Nicolodi, Musica, 219.

"Massimo Mila, "Modernità e antimodernismo in Malipiero," in Omaggio a Malipiero, ed. Mario Messinis (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1977), 15-20. garde compositional idioms alongside pre-classic techniques and inspiration. The composer's highly idiosyncratic style is difficult to classify into periods, and even has defied adequate description. His techniques did not found a

"school" of disciples nor did they codify a set of compositional systems.

The "modernist" vein of his composing may perhaps be described most easily by what it strives not to be.

Anything vaguely resembling German romanticism is completely abolished: complete themes, thematic development through motivic fragmentation and combination or through systematic counterpoint, functional tonality, or formal structures such as sonata form.15 What remains is an approach to form and melody that remains particularly his own.

In place of these traditional approaches to systematic development and set form, Malipiero's formal technique is more akin to contrasting panels without thematic relationships between them.16 In panel construction, a theme and texture is used for a passage or section, and then another contrasting idea, characterized by a completely new texture and thematic idea, follows directly afterwards, often prepared only by the use of a long rest or break of

15Nicolodi, Musica, 203-4, 207; Noel Nickson, "A Twentieth Century Revival: A Brief Introduction to Some Aspects of the Rise of Modern Italian Music," Miscellanea Musicologica 2 (March 1967), 13.

16Nicolodi, Musica, 206. The term "panel construction" may bear similarities to other formal descriptions, but seems to have been invented by Nicolodi to describe specifically Malipiero's formal processes. some kind. Most of his piano music reflects this thinking, displaying this fragmented organization on a larger scale by composing works comprised of short pieces, each complete piece representing one emotion or idea, or "panel." Often a piece within its larger cycle will contain a panel construction of its own, presenting a few contrasting ideas in succession, with or without recurrence, and with no thematic links throughout.17 This organizational practice thus appears both at the large scale level as well as at the microcosmic.

As for thematic development, Everett Helm describes it as a "light, flowing, non-Germanic kind of counterpoint

. . . [renouncing] development techniques in the 19th- century sense."18 Many writers have attempted to describe

Malipiero's melodic style, usually reverting to the explanation of basis in 16th-century counterpoint. This description leaves much to the imagination, as there appear rarely any illustrative examples of this practice. The bottom line in the formal and melodic development of

Malipiero1s works comes back to his predilection for solitude, to his allowing himself the freedom to pursue an intuitive course, creating a "'free dialogue' which develops naturally and unsystematically."19

17This idea will be discussed in the analysis of Cavalcate to follow.

18Helm, "Retrospect," 71.

19Ibid. "Tonality is always present in Malipiero's music, but a tonality free from the functions of classicism, more prominent in the horizontal aspects of his style than in the vertical."20 As a way of expanding the tonal base without resorting to twentieth-century trends, the composer frequently uses modes and modal harmony, another nod to pre- classical traditions. Malipiero was of the conviction that the importance of Gregorian chant was for Italian music what the Lutheran choral was for Germany.21 The free flow of melody and modal inflections are evidence of his assimilation of the practices of chant into his melodic style. Another way of looking at the use of modes, however, is through the eyes of the 20th-century theorist. The whole-tone scale, made popular by Debussy, whose works

Malipiero knew well, is alluded to often in his works, if never used thoroughly or systematically.22 Basic triadic

(often polytonal) thinking combined with this predilection for modes, especially in the works before the 1930s, sometimes results in "modal shapes [which] are associated with organum-like parallel triads."23 This combination of ideas, at the same time both ancient and modern, is an apt

20Noel Nickson, "A Twentieth Century Revival," 15.

21Mila, "Modernité," 16.

22John C.G. Waterhouse, "Debussy and Italian Music," The Musical Times 109 (May 1968), 416.

23Ibid., 416. Again, Cavalcate will illustrate this idea. illustration of how Malipiero's music manages to represent both kinds of influence in one thoroughly blended style.

It has been mentioned that the division of Malipiero's works into style periods is a problematic process. An attempt at classification has been made by Waterhouse in his work La musica di Gian Francesco Malipiero, but the phases are divided in such small and detailed increments as to be of no use to the purposes of this study. He does describe a more general division into three periods, corresponding to stages in Malipiero's life: the first phase, lasting up to

1920, is a reflection of the agony of the world around him; the second reflects the move to his house in Asolo, the privacy and solitude, the weakening bonds with the outside world; and the third, his influence on a growing circle of students.24 The third phase begins around 1930.

Gorini also describes three phases of the piano output, reflecting those proposed by Waterhouse. The first is characterized by the "sonorous thickness of impressionism," the second demonstrates a clarification and greater use of modes, and the third shows the development of counterpoint in an atonal context.25 There are no exact dates given in

Gorini's descriptions. By his accounts, the third phase occurs just beyond the scope of this study, from around 1946 and onward. Nicolodi describes a first phase as lasting

24John C.G. Waterhouse, La Musica di Gian-Francesco Malipiero (Torino: Nuova ERI, 1990), 145.

25Gino Gorini, "La musica pianistica di Malipiero," in Omaggio a Malipiero, ed. Messinis, 116. around 20 years, and a second phase beginning in 1932, characterized by a more homogenous approach to form and expression.26 For the purposes of this study the following general delineations will be followed for the division of piano works into three periods: the first (to 1920), second

(1920-1930), and third (1930 and later).

First Period: to 1920

Malipiero never composed a major work dealing explicitly with the First World War, but the musical language used during the period prior to 1920 betrays a deep involvement with the horrors of the time. The collection of seven pieces entitled Poemetti lunari from 1909-1910 already demonstrates the path the composer was to follow, in moods of malincholy and "pulsations of death."27 It was clear that, from these pieces onwards, a new linguistic code would be needed to accommodate Malipiero's widely diverging emotional states. Already evident at this time is

Malipiero's "panel" form, characterized by the succession of contrasting sections with no thematic links between them.

The Preludi autunnali of 1914 continue this path, expressing what would be termed as the "malinconia malipieriana," even though the war had barely begun. The third of these pieces

'Nicolodi, Musica, 204.

Ibid., 205. betrays Malipiero's interest in modal melodies with the creation of chant-like outlines.28

According to Waterhouse, "the first piece in which experience of the war seemed really fundamental in the nature of the music" was the first of the pieces in the collection Poemi asolani of 1916, "La notte dei morti" (The

Night of the Dead).29 The title of the piece refers specifically to the tradition which took place every year on

November 1st, All Saints' Day: in the town of Asolo, which was his home at the time, the custom was to "illuminate all the graveyards and ring the bells of the churches far into the night." Eerily premonitory, Malipiero composed his interpretation of the experience only a year before the horrors of the retreat of Caporetto in 1917 forced him and his family to leave the area for Rome.

The dissertation of Elizabeth Ann Wallace deals specifically with this piece of Malipiero's in the context of piano works which betray the effect of war. Her description of the work illustrates as well many of the compositional trends typical of the composer's style in this period. As references to the Renaissance period Wallace mentions the absence of time signature and constant

28Gorini, "La musica pianistica," 119.

29Waterhouse, La Musica di Gian-Francesco Malipiero, 45.

30Waterhouse, ibid., 45-46; translation in Wallace, "The Effect of War on the Lives and Work of Piano Composers and the Evolution of Compositional Technique in War-Related Piano Pieces from 184 9 through the Second World War," (Ph.D. diss., Texas Tech University, 1990), 125. fluctuation of beats per measure, while the absence of key

signatures she relates to both Renaissance and 20th-century practices. The influence of Debussy is visible in the

stratification of the texture, although with a much darker

effect and of a more repetitive nature than the French

composer's predilections.31 The impression of the tolling bells of a funeral procession is evident, through means of a

slow ostinato in octaves low in the piano range, with a

four-note semitone cluster ringing ominously above it.32

Such practices show an affinity with the French

Impressionism, but rather than entering completely into the techniques of this school of composition, Malipiero's style

strives to render the truth of the impression, its emotional effect, in as vivid terms as possible.33

The influence of Debussy continued through many of the works of this period, although always with Malipiero's spin

on the technique in order to underscore the aggression,

frustration, horror and anguish of the period in which he was living. The "panel" technique of formal construction continued to be developed in support of these needs, springing from an intuitive sense rather than from any pre• set form. The effect throughout seems to be more of

•Wallace, "The effect of war," 125-6.

:Ibid, 126.

'Gorini, "La musica pianistica," 120. improvisation of sections without a solid form on which to hinge the ideas.34

The next set of five pieces entitled Barlumi (1917) represent the composer's most avant-garde attempt of the period.35 Along with most works of the period during the

First World War, this collection is also characterized by- tempos which fluctuate widely and suddenly, and melodies that never become melodies in the proper sense, but rather stay in their "atomic states."36 The final piano work of the decade, Maschere che passono {Passing Masks, five pieces, 1919) continues the trends of this time, with its dissonant crashes, harmonic angularity and unpredictable rhythms.

Second Period: the 1920s

In the 1920s he was considered a radical -- even revolutionary -- and was frequently attacked as one. Today he is neglected and considered by many old- fashioned, because he has followed no avant-garde tradition.37

Through comparing statements made about Malipiero's compositional process (compare to Mila), it is evident how his style seems to evade neat classification, stumping the critics with its idiosyncracies. Always uninterested in t

34Waterhouse, La Musica di Gian-Francesco Malipiero, 47.

35Ibid.

36Ibid.

37Helm, "Gian Francesco Malipiero: a thoroughly contemporary style," 8. compositional trends of his contemporaries, Malipiero continued to cultivate an art that came from within himself only.

The years 1917-1929 represent the high point in

Malipiero's output for piano.38 The music composed beginning around 1920 shows a move toward more "stability, serenity and exuberance."39 There is a cluster of five piano works written in the first three years of this decade which demonstrate this tendency: A Claude Debussy and

Omaggi {Homages, 1920), Cavalcate and La siesta (1921), and

Tarlo (1922). In these works and others of the decade there is a clearer succession of events, harmonies become less biting (although still dissonant), there is a more obvious use of modal inflection, and a generally new spiritual atmosphere in regards to the world around him.

The Omaggi comprise three short and descriptive pieces:

"A un pappagallo (To a Parrot)," "A un elefante," and "A un idiota." Waterhouse compares these three tiny pieces to the collection of Lord Berners published around 1920, but composed earlier, and premiered by Alfredo Casella at the piano in one of the Société di Musica Moderna concerts of

1917. The titles of that collection are "Pour un homme d'état (For a Statesman)," "Pour un canari," and "Pour une tante à heritage (For an Heiress Aunt)." Waterhouse

38New Grove, "Malipiero."

39". . . gran parte della musica malipieriana degli anni 1920-22 sembra tesa verso una nuova stabilité, serenità ed esuberanza." Waterhouse, La Musica di Gian-Francesco Malipiero, 65. describes Malipiero's effort as possessing "the rare virtue of being humorous music that really is funny."40

Tarlo is another short group of miniature pieces, which seem, through their improvisatory nature, to serve the purpose of exploring the sonorities of the piano for their own sake. The piece A Claude Debussy is a bit of an anomaly, written as part of a collection of pieces by various people in honour of the French composer.41

Illustration of the Second Period: Cavalcate

This trio of tiny pieces is among Malipiero's lesser- known compositions. It was composed the year before the

March on Rome and demonstrates not only many facets of

Malipiero's continuing techniques, but also the characteristics of the new "Second Period" of his compositional style which began around this time (1920).

The three pieces in this "Cavalcade" describe "three modes of four-legged locomotion."42 The compositional interest in representing animals reflects the importance of animals in his daily life -- Malipiero is reputed to have kept many animals as pets in his home in Asolo.43 It is not

40"Queste divertenti quisquiglie hanno la rara virtu di essere musica faceta che averamente è buffa. ..." Ibid., 66.

41Gorini, "La musica pianistica," 121.

42Maurice Hinson, Guide to the Pianist's Repertoire, 2nd ed. rev. and enlarged (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), 478.

43Everett Helm was a student of Malipiero's for a time, and recounts the composer's home life in "Gian Francesco Malipiero: a thoroughly contemporary style," 8. the first of Malipiero's works to deal with the representation of animals in some respect. The orchestral work Impressioni dal vero (Impressions of Truth) composed around 1910 is comprised of a series of pieces, each one based on a bird-call.44 The Omaggi of 1920 also contains two animal movements: a parrot and an elephant. The three movements of this present work are entitled:

"I. Récalcitrante (Somaro)" which translates as

"Recalcitrant (Donkey)", "II. Dondolante (Camello)" or

"Rocking (Camel)", and "III. Focoso (Destriero)" or "Fiery

(Steed)." Each piece is two to three pages in length, each striving to present a vivid impression of its title.

Formal construction in panels is clearly evident in this work, particularly in the first of the three pieces.

At the heart of this type of construction is the portrayal of an impression in vivid terms, with sudden mood shifts that are not at the mercy of a pre-set form, but rather evolve intuitively at the service of the impression the composer is trying to convey. Such panels could very easily be referred to merely as "sections," but the difference lies in the fact that each idea is a representation of something visual, that the succession of ideas does not follow necessarily any prescribed form, that each panel bears no thematic resemblance to that which comes before or after it, and that there is no preparation for the introduction of a

New Grove, "Malipiero." new idea, other than perhaps by a clear delineation with the use of rests or a pause. The impression this creates is that of someone placing, in front of one's eyes, different paintings by various artists practicing a variety techniques, the only constant being that of the subject matter.

On the larger scale, each of the three pieces, drastically different from the others, may each be considered a panel of its own, which would make the entire work as a whole three panels in length. The practice of grouping together short descriptive pieces within a larger set or suite is certainly not new (Debussy's Children's

Corner comes instantly to mind). The difference may be seen in the construction of the constituent pieces, reflecting their organization on the larger structure.

Malipiero's harmonic language is a readily-identifiable aspect of his compositional style. It is always triadic at its basis, often with chords of different keys superimposed, one key in each hand, to create lush harmonies that do not necessarily maintain a syntactical function. These chords are rather used in the impressionistic sense of sound structures treated in parallel formations to create aural impressions. Used in conjunction with panel format, each section makes use of a different chordal construction to create an entirely different harmonic effect within each panel. The ancient aspect of music discussed by Mila is only clearly evident in the middle movement of the collection, where organum-like spacing and modal melodies evoke practices of centuries earlier. The outer movements do not make such overt use of archaic allusions.

I. Récalcitrante (Somaro)

This first piece of the collection most clearly demonstrates the form of construction in panels, which are organized into a sort of rondo form, ABACA. Rather than standard rondo procedures where one might reasonably expect the instances of "A" material to be in sections of approximately the same length and all in the same key, here the A sections appear around the tonal centres D, E, and

C-sharp respectively, with sections first of 17 measures (1-

17), then only four (measures 31-34), and finally 19 measures (42-60). The first episode (panel B) is 13 measures long and centres around D (measures 18-30).

Section C is based on F-sharp and is seven bars in length

(measures 35-41). The tonal outline, then, is: D, D, E, F- sharp, C-sharp.

At the basis of each panel is the purpose of characterizing a different aspect of the uncooperative donkey indicated by the title. Not programmatic in the sense that there are words supplied for each situation, the

'Mila, "Modernité." music nonetheless has the evocation of visual impressions as its basis.

Panel A contains measures 1-17, and is made of two types of textures. It begins tentatively, as if someone were tiptoe-ing quietly around the donkey. In an implied

3/4 time (there are no time signatures in this collection), measures 1-9 are divided into three, three-bar phrases, in which the only sounds occur on the third beat of each bar

(example 4.1). Chords in this passage are comprised almost entirely of triads with some "wrong" notes, centred around D minor. The right hand moves in parallel ostinato first- inversion triads of the tonic in D minor, supported in the left hand by the tonic open fifth D-A, on which a second fifth (A-E) is superimposed (measures 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8).

This altered I9 version of the tonic chord stabilizes this sonority, while the measures in between present sonorities that clash with the D minor first-inversion chord of the right hand, providing harmonic movement away from the tonic.46

4 6 See the C major chord in measures 3 and 9, and the clashing G-sharp octave in the left hand of measure 6. I. Récalcitrante (Somaro> Non ritenuto > !\9 i >-— —»—*—• ~>—v. K r"l "~i—i—i > =r- i i— NM=H « — — PP pp f— 11/ » *—p *— \x i ' i • i r r 9- i r

Suddenly at measure 10 the "panel" changes, as seemingly the donkey erupts in a fit of protest, opened by a tumbling "flourish" gesture A to C-sharp (measures 10-12, example 4.2). The tell-tale "bray" of the animal is characterized by a melodic falling fourth, B to

F-sharp in the top of the texture, creating a B major-minor seventh with the rest of the right-hand notes, while under it the left hand plays a C to Bb harmonic minor seventh, forming a biting combination. The tip-toe figure returns for four measures, and the panel ends with a full measure of rest with a fermata.

Example 4.2, Malipiero, Cavalcate, I. Récalcitrante (Somaro), measures 7-12. Panel B begins after its preparation by the fermata of

measure 17. The marking here is "Più mosso, un po' gaio"

(more movement, rather gay), and is characterized by an

octave dotted figure of descending fourths in the left hand

(example 4.3), perhaps suggesting a bucking donkey. The tonal centre D delineated in this passage by the right hand's first-inversion triads, is, however, blurred by the C major implications of the left-hand dotted octaves. At measure 30 there is a short, four-bar recall of the

"braying" motive of panel A, placed a whole-tone higher, and prepared by an eighth rest and the designation "as before"

(example 4.4). It acts as a reminiscence of panel A inserted between B and the following panel, C.

