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Saichol Sattayanurak1

Intellectuals and the Establishment of Identities in the Thai State

his article examines the ways through different from those of his father owing to T which intellectuals, who possessed the differences in situation. Likewise, the authority in the Thai state under the absolute differences in situation and experience caused monarchy, established Thai identities. Economic Somdet Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab’s and political contexts were important factors ideas to differ from those of King Rama VI. Such that influenced intellectuals to establish the differences caused the absolute monarchy identities in response to crucial problems, system to have a great lack of the ideological especially those tending to affect the power unity needed to oppose the challenge from a new structure which intellectuals attempted to group of people who efficiently introduced a new maintain. ideology. The three intellectuals on whom the author After the establishment of a true absolute focuses her study are King Rama V (King monarchy in 1887, King Rama V attempted to ), King Rama VI (King extend his authority and claim his rights over ) and Somdet Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab (Prince ). natural resources throughout the kingdom in The significance of this study lies in the fact that order to raise the national income through the three intellectuals’ ways and systems of concessions, taxes and fees for forestry, the thinking, which were reflected through the timber industry, mining, fishery, land, water- identities which they established, had a number courses and so on. (14:378-379, 17:51, 55). of effects on the political policies during According to the Mining Act, the absolute monarchy period [1892-1932]. Meanwhile, their ways and systems of thinking ‘Land as well as all the minerals in the also influenced the mainstream culture in Thai kingdom belong to the state through His society. Majesty’s authority... authority to manage It is hypothesized in this study that King watercourses for boats and rafts, for Rama VI’s ideas of creating identity were agriculture, for mining and for other

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useful activities belongs solely to the King Rama V was satisfied to see that ‘Siam government to act as it deems appropriate will benefit from foreigners who settle and and is not transferable to any person’ engage in trade and hence will continue to (13:110-130). develop’ (34:163). King Rama V based his idea upon the belief The King possessed the authority to change that every person used his/her reasoning power the degree of the exploitation of natural resources in his/her own best interest. For this reason, in the provincial areas, such as changing an he analysed the problems in the government apiary forest into a firewood forest (14:442-443, service as resulting from government officials 14:69-70), which became an important source who sought personal satisfaction and of income due to the great increase in the use of consequently caused immense inequality firewood in various businesses. Another was a amongst personnel with regard to benefits change from a field into pasture land (16:176) received in each office. because of the slaughter license fees collected ‘An important issue has arisen because, from domestic sellers and exporters. The king through power abuse, ministers and also promoted commerce by reclaiming land and personnel of the Interior, Defense, Port converting it into roads, canals and railroads. and Agriculture departments are currently Moreover, he regarded crime suppression and seeking larger amounts of benefit rapid criminal trials as a high priority so as to than what they formerly received... the prevent commercial and occupational compli- Department of Capital struggles to gain cations. At the same time, his attempt to create more benefits but is not able to do so more efficiency in both local and regional openly, so it opts for dishonest means... governance gave rise to peace-keeping and the Department of Agriculture, on the resource-controlling mechanisms throughout other hand, manages all the purchase and the kingdom. distribution of rice, so it can easily misap- The aforementioned processes resulted in an propriate and gain more benefits than any increased importance for the government other department can...’ (36:132-136) service. The majority of problems confronting In short, King Rama V realized that govern- King Rama V, therefore, were those concerning ment service problems were caused by the fact the relationship between government officials that ‘the inconsistency of the government and the king. Such problems if left unsolved could service process and of the personnel’s legal eventually undermine the king’s sovereignty. benefits gives rise to multitudes of unfinished work, because there is a tremendous amount of King Rama V’s Ways of Thinking work, and government officials do not have sufficient motivation’ (36:134). ‘Good govern- In order to comprehend fully the problems ment officials have no desire for positions in facing King Rama V and the solutions for which certain departments, for they expect more he opted, it is necessary first of all to understand benefits and promotional convenience in some his way of thinking. King Rama V realised the other departments. This is the way good people importance of commerce. seek benefits’ (36:148). ‘...since in the present-day world com- King Rama V’s solution to the government merce is considered most important, service problems was structural reformation, as unlike in the past, when wars resulted from is evident in his statement, ‘It is high time the fights for women or desires to extend ribs and boards were erected permanently. power. But nowadays things have No longer should we only fill a hole to stop the changed; commercial competition has leak’ (36:148). The King also convinced the occurred instead.’ (34:4) officers in government service who lost benefits

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to accept change by explaining to them that not something that could not be changed or despite the loss of short-term benefits, the corrected. He realised that it was the surround- long-term benefits would last much longer. ing conditions that could determine and correct ‘Although it seems that the loss of the disposition, so that ‘bad characteristics will present benefits is far greater than what subside and lax behaviour will be improved’ you will gain after the change, you will be (46:71). As King Rama V solved problems able to exploit those benefits for a great in the government service system, he also length of time...but if the country is not attempted to correct government officials’ secure, all people will suffer equal pain.’ ‘disposition’ or ‘temperament’ in addition to (38:185) giving them professional knowledge, because to King Rama V’s option to solve government work efficiently would require not only knowl- service problems on a structural basis and his edge but also good disposition or temperament. explanation of the matter reflected his holistic He believed that people were able to repent, as way of thinking. In his opinion, it was not be- he stated, ‘Even if a man becomes evil like a cause of the bad nature of human beings that thief, he still can become a good man if he government officials sought personal benefits really repents’ (21:291).2 (and not because of craving according to Bud- King Rama V’s holistic thinking is also dhist belief, either) but rather because of eco- evident in his many other statements, which nomic factors. People normally had reasons for emphasize ‘thorough thinking and management seeking personal benefits to cope with the chang- ... so that the work will be carried out to comple- ing economic situation, as mentioned in the fol- tion’ (38:180), ‘wise and total management’ lowing statement-: (38:180), ‘long-term planning’ (36:147), ‘...as the country is developing, govern- ‘complete thinking’ (38:185) and ‘thorough ment officials’ legal incomes become consideration of every advantage and disadvan- inadequate because things become more tage’ (38:183). expensive than they used to be... but what King Rama V’s holistic thinking also enabled is important is... that benefits are several him to see the connection between the past, the times as numerous as they used to be... due present and the future, as he pointed out that the to the country’s progress...’ (36:131-132) problems in the government service system were Therefore, in addition to the reformation of a result of prolonged complex changes that had the government service system and the advice taken place earlier, and that his proposed amend- concerning long-term advantages discussed ments to the government would be to the previously, King Rama V also acted to solve country’s both present and future advantage. problems in the government service system by (See 38.) giving salaries to government officials accord- Well aware of the differences between ing to their rank, and later he also considered the present and the past, King Rama V suggested granting them pensions (13:187). that in the present time ‘the country is prosper- King Rama V was fully aware that in its early ing and the people are enjoying more freedom’ stage the newly established government service (11:15). The country’s prosperity not only system was not able to operate well as a system caused consumer products to become so expen- and had to depend largely upon individuals, as sive that government officials began to work he wrote, ‘In our country, good things and fraudulently and ‘seek benefits surreptitiously development are done by individuals, so, unlike from their careers’ (11:235-236) or seek some other countries, our country cannot ‘dishonest benefits’ (11:236) but also gave rise operate as a machine’ (45:174). Understanding to other problems, requiring government this fact, King Rama V also corrected people’s officials to work more efficiently. These major ‘disposition’. ‘Disposition’, in his belief, was problems were higher taxes, a larger number

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of criminals and an increase in civil cases firm foundation... Besides, those who involving large amounts of inheritance due to developed the system were knowledge- the growing amount of trade (7:141-144). As a able... To practice this system in Siam will result, King Rama V deemed it necessary to not be suitable because of our different adjust the government service system to cope background and foundation. It will be like with such changes. copying the European wheat-growing As King Rama V realized that the present method and using it to grow rice and differed considerably from the past and that glutinous rice in Siam, which will certainly whatever was done in the present would affect be fruitless... due to the lack of background the future, much of what he did was based upon knowledge. (38:175) his careful thought about how validly the good With this fact in mind, the King reasoned things of the past contributed to the present and that whatever change was made ‘has to suit the potential advantages to the future; as he the country’s timing’ (38:176) and ‘has to be wrote, ‘I must think about the future, when I will considered in accordance with the domestic be no more’ (45:69). Therefore, he focused his factors... for to imitate other countries without attention on doing things that were suitable for considering our domestic factors will be to our the time, despite his foresight that ‘in the future, disadvantage. This is because our background as the government officials’ descendants attain does not encourage such a change, after which more academic knowledge, the country will divisions and confrontations will arise’ (38:176). become like in the past, when the lords had very ‘The people of Siam have always been little to do’ (45:66). However, then was not the united by the King and his words. This time for a change because the country was not virtue lasts because it has been practised ready. ‘Therefore, I think it is appropriate that for generations. The present King’s moral the King’s authority be maintained... which will reign and unfailing mercy have won his be suitable for the country in the present time’ countrymen’s unquestioned trust and (36:196). The only change he made was voluntary compliance. Nobody thinks therefore ‘to make the governance policy about violating the King’s words, unlike suitable for the period’ through government in Europe, where kings rule with officials’ wisdom, honesty and loyalty’ to violence... so people conspire against perform duties in strict compliance with the them... Such a cycle has continued for King’s orders (36:126). He did not agree to make hundreds of years.’ (38:176) so big a change that it would allow the nobility It may be concluded that King Rama V’s and government officials to have a decision- historical way of thinking was employed for his making role with the king or to establish a political justification of government reformation, parliament. which developed a centralised system of However, King Rama V’s historical reasons government service and eventually gave rise to for government reformation were limited and he the absolute monarchy system. mainly explained that the differences between Siam and European countries stemmed from Establishment of Identities of Government differences in their historical background. Officials ‘European countries... have parliaments and political parties mainly because it is Bearing in mind the importance of the common for their people to argue for government service system and the fact that it better ideas. This practice is useful, but was indispensable to the expansion of his only in those European countries where authority and to natural resource management, such a practice is needed and has been King Rama V was then confronted with the exercised for hundreds of years, with a problem of how to make the government

