PUBLICOPINION Solid and Professional 10/2015

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

PUBLICOPINION Solid and Professional 10/2015 POLISH PUBLICOPINION Solid and Professional 10/2015 ISSN 2083-1714 CONTENTS Political views in the years 1990 -2015. Opinions of the youth against Political views in the years 1990 -2015. the background of the society as a whole Opinions of the youth CBOS measures political views on a 7-point scale, where 1 signifies left-wing against the background views and 7 means the right wing. Respondents are asked to select the point of the society as a whole which best reflects their political orientation. People selecting points 1 to 3 are considered left-wing and respondents choosing points 5 to 7 are considered Psychological right-wing. characteristics of party After systemic change, the proportion of citizens self-identifying as left-wing fell from 28% in 1990 to 15% in 1991. Until 1993 declarations of right-wing identity electorates prevailed, but their magnitude systematically fell. A year later, the left-wing group (27%) was 8 percentage points bigger than the right. However, the good Professional position timesfortheleftlastedayearonly. of Poles In 1995-1998 right-wing declarations dominated. The increase in social support for the left wing started in 1999 and resulted in the electoral victory of the coalition of Alliance of the Democratic Left and Union of Labour (SLD-UP) in IN ADDITION 2001. However, as early as a year after SLD formed the government the support TO THE REPORTS REFERRED TO ABOVE, for the left started to decline. In 2008 it reached its lowest level in the last 25 years THE FOLLOWING HAVE BEEN PUBLISHED (13%) and subsequently Declared political views of Poles in the years 1990-2015* RECENTLY(P IN OLISH ): hovered between 14% Yearly proportion of respondents self-identifying as left-wing and right-wing · Trust in Politicians a Month before and 17%. In 2008 33% of 40% Parliamentary Elections respondents declared Right-wing 30% · Opinions about Refugees on the Eve of having right-wing views. EU Summit Dedicated to Migrant Crisis At present this 20% · School Students Vacation - Rest or Paid proportion is only Left-wing Work 10% · Participation in the Parliamentary slightlysmaller(31%). Elections, Voting Certainty, Worries and 0% Analyses show that right- 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Predictions of the Election Results wing self-identification *In 2015 data for the months Jan-Sep · Party Preferences in October tends to be more radical than left-wing. This is a long-term regularity. Since 1990, · What is the Difference between Supporters of Left Wing, Centrist and the proportion of extreme right-wing declarations (point 7) was generally larger Right Wing Political Views? than the proportion of extreme left-wing views (point 1). The exceptions to this · Forms of Employment and Socio- Declared political views of Poles in the years 1990-2015* rule were the years 1993 political Views Yearly proportion of extreme views in right-wing and left-wing declarations and 1999-2002, when · Who are the Voters – Socio- 40% there were more extreme demographic Portraits of the Largest left-wing declarations, or Potential Electorates 30% the proportions were · Party Preferences before Parliamentary 20% Elections comparable. Since 2002 10% · Opinions about Parliament and Extreme left-wing views in all left the views of right-wing Extreme right-wing views in all right President 0% respondents have 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 · Social Moods before Parliamentary *In 2015 data for the months Jan-Sep becomemoredecisive. Elections In the last two years there has been radicalisation of right-wing views. In the first · Attitude to Government in October three quarters of 2015, people who self-identified as extreme right constituted · Trust in Politicians in the Last Days of Election Campaign 12% of all respondents (37% of right wingers). Such a result was recorded for the firsttimeinCBOSsurveys. Trends among respondents aged 18-24 years are similar to Psychological characteristics of those recorded in the whole society. Young people relatively often declare centrist orientation or answer party electorates “don't know.” This means that for most of the time they held both left-wing and right-wing views less often than all Parliamentary elections held in Poland in October were a Poles. catalystforachangeonthepoliticalscene.Onthepolitical In 2014 the frequency of right-wing declarations among supply side, new programs and personalities emerged. the young people started to rise rapidly, which was Their origin owes to exhaustion with the government of accompanied by a strong decrease in left-wing views. In the coalition of Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party 2015 the proportion of right wingers among them was (PO-PSL), which led to a surprisingly good result of Paweł higher than