Example 4.3, Malipiero, Cavalcate, I. Récalcitrante (Somaro), measures 17-21. The marking "piu mosso, fluido" (more movement,

fluidly) marks the beginning of panel C, which is not separated from the previous section. The tonal centre changes to F-sharp, maintained by the left hand, where for the first four measures of the section an open harmonic fifth, comprised of F-sharp and C-sharp, alternates with a major or minor 7th on its dominant, C-sharp (example 4.5).

In these four measures the right hand contains a descending

32nd-note figure of an octave divided evenly by a tritone.

The impression through this passage is of a light trot, underscored by the right-hand rhythm which may represent the bounce and quick succession of legs of a donkey in motion.

The swaying left-hand figure evokes whatever is on its back, whether cargo or a person. The last three measures of this panel descend gradually over an octave to prepare the register of the return of A. Piu mossq, fluido

Panel A returns in a new tonal area, C-sharp, and with

a few modifications from its original incarnation. It

appears down a half-step from the original, with the tentative "rest-rest-chord" of the opening, but without the three-measure regularity of before. Whereas the original phrasing was in regular three-measure units, here the phrasing is respectively five, three and four measures in length. The biggest change, however, occurs with the "bray" motive. The introductory flourish to the bray (see measure

10, example 4.2) is expanded, iterated three times ascending in tritones (example 4.6) The bray itself is also expanded, from the original two measures to five. In the final measure the flourish is stated eight times, alternating hands, and descending over four octaves (example 4.7).

Marked "precipitando," fff, it brings the movement to a furious conclusion. Example 4.7, Malipiero, Cavalcate, I. Récalcitrante (Somaro), measures 59-60.

So we can see then, without even repeating materials exactly, Malipiero shapes the piece in an A B [A] C A pattern, which, however, presents its own organic development. This is the slow movement of the set, and panel formation is not as clearly evident here as it was in the first piece. The movement is in ABA format, with the only difference to the traditional form of this type being in the key areas of the A section, first centering around E, and finally around B. These sections do not undergo any kind of modulation, they simply exist in that particular tonal area.

The middle section is based in F-sharp.

It is in this piece that Malipiero's interest in ancient aspects of music are most clearly seen. The basic characteristic of the A section is the spacing of the chords. The similarity of spacing to medieval organum is most readily seen in the left hand (example 4.8). In the right hand there exists the same arrangement of an octave bisected by its fifth, only with the upper two notes of the chord offset by an eighth-note from its bottom member. This rhythmic gesture helps create the "swaying" indicated by the piece's title. Tonality revolves around E, with the hands working generally in contrary motion from each other. An avoidance of the leading-tone (D-sharp) adds to the passage's modal quality. A repeated arpeggiated figure in the right hand,

beginning at measure 4, travels the length of section B

(example 4.9). Based in F-sharp, the four notes used in

this pattern are F-sharp, G-sharp, C-sharp and D-sharp.

This creates a magical atmosphere, under which a modal

octatohic melody unfolds within the diminished fourth

C-sharp to F-natural, very vocal in its effect, melismatic

in places, and giving an oriental sound, rather like that of a snake-charmer (example 4.10). This melody is four phrases in length, grouped into two pairs. The first phrase

(measures 5-8) revolves around a D minor octatonic scale with resting places on the leading tone, C-sharp (see example 4.9). The second and fourth melodic phrases

(measures 9-10 and 14-16, respectively) are identical, making use of a G-sharp harmonic minor scale for its

melismas, and exploiting the augmented second and diminished

third intervals of the scale for its oriental quality (see

example 4.10). Similar to the first phrase, the third

phrase (measures 11-14) is based in B-flat minor. This

entire process unfolds under the continuous flourish in F-

sharp of the right hand.

Example 4.9, Malipiero, Cavalcate, II. Dondolante (Camello), measures 5-6.

Example 4.10, Malipiero, Cavalcate, II. Dondolante (Camello), measures 9-10. Section A returns at measure 17 around a B tonal

centre. The final five measures of the piece, rather than

expanding the last bar of the first section, are based on

the first phrase of section B (example 4.11. Compare to

example 4.9). In its construction the final chord takes

inspiration from the organum spacing of the first section, with the arrangement in fourths and fifths clearly evident.

At a closer glance, the entire final harmony may be reduced

to a quartal structure, comprised of five notes in descending perfect fourths from B through D-sharp.

Example 4.11, Malipiero, Cavalcate, II. Dondolante (Camello), measures 20-25.

III. Focoso (Destriero)

Of the three pieces in this collection, this third movement is, formally-speaking, the least clear-cut. Its form is most closely related to the Camel movement's ABA structure, in which the A section returns a perfect fourth lower (in this piece the tonal areas are F-sharp to

C-sharp). The B section of this work is also similar to that of the second piece, in which the material is comprised of four phrases where the first two phrases are paired and are related to the paired third and fourth phrases. The only formal difference between the two pieces is the existence of transitional and re-transitional material in this present movement.

As opposed to the other two movements where a new musical idea (or panel) is usually accompanied by a corresponding change in the character marking for the passage, in the Steed movement the only tempo indication for the entire piece is "Mosso, ma ben ritmato" (moving, but rhythmically). There is no drastic change of mood or tempo with the introduction of new thematic material, and the texture is, for most of the movement, characterized by fast pounding, compact major chords.

Harmonically though, the same procedures continue to be applied. The triadic basis of thinking in Malipiero1s compositional style is very clearly at work in this piece.

Section A (measures 1-20) is characterized by compact major four-note chords in the right hand counterpointed by similarly compact chords or parts of chords in the left hand. The tonal centre is vaguely F-sharp, being the first bass-note in the left hand (although high in register) and the destination point of the section at the downbeat of measure 20. Between these two points lie three phrases,

each with slightly different rhythmic figures and left-hand

treatment.

The first phrase of section A (measures 1-6, example

4.12) begins ff in an implied 3/8 time (again, no time

signature). The right hand, as stated above, is comprised throughout the section of major four-note chords. The left hand in this phrase makes use of triads constructed of a major third on the bottom, and either a minor third or major second above it. The key areas of the two hands lie a fourth apart.

Example 4.12, Malipiero, Cavalcate, III. Focoso (Destriero), measures 1-6. III. Foe oso Mosso, ma ben ritrnato

In the second phrase (measures 7-13) there is the impression of a horse's "whinny", created by a long stepwise descent of the right-hand's four-note chords supported by major thirds a fourth lower in the left, in constant eighth notes (example 4.13). A galloping motive characterizes the third phrase (measures 14-19), in which the right hand

remains fairly static on an A-major chord in a vigorous

rhythmic figure, with a D-sharp to G-sharp long-short

oscillation in octaves in the bass (example 4.14).

Example 4.13, Malipiero, Cavalcate, III. Focoso (Destriero), measures 7-13.

Example 4.14, Malipiero, Cavalcate, III. Focoso (Destriero), measures 14-20.

At the arrival of a bass-note F-sharp in measure 20 the transition to section B begins. For five of the six measures in this passage only the chords F-sharp major and

G major alternate, simultaneously between the hands, so that the two chords are constantly juxtaposed (example 4.15). An

A-major/G-sharp-major combination ends the transition, which is then picked up by the beginning of the B section at

measure 26.

Example 4.15, Malipiero, Cavalcate, III. Focoso (Destriero), measures 21-25.

Like the middle section of the Camel movement of this

set, section B in this piece is made up of two pairs of

phrases. The first phrase (example 4.16) continues the

A/G-sharp combination set up by the end of the transition,

using only these chords in a rhythm which plays on the

expectation of a triplet grouping by introducing a duplet,

which is then tied over the barline. The second phrase

(example 4.17) is somewhat reminiscent of the middle section

of Camel in its use of an ostinato flourish in an upper

register, supported by a chord with F-sharp as its bass

(compare to example 4.9).

At measure 40 the pair of phrases begins again, only this time the first phrase picks up the last chords of the preceding measure, which are constructed like the opening Example 4.17, Malipiero, Cavalcate, III. Focoso (Destriero), measures 34-39.

measures of the movement: the right hand contains a D major chord, and the left has a major-third/minor-third structure built on A. The fourth phrase, analogous to measures 34-39 is repeated a step higher in the right hand, while the chords of the left hand are replaced by an octave line which moves slowly from F stepwise up to B, skips C and goes on to

D. This fourth phrase is also expanded from its partner.

Whereas the second phrase iterated the melodic figure twice, the fourth phrase states the flourish three times in full, and then three times in a truncated form of two measures each statement, which essentially leaves out the middle measure of the motive.

The retransition begins in measure 64, and is analogous to the transition beginning in measure 20 (see examples 4.14 and 4.15). This retransition is based on an E pedal, and involves the oscillation of D-major and E-minor triads in the right hand with the occasional B minor chord, over perfect fifths on F-sharp and E (example 4.18). The return of section A at measure 72 is camouflaged, and only becomes clearly evident three measures into its statement

(example 4.19). On closer examination the correlation to the opening is evident in measures 72-74: the right hand contains a major chord, and the left hand has the major- third/minor-third construction of measure 1, transposed down a fourth into the tonal area of C-sharp. The rest of the section is simply a transposition of the original passage until the final three measures, where three octaves of

C-sharp support a chord built of C-sharp major and D major, held for three measures.

This collection of pieces falls neatly into the second period of Malipiero's output, where the atrocities of war finally left his language, to be replaced by a more comfortable, settled, and light-hearted atmosphere. The technique of panel construction developed in the previous decade is evident here, although only clearly in the first of the three pieces, the Donkey. More appropriate an Example 4.19, Malipiero, Cavalcate, III. Focoso (Destriero), measures 72-79.

illustration of Malipiero's style is the harmonic language, in which the influence of the French impressionists may be seen in his use of chords as parallel sonorities, such as the blatantly triadic construction of the Steed movement of this set. Although the works are unquestionably tonal in their adherence to a centre, traditional tonic-dominant syntax is completely abolished in these pieces. Neither are there any atonal procedures, other than a gentle hint at bitonality through the juxtaposition of chords.

The fascist regime was only in its formative stages at the time of these compositions, and Malipiero's role as a supporter of the regime will be examined later this chapter.

With the advent of the new government, the style as seen in these pieces would not undergo any magical transformation in order to serve a bureaucratic need or to adhere to any cultural principles. Unlike Casella's works, these particular pieces do not resonate with any layers of Italian history, except perhaps, in a stretch, by the consideration of the organum treatment in the Camel movement as a throwback to the days of Gregorian chant, a connection which

Malipiero undoubtedly intended. It was mentioned earlier that the composer had a deep love and respect for the history of Italian music and offered many important contributions to the repertoire through his musicological efforts. Only few attempts to incorporate these ideas into his own compositions are evident in this group, such as the one example mentioned. Another inspiration from earlier styles may be seen in the Donkey movement, measures 17-21

(see example 4.3) where the left hand resembles a baroque ostinato bass, while above it the parallel movement in first-inversion triads is reminiscent of a renaissance

"fauxbourdon".

To Italian contemporaries, these pieces would have been considered among the more "progressive" trends of the time.

This term was meant in a derogatory sense, used to designate what were considered the more adventurous compositional experiments of Malipiero and his compatriot Casella.

Malipiero's style underwent very little change through his lifetime, and these works are as representative as any other of the language his countrymen felt threatened by. From a later standpoint these pieces can hardly been seen as

"avant-garde," but their idiosyncracies can also be appreciated. In their studied avoidance of traditional techniques such as thematic development, motivic construction, tonic-dominant syntax, and even such commonplace tools such as time signatures or key signatures,

Malipiero has created a style which defies the pigeon hole and stands defiantly apart from that of his countrymen.

Third Period: 1930s and later

The later 1920s and 1930s represent a trend toward an

"even closer interaction between archaic and early 20th- century idioms," including more elaborate contrapuntal textures (although usually short-lived), and modal passages creating dissonant textures in combination with other parts. The predilection toward even more inspiration in

forms of the past is indicated in the titles of many of the piano works of these decades: Tre preludi a una fuga

(1926)48 , Prelude a une fugue imaginaire (1932), Omaggio a

Bach (1932), Preludio, ritmi e canti gregoriani (1937),

Preludio e fuga (1940). The works are' generally more

lyrical and polyphonic than those of the previous period, with equality among parts becoming more common. The short work Epitaffio of 1931 demonstrates another procedure

typical of Renaissance polyphony, in which a short and

easily-identifiable melismatic figure is bounced around

among the various parts of the texture.49

Many of these forms, especially the Tre Preludi a una

fuga, betray the composer's intention to find a formal

structure apart from the panel construction of the earlier years. This arrangement of three preludes running one after the other, each relating to a solid fugue, allows a procedure similar to the panel construction, but now with a different inspiration behind it. The fugue has been compared to Casella's Due ricercari in its diatonic basis,

complete melodic lines and solid construction.50

47Mila, "Modernité."

48Despite the date, this work belongs psychologically with the third period as described.

49Monica Luccisano, "La musica pianistica di G.F. Malipiero," Nuova Rivista Musicale Italiana 30 no.1/2 (1996), 129.

50Ibid., 130. One more solo piano work lies close within the boundaries of the era of fascism: the Hortus conclusus of

1946. This again is a basic panel construction, with the

first seven of its eight pieces lasting each around a page in length. The eighth piece is a theme with five variations, but its improvisatory nature makes this underlying construction barely noticeable. Three more solo piano works followed in the composer's output: Cinque studi per domani (Five Studies for Tomorrow, 1959), Variazione

sulla pantomima dell'Amor brujo di Manuel de Falla (1959), and Blanchi e neri (1964).

Approach to the Piano

The general consensus concerning Malipiero and the piano is that the music demands a virtuosity not of physical gymnastics, but rather of the musical-interpretive variety.

The romantic attraction of Busoni and the neoclassical tendencies of Casella -- both Italian composer-pianists -- had no place in Malipiero1s aesthetic, where the basis was of representation through sound rather than through mechanical ease on the instrument. Malipiero and Casella were the two composers of the generazione dell'ottanta who left any considerable body of work for the piano. Unlike

Casella however, Malipiero was not a pianist, and approached the piano for its possibilities as a tonal resource rather than out of any desire to produce works for the sake of the performer. Instead of the mechanical exploitation of the instrument's capabilities, he exploits more the pure sound and timbres possible, and — especially in the first period

-- a thickness and dark effect possible through the

stratification of sonorities.51

For Malipiero, the piano was a tonal resource, not a vehicle for human virtuosity.52 The improvisatory character of his "panel" construction lends itself very well to the instrument, where the effect is often of a continuous fantasy of sound rather than a composition surrounded by a delineated formal structure. The piano style of Malipiero may most aptly be described as "antivirtuosic pianism."53

Malipiero and Casella

These two composers represent the forward-looking of the generazione dell'ottanta composers. The two met in 1913 in Paris and began there a friendship which would last until the death of Casella in 1947. The piano works of both composers during the period of the First World War betray not only the influence of the realities of war through extreme dissonance, chromaticism and clashing sonorities, but this period exists as well as the most harmonically intense time for each composer's output. In addition, the period between the two World Wars shows a return to order, and a definite attempt at recalling shades of the Italian

51Gorini, "La musica pianistica," 117.

52Ibid., 115.

53Luccisano, "La musica pianistica," 120. past and making them relevant in a more up-to-date harmonic

language.54

This generation of composers was faced with a twofold

task: that of recuperating the ancient and of bringing

Italian musical life up to date. These two composers were

those of the Italians who achieved this feat most

effectively, but their approaches vary widely, especially with respect to this second of the twin demands. For

Casella, modernism meant knowledge of contemporary European

currents, and as we have seen this knowledge even extended to assimilation within his own musical style of various techniques in vogue at the time of his composing. For

Malipiero the needs were different. His brand of modernism was created entirely within himself, aided by the assimilation not of contemporary currents necessarily, but of the archaic ones. "The ancient and modern in Malipiero do not remain separate, but mix with each other as homogenous elements."55

Casella himself recognized the originality of

Malipiero's harmonic language. He described its existence as a "position of total independence" with respect to other attempts of the time. Concerning harmony he describes

Malipiero's elimination of the "cadential function of the dominant seventh," moving even further from the harmonic

54Waterhouse, La Musica di Gian-Francesco Malipiero, 145.

55"Antico e moderno in Malipiero non restano separati, come due liquidi di peso diverso, ma anzi si mescolano inestricabilmente come elementi omogenei." Mila, "Modernité ," 18. dominant ninths and elevenths of Debussy and Ravel. The use

of modes was his way of widening the tonal language without

resorting to atonal practices. Most importantly, throughout

remain "vivid echoes of 16th century Venetian choral music. "56

Malipiero's Involvement with Fascism

Near the end of Mussolini's life, the Duce is reported

to have counted Malipiero among his favourite contemporary

Italian musicians, "although [Malipiero's] opponents never

fail to upbraid me [for this opinion]."57 Malipiero's view on the development of an up-to-date and particularly Italian brand of instrumental music with clearly visible roots in the Italian musical past went along nicely with fascism's nationalistic purpose. In addition, the composer's work as a musicologist of Italy's glorious history, along with his

association with D'Annunzio, show an affinity with the political movement of the time -- remembering that

Malipiero's musical ideas were in existence well before

1922 .

Malipiero's official documented dealings with fascism began in 1926. From this point on, his letters would pour into the offices of those higher-up, often directly to

Mussolini himself. Malipiero wrote on numerous occasions to

56Ibid., 19-20.

57N. D'Aroma, Mussolini segreto (Bologna: Cappelli, 1958), 304- 305; in Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 16. Mussolini and other leaders "to put forward his plans for

rescuing Italian musical culture, to ask for a chance to

talk with or play for the Duce, or to send the great man a

score with dedication."58 Throughout these letters the tone

is of self-pity, thrusting jabs at enemies, and complaining

constantly about not having his works performed. A typical

example of the composer's attitude toward the regime occurred in 1936, just after the death of Respighi.