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service system and government officials work officials’ status (12:423,472; 16:178). This em- efficiently. After the reformation, it was appar- phasis was applied not only to the stratification ent to the king that the government service of government officials but also to stratification system was still not functioning automatically; at the sub-district and village levels (12:423). the efficiency of the system still depended solely Moreover, King Rama V assigned a uniform upon individuals, as previously discussed. to government officials, so that they would be It was necessary for King Rama V, therefore, dressed ‘according to their designation’ (12:482). to find a way to make government officials loyal This was done in order to emphasize the to the court and strongly united under his stratification of government officials’ ranks and leadership. His chosen method was to grant to indicate that the status of government honours and privileges to outstanding govern- officials was higher than that of commoners. ment officials, enabling them to attain a status For example, he issued a Royal Edict that higher than that of commoners. He graciously divided the officers in the Ministry of Construc- initiated and granted varying orders of decora- tion Works into ten levels, reasoning that ‘It is tion to government officials, for example. ‘He proper for officers of both high and low ranks to opines that it is appropriate to have a special be in a tidy uniform conforming to their duties’ order of Royal Decoration called the First (17:459-460). He also issued an addendum to Order of King Royal Decoration, the Criteria for Criminal Offense Judgment Act which will be of higher honour and benefit to of Era Year 120 (1902), verse 2 of people in the government service’ (12:470). If which stated, ‘The court shall not accept a charge a highly decorated servant was indicted for a civil filed by a civilian against a government official offense, he was allowed to plead directly to the concerning a government service matter, unless king for mercy (13:421), and if he was adjudged the plaintiff has sufficient witnesses to testify not guilty of a state offense, the decoration that against the accused, in which case a summons had been granted to him would be granted also shall be issued first, and if the accused ignores to all of his direct blood line descendants. it, a warrant for his arrest shall be issued’ (13:23). The new system of government service was This was an act that limited the people’s rights therefore full of privileges determined by a to inspect government officials. person’s origin. For example, if a nobleman Consequently, government officials in King entered the government service, his position Rama V’s period possessed much higher status, would be that of a commissioned officer or privileges and honour than ordinary people did. higher (17:310). The majority of high positions However, government officials’ occupational in the government service were occupied by benefits and their potential to progress in their elderly and qualified personnel with relevant careers were up to the King’s power and mercy. experience. It was the king’s belief that ‘mere He stressed that the pension for a government academic knowledge is not sufficient. Most official was ‘the King’s grant out of his mercy people with academic knowledge are still and hence nobody can claim that it rightfully new, young and inexperienced in government and legally belongs to him’ (13:187). In regard matters. It is extremely difficult for younger to the decoration to be granted to a servant’s people to command older people’ (46:173). consanguine descendant, he emphasised: It is obvious that, despite its several minor ‘The authority to decide who is entitled differences, the new government service system to the decoration to be granted to his maintained core characteristics of the old consanguine descendant rests only on the systems, especially differences in social status King or his designated successor.’ (12:472) granted by the king. One clear example was the This was done to remind government emphasis on ‘feudalism’, in which the King issued officials of the king’s mercy, so that they would several Feudal Acts that determined government remain loyal to him.

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Furthermore, King Rama V had a strong celebrated twice-according to both lunar and desire to know as many government officials as solar calendars, ‘The Ceremony of the Oath he could, in order that he would know to whom of Allegiance to the King’, ‘The Ceremony of he could be merciful and in whom he could trust, the Celebration of Coronation’, ‘The Royal believing that government officials would Birthday Celebration’, ‘The Congregational become more loyal to him if they got to know Ceremony of Homage to the King’ and ‘Her him better (5:122-123). Such a change in Majesty the Queen’s and His Royal Highness relationship became a public understanding the ’s Birthdays’ (15:1-5). that government officials were members of the The Twelve Months Ceremonies were also noble circle. given a new definition. Every other annual In addition to having an image of higher ceremony was redefined so as to emphasise honour and status, government officials were the ‘correct’ relationship between people of also given a new image for their duties. As the different classes, with the king always at the king’s “slaves”, government officials were apex and centre. There was a clearly defined expected honestly and loyally to perform their classification of ceremony participants. The appointed duties. Such a performance was part King took advantage of this opportunity to of their honour. For instance, to make an army encourage people to abandon whatever belief officer proud of his duty, the king said emphati- they held that would cause trouble to the king cally that the officer ‘has done the most impor- and the country. (See 40:106 and 41:8-15.) tant duty, the duty of paying a debt of gratitude Meanwhile, he explained the history and signifi- back to the land, the duty of defending our cance of Buddhism in Siam, the religion that fatherland.’ (See 31:37.) kings so faithfully patronized. He said that Honour, loyalty to the king and honest Buddhism ‘is complex and difficult to under- performance of their duties constituted the much stand without proper learning... yields fruit to respected image of the government officials those who practise it... has been more deeply during the reign of King Rama V. rooted in Siam than Brahmanism, because it is a teaching that yields fruit in the present time’ The Establishment of the King’s Identity (40:143). The king’s image as a patron of Buddhism In order to manifest his superiority to the and as a kind and just ruler with loyal and government service system as well as govern- strongly united servants under him was ment officials and advance his authority to extensively and earnestly recognised by the employ them for administrative, benefit- people. Such a relationship was at the core of maintenance and military purposes, King Rama absolute monarchy; that is to say, the king’s V made every effort to make the monarch the kindness and justness were the reason for most important figure in the realm. He initiated everything in the kingdom to progress in an many activities to honour and glorify the orderly, peaceful and prosperous manner. His monarch and to raise the monarch above the thoughts and orders would be effective only if government officials and citizens. One obvious his servants and citizens followed them. And example was that he made the monarch the what provoked their willingness to follow the centre of all important activities each year. The king’s orders was loyalty and unity. Without Songkran [New Year] announcement, which was loyalty to the king, a person could not enter the issued on the first day of the year, included the government service, regardless of his intelli- Royal Announcement of the important days to gence and knowledge, because he would be be observed in the year. King Rama V added likely to disobey the king’s thoughts and orders. many more royal occasions to the calendar, such Under the governance of a king with such as ‘His Majesty the King’s Birthday’, which was an identity, a change towards a system with

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a mechanism to control and inspect state way to persecute poorer people... and did not authority would not materialise because it was see the reason why poor people’s difficulty was by the king’s virtue that such authority was an important issue’ (35:344). Or when a police established. This virtue, which was also referred constable chained the hands of an ex-monk to as ‘The Royal Moral Conduct’ and with which forced to leave monkhood due to a grave sin and the king was brought up in accordance with his had him beaten thirty times, the king contem- noble birth, was the ethic that determined the plated that ‘if he took the penalty meant for his king’s every thought and policy. Even in ‘times superior, he must be sympathised with... there of extreme sorrow’ and ‘deepest grief... over the should be a more thorough investigation so that sudden danger that befell his very dear son an inferior does not have to be punished for the Crown Prince Maha ’ (35:310), the wrong his superior has done’ (35:32,7-328). king still stood fast in the Royal Moral Conduct As a matter of fact, King Rama V’s kindness, so that he could give his best to the country which stemmed from his commitment to keep without any sign of discouragement (35:309). the Royal Moral Conduct, was undoubtedly The king stated emphatically, ‘I shall instruct recognised by members of the royal family, my son, who had recently been exalted Crown government officials and ordinary people alike. Prince, to behave according to the Royal Moral However, the king thought it important con- Conduct which I follow...’ (35:311-312). stantly to accentuate his image as a kind and He declared that although he as ‘The Lord of merciful king, as is evident in government Life’ possessed the authority to kill anybody and announcements. Even the economic adminis- was exempted from penalty, he never used such tration, which was not a duty of the absolute authority, but instead whatever he did was monarchy government, would benefit the appropriate and just (36:168). Moreover, as the citizens if it was done with the emphasis of the king was aware that he had to preserve his king’s kindness. When the Paper Money Act honour and glory, he was careful not to do was passed, he announced, ‘As commercial trade anything that would shake his honour, so there is getting more extensive in the Kingdom, it will was no need for control or inspection. be more difficult and time-consuming for people It was apparent that his Royal Moral to carry a lot of cowries. So the king was kind Conduct was manifested in his kindness to all enough to order the Minister of Treasury to print people regardless of their classes. Once, when tickets to be used as a medium of exchange, he saw a police patrol ‘beating a Chinese... and which was called paper money...’ (14:393- slapping a Thai, he was very displeased, 394). thinking that that man should not have been a The king’s kindness was accentuated yet policeman because he was ‘evil... and cruel’ again when he ordered a decrease or exemption (35:91). On another occasion, a person of annual tax for barren area inhabitants suffer- suspected of being a bubonic plague victim came ing from natural disasters or from insurrection, to see a doctor but then ran away with fear such as the Ngiaw of Phrae Revolt. because of the rumour that whoever was touched The annulment of gambling dens near the end by a doctor would die. So the king ‘ordered of the reign was also announced as stemming Phraya Sukhum to ask the patient how he felt... from the king’s mercy, from the fact that he did and to put himself in the patient’s shoes... not want people to be impoverished. However, (35:18). He thought that even prostitutes, of the real reason was an economic one; when the whom he suggested, ‘People who are deceived Chinese tax farmers could not take money out easily are not good people’ (35:314), should of the country, a large amount of money would be protected. He reprimanded a government circulate within the country, and the government official in charge, ‘He was not generous... and would receive more income than from gambling he was so ignorant that bad people could find a dens (16:370-371).

