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CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE TIME AND NEWSWEEK'S COVERAGE OF THE IRANIAN HOSTAGE CRISIS: A COUNTERPOINT TO THE CRITICS A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication by Peter Charles Flanderka August 1982 ]. _____ -------------··------------ -------- The Thesis of Peter Charles Flanderka is approved: Dr. Susan Henry, Chair California State University, Northridge ii Respectfully dedicated to Dr. Susan Henry, who always listened, always cared iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract vii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. LITERATURE REVIEW 15 Introduction 15 Sources 17 Indexes 17 Abstracts • 20 Literature 23 Iranian hostage cr1s1s 23 General media coverage of Iran and the hostage crisis • 25 Television coverage of Iran and the hostage crisis • 31 General media coverage of terrorism 37 Time magazine and Newsweek magazine 39 Iran 42 Content analysis 44 Agenda-setting 45 Interview sources 47 Conclusions on the literature 47 III. METHODOLOGY 57 Identification of method 57 Key s.ources of data 57 Thesis design 57 Procedures for overcoming bias 59 Justification of thesis design 60 Special qualifications of the thesis writer 62 Acknowledgement of methodological weaknesses 62 IV. BACKGROUND . 65 Iranian hostage crisis 65 Time and Newsweek magazines 78 Agenda-setting • 87 Criticism of hostage crisis coverage by U.S. news media • iv V. DATA Al~-IMMEDIATE FINDINGS 98 Coverage from November 4, 1979 through March 31, 1980 98 Coverage emphasis 100 Positive coverage of Carter . 106 Evidence of emotional reporting 110 Absence of bias • 112 Heavy presentation of background material 115 Evidence of variety in use of departmental headings 118 Absence of stereotypes 119 Additional trends 121 Differences and similarities 121 Summary . 122 VI. DATA AND IMMEDIATE FINDINGS 128 Coverage from April 14, 1980 through August 18, 1980 128 Coverage emphasis 129 Carter Administration references 135 Increased negativism toward Carter 136 Continued practice of emotional reporting 140 Continued absence of bias 142 Continued presentation of background material 143 Reduced variety in use of departmental headings 147 Reduced use of stereotypes 148 Additional trends 149 Differences and similarities 150 Summary 151 VII. DATA AND IMMEDIATE FINDINGS 156 Coverage from September 1, 1980 . through February 2, 1981 • 156 Coverage emphasis 159 Carter Administration references . 164 Reduced negativism toward Carter . 165 Continued practice of emotional reporting • 166 Increased bias • 168 Reduced presentation of background ·material 172 Continued reduction of variety in use of departmental headings • 173 Continued reduction in use of stereotypes 175 Additional trends • 176 v Differences and similarities • 177 Summary. • 178 VIII. CONCLUSIONS • • 182 Conclusions on the hypotheses . 182 Hypothesis 1 183 Conclusion • 183 Hypothesis 2 . 184 Conclusion 184 Hypothesis 3 . 184 Conclusion • 185 Hypothesis 4 • 185 Conclusion . 185 Hypothesis 5 • 186 Conclusion . 186 Hypothesis 6 . 187 Conclusion • 187 Hypothesis 7 . 188 Conclusion • 188 Hypothesis 8 189 Conclusion . 189 General Conclusions . 190 Suggestions for future research . 197 Suggestions for action • 198 APPENDIX 201 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . 203 vi ' . ABSTRACT TIME AND NEWSWEEK'S COVERAGE OF THE IRANIAN HOSTAGE CRISIS: A COUNTERPOINT TO THE CRITICS by Peter Charles Flanderka Master of Arts in Mass Communications The Iranian hostage crisis, some have claimed, attracted more media attention than any international diplomatic incident in recent history. In turn, that large amount of coverage attracted considerable and severe criticism from several sources, most notably Edward W. Said of Columbia University. This thesis is a qualitative examination of that coverage in two of the United States' most widely read and respected news media members: Time and Newsweek magazines. Despite boasting cir culations of more than 4 million (Time) and 2.5 million (Newsweek), and being recognized as legitimate members of the U.S. elite press, the newsmagazines have rarely been studied with regard to their reporting habits. vii This study offers a systemati_c, chronological analysis of their reporting of the 444-day hostage crisis, examining several coverage qualities and focusing on their agenda-setting roles during the 14~-month period. The study is based on a page-by-page analysis of every other issue of the newsmagazines, starting with the November 12, 1979, issues and finishing with the February 2, 1981, issues. The major finding of the thesis is that, while exhibiting some coverage flaws, Time and"Newsweek reported the hostage crisis better than hypothesized. Host of the criticism aimed at U.S. media coverage generally by Said