Malipiero and Pizzetti both applied for Respighi's much- desired position as Professor of Composition at the

Accademia di Santa Cecilia in Rome. Malipiero wrote directly to Mussolini, stating that he was by far and away

the only person qualified for the job in all of Italy.

Pizzetti wrote instead to the Minister of Education with an

outline of his teaching qualifications. The post was

finally awarded to Pizzetti.59

The composer's active involvement with the regime began with membership in the National Fascist Union of Musicians

in 1940. He eventually became the Union's "interprovincial

secretary for Venice, a member of the union's national board, and director of the Venice Conservatory."60 His

introverted and moody character proved to be an incompatible match for the façade of the regime, however, and his main use to the regime in the end was "as a prestigious name to

58Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 132.

59Ibid., 128.

60Ibid., 134. be added to its very long list of enthusiasts."61 Whether his involvement made any difference to the transmission of his works, Sachs surmises that "his compositions were probably performed no more and no less often under fascism than they would have been under other political conditions."62 Just as many other artists attempted in the same period, Malipiero was merely trying to take advantage of the system that happened to be in place at the time.

61Ibid.

"ibid. LA GENERAZIONE DELL'OTTANTA: THE CONSERVATIVES

ILDEBRANDO PIZZETTI AND OTTORINO RESPIGHI

Ildebrando Pizzetti

Ildebrando Pizzetti (1880-1968) was very well respected as a composer during the high point of his creative powers.

In 1921 Guido Gatti considered Pizzetti to be the best contemporary composer in Italy, and Waterhouse hails him as

"the most respected and influential of the more conservative

Italian musicians of his generation."1

The more modern outlook of Pizzetti1s colleagues

Casella and Malipiero has been mentioned. Pizzetti's interests and compositional output followed a different course than did that of his compatriots. His main interest was in opera, music for the theatre, and his vocal music in general remained very influential. He consistently demonstrated a "dogged refusal to come to terms with any but the mildest modern developments," and he retained the image of "provincial conservatism" that the more forward-looking reformers of the music world in Italy fought so hard against.2

Born in Parma, Pizzetti studied piano with his father before entering the Parma Conservatory in composition. He

•^-New Grove, "s.v. Pizzetti, Ildebrando."

2Ibid. had always displayed more interest in theatre than in music, but the tutorship of Giovanni Tebaldini at the Conservatory introduced Pizzetti to the wonderful world of Italian instrumental and choral music of the 15th and 16th centuries, an influence which would remain crucial to his compositional language. An association with the poet

Gabriele D'Annunzio resulted in a friendship and a couple of collaborative efforts in the early 1900s.3 Pizzetti also held important and influential academic positions, in

Florence (1908-24), Milan (1924-36), and at the Accademia di

Santa Cecilia in Rome, replacing Respighi in 1936 and remaining there until 1958.

The designation "conservative" with reference to

Pizzetti might seem confusing when one considers his affiliation in 1917-19 with Casella's Société di Musica

Moderna. Furthermore, in 1914 during his Florence years

Pizzetti founded a modernist periodical named Dissonanza in order to further the cause of new music. The periodical only ran three issues. In support of his conservative inclination however, Pizzetti is reported to have come away from the Rite of Spring premiere feeling perplexed and disoriented.4 The public statement of his natural tendency would be cemented in 1932, with his signing of the notorious

"Manifesto of Italian Musicians for the Tradition of

3La Nave, incidental music for the play (1905); Fedra, opera (1909-12)

"New Grove, "Pizzetti." Nineteenth-Century Romantic Art," which plotted himself,

Respighi, and others firmly against the more modern composers of the time, specifically Casella and Malipiero.

The earlier fraternity of composers in the Société had parted amicably, respecting each others' aims and talents while fostering each his own. Originally united in a front against the backwardness of musical culture, the members of the Société did not present a uniform style with which to combat it. The manifesto may have offered an outlet for the more conservative composers to voice their fears about the transmission of their own works, but Pizzetti's domestic fame was certainly equal to that of Casella and Malipiero, and Respighi's much more so.5

Sachs describes Pizzetti's compositional style as

"radical conservative," a term which seems aptly to represent the duality of his nature, pulled in one direction by the cause of reforming Italian music in the 20th century, and yanked in the other by a strong inclination for nineteenth-century harmonic and formal practices. In contrast to Casella and Malipiero, Pizzetti's main interest, and the most important of his compositions, lay in the field of vocal music. Although he was immersed in the study of

Italian Renaissance music while a student, one of his first jobs was as a coach and assistant conductor at the opera house in Parma.6 Thus extremely well-versed in the

5Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 25.

6Ibid., 122. melodrama tradition, and already enthralled by the theatre before his student days, opera became for him the natural outlet of his interests as a composer.

The vocal writing in the operas is in itself a very important step away from the 19th-century Italian tradition, however, and it is within this medium where Pizzetti's most important contributions lay. In a similar vein to Debussy's

Pelléas, Pizzetti created a vocal style inextricably linked to the nuances of the Italian language, taking as models the

Florentine monodists and the flexible arioso of Monteverdi.7

In addition to these soloistic advances, the "richly imaginative, often highly dramatic choral writing" in the operas is as important a contribution. The composer's interest and familiarity with the Renaissance Italian madrigal tradition finds root in this writing, and was a great influence on the choral writing of many of his contemporaries, including that of Malipiero.8

This interest in music of the past did not end with

Renaissance Italian polyphony, but extended to Gregorian chant and the medieval church modes as well. Many composers of this time shared a similar interest in these sources.

With Pizzetti the particular form these sources took was the complete absorption of the tonal language of the past, using melodies not as quotations of interest in themselves, but as

7Wew Grove, "Pizzetti."

8Waterhouse, "The Italian Avant-Garde. ..." Some of Pizzetti's operas of this period include: Lo straniero (1922-25), Fra Gherardo (1925-27), Orséolo (1931-35), and L'Oro (1938-42). a means of expanding the language of functional tonality which was always present in his music.9 Harmony may sometimes occur in chromatic contexts, but the melodic lines are usually diatonic or modal in basis. These practises, combined with formal plans, lush sonorities and lyrical melodies inspired by the Romantic period, serve to create a unique style which remained relatively unchanged through

Pizzetti's compositional career.

Pizzetti ' s Piano Music

The piano music is concentrated into two distinct periods: 1900-11 and 1942-43. The early works consist of short character pieces, either standing alone or grouped into sets. The most important work of the first period is the collection of three pieces Da un autunno già lontano

(From an Already Distant Autumn) of 1911. Even in these early pieces Pizzetti's characteristic use of modal melodies is blended with an ornamented vocal style, a technique he would often use in his later works.10

This vocal quality of Pizzetti's compositions remained a constant throughout his compositional career. Generally, in the later works there is a shift toward a more dramatic

9Mila, Breve storia della musica, 426; Francesco Dégrada, "La 'generazione dell'80' e il mito della musica italiana," in Nicolodi, ed., 93-94.

10"The piano works by Ildebrando Pizzetti," trans. Daniela Pilarz, liner notes to CD Complete Piano Works, 8. style, while still maintaining the basic characteristic that many of the themes "seem to suggest a sung text."11.

Piano works of the later period comprise the short

Preludio "L'ombra" (Prelude "Shadow," 1942) which was originally to have been part of a collection of preludes, but instead remained a solitary work.12 From 1943 dates a set of variations entitled Canti di ricordanza (Songs of

Remembrance) which uses as its basis a theme from Pizzetti's own opera Fra Gherardo of 1927. The vocal influence is obvious already from the title and its source. Comprised of four "canti" or "songs," the first part of the work is a reduction of the opening theme from the opera. The following three canti are loose variations on different motives of this theme, developing small components rather than maintaining the melody or harmonic scheme intact. The second canto is marchlike, based on the rhythmic motive of the main theme's accompaniment. The third canto is melodic and passionate, using the descending four-note figure of the main theme as its basis. The fourth begins as a solemn procession on the melodic outline of the theme's accompaniment, and ends in an ecstatic representation of the end of the opera.13

The Sonata 1942 in three movements is a wonderful example of the compositional techniques of Pizzetti, a fine

^New Grove, "Pizzetti."

12Pilarz, "The Piano Works by Pizzetti," 6.

"ibid., 7-8. demonstration the composer's combination of influences. The first movement resembles sonata form with fugue, and represents many of the facets of Pizzetti's approach which have already been mentioned. Long note values are reminiscent of much Renaissance choral writing, facilitated by the time signature "2" which translates into 6/2 time, with two dotted-half notes per bar. Key areas lie generally in third relationships around the tonic A minor. The first theme moves through A minor, C major, A-flat major and

F major before settling in A-flat major for the second theme at measure 68. In the recapitulation (beginning measure

111) this second theme is presented in C-sharp major

(measure 145).

A chant-like figure reappears in various forms throughout the movement, and acts as a sort of refrain. It is first introduced as a one-measure figure in octaves between the hands, in the middle of the texture. This fleeting figure becomes an important motive in the work a few measures later, given full thematic treatment in a section marked Un poco più largo e arioso, which is still part of the first theme (example 5.1). At measure 61 this melody returns, and in typical Romantic fashion, becomes fragmented and metamorphoses into the bass line of a new section, acting as a transition to the second theme (example

5.2). The large fugal conclusion, which begins in measure

215, uses this theme as its basis as well. Although this section is not in strict fugal form, the usual procedures are evident, such as augmentation and stretto. The

presentation of the fugal subject appears in a manner much

like a melody line with continuo bass, with a characteristic

descending bass line (example 5.3).

Example 5.1, Pizzetti, Sonata 1942, first movement, measures 24-27.

- Un poco più largo e arioso _j—— if 7'^ mil

_t_t__—1— -H-==i-—r r -

I «

Example 5.2, Pizzetti, Sonata 1942, first movement, measures 61-66.

Jj Un poco più largo Lo stesso movimento ê PPcupo 1

JP'PfCon conveniente uso di pédale

an

To illustrate further Pizzetti's characteristic

amalgamation of renaissance vocal techniques in an

instrumental idiom, there are occasional passages which are

clearly recitative-like (beginning at measure 84), involving

the alternation of chordal pauses prepared by bass motion

with faster-moving melodic passages. Organum-like parallel

fifths are found occasionally as well (m. 158 ff.).

The second movement is a clear example of the influence

of the operatic experience on the composer's instrumental music. It is an Adagio in B-flat minor, and the opening

section is an aria with accompaniment (example 5.4). The

final movement, marked Turbinoso, continues to display modal

harmony and features rhythmically-contrasting episodes. p^=^ , , , T-, -* * F 0 m

p fiuttosto pesante ^ molto esprss. fr-

M M c 3• 9 H=4 F J

J-^7 ^ 1 VP "Ï * >? — - % —« M. 4 ^—7 i. i 9 1 9^

Pizzetti's Involvement with Fascism

"Among the composers of the 11880S Generation,'

Pizzetti probably reaped the most benefits from the new system."14 Even in the early stages of the regime the favours began to come his way from the government. In 1923 the "newly fascisticized Ministry of Public Education"15 decided it was time to replace the aging director of the

Milan Conservatory. Giuseppe Gallignani had been appointed in 1897 with Verdi's blessing, and had been a fine director in his prime, but the time had come for him to step down.

The government sent a confidential letter to Pizzetti, who was director of the Florence conservatory at the time,

14Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 121.

15Ibid., 34. offering the position to him. Gallignani received a curt telegram in the meantime, and upon the receipt of the information sent in this inhumane manner, the 72 year-old man committed suicide.16

Conservatory directors after this incident were careful

"at least to pay lip-service to the regime and to praise its magnanimity towards the arts."17 Pizzetti played the part in an excellent manner, quoted as saying in 1938, "no

Italian or foreign government has ever done for the musical theatre as much as the fascist Government has been doing for years and generously continues to do so."18

Another opportunity offered to Pizzetti was the involvement in the great project of the writing of the

Enciclopedia italiana, for which he took charge over the music section. This collection of articles stands as "one of the most positive achievements of the fascist period."19

The articles seem at first to be remarkably free of overt flattery of the regime, especially if one considers the time in which it was written. The writers of the articles, however, had reached maturity before the fascist period began, and came to their tasks with the objectivity of free

Ibid.

Ibid., 35.

Ibid., 129.

Ibid., 123. thinkers. Collaboration in such a project was certainly a feather in Pizzetti's cap.

Sachs reduces Pizzetti's involvement in the regime to that of any other Italian musician's, of just trying to make a living for himself and for his family by taking advantage of the opportunities as they presented themselves. One cannot really speak of his music being indebted to fascism, but in his use of the system for his own advancement, he was an active participant in the regime, and he did not allow its negative aspects to inconvenience his goals.21

Ottorino Respighi

"Ottorino Respighi is the only Italian composer of his generation whose name still regularly appears on concert programmes beyond his country's borders."22 Although he was not as important a composer in the development of a new instrumental style for Italy as some of his compatriots were, and although he represents the end of a tradition rather than the beginning of one, his music enjoyed an immense popularity with the Italian public of the first three decades of the century.

Respighi (1879-1936) studied composition with Martucci and Torchi in his early years, in addition to developing an ability on the violin that led to a career as a violinist in

20Ibid., 124.

21Ibid., 131.

22Ibid. the 1910s. Two trips to Russia, in 1900 and 1902-3, brought him in contact with Rimsky-Korsakoff, with whom he studied orchestration, a defining influence on the young Italian's orchestral style. In 1913 he began to teach at the Liceo

(later Conservatorio) di Santa Cecilia in Rome, a post he held until his death in 1936 (to be succeeded by Pizzetti).

In 1925-6 and again in 1932 Respighi toured the United

States as a conductor and pianist.23

Most of Respighi's fame as a composer can be attributed to two of his orchestral tone poems, the Fontane di Roma

(Fountains of Rome) composed in 1916, and Pini di Roma

(Pines of Rome) written in 1924. Fitting into the rise in national consciousness around and after the First World War, these works describe the landscape of Rome in an evocative manner. The employment of the form of the tone poem is quick evidence of Respighi's traditional romantic-period

inclinations. His works rely on brilliant orchestral techniques, "songful melodies and rich harmonies."24

Respighi's interest in German romantic traditions began prior to 1910, influenced by his teacher Giovanni Martucci,

the Italian composer Sgambati (whose piano works were often performed by Casella), and Richard Strauss.25 Yet, even this traditional composer would not be immune to the wave of

interest in music of the Italian past. Around 1916, in part

23New Grove, s.v. "Respighi, Ottorino."

2iBaker's Biographical Dictionary, s.v. "Respighi, Ottorino."

25New Grove, "Respighi." influenced by his wife who was a singer and held a degree in

Gregorian chant, Respighi too became interested in archaic traditions. His employment of the melodies differs from that of Pizzetti. Whereas Pizzetti completely internalized the melodic outlines and practices and incorporated them into the harmonic language, Respighi used the melodies more in a sentimental manner, for coloristic purposes, rather than as an intellectual exercise.26 Respighi's use of the modes and melodies is probably best known through his later symphonic poems such as the Vetrate di chiesa (Church

Windows, 1927)21, and in the later concertos such as the piano concerto In modo misolidio (1925) 28.

Other evidence of Respighi's interest in music of the past takes the form of transcriptions and arrangements, mostly for orchestra, as well as a piano arrangement of the

Ancient Airs and Dances. Rather than striving for a faithful presentation of the original source in modern notation, as a scholarly transcription attempts to do,

Respighi's transcriptions typically aim for coloristic

2 9 effect and are decorative in nature.

26Sergio Martinotti, "'Gregoriano' , 'Romano', 'Italiano': tre declinazioni della nuova musica," in Nicolodi, ed., 104.

21New Grove, "Respighi."

28The premiere in New York had Respighi as the piano soloist. Ibid. Respighi . . . occupies a peculiar position in Italian music. While his picturesque tone poems . . . have become famous the world over, his music is strikingly unrepresentative of the Italian musical scene of his times.30

The interest in early Italian music is concurrent with trends of the time, but their employment is strictly through the medium of German 19th-century models. Respighi was "not so much a thinker as an avid observer of things, being especially receptive to visual impressions."31 The Italian musical crisis of the 20th century, which involved composers scrambling in search of a new instrumental compositional voice in the face of 19th-century traditions, is not evident in this composer's scores. Perhaps the very fact that he did not have an agenda to pursue through his art is the reason that it was destined for such long-term success.

There are few works for solo piano in existence, but

Respighi made use of the piano in prominent accompanying roles for songs, instrumental sonatas and other chamber works. Three works for piano and orchestra also exist: the early Concerto in A minor (1902), Toccata (1928), and

Concerto in modo misolidio (1925).

The only solo piano work in existence from around the time of Mussolini (and the only solo piano work listed in the New Grove works list) is the set of three Preludes on

Gregorian Melodies, composed in 1919 and published in 1921.

30Reginald Smith Brindle, "Italy," in F.W. Sternfeld, ed. Music in the Modern Age (New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers, 1973), 292 .

21New Grove, "Respighi." These preludes are the original version of the later orchestral Church Windows, to which, in the orchestral version, a fourth movement and descriptive titles were added. In addition, recent scholarship by Sergio Martinott has unearthed some previously unknown early piano works dating from Respighi's student years.32 Since the publication of the New Grove list, more works have come to light: two sonatas, one in A minor (1895-6), and one in F minor (1897-8); an Allegro da concerto (1896); two suites

(18 98-1903); a few preludes, and a couple of Andantes.