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Another image King Rama V emphasised was King Rama V’s attempt to establish the that of a just and righteous king. Not only was monarch’s identity as a merciful, generous and he committed to justice and righteousness but just ruler was so carefully made that ordinary he also stressed that government officials had to people did not feel that they were being taken be strictly committed to these two virtues. When advantage of, even though the increase in tax a dispute arose concerning the inheritance of rate and categories was not fair to them, as taxes Chao Phraya Wichian Khiri, the king had a — rice field tax, aquatic animal tax, government letter sent to Chao Phraya Surawong Waiwat, service tax and so forth — were to be collected saying, ‘This matter has to be decided fairly... from ordinary people rather than just from so that no scandal will spoil state authority, on those who were financially better off, such as which people depend’ (35:242) ‘If governors and those possessing considerable wealth, making ministers behave unjustly, the countrypeople commercial profits or buying luxurious will be in trouble’ (37:427) ‘He strongly desires consumer products. Furthermore, the royal to make it apparent to all the provinces that descendants and government officials were justice is firmly sustained’ (35:251) exempt from taxation (18:222). To convince In regard to righteousness, the king revealed people of the advantages of the policy, King that he was embarrassed when a problem in Rama V explained that ‘...the nation’s treasure railway construction occurred due to the consists of the taxpayers’ money, so it should be government’s fault. However, the government spent wisely to ensure their common benefits...’ tried to use the contract to force the construc- (11:73) and that ‘the government will collect tion company to dismantle the railway and taxes more easily and effectively, winning re-construct it in a nearby area as the govern- people’s gladness and praise...’ 34:199). The ment wanted. Concerning this problem, he had king declared that he ‘desires to lighten the a letter written to the Minister of Urban Admin- people’s burdens and prevent their labour from istration, saying, ‘We have been foolish... we are being wasted’ (44:253) so that ‘the people will embarrassed since our foolishness caused them regard the King as incomparably fair and to waste money, so I feel it is unrighteous’ dedicated to his people’s well-being’ (38:169). (34:36). In several other cases, the king used the While emphasising justness and kindness as word ‘equal’ instead of ‘righteous’. For example, the principal virtues of the king’s identity, King tax rates were readjusted so that there was only Rama V made every effort to create, preserve one ‘equal’ rate for all people. (12:292) How- and elevate the majesty of the royal family, ever, the justness, righteousness and equality that so that the status of noblemen would be the king emphasised were not applied to every- distinguished from that of government officials body but only to people of the same classes. (19:22-27). An example of this was the king’s (Noblemen such as) Princes would receive the bestowal of land on a prince so that he could best education, to which all princes were entitled, have his own palace built. A Chao Faa prince in addition to large palaces (19:27). The king’s would receive a Prince’s Royal Palace, which grandchildren would be educated as they was enormous, while a Phra Ong Chao prince deserved (46:84). This was the “justice” of that would be given a smaller one (19:27). Another era. Moreover, that princes, noblemen and example was his awareness of the importance government officials received more privileges of banners and salute-firing introduced by the than commoners did was regarded as fair, too, West; he declared a finely detailed regulation of because they belonged to higher families, banners and salute-firing. Of the almost twenty possessed better qualifications and contributed kinds of banners, the king’s, the queen’s, the more to the country than commoners did. As the Royal Descendant’s and the Royal Family’s king suggested, ‘Those who contribute more to the banners were ranked one to seven. The ‘national country should receive more benefits’ (13:230). flag’ was ranked fourteen, for it represented

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traders and commoners. (11:131-134) In addi- King Rama VI was aware that his courtiers tion, King Rama V was willing to spend his own ‘were rebuked and criticised day in, day out’ (see money for his sons’ education in Europe, as he 27). According to some official documents thought it ‘necessary for preventing embarrass- in King Rama VII’s reign, King Rama VI’s ment and strengthening his majesty...’ (46:129). courtiers were subject to severe public hatred, The aforementioned establishment of the derision and reproof, both overt and furtive royal identity was to fulfill King Rama V’s (32:201-202). intended ideology for the absolute monarchy Surrounded by groups of people whom state, as written in the Royal Edict issued after outsiders of every class detested, King Rama VI the Crisis: was in conflict with many fellow aristocrats, ‘All the internal affairs—those ensuring such as Somdet Kromphraya Damrong peace and well-being—and all the exter- Rachanuphab, Kromluang Rajburi Direkrit and nal affairs—those concerning the defense Kromluang Prachanat. Even of the kingdom—are under my absolute Kromphra Nakhonsawan Woraphinit advised authority...[all] must swear an oath of per- the king to reduce the court’s expenses, and manent allegiance to me and my author- Krom Phra Chanthaburi Naruenat objected to ity. (44:250-253) the king’s plan to visit as the country was suffering from financial difficulty. (See The Thai Nation and the Thai Identity: King 32:169-178.) The king might have seen Rama VI’s Establishment of Identity Kromluang Phitsanulok Prachanat, his younger brother, as his political competitor when he and In the reign of King Rama VI, although the his brother were studying in England. Phraya government service system was beginning to Wisuthasuriyasak, his mentor, once told King operate automatically, the king nonetheless Rama V, ‘Seeing that the youngest son excelled realised the insecurity of his authority and even in speech and exhibited marvelous wisdom... his life. Not that he was afraid that a change in undoubtedly this son of Your Majesty will be government would take place in his reign. In wise and sharp in managing the country’s his letter to Chao Phraya Yomarat in 1912, after affairs... I am wondering what should be done the Bangkok Era 130 (1911) Incident, he said, to make the Crown Prince as competent...’ ‘...I am not afraid of crazy people who shout (46:41). When the Bangkok Era 130 (1911) their political desire in the street; neither do I Incident erupted, the army, who led the move- fear people who conspire in secret places. And ment, wanted Kromluang Phitsanulok Prachanat I do not believe that these people will succeed to become king under a constitution. Later, when unless the majority of the people agree to a this younger brother of his asked him for royal change...’ (See 27.) permission to marry Momchao Ying Chawalit He believed that, even if he passed away, a Opas, daughter of Kromluang Rajburi Direkrit, new king would succeed to his throne; the after he had divorced Mom Catherine, the king ruling system would not be changed (32:258). refused to grant his request, regardless of how However, he was worried that ‘If there is an much it saddened and infuriated his mother impulsive act like the previous one, Thai (8:638-639). It is possible that the king feared government officials will become ‘neutral’ again that the bond between his younger brother and may cause some disaster. If they approach and his uncle would increase their power and me by force, I may even lose my life’ (see 27). majesty. He also said, ‘Not only may I be killed by rebels However, the main cause of political but a crazy ‘anarchist’ may also take my life, instability in King Rama VI’s reign was the and this is extremely difficult to prevent.’ (See relationship between the king and government 27.) officials. In the previous reign, King Rama V

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had created a government service system the situation worsened, as had been worrying and established government officials’ identity his father since Bangkok Era 113 (1895); he had as highly honour-conscious people who, as been worried that the Crown Prince ‘will not be government servants (but literally “royal able to develop a good relationship with his attendants”), pledged lifelong allegiance to the relatives and with government officials in the king. He had stressed the importance of the capital and in other provinces before he becomes innate qualifications of government officials, for their commander, and he will be like a newcomer these were associated not only with their noble who knows nobody in the country’ (see 25). origin but also with the fact that they had Because government officials, who were of been born and raised in the families with a close noble descent, could not ‘submit’ to King Rama relationship to the king. The environment in VI, they were worried not only about the future which these government officials had been raised of their own careers but also about that of their had taught them to be conscious of the king’s children, some of whom could not occupy mercy and his superiority and to behave positions in the government service. It was decorously. Thus, government officials, as obvious that some of the court pages close to descendants of noble families, had been granted the king ‘were of Chinese descent or came from more privileges and honour. the South or were helped by some senior In King Rama VI’s reign, on the other hand, government officials.’ (See 32:148.) Even Chao although government officials were appointed Phraya Ramrakhop and Phraya Aniruth Thewa to replace noblemen as ministers, a lot of had received their titles out of the king’s favour. conflicts arose between the king and most King Rama VI was aware of the feelings of government officials. It transpired that almost these noblemen who were in the service, as he all the government officials who had given suggested in his letter to Nai Rong Sanit (Kulap), themselves in allegiance to King Rama V did ‘Some people feel that the positions that should not expect their masters to leave the service or belong only to noble descendants are being taken to be transferred to another ministry almost away, so they think they are going to lose a immediately after the enthronement of King benefit.’ (See 30.) Rama VI. As the ‘head’ of each ministry be- It was for this reason that government came a government official and not a nobleman, officials, who had been well tended during King his subordinates found it difficult to adjust Rama V’s reign, found it difficult to express themselves immediately to support their absolute fidelity to King Rama VI. They also new master. In the meantime, the king was began to doubt their future in the absolute surrounded by his courtiers, so it was immensely monarchy system. difficult for ‘decent’ people to approach him. The conflicts and tension that the king Only some benefit-minded people gave had with government officials were clearly themselves over to be groomed by Chao Phraya mentioned in his letter to Chao Phraya Yomarat: Ramrakhop and Phraya Aniruth Thewa, the ‘I have not a single ally; I stand alone. This King’s closest court pages. (8:611) is so obvious. When I first knew about Although King Rama VI had been back in some soldiers’ subversion, nobody showed the country for seven years when his father any sign of concern. Only when they were passed away, he did not care to develop a closer certain that I would not submit to a relationship with other princes and government perilous fate did they begin to admire me... officials. In fact, those lords and servants were such an act was not different from a stage already aware that they would have to ‘submit’ play... (See 27.) to him as he was then the Crown Prince, but it One part of his letter to Phraya Thep Orachun, so happened that he spent most of his time with Phraya Uthai Montri and Phraya Tham Sukharat his close court pages. When he was crowned, read:

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‘... I feel as though I were all alone, would abandon them in time of crisis or would without any allies. Or those who ally even bring them disaster. This topic will be dis- themselves with me are not in a position cussed in further detail in the following sections. of authority. Those with great authority and In addition to the newly institutionalised responsibility in the service are showing ‘Thai nation’, King Rama VI’s other major less trust in me than they should...’ (See institutions, called ‘congregations’, (Khana) 29.) included civil defence (sua pa) and boy-scouts. Chao Phraya Yomarat, the most trusted The use of a surname also started during his minister to whom the King entrusted the most reign. The king explained, ‘the main cause or authority, was also subject to hatred and had to root of our country’s prosperity is patriotism... ‘cope with all kinds of ill-treatment. I said what creates patriotism is the love we have with nothing when they rebuked me... people were one another in our congregation’ (47:305). angry with me only for government service ‘The love of our congregation is the love of our reasons...’ Feeling that his life was in danger, country, because — what is country? - the Chao Phraya Yomarat had to put his family in country is the largest Thai congregation, and King Rama VI’s custody. (See 27.) all of us are members of that congregation.’ It is evident that King Rama VI had to work (47:307) with a political condition that failed to enable His plan to create a bond between the love him to continue his father’s policy to strengthen of the congregation and the love of the country honour and unity amongst government officials and the king was manifested in his book ‘Com- so that they would remain loyal to him. Conse- paring Families with Clans’, in which he pointed quently, King Rama VI had to find an alterna- out that the clan system tended to breed tive. insubordination in a congregation. It should be noted, too, that in his attempt ‘... contrary to families, in which respect to find an alternative, he caused a feeling of to older people is instilled. Young people lessened status and honour amongst government keenly respect older people because they officials. He referred to both military and civil are in the same family, and because these officials as ‘retainers’, ‘hirelings’ or ‘servants’, older people are their fathers or senior not as the traditional ‘Royal Attendants’. Fur- relatives. This is natural love... and the root thermore, he regarded government officials as of loyalty to the family’s ruler and the people who usually violated the law, so he often nation’s ruler.’ (42:89-90) administered a reproof to them. (See 47:80, 146, 216, 229-267 for further examples.) The Identity of the Thai King King Rama VI’s alternative was based upon a concept that was currently prevalent among Many previous analyses have revealed that some groups of people in Siam: the love of the the concept of nationalism which King Rama Thai nation. However, he was the first person VI emphasised was one in which the king, to try to define ‘Thai identity’ as ‘the heart or who was at the centre, had absolute authority. soul’ of the Thai nation (47:306). In the mean- However, his emphasis on the monarch’s abso- time, he made the Thai nation and identity a lute authority differed in some ways from his foundation upon which people were united father’s, as we shall analyse here. under the king. The Thai nation and identity King Rama V emphasised the monarch’s would be strong enough to create internal unity status as the chief of administration and govern- only if realised that they were part ment, so he usually attended ministerial of the Thai nation, the Thai identity and Thai meetings. He stated, ‘Would every person please citizenry, and that ‘other people’ who were not convene in order to fulfill all the set objectives... ‘fellow Thais’ would not sincerely love them and and I shall attend the meetings to discuss

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matters’ (36:170). King Rama VI, on the con- the King is powerful, he can completely trary, seldom attended ministerial meetings. subjugate them. But if the King is weak, Rather, he ordered each minister to report the they will gain more authority and disas- agenda to him in person. He also showed much ters will be inevitable...’ (47:129-130) interest in drama and wrote a large number of He stressed that ‘according to Thai tradition, books. Moreover, he was so fond of spending the king and his people are acquainted with each long holidays in other provinces, especially at other. The king does not isolate himself from Sanamchan Palace, Bang Pa In Palace and in his people, but always allows them to meet him’ Phetchaburi province, that he frequently had (47:131). to assign his elderly relatives administrative authority (32:162). It is understood that King Thai History and the National Identity: the Rama VI did not emphasise his role as the chief Thai Identity of government because the government service in his reign was beginning to operate automati- Whereas King Rama V tried to search for the cally. What he emphasised, therefore, was the differences between the past, the present and the symbolic importance of the king and his ‘sover- future and emphasised ‘the Thai background’ in eignty’. He occasionally stated, ‘I am glad to order that the changes he introduced would suit be the sovereign amongst you’ (47:312) and the time and the Thai characteristics, King Rama ‘I am the sovereign of Siam’ (47:147). His VI focused his attention on ‘the Thai identity’, intention to emphasise the symbolic importance which had remained unchanged through history of the king was manifested in his letter: and would remain so now as well as in the ‘Besides, if we want to preserve the future. King Rama VI used many words to re- nation, we must preserve the pillar of the fer to the permanent ‘Thai identity’, such as nation, the King, who guides the nation in ‘the traditions that have been observed since the all things... The reason we must be loyal old time’ (6:206), ‘the righteous traditions’ to the King and protect him is because in (42:55), ‘the Thai code of conduct’ (42:55) or the eyes of foreigners, he is the Head of ‘our ethical principles since the old time’ (29:52). State... and if a nation has a sovereign, it This concept of history was therefore like a still can be likened to a ship with a banner, as a image in that the present could resemble the past Buddhist proverb says: “The king is the and the past would recur in the present and the glory of the country...” (7:260-261) future; as he mentioned in his books, ‘Let us Most importantly, King Rama VI terminated unite and be like the Thais of King ’s the government officials’ role as the intermedi- period’ (29:66) or ‘King Rama V abided by the ary between the king and the people. His ten virtues, observing the fine royal traditions declaration in the Coronation Ceremony just as his predecessors had been doing since suggested that government officials ‘interfered’ the Ayutthaya period’ (47:333) between the king and the people. It is apparent that King Rama VI used ‘In , there are only two classes of history as a tool to illustrate the ‘heart and soul’ people, not more. One is the King, the or the ‘moral standards’ of the Thai nation, which leader, who is given full authority... The had remained unchanged throughout its long other is commoners. Anybody who inter- history. This was the core of the Thai identity, feres between the King and the people is which earned Siam eulogies from other civilised unlikely to be loved or admired by Thai nations, for ‘a nation without traditional people... We can see a piece of evidence and cultural traits is likely to be insulted and for this in the chronicles. Lords or people despised’ (47:206) of any class may seize power and inter- King Rama VI believed that the Thai ‘royal fere between the King and the people. If traditions,’ ‘ethical principles’ or ‘righteous

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traditions’, especially where the relationship the civilisation of ‘behaviour and conduct that between the king and the people was concerned, stem from patriotism’ (47:173). would never change, as ‘the monarchic system Despite the king’s emphasis that the Thai has been the foundation of our ethical principles ‘path of righteousness’ and ‘righteous traditions’, since former times’ (47:52) Therefore, Siam which dated back to the ancient time, were should remain under this system. It can be universal, Thai people of King Rama VI’s summarised that the ‘Thai identity’ suggested period still thought highly of westerners and by King Rama VI contained some unique demanded that some occidental beliefs be characteristics that were permanent, unlikely to introduced. The king thus had to explain that be affected by any context or situation. the Thai ‘moral standards’ were not only As King Rama VI put great emphasis on the universal but also comprised aspects that were civilised ‘Thai identity’, he was cautious not to superior to those of other nations. He compared suggest that such civilisation was an imitation Buddhism, which ‘belonged to the Thai people’ of the West. He said, ‘What, then, is imitation? (43:57), with other religions in order to ‘explain It is the confession of our inferiority’ (47:391). clearly why Buddhism should be the religion of He also insisted, ‘Although the “Thai identity” intelligent people’ (43:24). In addition, he stated contains unique characteristics, these character- emphatically that ‘the belief that occult powers istics reflect the universal “soul” or “moral have created all things on earth’ (43:24-39) had standards”, just like those of European countries, no place in Buddhism, and that ‘Lord Buddha... since righteousness is a truth that never dies is in the truths... and shows us the truths that regardless of how much the world and all things we can know and see, without the slightest in it change’ (2:59). He also added, ‘Even though deception’ (43:41). More importantly, ‘We see we abandon the Thai traditions and observe that our Buddha was of noble birth and hence those of the West instead, the result is the same, deserves our respect’ (43:40), while because principles of righteousness are the same ‘The founders of other religions were everywhere in the world’ (42:56), and ‘Accord- different. Jesus’s birth was ignoble; ing to the principles, what is good or what is he was born in a low family of traders. bad is the same all over the world’ (43:107). Mohammed was originally a low-class He likened the belief in the coming saviour of citizen who after founding a religion mankind, which had been in existence since the became a recognised figure in Arabia; this Sukhothai period, to socialism, which originated was to his advantage.’ (43:22) in Europe (2:68). Even most of his ideas were a Having explained that some aspects of the reflection of his universality, as he often claimed, Thai ‘righteous traditions’ were universal while ‘My opinions can be supported by the most some were superior to those of other nations, celebrated European experts in political science King Rama VI attempted to help Thai people and law’ (42:39). He usually stressed that his clearly understand the Thai ‘path of righteous- proposed principles were principles admired by ness’ or ‘righteous traditions’ by ‘establishing learned men of all nations. the nation’s moral standards—that is, the good Therefore, the ‘Thai identity’ was what made principles...’ (47:328). He kept emphasising Siam civilised. Not only did the Thai identity that the ‘good principles’ or ‘nation’s moral reflect universal moral standards, but it was also standards’ had existed in Siam since ancient concerned with the mind and decorum. The king times. suggested that ‘civilisation is in fact created by A large number of his books and speeches the mind and behaviour controlled by the mind’ were inspired by his desire to illustrate the (42:213) and ‘the more righteous people a ‘nation’s moral standards’ or the ‘good prin- nation has, the more truly “civilised” that ciples’, for example, ‘Awake, Thailand’, ‘The nation is’ (42:73). He specifically emphasised Benefits of Righteousness’, ‘The Principles of