in general population. In the first three Kukiz in the first round of the May presidential elections. quarters of 2015 a third (33%) of people aged 18-24 years Two recently formed groupings managed to have their describedtheirpoliticalviewsasright-wing. candidates elected to the Sejm: Modern party Declared political views of Poles aged 18-24 in the years (Nowoczesna - Ryszard Petru) and the movement 1990-2015* Kukiz'15. Moreover, three more parties are in parliament: Yearly proportion of young respondents self-identifying as left-wing and right-wing Law and Justice (PiS), PO and PSL. Who are the people compared with all respondents 40% voting for groupings represented in the new parliament, what differentiates them, what psychological attributes 30% andattitudescharacterisethem? 20% The analysis centres on the following psychological phenomena: optimism-pessimism, reflected in 10% evaluations and attitudes related to the situationi n the 0% country and personal matters; openness to change: 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Left-wing views: of youthRight-wing views: of youth conservatism – innovativeness, reflected in the attitude to of all of all *In 2015 data for the months Jan-Sep changes around the world and willingness to introduce them; willingness to cooperate, which consists in belief in Nevertheless, political views of people aged 18-24 years the possibility of non-antagonistic interpersonal relations are less clearly defined than opinions of the whole society. and is based on trust in other people; paranoid political It is indicated by data on radical attitudes. The proportion thinking, which is reflected in conviction that there are of extreme answers in left and right-wing responses hidden forces ruling the world and in belief in the so-called among the youth is much lower than among all Poles. This conspiracy theory of history; authoritarianism, which is a means that young people are less radical in their political conviction that interpersonal relations are hierarchically opinions. The only time when this was not true was in structured, in a belief in effectiveness of force and 1990. Back then, 25% of right-wing respondents aged 18- necessity to subordinate to authority; anomie, 24expressedextremeviews. understood as the experience of a loss of sense, being lost in the social world, and in uncertainty about its values and Declared political views of Poles aged 18-24 in the years 1990-2015* rules; political alienation, which is a feeling of exclusion Yearly proportion of extreme declarations in all left-wing and right-wing from the political domain, lack of influence and distrust in declarations. Youth compared with all respondents mechanisms of power and political elites. The strength of 40% these psychological attitudes was studied with scales 30% constructed on the basis of questionnaire items. The use of scales allows for showing the results as composite 20% indicators. 10% Voters of PiS are characterised by high levels of political 0% paranoia: they are particularly prone to thinking about 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 politics in terms of a conspiracy of hidden forces. Extreme left-wing views in all left: youth Extreme right-wing views in all right: youth all all Moreover, they are marked by strong authoritarianism. *In 2015 data for the months Jan-Sep The PiS electorate is resilient to change. It also lags behind most other groups of voters in readiness to cooperate with More information about this topic can be found in CBOS report in otherpeople.Itispessimistictoalessthanaverageextent. Polish: “Interest in Politics and Political Views in Years 1989–2015. Young People Compared to Others", October 2015. Fieldwork Levels of anomie and political alienation are in this conductedmonthlyfrom1989untilSeptember2015. electoratesimilartotheaverage. 2 Supporters of PO, the party in government until recently, Indicators are characterised by relatively low level of political optimism-pessimism on a scale from 0 (highest optimism) alienation. They are optimistic to a level above average. to 2 (highest pessimism) Among different electorates they are marked by relatively All respondents 0,97 low tendency to perceive politics as a conspiracy of Nowoczesna unknown forces. Anomie and distance to politics (Ryszard Petru) 0,79 (alienation) appear to a low degree. They are more PO 0,85 PSL 0,90 trusting than average and display stronger readiness to PiS 0,90 cooperate. Their level of openness to change is similar to Kukiz'15 1,00 theaverage. 0,00 0,50 1,00 1,50 2,00 The strongest characteristic of the electorate of Kukiz'15 is openness to change on a scale from 1 (conservatism) high openness to change. It is accompanied by above- to 10 (innovativeness) average willingness to cooperate with others. Supporters All respondents 5,58 of this electoral committee are marked by significantly PiS 5,42 higher pessimism than other groups.