Respighi's piano music, then, may be divided into two periods. The first period includes these works along with the A minor concerto, and the second includes the Tre

Preludi sopra mélodie gregoriane, the two later works for piano and orchestra, and transcriptions of lute music.33

The two early sonatas are clear representatives of

Respighi's propensity for the 19th-century German tradition

Each sonata has three movements, with the expected formal plans (first movements in sonata form, ternary second movements), and the A minor sonata has a traditional tonal plan of A minor for the outer movements and F major for the slow movement. According to Pedarra the A minor sonata demonstrates a few recognizable influences: Schumann is evoked in the passionate main theme of the first movement,

32Potito Pedarra, "The Piano in the early Respighi," trans. Timothy Alan Shaw, notes to CD Opère inédite per pianoforte

33Pedarra, "The Piano," 17. as well as in the chordal march progression of the third, piano technique and melodic construction are reminiscent of

Rachmaninov, and there is even a bit of Puccini in the second movement, with some characteristic descending parallel ninths.34

The F minor sonata also demonstrates influence of the

19th century. This sonata was written during the school year 1897-98, while the composer was taking third-year harmony classes. The close ties with the romantic generation are clearly evident from the first measures. The first movement in F minor opens with a five-measure introduction leading to the dominant, followed by a passionate theme in the tonic key with a raised fourth degree (B-natural) supported by running broken-chord and arpeggiated figures in the left hand (example 5.5). The expected formal areas are all clearly stated. There is a contrasting second theme in D-flat major (measure 34), and the exposition is even indicated with repeats. A clear development (measure 50) and full recapitulation of both themes are also present (measures 90 and 102 respectively), as well as a an eleven-measure coda to end the movement

(measure 12 6).

The second movement is a Lento in A-flat major in clear

A-B-A form, with the contrasting section in E major. The return of A is embellished and enriched by chordal support

Pedarra, "The Piano," 19-20. of the melody in the right hand and a sextuplet broken-chord

figure in the left (example 5.6). As in the first movement's main theme, this theme also employs the raised

fourth degree, D natural.

Example 5.5, Respighi, Sonata in F minor, first movement, measures 6-8.

Example 5.6, Respighi, Sonata in F minor, second movement, measures 72-73.

-f- ià—^

ft. fcft; 1—V- —r- y 4

A scherzo, marked Allegretto in B-flat minor exists as the third movement. The central section is in the relative major, and the return of the main theme is embellished slightly. There is an extended section of 31 measures occurring before the return of the main theme, acting as a sort of cadenza. It begins as if it were an actual return but it is in the wrong key, and the appearance of arpeggios soon give its bravura purpose away. The ending of the movement in B-flat minor leaves the clear impression that a fourth movement in the F minor of the opening movement is missing, but the musical effect is complete without one.

Tre preludi sopra mélodie gregoriane

The Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies were written in 1919 and published in 1921. It is the only solo piano work which dates from around the time of the fascist period.

Alfredo Casella is the recipient of the dedication, perhaps having to do with the two composers' collaboration during the years 1917-1919 in the Société di Musica Moderna, well before the days of the notorious manifesto (which was signed by Respighi as well as by Pizzetti and others). Like the sonatas, these preludes are an extension of the romantic virtuoso tradition, particularly evident in the tempestuous second prelude in C-sharp minor.35 The three form a group consisting of a "nocturnal" first prelude in G-sharp minor, the tempestuous C-sharp minor one, and a third in F-sharp minor, 5/4 time, with a repeated-note ostinato accompaniment that evokes the sound of bells.

The three preludes were later orchestrated by the composer with the addition of a fourth orchestral movement, given descriptive titles and short synopses of the events,

'Martinotti, "'Gregoriano'," 103-104. and renamed Vetrate di chiesa (Church Windows). The third and fourth movements of the orchestral work are called "The

Matins of St. Claire" and "St. Gregory the Great" (the titles of the first and second movements will be discussed in relation to the piano works, below.) The gregorian basis of the "chants" is evidently spurious, however, as the melodies were invented by Respighi himself merely to evoke the outlines of authentic chant. "These beautiful evocations of genuine plainsong are cleverly synthesized tunes, intoned over rocking pedals or sparse open harmonies to suggest the religious ambiance of the monastery."37

I. Molto lento, G-sharp minor, 5/4

The piano pieces were originally conceived as absolute music, and had no program attached to them. Respighi gave titles to the movements in the orchestrated version, and they are included here for interest. The title to the orchestral version of the first movement reads thus:

The Flight into Egypt "... the little caravan moved through the desert, in a night alive with stars, carrying the Treasure of the world. "38

A rhythmic ostinato in the left hand which runs almost throughout all the movement evokes the steady progress of

36The three piano preludes exist as the first three of the orchestral movements. The fourth movement does not exist in piano format.

37CD liner notes to Church Windows, Keith Clark and Pacific Symphony Orchestra, Reference Recordings RR-15CD, 1985.

38Ibid. the caravan through the desert night, in a lulling pattern

of eighth- and sixteenth-notes in the 5/4 time signature:

J J~J ~$ (example 5.7). In addition to its evocative

purpose, the ostinato itself comprises the entire

accompaniment pattern, involving bass notes, harmonic

outline, and at times, counter-melodic interest.

Example 5.7, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, I. Molto Lento, measures 1-3.

Molto lento. (J-go.)

The movement is in ternary form, with a key signature of five sharps. This key signature indicates a tonal area of G-sharp minor, which is, however, mostly implied, as there is great emphasis given to the dominant tonal area, D-sharp minor. The lack of leading tones for either key

(either F-double-sharp or C-double-sharp) and the modal quality contribute to this avoidance of a strong tonal centre, perhaps reflecting the progression of the caravan which never comes to rest. The middle section of the movement is in A-flat major, the enharmonic major of the first section's tonic key, G-sharp minor.

Simple harmonic outlines pervade the movement. The harmonic rhythm in each bar involves generally one chord and occasionally two, the root of each chord indicated clearly in the bass of the rhythmic ostinato (refer to example 5.7).

Phrasing is also very regular, with all phrases in the A sections being three measures in length, and in section B, two measures.

Such regularity of rhythm, harmony and phrasing allows the attention of the movement to be focussed on other factors. The main interest in this piece is the chantlike melody which is disguised by subtle variations each time it appears. This melody appears first in the topmost voice, and in subsequent presentations it is sometimes moved to an inner voice. In the outer sections this melody is nine measures long, divided into three phrases. The first phrase is in example 5.7, and the second and third phrases follow in example 5.8. Characterized by predominantly stepwise motion, occasional short melismas, and modal outlines through the avoidance of the leading tone, this melody was created by Respighi to imitate the outlines of gregorian

chant.

Example 5.8, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, I. Molto Lento, measures 4-9.

ben contoto

poco rit. a tempo

1 dim.: ,

The first variation on this melody begins in measure 10 with a grand flourish containing the outlines of the first measure (example 5.9). Upward stems in the score indicate the original. In the next measure (measure 11) a second voice is added an octave above the melody, but in the same rhythm as the accompanying ostinato. This new voice continues into the next phrase (measures 13-16) where the melody is presented in right-hand octaves, and with some re- harmonization. The third phrase (example 5.10) recalls the treatment of measures 10-12 with a melodic flourish in one measure, and with the upper melodic voice echoing the ostinato in another.

Example 5.9, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, I. Molto Lento, measures 10-12. An enharmonic re-spelling of D-sharp to E-flat executes

a common-tone modulation into A-flat major for the middle

section of the work (example 5.11). This section functions

in much the same manner as do the outer sections, in that it

is constructed of a melody with variations. There are,

though, many differences in how the melody is treated in these passages. Whereas the melody in the A section is

repeated always at the same pitch, in the middle section the

four-bar melody appears first beginning on A-flat, then on

D-flat and C-flat. The ostinato is still present, only no longer the exclusive domain of the right hand, nor does it encompass the bass function as it did in the first section. In this melody's first presentation (measures 20-23) the ostinato appears in the right hand, bass notes are added in half and dotted-half notes, and the melody appears in an inner voice. In its second appearance (measures 24-27) the melody lies at the top of the texture, the ostinato in the bottom voice at the same range as the previous melody, and the bass appears as grace notes (see example 5.11, measure

24). At measure 28 the chord shifts to C-flat major, and the melody is treated in canon between the soprano-range and tenor-range voices of the previous melodic statements.

The same enharmonic procedure that led into the middle section brings it back out again, with the E-flat of the key being re-interpreted as D-sharp. The return of the A section differs from the first section primarily in its length. The original nine-measure melody in a varied form is presented in its entirety only once, its first phrase is then added to act as a transition, and a three-measure coda, based on the third measure of the movement, completes the work.

At measure 32 the melody of the A section returns, an octave higher and doubled in the bass three octaves lower.

The ostinato interjects only at places of rest within the phrase (example 5.12). The texture returns to that of the opening section in the next two phrases, at first with the melody in octaves and the ostinato relegated to the left hand, and then with an accompanimental line in octaves and the melody in an inner voice in a very dense texture.

A transitional passage begins in measure 41, which is the partner to measure 10 (see example 5.9) where the nine- measure melody begins anew. The extended flourish is varied in this return, but in the next measure the texture is simplified to a presentation of the melody in octaves along with the ostinato left-hand along with a Largamente marking, leading into the coda. The last three measures slow down further, marked Rallent. il tempo (example 5.13). Their melody is taken from the previous measure, equivalent to measure 3 (see example 5.7), and the change of mode to major in its first measure clearly delineates the beginning of the end. The final measure has an augmentation of the ostinato, and the melody and harmony come to rest where it began, on the dominant of the movement, D-sharp.

Example 5.12, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, I. Molto Lento, measures 32-34. II. Tempestoso, C-sharp minor, 2/2

St. Michael Archangel "And there was a great battle in heaven; Michael and his angels struggled with the dragon, and fought the dragon and his angels. But these did not prevail, nor was there any longer place for them in heaven."39

The orchestral version of this prelude includes the

addition of an introduction and postlude which evoke the

sound of a great battle unfurling through use of sweeping

scalar motion through the orchestra. The two versions are

identical otherwise.

In contrast to the first prelude, the form of this

movement is formally less clear. It may be understood as

having a formal layout of A B C A D Coda (measures 1, 32,

77, 107, 147, 157, respectively). The reason the form is so

difficult to label is that the melodic contrast between

sections is not very pronounced, although texture, key, and tempo, do change according to the sections.

39CD liner notes to Church Windows. As in the first prelude, Respighi1s own melody is the basis for the movement. It is clearly stated at the opening, in C-sharp minor, by the left hand in octaves, accompanied above by tempestuous eighth-note triplets in the right (example 5.14). This melody will be related to all other themes during the course of the prelude. It evokes gregorian chant in its predominantly longer note-values and stepwise motion, and remains within the range of a fifth except for one extension of a third to the leading tone

(measure 5). Pauses for breathing are also written into the line, suggested by half- and dotted-half note values. The eighth-note triplet figure also continues throughout the piece with the exception of one passage, the figuration changing in each section.

At measure 11 the melody is repeated in its entirety an octave higher. A transition, based on a dominant pedal, begins at measure 21. The melody works its way chromatically down from G-sharp to C-natural, which becomes part of the tonic chord of section B, in A minor, at measure, 32 .

A new galloping eighth-note triplet figuration, triadic in presentation, begins along with the change of key, and for the moment, the chant melody drops out (example 5.15).

A two-measure phrase beginning the section is repeated once, and then twice more an octave higher each time, gradually getting louder, until a variation of the chant melody erupts like an anthem at measure 42 (example 5.16). A further Terapestoso. ( J - wo.)

1 • ~~d 7 =P==t ,1 1 3 «. .— 3 M 1 - £ Jftfr rr J—r —r~j J 1 v f=r=M vn* 4— =^ H=5= V *=r=

• —2 - j ;

:# - ii t — i 5 V •r » . —p— f p ' jj JJ J —j— f« E= «;* ~M «| '

ù &.XL p p p r

variation on the chant appears in the same section beginning in measure 53, making use of the triplet figure to generate the melodic outline in the manner of a toccata (example

5.17). Example 5.16, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, II. Tempestoso, measures 41-43.

Example 5.17, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, II. Tempestoso, measures 53-56. This toccata figuration revolves around the key of

E minor, with the avoidance of the leading tone (D-sharp) contributing to the modal feel of the melody. The introduction of an F-sharp in measure 73 foreshadows another key change, this time to E major at measure 77 and the beginning of section C.

At this point the tempo slows slightly, and the eighth- note triplet evolves into a less chordal, more undulating pattern (example 5.18). A variant of the chant melody is still present in the left hand, and although it is now in major, its relationship to the original can still clearly be seen in its outlines and rhythm (compare to example 5.14).

At measure 91 the accompaniment transfers to the left hand for the first time in this movement,, with the melody of section C repeated in the right hand, reinforced by octaves and an arpeggiated chord on the downbeat of each bar

(example 5.19)

A four-measure transition (measures 103-106), using the opening melody of section C (measures 77-78), and marked stringendo, moves the figuration back to the right hand, and the passage ascends directly into a return of A at measure

107. Section A is repeated exactly as its original presentation, until the point of transition at measure 127, the corollary to measure 21. This transition, like the first, also centres on G-sharp, but makes use of the melody in the form in which it appeared in section C (example

5.20). The two-measure phrase in this example is repeated

in sequence, down by thirds, always over the dominant pedal

The momentum gradually dies, with a fragmentation of the

triplet figuration, now in octaves, beginning in measure 13

(example 5.21). As in the first transition, the bass in this passage also descends, only this time to rest on

C-sharp in measure 147.

Example 5.20, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, II. Tempestoso, measures 127-128.

1 • feW -a fe&r= Jr }) 1— *

1 —^ z i 1 .1 » dim. Ï -tf-

Section D is an extended fantasy on the prelude's

original melody. It is in C-sharp major, 8/4 time, marked

Largo (espressiva la melodia). The melody in its entirety

is presented, maintaining its original note values (example

5.22). The accompaniment is comprised of ascending

flourishes of harp-like arpeggios, which generate the melody notes floating above them. A second statement of the melody appears in the four measures immediately following, with an echo treatment acting as a commentary on each phrase

(example 5.23).

Example 5.22, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, II. Tempestoso, measure 147.

Largo. (J=8o) [espressiva la mdodia) (Lento — -, T?m vpl

J Ha P T I p

3& *=; ;

At measure 157 begins a coda, based on the texture and melody of section B, in the original key of C-sharp minor

(example 5.24. Compare to example 5.19). The right hand takes over the accompaniment at measure 171, allowing the left hand to resume its statement of the melody in octaves.

The passage ascends steadily, increasing in dynamic until the final two measures, where grand arpeggiated tonic chords marked fff bring the furious movement to a close.

Respighi is the only composer active during the first half of the fascist period who may be recognized generally by today's international musical public. This popularity did not arrive posthumously, as he experienced his fame fully during his lifetime. The most well-known of his compositions is likely the suite of orchestral tone poems

Pines of Rome, which was composed in 1924. The three pieces in this piano collection were written five years prior to the successful orchestral suite, and Respighi's penchant for orchestral writing can already clearly be seen in this trio

of piano works. In support of this theory is the fact that

the composer himself orchestrated them in 1925.

Example 5.24, Respighi, Three Preludes on Gregorian Melodies, II. Tempestoso, measures 157-163.

Respighi's fame lies in stark contrast to the struggles

of his contemporary colleagues' efforts in the revival of an

Italian instrumental tradition. What this composer was doing differently from Casella and Malipiero was that he was not actively searching for a compositional language, but he rather made use of the one he already possessed. German romantic traits, such as melodic development, syntactical harmonic progressions such as dominant-tonic tension or related tonal areas, are all present in these pieces, unlike the works of some of his colleagues. Respighi did embrace the popularity of archaisms, but his use of chant melodies here are only one reference, personally constructed at that, in a tonal language that has little to do with 20th-century progression.

Respighi's Involvement with Fascism

There is very little information concerning Respighi's attitudes toward the fascist regime. He was present on the

Executive Council of the National Union of Musicians in 1931 and was offered many opportunities by the government.

Harvey Sachs has little to say about Respighi's involvement, and one paragraph is an adequate summation of what he has gleaned from the available information:

It may be, however, that Respighi did not attempt to ingratiate himself with the regime because he was the one composer of his generation whom the regime backed without being asked. . . . Respighi's palatable modernism, his brilliantly attractive orchestral spectrum and the ethnocentricity of his popular tone- poems were just what the regime needed to demonstrate that progressivism and fascism were natural allies. . . [The] fascists opened doors for Respighi before he knocked.40

'Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 132. CHAPTER VI

THE NEXT GENERATION

GOFFREDO PETRASSI AND LUIGI DALLAPICCOLA

Both composers were born in 1904, and represent a younger generation of composers who benefited from the strides forward made by the '80s generation in the field of

Italian music. Petrassi and Dallapiccola were heirs to the neoclassical style and interest in Italian Baroque instrumental music of their older compatriots, and both extended the language into atonality and dodecaphony that the earlier composers either could not, or chose not to, approach. The major similarities end there, as each composer's progress took an entirely individual path from the other.

Goffredo Petrassi

Petrassi's humble beginnings made the study of music unavailable to him at the early age expected by many in his profession. Until age 15 he attended the Schola Cantorum in

St. Salvatore Laura in Rome, where he became well-versed in chant and the liturgical music of the 16th and 17th centuries. When his voice broke he sought employment as an assistant in a music shop, where he had access to many scores. He retained this job for 11 years. In 1928 at the age of 24, Petrassi entered the Conservatorio Santa Cecilia in Rome, graduating with diplomas in composition in 1932, and organ the following year. His organ teacher there,

Fernando Germani, was an authority on J.S. Bach and

Frescobaldi.1

Living in Rome, the young enthusiast was able to attend many concerts at the historic Augusteum concert hall. Many exciting works by young modern composers came this way, often by virtue of Alfredo Casella's efforts. The Pierrot concert tour conducted by Schoenberg was among these concerts. A friendship with Casella began in 1932 when the older composer heard Petrassi's graduation piece Tre cori.