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Government Service’, ‘The True National problems. Amongst their proposals were Identity’, ‘The Civil Defence Sermon’ and so the restructuring of taxation, development of forth. In fact, the ‘nation’s moral standards’, infrastructure such as irrigation, promotion which King Rama VI emphasised as the ‘heart of co-operatives and expansion of income or soul’ of the Thai identity and nation, consisted distribution (18:233-238). Even His Majesty’s of several aspects such as loyalty to the king, younger brother, Prince Kromluang Phitsanulok who was the sovereign; unity; bravery; Prachanat, was aware of the diversity of perseverance in doing good things for the people’s ideas, as he informed his elder brother nation and the king; preservation of the nation’s in a letter: honour; honesty to one’s duty and to other people ‘...since the end of the late King’s reign, and so forth. But the most important aspect was people have lost their confidence in loyalty to the nation, the religion and the king. the King’s policy. People have varied He stated that loyalty opinions; some say one thing is good and ‘means that “a person sacrifices his own some say another thing is better. Some benefits to help others”. That is, he is say one thing will put people in trouble willing to be in any kind of trouble or even while others say it will benefit them...’ lose his own life because he is entirely (See 26.) devoted to the nation, the religion and the King Rama VI responded to people’s king. A person who can make such a various ideas by establishing co-operatives, by sacrifice without remorse is a person of allocating a fund of more than 3 million baht consummate mentality. He understands for the purchase of rice grain to be distributed that he is just like a speck of dust, which to farmers when farming was difficult and is part of a mountain which we call by allowing farmers to have low-interest or “nation”. If our nation collapsed, we tiny interest-free loans (47:300). However, these specks of dust would be blown by the attempts could solve very few problems and in wind... In fact, everybody has some value some cases were fruitless, such as the co-opera- - no matter how small - because we tives. In addition, as of 1906, the government belong to an independent nation, one that increased the farming tax and cattle tax by 400 has never been colonised by any nation...’ per cent and 800 per cent, respectively (10:79). (42:122-123) In spite of the intensity of their problems, the It can be observed that loyalty, which was farmers still abided by the concept of patriotism, characterised by the readiness to risk one’s life coping with all the difficulties without demand- or well-being, was a response to the economic ing any help from the country or the king and and philosophical demands during King Rama without showing interest in any ruling system VI’s period. The country’s biggest economic detrimental to the country and the king, even problems were the rice crisis in 1911, which though such a system might seem to provide caused a 2.53 million baht loss in the national solutions for their problems. Moreover, the idea budget, and the international financial crisis of ‘self-reliance’, which the king had introduced between 1920 and 1925, which caused heavy as a foundation for the nation’s economic loss in the trade balance for six years running, stability (see 42), brought considerable relief resulting in a yearly decrease of treasury reserves and satisfaction to government officials who (18:216-223). were worried about the future of the nation and Amidst the economic problems, many intel- convinced them that the king was not ignorant lectuals who were ‘commoners’, such as Phraya of the country’s economic problems although Suriyanuwat, Chao Phraya Thammasak Montri many of the attempts to solve them were unsuc- and Mr Xiou Hud Seng, proposed ways to solve cessful. poor people’s problems, particularly farmers’

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‘Other People’ : Why the Chinese? the Patrolling Division that the founding of Chinese organisations in Bangkok could be used In order to make ‘our people’ united under as a tool to increase the power of Chinese mer- the king, a concept of ‘other people’ was to be chants. Chinese commercial clubs, he specified, created. And it was the Chinese that King Rama would serve as a channel through which the VI chose to be the ‘other people’. Chinese government would extend its power to During King Rama V’s reign, there was an Chinese communities in Bangkok (9:160). attempt to unify all the dependencies to be However, King Rama V, who was still very under the Kingdom of Siam, so the people of sympathetic towards the Chinese merchants, the Lao Kao, Lao Chiang and Lao Phuan regions thought that it was necessary for the Chinese became both ‘our people’ and ‘other people’. merchants to found such clubs in order to handle King Rama V advised the government officials commercial disputes. This was because the stationed in the Lanna region (northern Thailand) Chinese were so numerous and their investments not to ‘show much discrimination’ (37:126), were so large that commercial disputes and debt even though he personally despised the Lao lords problems usually followed. Time-consuming in Lanna (37:136). When the integration policy court battles were inevitable and caused them took effect, every region in Siam was renamed grave difficulty (9:169). according to its location — that is, according to The westerners, on the other hand, were a its direction from Bangkok. The Laos, the bigger problem than the Chinese during King Ngiaw, the Khoen and the Cambodians were no Rama V’s period. One area in which a problem longer ‘other peoples’; they were all considered arose was that of academic knowledge. He Thais (see 17). As for the Chinese, who also ‘could not find Thais with sufficient knowledge, formed a large population, King Rama V was so ideas, perseverance and courage’ (34:286). well aware of their contribution to the country’s Although he had to employ many westerners as economy that he did not regard them as other government officials and counselors, he ‘hated people. Among their immense contributions to appoint westerners heads of offices’ (34:272), were gambling-house taxes, gambling taxes, feeling that ‘westerners were extremely opium taxes, liquor taxes, concession fees, contemptuous of Thais’ (37:241). Then in 1903, mineral fees, forestry fees, check-point taxes and he expressed his feeling, ‘the English are customs. On his visit to the South in 1891, he becoming more and more dishonest. Perhaps expressed great admiration for the Chinese and they have almost succeeded in colonising us’ the Chinese chiefs in Ranong. His letter to the (37:126). He contemplated, ‘When, O Thais, congregation of ministers in charge of the will you stop thinking that England is a friend?’ capital read: (37:249) Nevertheless, King Rama V realised ‘...When I was in Ranong, almost all the that these westerners were too powerful for Chinese in town came to welcome me... Siam to react with hostility. Phraya Ranong held a very impressive King Rama V was very successful in his uni- reception. His brothers, sisters, children fication of dependencies as well as in dealing and grandchildren were warmly united... discreetly with the Western superpowers. One They maintained the city consistently, key mechanism was his success in keeping wisely and with incomparable determina- government officials loyal to the king. The tion...’ (35:288-289) concept of being ‘our people’, ‘their people’ or Towards the end of King Rama V’s reign, the ‘other people’ as a thought-unification tool was Chinese began to form political organisations not necessary. ‘The Thai identity’ had quite a or associations, some in support of the Ching weak connotation and was used to refer to ‘Thai and others in support of the orderliness’ (37:41) or ‘Thai righteous behaviour Kuomintang. It was the opinion of the Chief of and respect to parents, which were of utmost

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importance’ (45:124). A true definition of ‘Thai VI found it necessary to alter his policy on the identity’ was not, however, created. expatriate Chinese. In King Rama VI’s reign, the problem King Rama V during his reign had stated, concerning Laos no longer existed, and Siam’s ‘I do not want the Chinese to assemble and relationship with the west showed a positive approach me for an official discussion as if trend. Many treaties were amended which they possessed consular authority. If they are increased Thailand’s tariff and court authority. in trouble, they can plead for my help, like The Chinese, however, became an important common citizens. This is my wish’ (see 23). political problem as their economic contributions However, when the Chinese had a movement to declined. It was for this reason that King Rama ‘unite’, he did not obstruct them by force, as is VI needed to create unity of ‘the Thai nation’ by evident in his letter to Phraya Rasadanupradit, treating the Chinese as ‘other people’ that Thais one of the Chinese leaders. would have to segregate, be cautious of and ‘Between Thang Yu Vai’s idea and Sun Yat avoid trusting and depending upon. Sen’s idea, people normally see that Thang Yu Vai’s idea is right. But neither person’s Political Problems Caused by the Chinese idea is good to us. I do not want any political opinions amongst the Chinese in Changes in the Thai political context in 1907 our country. Therefore, I ask that any gave rise to the escalation of Chinese political group of people that would like me to movements in Siam. One such change was encourage their effort to found a political Siam’s success in solving the extraterritorial party in my Kingdom be discreet. Since it rights problem, which terminated Western is impossible to prohibit them completely, nations’ rights over the expatriates of their I shall be careful not to let these political protectorates. As a consequence, Chinese people societies obtain more privileges than of all dialect groups assembled in order to necessary.’ (see 24) establish an organisation with a quasi-consular Understandably, the benefit of taxes, tariffs, function. Obviously, the Chinese were seeking concessions and other fees collected from to strengthen their political power in addition to the Chinese merchants were the main reason their economic power (9:136). Meanwhile, why King Rama V was willing to be accommo- the political conflict in China caused both the dating towards the Chinese. But in King Rama Chinese government and the Kuomintang to VI’s period, the government received less finan- try to seek political support from Chinese expa- cial benefit and economic contribution from triates. On the 1st of December, 1908, Sun Yat the Chinese. When their political movements Sen visited a Chinese club in Bangkok and became a problem, the king used them as a delivered a speech that intensified their nation- simple reason to treat the Chinese as ‘other alism by accusing Thai people of taking advan- people’. As of 1907, there were abundant tage of the Chinese and treating them contemp- Western investments in mining businesses tuously (9:142). In addition, Xiao Hud Seng, following a sharp rise in tin prices in the world president of an underground association called market. By 1929, the number of Chinese Tung Mei Huy Association, which had been timber concessionaires had been reduced from supporting the Kuomintang, successfully 58 percent in 1895 to 14 percent and timber persuaded the two formerly rival Hakka asso- export was in the hands of more and more ciations to unite and support the Kuomintang. British companies. Rice mills were in the same In 1911, after the Kuomintang had gained situation. In 1913, Siam Rice mill and its victory in China, Chinese associations in 34 Chinese-owned subsidiaries went out of Thailand—both legal and clandestine—had more business after Siam Chinese Bank’s bankruptcy, active movements, which was why King Rama which was caused by the bank’s negligent