Recommended publications
  • Download=47:Poland-Germany-Partnership-For-Europe
    BRIEF POLICY AFTER TUSK: POLAND IN EUROPE Piotr Buras SUMMARY The departures of Donald Tusk and Radoslaw Sikorski Poland has just experienced the most mark the end of an era in Polish politics. Tusk will take successful decade in its modern history. It took office as president of the European Council on 1 December, advantage of the opportunities presented by EU integration and has enjoyed stable political and Sikorski left the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after the and economic development. Not hit by the government reshuffle in September to become Marshal of economic crisis and led by the tandem of Tusk the Sejm (chair of the Polish parliament). Together, the and Sikorski, Warsaw won the confidence of former prime minister and the former foreign minister its main EU partners, most notably Berlin, emblematise Poland’s success in recent years in achieving and earned a strong position within the bloc. The nomination of Tusk for the post of the clear economic gains and making a splash in foreign and president of the European Council marked the European affairs. Against a backdrop of financial and end of this unprecedented era. The next decade economic crisis, Poland emerged as an important player on may be more difficult and a continuation of the European stage. Poland’s successful run is by no means certain. The country needs a new economic model As the only country in Europe not to experience an economic to sustain its impressive growth. It faces political dilemmas with regard to accession slump, Warsaw benefited politically from the crisis – and to the eurozone as well as to its eastern and became an important ally to Berlin.
    [Show full text]
  • Assumptions of Law and Justice Party Foreign Policy
    Warsaw, May 2016 Change in Poland, but what change? Assumptions of Law and Justice party foreign policy Adam Balcer – WiseEuropa Institute Piotr Buras – European Council on Foreign Relations Grzegorz Gromadzki – Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar – Centre for International Relations The deep reform of the state announced by Law and Justice party (PiS) and its unquestioned leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, and presented as the “Good Change”, to a great extent also influences foreign, especially European, policy. Though PiS’s political project has been usually analysed in terms of its relation to the post 1989, so called 3rd Republic institutional-political model and the results of the socio-economic transformation of the last 25 years, there is no doubt that in its alternative concept for Poland, the perception of the world, Europe and Poland’s place in it, plays a vital role. The “Good Change” concept implies the most far-reaching reorientation in foreign policy in the last quarter of a century, which, at the level of policy declarations made by representatives of the government circles and their intellectual supporters implies the abandonment of a number of key assumptions that shaped not only policy but also the imagination of the Polish political elite and broad society as a whole after 1989. The generally accepted strategic aim after 1989 was to avoid the “twilight zone” of uncertainty and to anchor Poland permanently in the western security system – i.e. NATO, and European political, legal and economic structures, in other words the European Union. “Europeanisation” was the doctrine of Stefan Batory Foundation Polish transformation after 1989.
    [Show full text]
  • The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
    The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom­ ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec­ tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi­ larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec­ toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125).
    [Show full text]
  • February 21, 1948 Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 21, 1948 Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948 Citation: “Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948,” February 21, 1948, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Warsaw), file 217, packet 16, pp. 1-11. Translated by Anna Elliot-Zielinska. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117117 Summary: In the midst of a cabinet crisis in Czechoslovakia that would lead to the February Communist coup, several delegates from the Polish Socialist Party were sent to Prague to spread socialist influence. The crisis is outlined, as well as a thorough report of the conference in Prague. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Polish Contents: English Translation In accordance with the resolution of the Political Commission and General Secretariat of the Central Executive Committee (CKW) of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), made late on the night of 20 February 1948, Com. Kazimierz Rusinek, Adam Rapacki, Henryk Jablonski, and Stefan Arski were delegated to go to Prague. This decision was made after a thorough analysis of the political situation in Czechoslovakia brought on by a cabinet crisis there. The goal of the delegation was to inform the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party (SD) about the basic stance of the PPS and possibly to influence the SD Central Committee in the spirit of leftist-socialist and revolutionary politics. The motive behind the decision of the Political Commission and General Secretariat was the fear that, from the leftist socialist point of view, the situation at the heart of SD after the Brno Congress was taking an unfavorable shape.