This friendship and collaboration lasted until Casella's death in 1947.

The year of 1932 was significant, for many reasons. It marked the completion of Petrassi's diploma in composition, garnering the attention of Casella and others. It was the year of the tenth anniversary of fascism, which proceeded with all the pomp and circumstance expected. Also the young composer's Partita for orchestra won a competition sponsored by the Sindicato Nazionale dei Musicisti in this same year.

The winning of this competition was a stepping stone to greater things for Petrassi. The following year the piece won first prize in Paris in the Fédération Internationale des Concerts, bringing with it international recognition.

It was shortly thereafter performed in seven different

iNew Grove, s.v. "Petrassi, Goffredo," by John C.G. Waterhouse; Andrew Thomson, "Goffredo Petrassi and the Phantoms of Fascism," The Musical Times 133 (June 1992), 288. countries by seven different orchestras, and was the only

Italian composition represented in the 1933 ISCM concert in

Amsterdam.2

Four years after this spring into international fame,

Petrassi was offered the post of General Director at the

Teatro La Fenice in Venice. He took over the post in the year of the racial bans (1938). Two years later he moved back to Santa Cecilia, taking over the chair of composition, and remained there for 20 years.

Goffredo Petrassi's style underwent a continuous evolution during the course of his compositional career. At first he was interested in the achievements of Casella and

Malipiero "because it suggested a personal idiom of contemporary, European validity which remained outspokenly

Italian at the same time."3 Petrassi's own style was at first neoclassical and basically diatonic in the Casella tradition, combining elements of European ideas with his own traditional background. The highly-applauded Partita for orchestra belongs to this early style. The three movements are entitled Gagliarda, Ciaccona and Giga, already a reference to past forms and Italian tradition. Jazz influences are added to the mix as well, heightened by the use of two saxophones in the Partita's first movement.

Other works of the mid-1930s continue the air of optimism

2John C.G. Waterhouse, "Petrassi 60," Music and Musicians 12 no.11 (July 1977), 12.

3John S. Weissmann, Goffredo Petrassi (Milano: Edizioni Suvini Zerboni, 1980), 11. set forth in this work, although the jazz influence disappears, to be replaced by increasing use of chant and modal practices.4

In 1940, when Italy entered the Second World War on the side of Germany, Petrassi responded with one of his most important compositions, the choral work Coro di morti

(1940-41). Its unusual scoring is for chorus of male voices, brass, three pianos, string basses and percussion, and the writing is a highly successful mix of modality and chromaticism.5 The optimism of the 1930s disappears completely with this work, directly in reference to the changing state of affairs in his country.

Always responsive to currents around him, Petrassi's music at the same time manages to incorporate new currents and mix them into a unified language. Waterhouse refers to

Petrassi as "not so much a conservative or an innovator as a

'synthesist.'"6 From the 1940s onward Petrassi continued on the path toward complete atonality and eventually into serialist procedures. In the 1940s however, "despite its tonal instability, Petrassi's music . . . usually retained a certain neo-baroque stylisation which kept it from dissolving into atonality or static contemplation."7

^Waterhouse, "Petrassi 60," 12.

5Ibid.

6Ibid.

7Ibid. The solo piano music of Petrassi, in keeping with the general trend of the 20th century, is scant. Only two works for piano solo exist: a Toccata of 1933 and eight

Invenzioni per Pianoforte of 1944. Up until this last work was composed, Petrassi did however make use of the instrument in chamber situations, and very notably in larger choral and orchestral works. The instrumentation of Coro di morti has been noted. Another work similar in performing forces to it is the religious work Salmo IX of 1934, scored for mixed voices, strings, brass, two pianos and percussion.

A small work for piano four-hands from 1930, Siciliana e marcetta, displays obvious influence of Casella, especially of the Undid pezzi infantili.8 There is also a Concerto for piano and orchestra (1936-39), a three-movement work whose thematic material is taken entirely from the first few measures of the opening movement. The second movement displays highly pianistic writing, with fioritura passages reminiscent of Chopin.9

In a similar fashion to the Concerto, the.Toccata for piano from 1933 involves economy of musical material. The first two measures state motives which appear throughout the entire work (example 6.1). The work is a continual evolution and combination of these motives, often materializing into thematic lines (measures 19, 23, 28 for

8Piero Rattolino, "II pianoforte di Petrassi," in Petrassi, ed. Enzo Restagno (Edizioni di Torino, 1986), 285.

9Weissmann, Goffredo Petrassi, 20. example), with fantasia-like passagework linking the

sections. There is a return of the opening material at

measure 123 which gives the impression of a recapitulation,

but with none of the other themes reappearing.

Example 6.1, Petrassi, Toccata, measures 1-2.

Adagio- tcontemptotivo)

[h—n -, À.-^étie 1 Ed ~i

,p i i — If rr^ ^fTrlm

There are two general formal types of "toccata" at work

at the same time in this composition, forming a synthesis of

baroque and 19th- and 20th-century toccata styles. The

baroque toccata form consists of "alternating polyphonic and

homophonic sections," whereas in this piece the chordal

passages are replaced by "virtuoso cadenzas."10 In keeping

with the paucity of musical material, even these cadenzas

are related thematically to the first two measures of the

piece.11 The more recent "toccata" style is evoked in the

work's "perpetual motion" rhythmic drive.12

The work involves much pianistic writing, but

Petrassi's training as an organist is betrayed by many

10Weissmann, Goffredo Petrassi, 13.

"Ibid.

12Rattolino, "II pianoforte di Petrassi," 285. sections which also evoke music for this instrument, with

thick counterpoint and left-hand octaves which represent the

pedals of the organ (example 6.2).

Example 6.2, Petrassi, Toccata, measures 28-30.

The eight Inventions for Piano were written during the war years, completed in 1944. Organ writing recurs in some of these pieces as well, and there is much evidence of baroque inspiration in its essentially contrapuntal basis as well as in its use of baroque devices, such as a ritornello scheme (in the eighth invention), hemiola, repeated notes, stretto, sequential patterns, and pedal points.13 The most rigorously contrapuntal movement is the sixth invention, which involves a double fugue (example 6.3). The linear voices are for the most part clearly audible, but when there is much action occuring simultaneously the clarity of each line is compromised.14 The level of technical difficulty of the set is on a par with a set of etudes, but the basis of

1301ga Stone, "Goffredo Petrassi's Eight Inventions for Pianoforte: A Study of Twentieth-Century Contrapuntal Style," The Music Review 33 no.3 (1972), 211.

14Rattolino, "II. pianoforte di Petrassi," 290. the collection is not of pianistic variety but of contrapuntal exploration.

Example 6.3, Petrassi, Invenzioni per pianoforte, VI. Tranquillo, measures 16-18.

These two works clearly show Petrassi's interest in early forms and styles. The Toccata itself is a keyboard type which was made popular during the late Renaissance and early Baroque by Italian keyboard virtuosos, such as Merulo and Frescobaldi.15 . The use of the term Invenzioni for the set of eight contrapuntal pieces is another nod to the

Baroque era, a term which was used by Bach, also for a collection of contrapuntal keyboard pieces. In addition,

Petrassi manages to blend these early influences with later ones, such as the romantic bravura inclinations in the

Toccata, and the technical difficulty of many of the

15The Norton/Grove Concise Encyclopedia of Music (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1988), s.v. "Toccata." Invenzioni, with techniques such as double sixths (II), and rapid arpeggiated passages in non-triadic formations (III).

Even Petrassi's tonal language shows a blend of early and later influences. As examples 6.1 and 6.3 demonstrate, the derivation of the vertical harmony is often horizontally based, and this is true of most of the writing (example 6.2 is a bit of an exception in this regard, as he was after a specific effect). One cannot speak of Petrassi's pieces as being "in a key," although a tonal centre is always evident.

Only the first of the Invenzioni has a key signature (three flats).

Petrassi 's Involvement with Fascism

It is of great historical value that this composer's longevity has allowed the opportunity for first-hand contact with a man who has lived through the experience of the regime, having been 18 years of age in 1922. Harvey Sachs had the opportunity to meet Petrassi and discuss with him personally the situation for musicians in Italy during the time of Mussolini.16

The composer recalls there to be two distinct periods of art during this time, delineated by the years around which his career first began, 1932-33. Until this time the arts were fairly free of state intervention, and it was during this time that Petrassi heard the many modern works

16Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 139-47. All information in this section gleaned from these pages. Petrassi recalls the general musical currents of the time, » and that "international culture was not very widespread among us -- not because of lack of information or of the means for getting it, but simply because the Italian cultural environment was backward, a victim of the nineteenth-century operatic tradition." Furthermore, "none of this had anything to do with fascism: ideas, books and music itself circulated freely till the early 1930s."17

From around the action-packed year of 1932, the situation began to change. The Manifesto of Italian

Musicians of this year serves as a reminder of the musical mentality of many composers of the time, and in addition, tighter beaurocratic controls began to take effect. The composer recalls the manifestation of these changes mostly in terms of a less lively circulation of performers than before.18 Not until the racial laws came into effect in

1938 were there real bans on composers of specific origin, and one could still perform Schoenberg and Berg (not a Jew, but guilty by association) until this time. Petrassi does recall, though, that his works as well as those of

Dallapiccola and Malipiero were banned in Germany during 1 9 these years.

Ibid., 141.

Ibid., 142.

Ibid. The directorship of La Fenice was offered to Petrassi when he was 33 years of age. Sorely lacking in experience in this type of field, he taught himself what he needed to know in a few short months of close observation, and took over the post. He purposely hired a young 26-year-old conductor, as well as a 29-year-old to be head of the press office. This youthful staff, along with the fact that La

Fenice was virtually ignored by the political powers, led to extremely modern seasons, even in the very year of the racial laws. During his three-year stint as general manager of the opera house, Petrassi had staged Busoni's Arlecchino which had never before been performed in Italy;20 Ravel's

L'Heure espagnole; Strauss's Elektra with the composer present; a concert dedicated to Bartok which the composer attended; and a Carmen conducted by the fervently anti• fascist Vittorio Gui, who returned for a second season.21

Petrassi never went so far as to present the works of an actual forbidden composer. Of his time at La Fenice and in reference to government intervention, the composer recalls,

"I can say truly and in good conscience that no impositions were made upon me."22

20Ferruccio Busoni (1866-1924) was an Italian-German composer and pianist who spent most of his career in Germany, but who remained interested in the fate of Italian music in the early 20th century. He had attempted to introduce Italian students to European avant-garde currents prior to Casella's more successful projects in the 1910s and '20s. He remained a strong pioneer for the forward-looking Italian composers of the 1920's and later, particularly in his compositional approach involving a mix of "futurism and classical recovery." The Norton/Grove Concise Encyclopedia of Music, s.v. "Busoni, Ferruccio."

21Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 144. The post at Santa Cecilia was offered to him in 1939, at the same time that Dallapiccola was given a position at the Florence Conservatory. "Like Dallapiccola ... I was appointed 'for eminence,1" the composer explains.23

Petrassi recalls a similar lack of restrictions imposed upon his teaching at the Conservatory. The only example may have been an attempt by the board to use only textbooks by

Italian authors, but this practice was never actually put into place.24

Petrassi claims never to have given outright support to the regime. The situation, for him and for so many others, was such that "an outward show of conformity was required for him to pursue his career."25 The only outright show of support came in a comparatively veiled form: the Salmo IX of 1934 was written with a text that invokes a legislator, which may be seen to represent Mussolini. Rather than an blatant dedication however, the composer dedicated the work to his parents. This work is in the neo-classical style of other works of this period, and was written during "a time when popular consensus toward fascism was at its maximum in

Italy and when international infatuation with and attention for Mussolini was also at its height."26

22Ibid., 143.

23Ibid., 145.

24Ibid.

25Andrew Thomson, "Goffreddo Petrassi and the Phantoms of Fascism," The Musical Times 133 (June 1992), 289. Even under the veil of fascism, clearly these were times when composers could pretty much proceed as they wished. As with the other composers mentioned thus far,

Petrassi's influences were not shaped through the government but through more organic musical means. In this case the earlier pathbreakers, particularly the neo-classical leanings of Casella, showed the young composer the way to his own compositional language.

Luigi Dallapiccola

Throughout their composing careers, Petrassi and his colleague Luigi Dallapiccola concerned themselves with a renewal in musical lyricism that had been sorely missed during the earlier generation's reaction against operatic excesses.27 Most of Dallapiccola's major works in fact include the voice, and he is particularly respected for his sensitive writing for voice within a modern musical vocabulary.

Dallapiccola's compositional progress can be divided into three stylistic periods. The first stage encompasses works up to the middle 1930s, and inherits from the Casella generation diatonicism, traditional forms, and transparent textures, but with far more chromaticism within this

26Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 146.

"Laurence Davies, Paths to Modern Music: Aspects of Music from Wagner to the Present Day (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971), 182 . diatonic idiom. The second period continues until about

1942, and involves an increasing use of chromatic lines which eventually take over the diatonic elements of the previous stage. The final stage after 1942 involves the use of serial techniques in varying degrees.29 One of

Dallapiccola's best-known works is the first entry of

Italian music into the area of dodecaphony, the Quaderno musicale di Annalibera for solo piano, written in 1953.

The titles and themes of some of Dallapiccola's works display a preoccupation with liberty, most notably in the larger and better-known compositions: the opera II prigioniero (The Prisoner), and the choral works Canti di prigionia (Songs of Prisoners) and Canti di liberazione

(Songs of Liberty).30 Such an interest is undoubtedly directly influenced by events of his youth and early adulthood. Dallapiccola was born the same year as Petrassi, in 1904, in Pisino d'Istria. This is a border town which, at the time of Dallapiccola's childhood, belonged to the

Austro-Hungarian Empire. After World War I this region became part of Italy, and after the next war it was taken over by Yugoslavia. His parents were both Italian, and his

28Robert P. Morgan, Twentieth-Century Music: A History of Musical Style in Modern Europe and America (New York, London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1991), 253.

29Rollo H. Myers, ed., Twentieth Century Music (London: Calder and Boyars, 1968), 187.

30Even the name of his daughter, Annalibera, reflects this tendency. See Luigi Dallapiccola, "The Genesis of the Canti di Prigionia and II Prigioniero: An Autobiographical Fragment," The Musical Quarterly 34 no.3 (July 1953). mother was of Jewish descent. Dallapiccola's father had been a classics professor at an Italian school in the small town, and when the first World War broke out, the school was closed, his father put on a pension, and the entire family was moved into the interior of the Empire, to Graz. They were detained there for 20 months.

Dallapiccola recalls that they did not suffer any violence, but the event was greatly disruptive to the young boy. One advantage did come of the situation: with food rations in place, it was far more expensive to buy a loaf of bread on the black market than to purchase a ticket for the top gallery of Graz's opera house, which managed to stay operational for the duration of the war. The boy attended regularly, becoming familiar with some of Mozart's operas and the entire operatic works of Wagner. The budding composer had begun piano lessons at the age of eight and had already made his first attempts at composing, and these performances were an important formative experience for him.

He reported in 1953:

I had decided inwardly to devote myself entirely to music: I had, in fact, made this decision on the night when I heard The Flying Dutchman for the first time. I felt however that, in order to undertake an artistic career, I would have the difficult task of convincing my family.31

After the war, the family moved back to their hometown and life resumed as it was before their departure.

Dallapiccola went on to Florence a few years later, entering the Florence Conservatory, and graduated with a diploma in piano in 1924. In 1930-31 he taught piano at the

Conservatory, and achieved an official position as professor of secondary piano in 1934, a post he kept for 35 years.32

Political events again would later disrupt

Dallapiccola's freedom. He recalls the events of 1938: "I was working on my first opera, Volo di notte . . . when curious rumours began to circulate at first very discreetly, later in more obvious fashion. Could Fascism have unleashed a race campaign after the model of the dastardly Adolf

Hitler?"33 Five months later the "race manifesto" was officially inaugurated. His colleague Petrassi remembers

Dallapiccola's involvement with the regime around this time:

Dallapiccola was at first a fervent fascist -- so fervent that he sometimes annoyed us, his friends. . . . Then, with the coming of the special laws and above all the racial laws, things changed for him and he became a passionate anti-fascist.34

Wanting to protest but realizing the futility of the situation, Dallapiccola began the first of his compositional commentaries on the theme of liberty. The Canti di

Prigionia (Songs of Prisoners) were composed during 1938-41.

The texts for this work are the last appeals spoken by three famous prisoners: Mary Queen of Scots, Boethius, and

32Biographical information from The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, s.v. "Dallapiccola, Luigi," by John C.G. Waterhouse.

33Dallapiccola, "The Genesis of Canti di Prigionia," 362.

34Interview with Harvey Sachs, in Music in Fascist Italy, 14 6. The term "fervent fascist" means "a fervent supporter of the fascist government," and is not meant to describe someone as participating in oppressive acts against others. Girolamo Savonarola. The first movement premiered on the radio four weeks before the German invasion of France in

May, 1940, and the entire work was first performed on

December 11, 1941, the day Mussolini declared war on the

United States.36

The elation surrounding the arrest of Mussolini on July

25, 1943, and the armistice of September 8, 1943 was short• lived. The Duce was "liberated" the next day by Hitler, and the Nazi occupation of Italy began. Dallapiccola1 s Jewish wife went into hiding, and for a period of about five months the two were separated. Despite these difficulties,

Dallapiccola visited his wife every night at her hiding place, being careful to choose a different route each time.

They were reunited after the war.

The psychological effects of this period were compounded in Dallapiccola with the formative events of his youth, and coloured permanently by the startling shift to racial policy by the government in which he had held such faith. The next work of protest, the profoundly pessimistic opera II Prigioniero (The Prisoner), was composed during

1944-48. The next decade saw one more large work, this time for chorus and orchestra, related to the subject again, the

Canti di liberazione (Songs of Liberty) of 1955.37

35Norman Kay, "The Humanity of Dallapiccola," Music and Musicians 14 no.12 (Aug 1966), 23.