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management, letting its administrators to unites people better than anything else does...’ misuse the capital. Most importantly, the (42:225), ‘makes people feel they are of the same government’s former indirect income – such as race’ (42:225) and shows that the speakers of a opium tax and gambling-house taxes collected language are faithful to that nation (42:227). The from the Chinese – gradually declined. In 1918 most important virtue, however, was devotion, and 1919, income from opium and gambling- as he noted, ‘If they are loyal to the King of Siam, house taxes, which had constituted about 40 per they are real Thais’. (42:228) He said that the cent of the government’s total income, were Thai people’s patriotism, in particular, would completely ceased (18:202-221). make the Thai nation secure (42:6). In addition, some intellectuals, such as Phraya King Rama VI divided Chinese people into Suriyanuwat and Chao Phraya Thammasak several categories according to how ‘foreign’ Montri, demanded that the government solve they were. Purely Chinese people were farmers’ problems, and Chinese merchants in considered less ‘foreign’ than those who were Bangkok agreed with the demand. In an issue ‘half Chinese and half Thai’. For example, of the newspaper called ‘Sino-Siam Periodicals’, Chinese coolies were truly Chinese because they which was owned by Xiao Hud Seng, an editor never tried to learn Thai and differed from Thais analysed the trade regression as occurring both in taste and ideas (42:227). But King Rama because ‘farmers could sell their rice for less VI said, ‘We can count these coolies as Thais, money, so the sales of other products were but in a very contemptuous way’ (42:227). diminished’ (see 20). During the 1907 rice Chinese people in Bangkok were also regarded crisis, each month many Chinese businesses as real Chinese because they lived together in a suffered grave losses or even went bankrupt. large community and detached themselves from (see 9:132) That explained why some Chinese the Thais as they had no need to seek help from might plan to establish a republic in Siam so that or be involved in any way with Thai people. But the farmers’ problems would be solved and these Chinese were less ‘foreign’ because ‘they Chinese businesses would improve. It was were friendly and reasonable’ unless ‘the leader suspected, therefore, that Xiao Hud Seng was of their clandestine association incited them, behind the Bangkok Era 130 (1911) incident. making them unreasoning people’ (42:15). Then (See 10:212-214.) they would become truly ‘foreign’. Amidst all these economic and political On the other hand, those who were ‘half conditions, King Rama VI chose the Chinese to Chinese and half Thai’ or ‘Thai by birth, be ‘other people’. He stressed that one had to Chinese by occupation and English by be either Thai or Chinese, not both (42:16). document’ were the most ‘foreign’ people of He also expressed his intention, ‘I shall erase whom Thais had to be cautious. ‘This sort of the belief that the Chinese are part of Siam’ people is like a chameleon, which changes its (42:19) because ‘the real Chinese are really colour according to the environment. When foreign’ (42:18) and ‘there are Chinese amongst Thais, they are Thai. When surrounded descendants who will become Thai, but very by Chinese people, they are Chinese. Many of few’ (42:16). For those Chinese descendants to them are also under the westerners’ command. become fully Thai, or ‘really belong amongst These people, who are usually political orators, our people’, they had to change their nationality are “half Chinese and half Thai”. They consider and disengage themselves from all Chinese themselves leaders of new ideas; they are mostly associations (42:41). orators and journalists in Bangkok. These people King Rama VI’s criteria to distinguish Thais can become anything in order to gain benefits’ from Chinese were birth, behaviour, language (42:16-18). and volition. Amongst these, language was Another difference between Thais and regarded as most important because ‘a language ‘foreigners’ which King Rama VI emphasised

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was the difference in civilisation and values. the Thais admitted that they were inferior. ‘Although we became civilised after the However, while his appreciation of the West was Chinese, now we have overtaken them,’ he noted obvious, he made every effort to make Thai (42:82). Then he added, ‘We differ from the people understand that the European nations’ Chinese, who are fond of money and generally acknowledgement of Siam and her King as very stingy... We Thai people are poor in terms members of the world community reflected of money but rich in satisfaction and happiness’ Siam’s civilisation and independence. (42:51). Every year, during the king’s birthday The aforementioned differences between ‘our celebration, in his speech to his relatives and people’ and ‘other people’ were the major government officials, the king announced the reasons that King Rama VI did not allow ‘other government’s annual achievements. On one people’ to become part of the Thai nation. such occasion, he congratulated Siam on her He explained, ‘They are totally foreign, by birth, success in having been accepted as a member of by behaviour, by viewpoint, by language and the world community. On the 1st of January finally by choice (42:18). If we were struck by 1915, he declared destitution, they might just abandon us (42:41). ‘In regard to the friendship between Siam We cannot hope that they will die with us and other nations, I am glad to show you (42:40). Therefore, we ought not to depend upon evidence that such friendship is develop- others; we must depend on ourselves. Let us all ing even faster than before. That is, the do our best for ourselves without asking for King of England has expressed extraordi- foreigners’ help’ (42:42-43). nary friendship to me by offering me the Such an attitude towards ‘foreigners’ so position of Special-General in the British deeply strengthened Thai people’s consciousness Army and by accepting my offer of the of being ‘our people’ that they became patient position of Special-General in the Siamese and ready to sacrifice everything only to main- Army.’ (47:145-146) tain ‘our nation’s’ civilisation, security and The king stressed that both occasions had independence for posterity. brought himself and the Siamese Army great Apart from the Chinese, there was another honour, and were unprecedented events in the group of ‘foreigners’, but these ‘foreigners’ were Eastern nations. of higher status than the Chinese. That was why On the 1st of January 1919, he delivered a King Rama VI strongly wished to make these lengthy speech about Siam’s participation in ‘foreigners’ admit that Siam and the Thai king ‘international affairs’ (47:294-298). Then on the were as civilised and honourable as they were. 1st of January 1920, he stated, ‘International These were the Europeans. friendship increases throughout the world. Since King Rama VI was educated in England As our country has declared to fight with the for nine years and was personally interested in Allies, we have been acknowledged by all Western literature and philosophy, he had a civilised people...’ (47:355-356). Both state- special admiration for Western civilisation. It ments reflected King Rama VI’s satisfaction that was because of the Western nations’ power and ‘our people’ and ‘other people’ — evidently the development that their civilisation became westerners — were united and proved that he had predominant during that period. Knowing that accomplished his intention to establish the ‘Thai literature and philosophy both emphasised the identity’ that was both universal and civilised. universality of human thoughts and emotions, It should be noted that the regarding of he took the precaution of not regarding Siam’s success in associating with ‘other highly westerners as ‘other people’ who were superior civilised people’ as a matter of honour to the to the Thais; neither did he wish to imitate nation and the king and as evidence of the Western civilisation, for that would mean that civilisation of the ‘Thai identity’ started officially