and others simply do not apply to the two newsmagazines. Time and Newsweek, exhibiting virtually identical coverage, were found to have reported the hostage crisis extensively and equitably, avoiding blatant bias and stereotypical labels. They offered insightful background material and reported the story from several approaches, but were, nonetheless, guilty of avoiding the presentation of important Iranian perspective reports. viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION "We need to convey our message to the world. For this, we must use the media," then Iranian Foreign Minister Abolhassan Bani Sadr told a gathering of journalists on Thanksgiving Day, 1979. "What we want from you is nothing but the revelation of truth to the world ..•• Don't you want this world problem to be the first one that is solved by reporters?" 1 Seven weeks later, on January 14, 1980, the government of Iran officially announced the expulsion of all American news organizations, 2 accusing them of biased reporting. "Kill Carter!" "Yankee go home!" "Kill Americans!" "Kill them all!" The signs and images were virtually the same day after day on American television and in American print media as correspondents sur rounded the seized American Embassy in Tehran and reported the hostage 3 crisis. Weapons-brandishing, fist-waving Iranians burned Uncle Sam effigies while condemning the deposed Shah of Iran and the United States. The picture transmitted to American news consumers was a seemingly lucid and cogent one: all of Iran was in the grip of this 4 frenzy. But, as NBC correspondent George Lewis later admitted in appar ent contradiction to the image projected by the daily coverage, "Life 5 itself was going on as usual" only blocks from the embassy. 1 2 More than 300 American reporters canvassed Tehran during the first two months of the embassy takeover. Each of the three U.S. tele- vision networks reportedly spent in excess of $75,000 a week on its . 6 I ran operat1.ons. The hostage crisis was in the process of generating what some have claimed to be more attention than any event in recent history, including the Vietnam War, the civil rights movement and the 7 Apollo moon missions. But by the spring of 1980, American news media were reaching a near complete reversal in emphasis. The sudden, and strange, de- emphasis in hostage crisis coverage was blamed on several causal fac- tors, including an increased self-awareness by the media of their in- fluence on the crisis and an acknowledgement by the media of other im- portant national and international developments. The most frequently cited reason, however, was the Carter Administration's admitted desire 8 to have the hostage crisis issue muted. And so went the often-complex, often-fickle, often-criticized, but always-intensive coverage by American media of, perhaps, the major diplomatic dilemma faced by the United States in the past decade: the Iranian hostage crisis. This thesis will examine and analyze that coverage innewsmaga- zines Time and Newsweek, generally acknowledged as thetwo most in- fluential outlets of a major branch of the American news media. Specifically, the study will focus on coverage qualities that should provide a more complete understanding of exactly how ~ime and Newswe~k reported the-hostage crisis, both in terms of extent of cov- erage and shape of coverage. The study will focus on several areas of the magazines' coverage that should help determine which, if any, 3 positions they assumed during the 444 days, while also helping to de- fine areas in which Time and Newsweek were either strong or weak in their reporting. And the study will focus on coverage qualities de signed to illustrate which elements, if. any, the magazines may have used to help establish the news agendas of .the American people. From these foci naturally are generated eight research ques- tions: 1) To what extent did Time and Newsweek cover the hostage crisis? Was the amount of editorial space devoted to the story con sistent for both newsmagazines and did the extent of their coverage remain consistent throughout the 444-day period? 2) In what ways, if any, did the coverage by Time and Newsweek change during the 444-day period? Were the changes consistent for both newsmagazines and what, if any, causes may have been responsible for the changes? 3) In what ways, if any, did Time and Newsweek use stereotypical labels during the hostage crisis? Were the stereotypical labels con sistent for both newsmagazines and were they consistently the same for 9 the 444 days? Did the newsmagazines utilize traditional stereotypes or did they generate their own? 4) In what ways, if any, did Time and Newsweek practice biased reporting? Was the biased reporting consistent for both newsmagazines and did the intensity of that bias seeminglyfluctate during the crisis? 5)