36Dallapiccola, "The Genesis of Canti di Prigionia," 365.

37These works serve as statements on oppression and loss of liberty, and do not function as direct commentaries on the procedures of Compositional Style

Dallapiccola allied himself very early on with the premises set forth by the more progressive of the

Generazione dell'ottanta composers, and with Malipiero in particular.

Malipiero1s example has been very important for all of us in Italy. He has tried to show -- successfully, I believe -- what the spirit of Italian music really is -- through its sources: Monteverdi, Orazio Vecchi, Emilio de ' Cavalieri . . . .38

His own work took a different stylistic course than did that of his role model, but the Italian element is often clearly evident in his compositions, whether through its lyricism within even the most atonal idioms, his adherence to the

Italian language (or Latin texts), or in his three works which use quotations, one from Paganini and two from Tartini

(who was also from the area in which Dallapiccola grew up.)39

Dallapiccola is often referred to as the first Italian composer to adopt the twelve-tone method, and comments also abound concerning his unique approach to the technique. A few such observations include the following: "[His compositions] showed that the system did not irrevocably entail a Germanic stylistic orientation;"40 "[Dallapiccola] the fascist regime or the Nazis, although these experiences are undoubtedly intertwined.

38Hans Nathan, "Fragments from Conversations," The Music Review 27 no.4 (1966), 311.

39New Grove, "Dallapiccola."

40Morgan, Twentieth-Century Music, 253. assimilated the thinking of the modern Viennese school to the centuries-old tradition of Italian vocal lyricism;"41 and "he has'achieved a perfect balance between his naturally vocal style, and the possibilities inherent in the new technique."42 An illustration 'of this merging of lyricism and serial structure may be seen in the Quaderno Musicale di

Annalibera, a solo piano composition in the twelve-tone method composed in 1952-53. The eleventh and final number of the set, entitled "Quartina," displays a clear texture of melody-plus-accompaniment. The marking "con grande espress." also helps to underline the effect the composer was seeking (example 6.4).

"Machlis, Introduction to Contemporary Music, 2nd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1979), 543.

42Kay , "The Humanity of Dallapiccola," 22. Example 6.4, Dallapiccola, Quaderno Musicale di Ananlibera, N. 11 - Quartina, measures 1-5. Molto lento j fantastico (J = 40)

The first major influence on his compositional style

was the music of Debussy, which he came in contact with in

1919 while visiting Bologna. The effect on the young

composer was so profound that he intentionally stopped writing music for a number of years, convinced that anything he would write would smack of Debussy-isms.43 Another influence occurred in 1924. That year Dallapiccola attended the performance of Pierrot in Florence, that same tour organized by Casella, the same concert in Florence to which

Puccini made the trek from his villa in Torre del Lago.

Dallapiccola recalls:

The public for their part, caused an uproar, stamping their feet and laughing. But Giacomo Puccini did not laugh on that occasion. He listened to the performance with the utmost attention, following it with the score, and at the end of the concert asked to be introduced to Schoenberg.44

Puccini's attention and reverence for the Viennese composer made a lasting impression on Dallapiccola. The

3New Grove, "Dallapiccola."

4Dallapiccola, "On the Twelve-Note Road," 318. Italian master's respect for such an unpopular musical language confirmed Dallapiccola's idea that Schoenberg's works were worth the attempt of further study. From this point on, the young Italian examined scores of Schoenberg's and of the other composers of the Viennese school, even when such works were nearly impossible to acquire. From the atonal Pierrot to the new twelve-tone system just emerging around the time of these performances, Dallapiccola examined anything he could get his hands on. Through this intense interest, and in the absence of any writings on the topic, over a period of years Dallapiccola managed to piece together his own application of the twelve-tone system.

In the 1930s works by the composers of the Viennese school were impossible to come by. Not only were these banned in Germany, but they were difficult to get in Italy as well, even though -- theoretically -- they were not suppressed. Musical modernism in Italy was just not a popular topic for these times, whether the works were of

German or Italian origin. Concerning the attitude of the time, Dallapiccola states,

Every day some aesthetician (a critic-composer, of course) publicly arraigned one or other of the composers belonging to the so-called vanguard of internationalism, which in the language of those days meant anti-fascism or, more precisely, communism.45

This was the time of the "Manifesto of Italian Musicians," the notorious document which placed in print the desires of a conservative faction of Italian composers, demanding a return to more traditional modes of musical discourse, meaning, an unabrasive tonal language. The victims of this attack were the relatively avant-garde Casella and

Malipiero. The musical language of these two composers seems to pale in comparison to the atonal and serial experiments happening north of the Alps, and yet, to some they were seen as a threat to the tradition of coherent musical language in Italy.46 To place the situation even more clearly in context, Dallapiccola reports on the state of progressive music in Italy, "So-called atonal music had very seldom been performed before the arrival of Fascism, and was very seldom performed during the reign of Fascism: so that no difference was to be perceived."47

In this atmosphere Dallapiccola began his attempts at a language which was considered out of fashion, politically unacceptable, and for which models were entirely unavailable. His unique approach to the twelve-tone method was a direct result of the necessity of figuring it out for himself. Here is one final statement by the composer concerning his involvement with the technique:

46Cf. chapter II. I began to concern myself with dodecaphonic music in 1936 and 1937 at a time when all the world said: "It is finished, this experiment -- nobody even speaks of it any more". With this "encouraging" à propos, which is the sort I have always had in my life, I went ahead alone, while everyone else laughed at me. . . .48

Dallapiccola suppressed his early works (until 1930) giving himself the time to absorb the influences of Debussy and Schoenberg mentioned above. The first definitive work is an orchestral Partita composed during 1930-32. This format was by no means new for composers in Italy during this time, but he immediately set this work apart by the addition of a soprano soloist in the fourth and final movement of the work, which was otherwise neo-classical in accordance with the fashion of the times.49 Other works prior to 1939 display a high degree of diatonicism, with chromatic elements appearing gradually within the idiom. In the Tre laudi for high voice and orchestra (1936-7) there occurs at one point a melody comprised of all twelve tones, supported by a triad. Other characteristics of the period involve the also-fashionable uses of modality and

"Renaissance-inspired polyphony."50

The second compositional period is marked by the choral work Canti di Prigionia (1939-41). Often referred to as a protest-work, this was Dallapiccola's first composition to

48Nathan, "Fragments from Conversations," 295. The conversations with Nathan occurred during 1961-62.

49Kay, "The Humanity of Dallapiccola," 23.

50Lynne Marcia Ransom, "Dallapiccola's Canti di prigionia: Italian Lyricism and Viennese Craft," (DMA diss., University of Cincinnati, 1987), 8. treat the theme of oppression. The scoring is unusual -- two pianos, two harps, and a large percussion section.51

The harmonic language in this work is more chromatic than the earlier period's works, and includes some dodecaphonic practices used in a more systematic way.

Dallapiccola finally entered the world of serialism in

1939 with the composition Tre poemi, dedicated to Schoenberg on his 75th birthday. Dallapiccola's adoption of the method in general is less rigorous in its atonal bias than that of the new Viennese school, permitting repeated notes and often allowing the row to include even diatonic or pentatonic elements. Yet the very choice of serialism at a time when modern music was already banned in Germany testifies to the special brand of Italian fascism, and its non-intrusion into musical matters.

The opera II Prigioniero (1944-48) of the third compositional period is based on La torture par 1'espérance by Villiers de l'Isle Adam, the libretto adapted by the composer.52 The plight of the captive is clear in this work, which centres around the main character, an anonymous

"Prisoner." It is a serial work which involves more than one tone row, and includes rows which reflect the approach described above. Always sensitive to the demands of the

Kay, "The Humanity of Dallapiccola," 23.

Ibid. voice, the orchestral material in this opera is more chromatic than the choral sections.53

Although this third period is referred to as

Dallapiccola's "serial" one, there are two throwbacks to tonality, each involving the use of quotations from Tartini

The two orchestral works called Tartiniana were written in

1951 and 1957, the first as a commission for Tanglewood.

This work, although entirely tonal, betrays Dallapiccola's love of systems and counterpoint, illustrated by "an intricate crab canon" at the heart of the work.54 The second Tartiniana gains in contrapuntal complexity throughout the work, culminating in a series of canons of various types. Although such tonal indulgences might seem throwback to times long past, the canonic and contrapuntal procedures are seen as a challenge, to apply a rigorous system to an existing set of notes, an approach not really so different from the imposition of a rigorous system onto row of twelve notes.

Music for Solo Piano

Dallapiccola has written only three works for solo piano, all composed between 1942 and 1952.55 The least known of these piano works is a collection of three

53Ibid.

54Ibid.

55There also exist Music for Three Pianos (Inni) (1936), and Piccolo Concerto per Muriel Couvreux for piano and chamber orchestra, 1939-41). movements from a ballet Marsia, transcribed for piano by the composer in 1942-43. The style of this work is a mix of diatonic idioms with some twelve-tone procedures.56 The last of the solo piano compositions is one of Dallapiccola's most recognized works, the Quaderno musicale di Annalibera, a collection of pieces dedicated to his daughter (note the name of his daughter and the reference to his preoccupation with liberty). The collection is entirely serial, though rather consonant-sounding, and was composed the same year as the first -- and entirely tonal -- Tartiana.

Chronologically the first of the solo piano works, the

Sonatina Canonica, was written in 1942 and is also chronologically the first of Dallapiccola's experiments with throwbacks to tonality. Its four movements are based entirely on selections from the Paganini Caprices for solo violin, treated in different rigorous canonic formats.

Concerning this tendency to revert to tonality, Dallapiccola states,

I wanted to see once more what could be done (or, at any rate, what I could do) with tonal music or perhaps to convince myself that the tonal system was dead."57 He has also noticed of his own progress that "after each tonal episode, my dodecaphonic procedures have gained in severity. . . .58

;Kay, "The Humanity of Dallapiccola," 24.

Nathan, "Fragments," 296.

Ibid., 300. Sonatina Canonica in mi bemolle maggiore su "Capricci" di

Niccolo Paganini per pianoforte

The idea for the work began with a meeting, in 1942, with the head of the publishing company Edizioni Suvini

Zerboni, who was planning on putting together a collection of piano pieces for students comprised entirely by contemporary Italian composers. Within the month

Dallapiccola returned with Studio sul Capriccio N. 14 di

Niccolo Paganini, which eventually became the fourth movement of the Sonatina Canonica.59

Dallapiccola enjoyed the project so much that he completed three more movements, the final version reaching the publisher a few years later, in 1945. The Sonatina

Canonica had its first performance in 1946 by Pietro

Scarpini, to whom the work is dedicated.60 Dallapiccola's plan was to continue the tradition of other pianists who have adapted the Caprices of Paganini, but unlike Schumann,

Liszt and Brahms, he strove for "contrapuntal solutions for

59Steven Joseph Oyler, "An Interpretive Analysis of the Solo Piano Music of Luigi Dallapiccola," (DMA diss., University of Hartford, 1989), 5-6. Source: Dietrich Karnper, Gefangenschaft und Freiheit: Leben und Werk des Komponisten Luigi Dallapiccola, Gitarre und Laute Verlagsgesellschaft, 1984, 51-52. This collection is currently available under the title '900 Storico Italiano: 13 Composizioni pianistiche, published in 1944. The composers include some already familiar names, and others of the time who wrote little other piano music aside from their contribution to this collections: Bruno Bettinelli, Alfredo Casella, Francesco Cilea, Luigi Dallapiccola, Ottorino Gentilucci, Gino Gorini, Giorgio Federico Ghedini, Achille Longo, Gian Francesco Malipiero, Franco Margola, Goffredo Petrassi, Riccardo Pick Mangiagalli, and Ildebrando Pizzetti.

60Oyler, "An Interpretive Analysis," 5. music which was apparently, as non-contrapuntal as one could imagine. "61

At the basis of this work are the Paganini Caprices for solo violin, but used not just as a stylistic springboard or merely for clever quotations. These Caprices are the very backbone of each movement, with a Paganini original appearing in its entirety in each of the four movements of the work. With very few exceptions, all the notes in the work are generated from these original sources, with the remaining notes being derived through standard contrapuntal procedures.

The four movements of the Sonatina are arranged roughly according to the outlines of a classical piano sonata. The first and fourth movements revolve around E-flat major, and are generally Allegro in tempo and character. The second, contrasting, movement is for the most part in the dominant,

B-flat major, and the slow movement is in the submediant,

C major.62

First Movement - Allegro comodo, Allegro molto misurato, I. Tempo

Paganini's 20th Caprice is the basis for this movement.

It is in ternary form, A-B and da capo, with two internal

"Quoted in Oyler, "An Interpretive Analysis," 7. Luigi Dallapiccola, Broadcast talk, Radio 3, February 3, 1974. Transcript courtesy of BBC Radio 3 Music Department, London.

62Ibid., 34. This dissertation by Oyler offers a thorough analysis of the canonic procedures employed in this work. What follows here is a general overview of the first and fourth movements along with some additional observations. repeats in the B section. The form of the movement is

illustrated in figure 6.1.

Figure 6.1, form of Paganini, Caprice No. 20 in D Major.

section A B A

measures 1-24 25-32 33-57 1-24 (da capo)

With the exception of key (the original D major is transposed to E-flat major) and register changes,

Dallapiccola remains faithful to the original, with every measure of the Caprice present in the canonic version.

Repeats are also maintained with the exception of one

(measures 33-57), but these are written out and varied each

time, whether they be the internal repeats or the da capo.

The form of the Dallapiccola appears in figure 6.2.

Figure 6.2, form of Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, I. Allegretto comodo.

section A B A'

measures 1-24 25-40 41-66 67-90

One glance at the opening measures of the two works is

enough to observe the complexity with which Dallapiccola

treats his subject (examples 6.5 and 6.6). Not only are

there three voices, each on its own staff, but each voice has its own time signature as well. The original is

preserved in the upper and lower parts of the Sonatina. The

lower part is roughly equivalent to the dotted-half-note Ds

in the Caprice, offset by a quarter note in the Sonatina.

The top voice is the most faithful to the original, with the

exception of octave doubling and displacements. The middle

voice is the canonic voice, in augmentation, delayed by one measure (of 6/8), and transposed down a perfect fifth.63

The second phrase begins in measure 9, and in the original is almost identical to the first phrase.

Dallapiccola varies the melodic figure by adding parallel perfect fourths under the top voice, which are intended to give the impression of harmonics (example 6.7). The middle voice is also varied, by treating it as a canon of its own, delayed by one of its 6/4 measures. Disguised by the similarity of the first and third measures of this melody, the entry of middle voice's canonic echo is not evident until measure 9 (example 6.7).

Example 6.5, Paganini, Caprice No. 20 in D Major, measures 1-5.

Allegretto.

A*

rlo T T dolce

"Measures are numbered according to the top voice in 6/8 time, as it refers to the original. Example 6.6, Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, I. Allegretto comodo, measures 1-5.

Example 6.7, Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, I. Allegretto comodo, measures 6-11. In the third phrase (measures 19-24) the treatment changes again, with the top line reflecting more accurately the original, and the middle voice maintaining the melody of the first phrase in inversion.64

The long middle section begins at measure 25. Contrast is indicated by a change of tempo, Allegro molto misurato, which is not in the original. At first, the 20th Caprice continues in the right hand of the piano (examples 6.8 and

6.9). In the left hand is an entirely different Caprice, the middle section of the thirteenth in B-flat major which is also transposed down by a semitone (example 6.10).

A variation to the second phrase occurs through the addition of parallel thirds to the left-hand voice. Where the repeat should be, in measures 33-40 of the Sonatina

Dallapiccola instead writes out a variation by switching the voices so that the 20th Caprice appears in the left hand and the 13th in the right, retaining the inclusion of the thirds in its second phrase.

A fully detailed account of the procedures appears in Oyler, "An Interpretive Analysis," with a summary on page 51. Example 6.9, Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, I. Allegretto comodo, measures 25-28.

Example 6.10, Paganini, Caprice No. 13 in B-flat Major, measures 17-20.

m*e Vf- Measure 41 is equivalent to the 20th Caprice's 33rd measure. This span is the only section in which

Dallapiccola does not maintain and vary the original repeat

(refer to figure 6.1). The extra Caprice is abandoned and traditional canonic procedures are resumed with the 20th

Caprice. For most of the section spanning measures 41-55, the procedure is a straightforward canon at the octave displaced by a half-bar. At measures 45-48 inversion is brought in, resulting in some rather complicated overlapping

(example 6.11).

Example 6.11, Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, I. Allegretto comodo, measures 45-47. Corresponding with measure 48 of the Paganini is measure 56 of the Dallapiccola. In the Caprice the grouping in this passage bears a strong affinity with 3/4 time

(example 6.12). This play on the meter is taken advantage of in Dallapiccola's treatment of this same passage, by the addition of a five-note figure in the accompanimental (left) hand, which in fact does not adhere to a regular meter at all (example 6.13). This new figure is derived from the part of the 13th Caprice which was used earlier in the section (see example 6.10). The figure itself is not rhythmically nebulous, but it is constantly placed against the upper line in different rhythmic relationships with it, and it is sometimes separated by a rest, sometimes not, so that the underlying meter of the passage is practically eradicated.

The opening measures of the section are echoed in the concluding six, resuming the pairing up of the 20th Caprice in the right hand and the 13th in the left.

At the da capo of the A section, again Dallapiccola writes out a variation. The two A sections of the Sonatina are very similar, varied only by the addition of parallel parts to the lower and middle voices for most of the section, as well as an octave displacement of the middle voice's canonic echo. Example 6.12, Paganini, Caprice No. 20 in D Major, measures 48-52.