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in the reign of King Rama VI and became a new ‘Gratitude’ was a virtue that King Rama VI trend that has continued until today. During his emphasised more than his father had. In the reign, particularly, such achievements enor- Birthday Celebration speech he delivered to his mously impressed most of the king’s relatives and relatives and government officials on the 1st of government officials, who had formerly regarded January, 1914, he said, ‘Those to whom I have the Western nations as the most civilised nations, given support must always realise it and must because it not only elevated Siam to be equal to pay me a debt of gratitude for what I have done’ other civilised nations and proved the univer- (47:348). sality of the ‘Thai identity’ but also marked the This concept was clearly seen in King Rama significance and success of the Thai monarchy. VI’s use of new terms to refer to government Another significant difference between King officials and ordinary people. That he referred Rama VI and his father, King Rama V, was their to government officials as ‘servants’ not ‘Royal thinking about the future of Siam. King Rama Attendants’ and ordinary people as ‘slaves of the V had been through a period during which the land’ not ‘citizens’ indicated that he emphasised king had lost his authority and government the master-slave relationship in which the officials had had very limited responsibility, so master possessed both power and mercy and the he had realised that sooner or later, when the slave had to submit to such authority and do descendants of government officials received everything in return for the mercy. higher education, a change in the government The Thai nation in King Rama VI’s imagina- system would be inevitable. In contrast, King tion, which consisted of ‘the sovereign’, Rama VI never projected his thoughts into such ‘servants’, ‘slaves of the land’ amongst others, a future possibility. He tried to emphasise that was considerably different from the actual ‘monarchy had been our ethical principle since Kingdom of Siam, in which ‘the King’, ‘royal the old time’ (47:52), and this ethical principle, attendants’ — who assisted the king in national which was the core of the Thai identity, would affairs—and ‘citizens’ — including Thais, Laos, never change. The Dusit Thani case, which Karens and so forth—received equal mercy from many believe was the foundation of democracy, the king. was undoubtedly monarchy - inspired. The 1918 King Rama VI’s imagination appeared to be City Administration Charter stated emphatically in conflict with the principal concept of that that the Dusit Thani inhabitants’ authority to period that held high regard for ordinary people. voice opinions concerning certain aspects of Since ‘servants’ and ‘slaves of the land’ did not self-administration was ‘granted’ by the king have so strong faith in the king as he had wished, (47:127). Moreover, ‘Authority in any other the concept that stressed the ‘Thai identity’ as area, which the King had not granted, remained the heart and soul of the nation failed to make with the central government, which was under these ‘servants’ and ‘slaves of the land’ love the the King’s direct supervision’ (47:127). Thus nation that had the king at the centre. the City Administration, which was ‘elected annually by the inhabitants of Dusit Thani’, had The Creation of the ‘Thai Identity’ by Somdet to be approved by the king (47:130). Later, Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab3 another Royal Edict was issued which contained addenda and amendments to the City Adminis- While King Rama VI adopted the concept of tration Charter. One addendum was the appoint- universality and the ‘other people’ idea to bind ment — not election — of ‘Honorary Statesmen’, all Thais together in pride in their nation, Somdet whose status and authority resembled those of Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab, uncle of senators, by the City Administration staff. The King Rama VI, stressed the importance of Thai Honorary Statesman position was a lifelong distinctive features or characteristics without position (47:50-51). trying to create ‘other people.’ Such distinctive

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features, in his opinion, were qualifications that of the Sukhothai period were. They had permanently been in the Thai nation and Thai adopted the Cambodian traditions and people throughout the nation’s long history, still language and even craftsmanship. There- remained and would continue forever. It was fore, the pagodas built during the because of these qualifications that the nation Ayutthaya period reflected a combination survived and prospered despite occasional of Cambodian, Lankan and Thai architec- crises. Most significant amongst these qualifi- ture.’ (2:186-187) cations were ‘the love of the nation’s indepen- Thai architecture, therefore, reflects a com- dence, the absence of persecution and the bination of good aspects of other cultures, which cleverness at integrating benefits’. were adapted to suit Thai culture and finally Unlike King Rama VI, Somdet Kromphraya became established as a distinctive Thai feature. Damrong Rachanuphab did not try to discover It was through cleverness in integrating the true Thai identity. This was because he benefits that Siam could rise above Burma, a considered Thai culture as emanating from its nation that had previously conquered Siam. cleverness at assimilating benefits. He explained Burma even adopted Thai art patterns. ‘Burma the development of the Thai alphabet as follows. imitated many Thai art patterns, such as the ‘Siam ruled over people with predomi- carving pattern called Yodia Pattern. Thai nantly Cambodian culture. Thais were musical instruments and dance and singing usually good at determining which foreign patterns were also imitated by the Burmese tradition was good for them, and if it did during the Ayutthaya period’ (22:95). not pose any threat to their benefits, they Somdet Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab would accept or adapt it to their advan- emphasised that not only did the Thai nation tage, such as the adaptation of the Thai belong to pure Thais, but ‘people of all races alphabet from the Cambodian alphabet.’ and languages in Siam’ (5:60, 171) were also (2:68) called ‘people with Thai nationality’. He stated, Thai music, which was part of the ‘Thai ‘They are all Thais, whether they are Thai Yai identity’, was another result of cleverness at (Shan) or Thai Noi (Siamese)’ (5:77). integrating benefits. He explained, ‘The Indians Somdet Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab brought this style into the country when the was well aware of the importance of government Cambodians were still dominating the land. officials and people under the king’s ‘leader- When the Thais rose to power, they inherited it ship’, as he remarked in his radio-broadcast from the Cambodians and developed it for the speech on the 31st of March, 1931. stringed, percussion and wind instruments that ‘The country’s peacefulness depends we play today’ (1:3-4). upon several factors. For example, the The ‘Thai identity’ manifested in architecture countrymen—administrators and citizens also represented the cleverness at integrating alike—must be united to develop the benefits, as in the following observations. country in peacetime and to solve prob- ‘The construction of Buddhist pagodas in lems when in crisis... so as to maintain the Sukhothai period was inspired by the independence... because for 150 years Lankan architecture. But it was typical of today the kings in the Thais not to ignore good and beautiful have been leading the people of Siam to things. They even integrated strengths of battle against the enemy and to maintain different craftsmen into the Sukhothai peacefulness.’ (5:170-171) style of the Buddhist pagoda.’ (2:174) He defined the statue of King as And follows. ‘Thais of the Ayutthaya period were more ‘The statue of King Rama I, it should be familiar with the Cambodians than those noted, represents not only the honour of

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King Rama I but also that of our Siamese independence, the leader of the termination of ancestors, who gave the King uncondi- persecution and the leader of the integration of tional cooperation. (5:173) benefits. In the meantime, he also wrote about Somdet Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab kings who had failed to be leaders in these three paid more attention to the importance of areas, probably because he wished to remind government officials in order to respond to their everybody that a king who tried to make the growing displeasure. Even though 1931 was country warlike instead of putting an end to the fifth year of King Rama VII’s reign, the persecution, and who caused division instead of problem of the balance of authority remained emphasising the importance of integrating widespread amongst government officials. benefits might lead the dynasty to a disastrous To make the matter worse, King Rama VII’s end, as in former times. substitution of his relatives for government of- Since the majority of Somdet Kromphraya ficials in ministerial positions caused immense Damrong Rachanuphab’s books were written difficulty in adjustment to those who had during King Rama VI’s reign and after the 1932 devoted themselves to serving ministers who revolution, it is not surprising that he gave were government officials, and King Rama priority to the defence of the country, not of the VI’s court pages. His increased attention to dynasty. As he stressed, ‘We must think about citizens was in response to their demand for a the country first, and the dynasty second’ (3:23). solution to their poverty and to their request to The differences between the three most participate in the administration. important intellectuals’ ways of establishing the Like King Rama VI, Somdet Kromphraya ‘Thai’ identity in the absolute monarchy state Damrong Rachanuphab aimed at searching for explain why such a state did not have sufficient and comprehending the unchanging theme of the authority. The groups of government officials ‘Thai identity’. Thus his historical ideas were who enjoyed high status and honour in King not based upon any change in the econo- Rama V’s period became the enemy of the political context; no matter how much the absolute monarchy system and in the succeed- circumstantial situations were changing, the ing reign played a great role in its abolition, theme of the Thai identity would remain not caring to sustain it exactly as the king who unaffected. His books about Thai history there- had started it wished. Moreover, the Thai fore contained historical accounts that reflected identity established by King Rama VI did not these three distinctive features. correspond to that emphasised by Somdet Both King Rama VI and Somdet Kromphraya Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab, resulting Damrong Rachanuphab utilised Thai history to in people’s indecision about the two ‘alterna- demonstrate the theme of the Thai identity. They tives’. Eventually, both identity alternatives had also emphasised the supremacy of the king’s to give way to a new one introduced by another status and role. King Rama VI focused his group of people in 1932. demonstration only on successful predecessors After the June 24,1932 revolution, the Thai such as Phra Ruang, King Naresuan the Great nation and identity were given a new definition and King Rama I (47:53) in order to exemplify both by people in power and by those trying to the importance of unity and loyalty to the king challenge them. Some aspects of this new and to accentuate the king’s vital role in national definition were similar to the definition estab- security and independence. He also referred to lished by the absolute monarchy intellectuals the king as an institution that was essential to while others were different from it. The combi- the nation’s independence and development. nation of these similarities and differences Somdet Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab, constitutes the mainstream image of ‘Thai on the other hand, wrote books that emphasised society and culture’, which continues until the king as the leader of the maintenance of today.4