Example 6.13, Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, I. Allegretto comodo, measures 56-60.

a tempo Paganini's 14th Caprice is the original used for this

movement. Its form is asymmetrical binary, each section

marked by repeats. The much longer B section is divided

halfway by a fermata, and the second half of this section is

much like a variation, with some use of inversion. The form

is outlined in figure 6.3, and the first eight measures

appear in example 6.14.

Figure 6.3, form of Paganini, Caprice No. 14 in E-flat Major.

section ABB'

measures 1-8 9-27 28-45

Example 6.14, Paganini, Caprice No. 14 in E-flat Major, measures 1-8.

v v n ft. A , ynvnn n_ n n fIb J —-—< — 0 0it — 9 1 y\y, « ^ J Jj, -* •—L•9—9 -9-- — 9 L_ rf i 1 8 Dallapiccola retains all repeats in his treatment, again writing out the repeated sections with variations. In this movement, locations where the repeat signs should be are replaced by double barlines in the score, so that the relationship between the two is easy for the performer to see. The sections are broken down for reference in figure

6.4.

Figure 6.4, form of Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, IV. Alla marcia; moderato.

section A B'

measures 1-8 18-36 37-54 varied repeats 9-17 55-74 75-92

The movement begins with a standard canon, the second voice delayed by one measure and displaced up two octaves

(example 6.15).65 At the repeat of these eight measures,

Dallapiccola introduces something entirely new. The Caprice appears unaltered in the right hand, its marchlike motive clearly indicating tonic and dominant chords. In the left hand there is an accompaniment which would appear to be a standard tonic-dominant bass support, but with two major exceptions: the notes of D-flat and A-natural do not belong to the key of the upper part, and rhythmically they fall just after where they should, the value of a sixteenth-note

65Refer to Oyler, "An Interpretive Analysis," 73 for a detailed summary of canonic procedures in this movement. late every time. The effect of the sonority is humorous, but it is also ghostly. The combination of the relentless march, the hushed lontano marking and the accompaniment which is not only comprised of "wrong notes," but also of a skewed rhythm.

Example 6.15, Dallapiccola, Sonatina Canonica, IV. Alla marcia; moderato, measures 1-17.

Alia marcia; moderato (J =M-SS)

quasi senza Î31 Poco meno piano

A at

m m corda! senza Î&.

mm m jiff (non cresc}

f The capricious nature of both the Paganini originals and Dallapiccola's treatment of them takes a sardonic turn with this out-of-tune accompaniment. This is an example of

"Gallows humour,"66 a dark commentary on the light-hearted source material. It is useful to recall the events surrounding the period in which this work was composed.

This fourth movement came first in the set, and was composed in 1942, while the war was continuing on. Dallapiccola had already begun his preoccupation with liberty, and such commentaries as these humorous touches may be construed as satirical remarks on the symbol of advancing war, the march.

The irony is short-lived, and the procedures continue with the beginning of section B at measure 18. A fermata in the original divides it into two halves, resulting in four distinct subsections in the Dallapiccola movement (as usual, the repeats are written out and varied). Each subsection is structured in bascially the same fashion: four measures of a fanfare motive similar to the A section, six measures of sequential patterns, and nine measures of closing material based on the repeated notes of the fanfare. The material on each side of the "fermata" is constructed in the same way, with the first half moving to dominant and the second half to tonic. Section B of the Paganini appears in example

6.16.

'Oyler, "An Interpretive Analysis," 15. Example 6.16, Paganini, Caprice No. 14 in E-flat Major, measures 9-27.

Measures 18 to 36 in the Dallapiccola form the tonic to

dominant motion of the first half of the section. The

fermata of the original is represented in measure 36 by a

3/4 measure marked sempre in tempo, with the chord held for

a half note followed by a quarter rest. The repose offered

by the fermata in the Caprice is not allowed in this

relentless interpretation. The canonic technique in this

entire section is a strict canon at the octave, separated by

a quarter note. The resulting superimposition of voices

results in some instances of dissonance, but the tonal area of B-flat (the dominant of the home key) is always clear. The second half of this first "repeat" begins at measure 37, again with the fanfare motive, this time with a

canon at the octave separated by an entire measure. The procedure continues through sequential pattern as well, and appears to be on course to follow through to the end of the section at measure 54. Instead, a quotation is insterted in measures 51-54 from a different Caprice, this time the ninth

(examples 6.17 and 6.18). The quotation takes the attention completely away from the structural Caprice occurring below it. There is a rhythmic similarity between the ninth

Caprice and the fanfare motive of the fourteenth, comprised of two sixteenth-notes and an eighth, but offset by the value of an eighth. This particular quotation has meaning for pianists as well, being the fifth of the ones set by

Liszt in his Paganini Etudes.61

Example 6.17, Paganini, Caprice No. 9 in E Major, measures 1-2.

Allegretto. Snlla tastiera imitando il Flauto

The "repeat" follows similar procedures to the first time through, only the degree of dissonance which occurs as a result of the contrapuntal process is taken up a few notches in intensity. In measure 55, where the first iteration involved a canon at the octave, this time there is a canon at the major second in inversion. The inversion is continued after the "fermata" in measure 74, only now to a less dissonant interval of a minor third. A striking instance of contrapuntal dissonance created through these means occurs in measures 80-82, the end of the fanfare measures of its particular section (example 6.19). Oyler points out that the use of dissonance in passages that otherwise would seem harmonically innocuous helps to point out the humour created by the juxtaposition, and contributing to the effect of "gallows" humour.68 True to the pattern of varying the repeated section, the quotation of the first instance is replaced at the end of the movement by another. This quotation is even more extensive and recognizable, especially to pianists. It is taken from the 17th Caprice, which was treated by Liszt in the second of his Paganini Etudes. The effect of parody is even more prominent, owing to the fact that the added material bears no rhythmic or motivic resemblance to the main material at all. It serves to bring the sonata to a lighthearted close (examples 6.20 and 6.21).

Example 6.20, Paganini, Caprice No. 17 in E-flat Major, measures 5-7. Considered in its entirety, the fourth movement of the

Sonatina Canonica reveals its dark humour through more than

a simple mis-harmonized bass line. From the historical

perspective, political and social events occurring during

the time of the composition in 1942 allow an interpretation

that might not otherwise surface, seen apart from these

external factors. The choice of the 14th Caprice of

Paganini gave Dallapiccola a strong march rhythm to work with, undoubtedly a reference marching troops. The wrong- note harmonization of measures 9-17 has already been noted as an ironic commentary on this figure.

In addition to this short passage though, the whole process of manipulating blatantly tonal music into harshly dissonant combinations through formulaic means manages to poke fun at the march figure which pervades the movement.

The gradual increase in dissonance throughout the movement is a carefully calculated dramatic formula designed to pile on more humour as the piece progresses. The two quotations

(measures 54-57 and 88-92) are yet another layer of irony, joking around with the march with deliberately light-hearted and identifiable references. For pianists especially, the two quotations were made popular by Franz Liszt in his

Paganini Etudes, the fifth and second corresponding to the first and second quotes respectively.69

Even without knowing where Dallapiccola's political loyalties lie, his opinions ring through clearly in this work, particularly in the fourth movement. In fact,

Dallapiccola had been a fascist supporter earlier in his career, but with a Jewish wife, the racial bans contributed to his change of heart. This work carries a double sensitivity, on the one hand of lighthearted treatment of the works of a famed Italian composer and musician, and on the other, the subtle layer of political commentary. Taking into account other more serious protest works around this period, such as the Canti di Prigionia (1928-41) and II

Prigioniero (1944-48), it is clear he was not afraid of expressing his views through musical means. "Less than anywhere in Europe was any anti-Semitic feeling to be found in Italy; it is true to say that there was no problem at all."1 Mussolini even counted many Jews among important people in his life, and there were a number of Jews who supported the fascist movement from its early beginnings.2 When Hitler came into power and brought with him his ideas for the Jewish race in Germany, Mussolini recognized the situation as a bad idea, "and he instructed his Ambassador in Berlin to convey his opinion to Hitler; the Fuhrer, however, in spite of his apparent reverence for

Mussolini, declared in so many words that the Duce did not know what he was talking about."3 When Mussolini did start making the shift to anti-Semitism around 1936, he did so independently of those high-up in the Grand Council, including the King, and against the wishes of his own government.4

For musicians of all kinds, whether performers, administrators, or composers, the policy of 1938 effectively banned musical activity of any kind by Jews. Mussolini's

-'-Elizabeth Wiskemann, Fascism in Italy: Its Development and Influence (London: Macmillan, 1969), 69.

2Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism, trans. Leila Vennewitz (New York and Toronto: New American Library, 1969), 296.

3Wiskemann, Fascism in Italy, 57.

"Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism, 295. policy never went as far as Hitler's, with official physical persecution in Italy occurring only by Nazis during the

German occupation of Italy after Mussolini's arrest and

Italy's official but not real withdrawal from the war in

1943. Jewish-Italian composers' works could not longer be performed in Italy (regardless of compositional style), and

Jewish children were withdrawn from the schools they had been attending, leaving them free to set up their own segregated schools.5

This set of affairs led to the emigration of more than one composer. Renzo Massarani and Vittorio Rieti were two examples of Jewish composers in Italy who had each attained a certain degree of recognition in Italy prior to 1938.

Massarani left for Brazil, and Rieti moved to the United

States.6 Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco (1895-1968) emigrated to

America as well, in 1939, for the sake of his own career and for the welfare of his family.

Having shown early promise as a composer in his early teens, Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco had achieved for himself a comfortable status as a recognized composer during the time between the two World Wars. His popularity was such that, in 1935, he was chosen personally by Mussolini to write incidental music to a play which was performed at a huge

5Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 89, 129.

6Ibid., 185. outdoor spectacle in Florence that summer.7 Having never taken any interest in politics and his Jewish origin being no secret, the commission came as a surprise to the composer. Castelnuovo theorized that his appointment may have been partly because of his position as "the Florentine musician par excellence" at the time, thus making him a good candidate for the job. In addition, choosing a Jewish musician may have been a way to ensure Mussolini's acceptance in the face of Hitler's goings-on to the north, and of passing muster with "the Ecclesiastical authorities."8

Despite Castelnuovo's popularity within Italy, circumstances beyond his control forced him to seek refuge in another country. He emigrated with his family to the

United States in 1939, taking American citizenship in 1946.

He settled in California, continued to compose, and was an active composer of film scores for Hollywood projects.

Style

The early promise shown by Castelnuovo never developed into the style the critics were hoping that it would. There is no need for division of Castelnuovo's output into stylistic periods, as there is no fundamental change whatsoever throughout his career, even after the move to the

United States. As an example, the Sonatina zoologica from

7Ibid., 183.

8Ibid., 183-4. 1960 incorporates a piece written in 1916 [Lucertolina) as one of its movements, "without the slightest sense of inconsistency."9 This is not to say that his compositions are without merit. He was an accomplished pianist, receiving his diploma in that instrument from the Florence

Conservatory in 1914; he studied composition under Pizzetti there, graduating in 1918; Casella promoted many of

Castelnuovo's works through the Société di Musica Moderna;

Toscanini premiered many of Castelnuovo's works in the

United States; his first opera La Mandragola of 1923 won an award which allowed it to be premiered at Venice's La Fenice in 1925. The young composer was not without supporters of the highest rank.

A true Italian in tradition and practice, Castelnuovo's melodic lyricism is the most important part of any of his compositions. Although primarily known today for his many compositions for guitar (many of these written for Segovia), performers and critics alike hail his many songs, especially the settings of English texts of Shakespeare, to be his strongest works. Castelnuovo wrote copious amounts of music, much of it remaining unpublished. Consequently, many strong works, notably settings of 27 Shakespeare sonnets, remain unknown to the musical public today.10

9The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Stanley Sadie, ed., (London: Macmillan; Washington, D.C.: Grove's Dictionaries of Music, 1980), s.v. "Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Mario." The critics' expressions of disappointment have less to do with Castelnuovo's style as with its lack of development into the 1930s. His style has been described as a mix of the influences of Pizzetti and Ravel, "absorbed into a fresh yet hypersensitive personal brand of impressionism that has been much admired."11 Speaking of his own goals as a composer, he reports that his one idea was "to write music without prejudices of any kind."12 Perhaps trying to live his life along these ideals as well, he refused to sign the famous manifesto of 1932,13 which placed the so-called

"conservative" composers against the more "avant-garde" in

Italy at the time, namely Casella and Malipiero. Quite possibly he was torn by his allegiance to his teacher,

Pizzetti -- who was one of the conservatives who did sign -- and the support of the ever-generous Casella.

Piano Works

Castelnuovo-Tedesco's list of works is long and varied.

He wrote in many genres, focusing on songs, music for guitar, and compositions for his own instrument, the piano.

The style of his piano music is in stark contrast to the neoclassical vogue of the time, preferring instead the visual evocation of such romantic images as cypress trees in

nIbid.

12Nick Rossi, "Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco: Modern Master of Melody," American Music Teacher 25 no.4 (1976), 13.

13Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy, 24. his popular Cipressi (1920), and other similar ideas. At least 22 works for solo piano exist from his days in Italy, spanning the years 1909 to 1939, and seven more date from his American years. In addition to the visual aspect of some of his topics, there are works along maritime themes, such as Alghe (Sea Pieces) of 1919, I naviganti (The

Sailors) of the same year, and the "marine fable" La sirenetta e il pesce turchino (The Little Mermaid and the

Dark Blue Fish) of the following year. Castelnuovo's Jewish heritage is evident in such works as the rhapsody Le danze del re David (The Dances of King David) of 1925, and Tre

corali su mélodie ebraiche (Three Chorales on Jewish

Melodies) of the next year. There is a three-movement sonata of 1928 which contains a "blues" section in the second movement, and the suite Alt Wien (1923) contains a foxtrot as a closing movement.

Three larger rhapsodies are considered to be among his best piano music. In addition to Le danze del re David and

Alt Wien, the "Rapsodia napoletana" (Neapolitan Rhapsody)

Piedigrotta 1924 is demonstrative of the finer of

Castelnuovo's piano writing. The work is in five movements, based on traditional melodies from the region of Naples.

The topic and treatment tie in directly with the concurrent

surge of nationalism happening throughout Italy around this time. Two movements will be treated here as representative of the piece: the first movement "Tarantella scura," and the fourth "Voce luntana." Piedigrotta 1924, Rapsodia Napoletana

First Movement -- Tarantella scura

The choice of tarantella as an opening movement indicates the inspiration behind the composition from its beginning measures. This "gloomy" ("scura") dance is marked

Allegro furioso in the typical 6/8 metre, in C minor. The form of the movement shows similarities to sonata form, with an outline which presents two clear ideas, develops and combines motives from these two ideas, and then closes with a clear return of the two themes followed by a coda.

Four measures introduce the lilting tarantella rhythm which drives the movement. Modal inflections so prevalent in instrumental music of this period are evident from these first measures, which oscillate between the tonic, C, and the lowered seventh degree, B-flat (example 7.1). The main theme is carried by the right hand, the first phrase betraying the influence of impressionism in its construction of parallel major triads in second inversion, occasionally clashing with the bass. Subsequent phrases of this theme are also triadic in basis, less systematically tied to this parallel construction, and often interchanging major and minor modes.

The second theme begins in measure 37. Instead of a new tonal area prescribed by sonata form, in this instance the pedal changes from the C centre of theme one to an A- flat pedal which lasts a good portion of the section, to measure 53, and the time signature changes to 2/4 from 6/8. This A-flat does not truly function as a new tonal area, but rather the entire movement remains firmly within the realm of C minor, this pedal acting as a submediant. In addition to the metre shift, the rhythm becomes syncopated and the dynamic level drops. As well, the first theme's triadic formations are abandoned in favour of a static harmony of two superimposed major thirds separated by a major second (A-flat, C, D, F-sharp), with bitonal implications, above

which a chromatic melody descends and ascends irregularly

(example 7.2) .14

Example 7.2, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, I. Tarantella Scura, measures 36-40.

At measure 45 begins an alternation between the two themes which signals the beginning of the development. A section of the first theme transposed down a minor third (on

E natural) appears for eight measures over a variation of the second theme's A-flat pedal (example 7.3). This is followed at measure 53 by a return to C as a bass note supporting the second theme for eight measures (example

7.4). The alternation then moves to four measures, and a final crashing C sonority on the downbeat of measure 67 marks the end of the exposition.

4This theme is reminiscent of Stravinsky's L'histoire du soldat. Example 7.4, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, I. Tarantella Scura,. measures 53-56.

CM) *?

ffviolento LT Jlf g Ij.'LJ 5-

Further, at measure 67, the development proceeds much like the exposition, with a four-measure introductory vamp

(example 7.5). This triplet oscillation runs through the length of the development section, until the retransition at measure 119. Melodically, phrases or motives from the exposition's two themes appear in various guises: passages akin to the first theme's second phrase appear at measures

71-72 (example 7.5. Compare to example 7.1, m.9); a chromatic variation of the second theme then appears in measure 83 (example 7.6), with two more treatments of this

theme to follow. One more example will be shown, as the

transformation of the second theme at measure 95 will return

in a similar guise in a subsequent movement (example 7.7).

Example 7.5, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, I. Tarantella Scura, measures 68-72.

tlx tLr us us tisûs p argentino

secco ,r ' r ' r T

Example 7.6, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, I. Tarantella Scura, measures 83-86. A nine-measure retransition, based on the first theme, begins in measure 119. It increases gradually in intensity and dynamic to a three-octave arpeggio which hails the fff return of the first theme, in a truncated version, at the recapitulation in measure 128. Except for some initial octave displacement and added notes, the main theme in the recapitulation is identical to its appearance in the exposition. The second theme is also quite similar to its first incarnation, even remaining over its A-flat pedal. It is varied also by octave displacement, and in addition, retains the triplet oscillation of A-flat to B-double-flat presented during the development.

A coda of fourteen measures, based on the first theme's second phrase, begins at measure 158. The movement ends with a grand arpeggio flourish on a D-major arpeggio supported by a C below it, which is the same sonority as the second theme used beginning in measure 37. This is followed by a bare middle C marked sfff, punctuated one measure later by octave Cs two octaves below it.

Second Movement -- Voce luntana (Fenesta che lucive . . .)

Just as the first movement evoked Italy through its use of the classic tarantella, the Neapolitan inspiration of the fourth movement is indicated in its title. "Voce luntana

(Fenesta che lucive)" is the Neapolitan dialect for "Distant voices (Glowing windows). This is a descriptive movement, where the sounds of Naples at night are evoked through a sad, folklike melody, as well as through pianistic effects which strive to recreate the twinkling of stars and other images, many of which are indicated in the score.

The form of this movement does not adhere to a preset pattern, but one could impose a rough ABA format, with the middle section a sort of fantasy of many different motives emanating from the A section of this movement, also from the first movement, as well as the inclusion of new themes.

A one-bar introduction, marked Lento e nostalgico begins the movement with the sound of a strumming guitar on a ninth chord, which will serve to accompany the main melody. This short introduction contains long notes which are intended to evoke the sound of a tolling bell off in the distance, marked "come un lontano rintocco" (example 7.8).

The melody itself evokes the idea of an Italian folk song, aided in part by the 12/8 time signature, and in its stepwise motion and innately Italian vocal quality. It is marked "expressively and sadly" (measure 2). After each measure of this melody is a commentary in an upper voice, marked "clear and starry," which may indicate the twinkling of stars (measure 3).

When this melody runs its course at measure 19, the starry commentary takes over a life of its own, which could be considered the beginning of the long middle section of the work (example 7.9). At measure 25 another melody begins, marked quasi flauto and "flowing and not too slowly"

(example 7.10). This melody is presented three times, while the tail of the melody becomes its own motive in measure 33 and itself subject to further development (example 7.11)

Example 7.8, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, II. Voce luntana, measures 1-4.

p espress. e dolente il canto Lento e nostalgico

[con Sordina V WW*

p doles (conte un lontano rintocco)

8- pp chiaro e stellato Example 7.10, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, II. Voce luntana, measures 25-28. At measure 41 the starry interjections of the main theme return, now fully developed into their own thematic treatment (example 7.12). Only four measures later, yet another theme is introduced, a cyclical reference taken from the development section of the first movement (example 7.13.

Compare to example 7.7). This melody is subject to typical romantic treatment, being taken over by the fight hand in chords supported by rippling ascending arpeggios, moving into markings of agitato and appassionato, and building to another statement of the star theme. This statement increases to a huge climax before pausing on a single

D-sharp, and then softly, the main theme returns at measure

61 (example 7.14). Example 7.13, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, II. Voce luntana, measures 45-4 6.

Più mosso - VM $enza rigvr di tempo -.J del mov. précédente

» -j 11 > f\ A0f * 'f ~&L ——

n mfianguieo o appassionato : -

San

In the final section both the main theme and the twinkling are made more intense through thickening of texture by the addition of chords and strummed grace notes.

A short coda of seven measures combines first the main theme, and then the second theme from measure 27 (see example 7.10), all over a dominant pedal on G. As a final evocative gesture, the last measure is a long descending glissando on the black keys, marked "like a shooting star"

(example 7.15).

Example 7.14, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Piedigrotta 1924, II. Voce luntana, measures 59-62. Of the composers discussed during the course of this study, Castelnuovo-Tedesco1 s music, along with Respighi's, is among the most harmonically conservative. On the basis of his being Jewish, after 1938 his were the works that were banned, not those of the progressives, Casella and Malipiero who were blacklisted by their peers, and not those of

Dallapiccola, who flirted with the twelve-tone method under the very noses of fascist authorities. Clearly, the bias against Castelnuovo-Tedesco had nothing to do with compositional style. Taking this work as representative of his output, his music is pleasing, easy to understand, harmonically conservative, and often overtly nationalistic.

He had no interest in the fascist regime, either for the purposes of his own advancement or for any other reason, and he simply wrote music in a style which suited him. This style was not adopted in an attempt to garner governmental support, and in any case, there were not any stylistic guidelines set for him to follow. CONCLUSION

Italian fascism and its culture have become a general subject of research only relatively recently, perhaps hidden under the more obvious blanket of the effects of Nazism in

Germany. The term "fascism" carries with it an enormous set of assumptions, possibly out of comparison with the wealth of information surrounding Nazi censorship and attitudes in

Germany. Mussolini's fascism was firmly in existence well before Hitler came to power, and the two movements, although similar in some respects, were in fact vastly different from one another. With respect to policies concerning music, fascism and Nazism lay at opposite ends of the spectrum.

Musically, the period of Italian fascism saw the development of musical trends which came into existence of their own accord, as a natural step in the musical progress of the country, and not as a result of bureaucratic policies or systematic censorship.

The fascist period in Italy spanned 21 years, and had a major effect on many aspects of Italian life during its existence. Throughout the period the common goal in all areas was the fostering of a strong feeling of Italian nationalism. The devastation after the First World War left may European countries, Italy included, in search of a voice distinct of traces of the old enemy, Germany. This post-war national pride was responsible for the attempts by many artists at an up-to-date Italian-ness, and this was the same current which was crucial to the popularity of Mussolini and his new fascist government.

Mussolini harbored this promotion of nationalism in the field of music by providing government assistance for various projects, such as editions and compilations of music of the past, including the first complete edition of

Monteverdi's works. Musical festivals were also installed during this time. These works and events were all for the purpose of promoting Italian music and for inspiring a young generation of composers, not necessarily for the promotion of fascist ideology, which at any rate, never really existed in a systematic way in the first place.

Only a few months after Mussolini's appointment to

Prime Minister, he put forth his ideas to the nation concerning art and its relationship to the state:

I declare that it is far from my idea to encourage anything like an art of the State. Art belongs to the domain of the individual. The State has only one duty: not to undermine art, to provide humane conditions for artists, and to encourage them from the artistic and national point of view.1

Clearly an attractive stand for artists and intellectuals, this credo helped both to bring in supporters from the cultural elite, and at the same time, to promote an

iBenito Mussolini, "Alia mostra del 'Novecento," speech of 26 March 1923, published in II popolo d'Italia 27 March 1923. Quoted by Emily Braun in Mario Sironi and Italian Modernism: Art and Politics under Fascism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 1. aesthetic pluralism that Mussolini refused to interfere with during the course of his regime.

Rather than discovering a base of censorship in Italy comparable to that of Nazi Germany, musical life of the time was left rather untouched by governmental interference. The

"Manifesto of Italian Musicians" in 1932 did occur during the height of fascist popularity, and did prompt a delineation of aesthetic musical camps into "conservatives" against "progressives," but the source of the unrest came from the musicians themselves, and not through any governmental decree. The only real censorship occurred during the period of the racial laws beginning in 1938, but even here, the restrictions were against Jewish artists for being Jewish, and not for any kind of aesthetic leaning.

The absence of a real musical avant-garde after the short life of the Futurists in the 1910s had everything to do with cultural attitudes in a country still attached to its beloved opera and romantic traditions. Certainly the unavailability of works of the Viennese school during the

'30s and '40s may have been a factor in the absence of a similar movement in Italy, but the example of Luigi

Dallapiccola shows that opportunities existed for those diligent enough to seek them out.

The music of the fascist period in Italy, rather than being subject to political ideology, progressed instead out of reaction against both German romanticism, and the very old and very popular Italian opera tradition. The period was characterized by a plurality of musical styles, which runs counter to expectations if one is searching for a current born of external factors, such as governmental statutes. This stylistic pluralism is a reflection of the multi-faceted nature of fascism, not just in its lack of clear ideology, but perhaps more positively in its interest in variety, all in the name of a national consciousness, particularly during the years prior to the racial laws of

1938.

In general, composers of the fascist period did not emphasize music for solo piano. The search for a new voice in Italian music was implemented with the efforts of the generazione dell'ottanta composers. While many composers during the fascist period dabbled in music for solo piano, only two of this generation -- Casella and Malipiero -- wrote a moderate amount of piano music. The younger

Castelnuovo-Tedesco counts a large list of works for the instrument among his output as well. It seems that those composers involved in the "conservative" camp of the 1932 manifesto, along with their deep interest in preserving a more romantic musical tradition in the twentieth century, were intent on clinging to the tried-and-true lineage of

Italian popular opera and derivative styles, counting vocal music and popular orchestral forms among them. Pizzetti1s interest in choral music and opera, as well as the popularity of Respighi's tone poems, reflect this tendency. The two "progressives" attacked by the manifesto were more interested in pursuing new avenues, and considering the position Italian music found itself in at the turn of the century, piano music was an avenue that had been explored only very little. Castelnuovo-Tedesco, arriving on the scene about half a generation later, chose to do as he pleased, incorporating a romantic/impressionistic idiom into his many piano works. It will be recalled as well that he refused to sign the notorious manifesto.

The purpose of this study was to examine the piano music of fascist Italy and place the works within a general historical context. Although seemingly a simple task, the situating of anything within the context of fascist Italy requires the shattering of a certain set of assumptions.

Preconceived expectations surrounding comparisons with Nazi

Germany must be examined and re-evaluated, the concept of

"progressive" compositional tendencies in the twentieth century must be reconsidered within Italy's peculiar context, and the search for stylistic unity must come up short. One common compositional factor does arise consistently in the solo piano works, that being the inclusion of pre-romantic compositional types, such as contrapuntal procedures, the use of chant or chant-like textures and melodies, and references to important Italian composers and trends of years past.

Collectively, the solo piano works of the composers in this study form a fairly sizeable group of compositions, most of which are neglected today in concerts or recordings.

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1. Solo Recital : Friday, March 27, 1998

2. Chamber Recital : Wednesday, January 27, 1999

3. Lecture Recital : Tuesday, November 21, 2 000

4. Solo Recital : Tuesday, September 4, 2001 THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOL OF MUSIC Recital Hall Friday, March 27, 1998 8:00 p.m.

DOCTORAL RECITAL* KARIN DI BELLA, PIANO

Dance Variations (1988) Stewart Grant (b. 1948) Introduction Habanera Bulgarian Dance Waltz Ragtime Sarabande Gigue

Sechs Klavierstiicke, Op. 118 (1892) Johannes Brahms (1833-1897) Intermezzo in A minor Intermezzo in A major Ballade in G minor Intermezzo in F minor Romanze in F major Intermezzo in E-flat minor

- INTERMISSION -

Sonata in C Major, Op. 2, No. 3 (1795) Ludwig van Beethoven (1770-1827) Allegro con brio Adagio Scherzo: Allegro Allegro assai

The Feast of Life (1975) JackBehrens (b.1935)

* In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Musical Arts degree with a major in Piano Performance. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOL OF MUSIC Recital Hall Wednesday, January 27, 1999 8:00 p.m.

DOCTORAL RECITAL* KARIN DI BELLA, PIANO

Kegelstatt Trio, K. 498 Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756-1791) Andante Menuetto Allegretto Emily Greenlaw, viola Heidi Remers, clarinet

Sonata in F Minor, Op. 120, No. 1 Johannes Brahms (1833-1897) Allegro appassionato Andante un poco Adagio Allegretto grazioso Vivace Sarah Mickeler, clarinet

- INTERMISSION -

Two Songs to Poems of Gwendolyn MacEwen (1986) Jack Behrens (b. 1935) I Have Mislaid Something The Death of the Loch Ness Monster

Liesa Norman, flute Tyler Duncan, baritone

Sonata in A Major, Op. 69 Ludwig van Beethoven (1770-1827) Allegro ma non tanto Scherzo: Allegro molto Adagio cantabile - Allegro vivace

Natasha Boyko, violoncello

* In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Musical Arts degree with a major in Piano Performance. I Have Mislaid Something (1) The Death of the Loch Ness Monster (2)

I have mislaid something very important Consider that the thing has died worse still before we proved it ever lived, and that it died of loneliness, I can't remember what it is Dark lord of the loch, I don't think it's fathomless worm, a thing or a wish or a taste or a poem great Orm but it might be a dark street in London where a cousin I never met This last of our mysteries - who spoke with the tongues of angels and that it had no tales to tell us, died only that it lived there, lake-locked, lost in its own cells, waiting to be found; he fell away from our blood like a word in the black light of midnight surfacing, and few understood the things he said its whole elastic length unwound, and the sound it made as it broke the water I have mislaid something very important was the single plucked string of a harp - and possibly very large like a castle in the Highlands This newt or salamander, where the ghosts of my ancestors graceful as a swan. wait with bagpipes and with horns This water snake, this water horse, this water dancer I have mislaid many places in this house without history consider him tired of pondering the possible existence of man there are so many places for places to hide who he thinks he has sighted sometimes on the shore, and rearing up from the purple churning water,

(1) from The Armies of the Moon Weird little worm-head Earth Light swaying from side to side, General Publishers, Toronto he denies the vision before his eyes; copyright 1982, Gwendolyn MacEwen his long neck, swan of hell, a silhouette against the moon, his green heart beating its last, his noble sordid soul in ruins:

Now the mist is a blanket of doom, and we pluck from the depths a prize of premordial slime - The beast who was born from some terrible ancient kiss, love-child of unspeakable mysteries, this ugly slug, half blind no doubt, and very cold, his head which is horror to behold no bigger than our own; whom we loath for his kind ruled the earth before us, who died of loneliness in a small lake in Scotland, and in his mind's dark land, where he dreamed up his luminous myths, the last of which was man.

(2) poem commissioned by Queen Anne Rare Scotch Whiskey (1983) copyright Gwendolyn MacEwen THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOL OF MUSIC Recital Hall Tuesday, November 21, 2000 8:00 p.m.

DOCTORAL LECTURE-RECITAL* KARIN DI BELLA, PIANO

Lecture

"Piano Music in Italy during the Fascist Era"

- INTERMISSION - Recital

Piedigrotta 1924 (1924) Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco Rapsodia Napoletana per Pianoforte (1895-1968)

I. Tarantella scura — Gloomy tarantella TV. Voce luntana (Fenesta che lucive...) — Distant voice (Glowing window...)

Cavalcate (1921) Gian Francesco Malipiero (1882-1973)

I. Récalcitrante (Somaro) — Uncooperative (Donkey) JJ. Dondolante (Camello) — Swaying (Camel) HI. Focoso (Destriero) — Fiery (Steed)

Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H." (1932) Alfredo Casella (1883-1947)

I. Funèbre II. Ostinato

Sonatina Canonica (1942) Luigi Dallapiccola su "Capricci" di Niccolo Paganini (1904-1975)

I. Allegretto comodo IV. Alia marcia; moderato

Tre Preludi sopra mélodie gregoriane (1921) Ottorino Respighi (1879-1936)

I. Molto lento II. Tempestoso

* In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Musical Arts degree with a major in Piano Performance. ** Reception to follow. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SCHOOL OF MUSIC Recital Hall Tuesday, September 4, 2001 8:00 p.m.

DOCTORAL RECITAL* KARIN DI BELLA, PIANO and FORTEPIANO

Sonata in A Minor, K. 310 Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756-1791)

Allegro maestoso Andante cantabile con espressione Presto

Faschingsschwank aus Wien, Op. 26 Robert Schumann (1810-1856)

Allegro Romanze Scherzino Intermezzo Finale

- INTERMISSION - Sonatina [No. 4] Ferruccio Busoni ... on the day of Christ's birth, 1917 (1866-1924)

Sonatina Canonica Luigi Dallapiccola su "Capricci" di Niccolo Paganini (1904-1975)

I. Allegretto comodo II. Largo m. Andante sostenuto IV. Alia marcia; moderato

Andalucia "Suite Espagnole it Ernesto Lecuona (1896-1963)

Cordoba Andalucia Alhambra Gitanerias Guadalquivir Malaguena

* In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Musical Arts degree with a major in Piano Performance. ** Reception to follow. APPENDIX B RECORDINGS

CD 1 Solo Recital Friday, March 27, 1998 Stewart Grant Dance Variations Johannes Brahms Sechs Klavierstûcke, Op.11!

CD 2 Solo Recital Friday, March 27, 1998 Ludwig van Beethoven Sonata in C Major, Op.2, no.3 Jack Behrens The Feast of Life

CD 3 Chamber Recital Wednesday, January 27, 1999 Wofgang Amadeus Mozart Kegelstatt Trio, K.498 Johannes Brahms Sonata in F minor, Op.12 0, no. 1

CD 4 Chamber Recital Wednesday, January 27, 1999 Jack Behrens Two Songs to Poems of Gwendolyn MacEwen Ludwig van Beethoven Sonata in A major, Op.69

CD 5 Lecture Recital Tuesday, November 21, 2000 Lecture "Piano Music in Italy during the Fascist Era"

CD 6 Lecture Recital Tuesday, November 21, 2000 M. Castelnuovo-Tedesco Piedigrotta 1924 Gian Francesco Malipiero Cavalcate Alfredo Casella Due Ricercari sul nome "B.A.C.H." Luigi Dallapiccola Sonatina Canonica Ottorino Respighi Tre Preludi sopra mélodie gregoriane CD 7 Solo Recital Tuesday, September 4, 2001 Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart Sonata in A minor, K.310 Robert Schumann Faschingsschwank aus Wien, Op.26

CD 8 Solo Recital Tuesday, September 4, 2001, Ferruccio Busoni Sonatina [No.4] Luigi Dallapiccola Sonatina Canonica Ernesto Lecuona Andalucia "Suite Espagnole"