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Reference Second Edition. Bangkok: Amarin Printing and Publishing, 1999. 1. Damrongrajanuphap, Somdej Kromphraya. 11. Lailak, Sathian et al, editors. Prachum Tamnaan khrueangmahooriipiiphaat kotmaay prajam sok, lem 17 (The (The Legend of Thai Traditional Legal Yearbook, Volume 17). Bangkok: Music). Publication in Memory of Daily Mail Publishing, 1934. Khruenaakhom Singharat, 16th April, 12. ____ . Prachum kotmaay prajam sok, 1972. lem 17, phaak 2 (The Legal Yearbook, 2. ____ . Tamnaan Buddhajedi Siam (The Volume 17, Section 2). Bangkok: Daily Legend of Buddhist Pagodas in Siam). Mail Publishing, 1934. Bangkok: Rungwathana Publishing, 13. ____ . Prachum kotmaay prajam sok, 1971. lem 18 (The Legal Yearbook, Volume 3. ____ . Prachum pathakathaa khoong 18). Bangkok: Daily Mail Publishing, Somdej Phrachao Boromawongthoe 1935. Kromphraya Damrongrajanuphap (The 14. ____ . Prachum kotmaay prajam sok, Compilation of Somdej Kromphraya lem 18, phaak 2 (The Legal Yearbook, Damrongrajanuphap’s Speeches). Volume 18, Section 2). Bangkok: Daily Publication in Memory of Mom Chao Mail Publishing, 1935. Aachawadit Disakul. 22nd January, 15. ____ . Prachum kotmaay prajam sok, 1976. lem 19 (The Legal Yearbook, Volume 4. ____ . Prachum Phraniphon kiawkap 19). Bangkok: Daily Mail Publishing, tamnaan thaang Buddhasaasanaa (The 1935. Compilation of Works about Buddhist 16. ____ . Prachum kotmaay prajam sok, Legends). Publication in Memory of lem 19, phaak 2 (The Legal Yearbook, Phrathep Khunathan, 1971. Volume 19, Section 2). Bangkok: Daily 5. ____ . Prachum Phraniphon betalet (The Mail Publishing, 1935. Compilation of Miscellaneous Works). 17. ____ . Prachum kotmaay prajam sok, Bangkok: Khurusapha, 1961. lem 20 (The Legal Yearbook, Volume 6. ____ . Thai rop Phama (Thailand Fought 20). Bangkok: Daily Mail Publishing, Burma). Bangkok: Khlang Withaya, 1935. 1962. 18. Maneephruek, Chusri. “Sethakit Thai 7. Jotmaayheetraaywan nay Phrabaat Nay Chuang Pho So 2452-2475” (Thai Somdej Phra Monkutklawchaoyuuhua Economy between 1909 and 1932). (King Rama VI’s Diary). Bangkok: Sethakit Thai (Thai Economy), second Maha Makut Royal Academy Press, edition. Bangkok: Sukhothai Tham- 1974. mathirat University, 1992. 8. Julajakphong, Phrachao Worawongthoe 19. Mektrairat, Nakharin. Kaanpatiwat Siam Pho Phraong Chao. Chao chiiwit (Lord of So 2475 (The 1932 Siam’s Revolution). Life). Bangkok: Khlang Withaya, 1974. Bangkok: Social Sciences and Humani- 9. Komen, Prathana. Samakhom chaawjiin ties Project Foundation in association nay Krungthep Pho So 2440-2488 with the Publishing Division of the Sixty (Chinese Associations in Bangkok Years of Democracy Project, 1992. between 1897 and 1945). Master of 20. Nangsuephim Jiino Siam Warasap (Sino- Arts Thesis (History), Chulalongkorn Siam Periodicals), Friday 10th February University, 1990. 1911. 10. Kamutphitsamai, Acharaphorn. Kabot 21. Narisaranuwatiwong, Somdej Kromphra Ro So 130 (The 1912 Rebellion). and Somdej Kromphraya Damrongra-

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januphap. Saan Somdej, lem 4 (Somdej’s 33. Rama V, King. Prachum Phrarajahatha- Messages, Volume 4). Bangkok: Khuru- leekhaa Phrabaat Somdej Phra sapha. 1961. Julajomklawchaoyuuhua thii song 22. ____ . Saan Somdej, lem 7 (Somdej’s borihaan rajakaanphaendin Phaakthii 2 Messages, Volume 7). Bangkok: Khuru- (The Compilation of King Rama V’s sapha. 1961. Letters, Part Two). Bangkok: Office of 23. National Archive, T. 21/14. Photostats of the Prime Minister Press, 1966. the King’s Letters, 54/1582, to Chao 34. ____ . Prachum Phrarajahathaleekhaa Phraya Yomarat, Dated 2nd February, Phrabaat Somdej Phra Julajomklaw- 1909. chaoyuuhua thii song borihaan 24. National Archive, T. 21/14. Photostats rajakaanphaendin Phaakthii 3 (toon 1) of the King’s Secret Letters to Phraya (The Compilation of King Rama V’s Rasadanupradit, Dated 15th February, Letters, Part Two (Section 1)). Bangkok: 1909. Office of the Prime Minister Press, 25. National Archive, R 5 W22/1. King Rama 1970. V’s Letters to His Brother Phra Ong 35. ____ . Prachum Phrarajahathaleekhaa Chao Sawadisophon, Dated 5th March, Phrabaat Somdej Phra Julajomklaw- 1895. chaoyuuhua thii song borihaan 26. National Archive, R 6 K1/12. Kromluang rajakaanphaendin Phaakthii 3 (toon 2) Phitsanulok Prachanat’s Letters to King (The Compilation of King Rama V’s Rama VI. Letters, Part Two (Section 2)). Bangkok: 27. National Archive, R 6 B/3.1/64, Volume 4. Office of the Prime Minister Press, Chao Phraya Yomarat. 1970. 28. National Archive, R 6 B/3.1/64, Volume 2. 36. ____ . “Phrarajadamrat song thalaeng Chao Phraya Yomarat’s Letters to King phraboromrajathibaay kaekhay Rama VI, Dated 30th September, 1915. kaanpokkhrong phaendin” (The Royal 29. National Archive, R 6 M36K/6. King Rama Declaration of the Amendments to VI’s Letters to Phraya Thep Orachun, Government Administration). Prawa Phraya Uthai Montri and Phraya Tham tisaat lae kaanmueang (History and Suk Raj, Dated 8th June, 1913. Politics). Bangkok: Thammasat Univer- 30. National Archive, R 6 RL5/1. King Rama sity Press, 1973. VI’s Speech to Court Officials, Dated 37. Rama V, King. Phrarajahathaleekhaa 23rd February, 1911. Phrabaat Somdej Phra Julajomklaw- 31. Phraboromarajoowaat nay Phrabaat chaoyuuhua thii song borihaan Somdej Phra Julajomklawchaoyuuhua rajakaanphaendin Phaakthii 4 (The lae nay Phrabaat Somdej Phra Compilation of King Rama V’s Letters, Monkutklawchaoyuuhua (King Rama Part 4). Bangkok: Office of the Prime V’s and King Rama VI’s Speeches). Minister Press, 1972. Bangkok: Phra Jan Publishing, 1930. 38. ____ . “Phraboromrajathibaay waaduay (Publication in Memory of Mom Chao khwaamsaamakhi” (The Royal Expla- Prasitsak Kasemsan) nation of Unity). Prawatisaat lae kaan- 32. Prawalpat, Jantharat. Kaansueksaapriap- (History and Politics). Bangkok: thiap Rajasamnak nay samay Rajakaan- Press, 1973. thii 5 lae Rajakaanthii 6 (A Comparative 39. ____ . Phrarajaphithii sipsoong duean, Study of King Rama V’s and King Rama lem 1 (The Royal Twelve-Month VI’s Courts). Master of Arts Thesis (His- Ceremony, Volume 1). Bangkok: tory), Chulalongkorn University, 1978. Khurusapha, 1963.

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40. ____ . Phrarajaphithii sipsoong duean, Note lem 2 (The Royal Twelve-Month 1 I am very thankful to the Graduate School Ceremony, Volume 2). Bangkok: of International Development, Nagoya Univer- Khurusapha, 1963. sity, for providing me with the funds and 41. ____ . Phrarajaphithii sipsoong duean, resources for my research in Japan from 16 April lem 3 (The Royal Twelve-Month to 19 July, 2000. My special thanks go to my Ceremony, Volume 3). Bangkok: very kind hosts, Associate Professor Takeshi Khurusapha, 1963. Higashimura and Associate Professor Atsuko 42. Rama VI, King. Pakinakakhadii (Miscel- Ohashi Momoki. I also extend my gratitude to laneous Accounts). Bangkok: Silapa the Thailand Research Fund for granting me the Banna- khan, 1972. fund for my research in Thailand from 1 43. ____ . Thesanaa Sueapaa (Civil Defence December, 1999 to 30 November, 2002. I thank Sermon). Bangkok: Bannakit, n.d. Professor Dr. Nidhi Eoseewong of 44. Luang Ratanaban, editor. Kotmaay Thai University and Professor Dr. Chatthip Nartsupha khue Phrarajabanyat lae prakaat sueng of Chulalongkorn University very much for tang khuen nay rajakaan Phrabaat giving me significant comments. My thanks go Somdej Phra Julajomklawchaoyuuhua finally to Aajaan Chaiyathip Katsura and Aajaan (Thai Laws: Royal Acts and Notifica- Pete Hoepner of Payap University and also to tions Issued in the Reign of King Rama Research Associate Susan Tennant of GSID, V). Bangkok: Wichakan Ban Mo Nagoya University. Aajaan Chaiyathip trans- Publishing, 1894. lated this paper into English, Aajaan Pete and 45. Surentharathibadi, Chao Phraya Phrasadet. Research Associate Tennant proofread the Phrarajahathaleekhaa lae nangsue translation. kraapbangkhomthuun, lem 1 (His 2 Somdet Kromphraya Damrong Rachanuphab Majesty’s Letters and Invitations, had the same attitute towards ‘disposition’, as Volume 1). Bangkok: Khurusapha, seen in his books: ‘Usually a person’s mind can 1963. be changed or trained to be good or bad’ (5:221). 46. ____ . Phrarajahathaleekhaa lae 3 His book ‘Siam’s Wars with Burma’ does nangsue kraapbangkhomthuun, lem 2 not emphasise ‘other people’ but the Thais’ love (His Majesty’s Letters and Invitations, of freedom. The images of Burma and Cambo- Volume 2). Bangkok: Khurusapha, dia presented in this book emphasise that 1963. such love of freedom inspires Thais to repel 47. Wathanaset, S. Waatha Phra Mongkut intruders and refuse to be under any nation. (King Rama VI’s Words). Bangkok: 4 This is my hypothesis, which I try to Rungwithaya, 1963. examine in my research project, “History of the Intellectuals’ Thinking about Thai Society and Culture (1892-1992)”.

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