    [Show full text]
  • PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS in POLAND 25Th October 2015
    PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN POLAND 25th October 2015 European Elections monitor The Law and Justice Party win the parliamentary elections and the absolute majority Corinne Deloy Abstract: Five months after having been elected Andrzej Duda (PiS) as President of the Republic on 24th May last (with 51.55% of the vote) the Law and Justice Party (PiS) won the parlia- mentary elections that took place in Poland on 25th October. It won the absolute majority Results and should therefore be able to govern Poland alone over the next four years – a first in the country’s history since the fall of communism in 1989. The conservative and eurosceptic party, also who were disappointed with the PO. The People’s extremely attached to Poland’s Catholic identity Party (PSL), a centrist, agrarian party chaired by led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, won 37.58% of the vote outgoing Prime Minister Janusz Piechocinski, won and 242 seats (+85 in comparison with the last 5.13% of the vote and 18 seats (- 10). parliamentary elections on 9th October 2011) in the Diet, the Lower Chamber of Parliament. It drew The left has disappeared from Parliament. The United ahead of Civic Platform (PO), the party of outgoing Left Coalition (ZL, Zjednoczona Lewica), formed of Prime Minister Eva Kopacz, which won 24.09% of the the Alliance between the Democratic Left (SLD) led vote and 133 seats (- 74). by Leszek Miller, Your Movement (TR, Twoj Ruch) Pawel Kukiz – a rock singer and protest candidate led by Janusz Palikot, the Socialist Party, the Greens who won 20.8% of the vote in the first round of the and the Labour Union (UP), won 7.55% of the vote presidential election on 10th May 2015 took third i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Young People, Precarious Employment and Nationalism in Poland: Exploring the (Missing) Links
    European Review, Vol. 29, No. 4, 470–483 © 2020 Academia Europaea. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S1062798720000514 Young People, Precarious Employment and Nationalism in Poland: Exploring the (Missing) Links ADAM MROZOWICKI & JUSTYNA KAJTA Institute of Sociology, University of Wrocław, ul. Koszarowa 3, 51-149 Wrocław, Poland. Email: [email protected] This article explores the relevance of economic and cultural (identity-based) factors in the emergence of nationalist sentiments among young people in Poland. It discusses the changing labour market situation of young workers, involving their precarisation and critically reviews existing accounts of new nationalism in Poland. In the body of the article, based on the analysis of biographical narrative interviews with young nationalist activists and right-wing supporters, the subjective justifications of their far-right views are analysed. It is concluded that the central motives for supporting the agenda of the nationalist movement by our informants are not directly connected with their economic situation, but related to their search for solid, clear and unambiguous foundations of social order and their biographical identities. Introduction Over the last few years, it has been observed that there is a growing presence and increasing activity of nationalist organisations and political parties in Poland. Even though it is hard to estimate the membership of radical nationalist organisations due to the lack of reliable statistics, the rapidly increasing number of participants in the Independence Day Marches – from around 10,000 people in 2010 to 60,000 in 2017 and 250,000 in 2018, when it was supported by the government, clearly indi- cates their potential for attracting new supporters.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland at a Crossroads? Analysing the 2019 Parliamentary Election
    UCL SSEES Press Briefing Poland at a crossroads? Analysing the 2019 parliamentary election Press briefing 15 October 2019 BACKGROUND TRIUMPH OF THE RULING PARTY On 13 October 2019, Polish voters went to Professor Aleks Szczerbiak (University of the polls to re-elect the 460-member Sejm Sussex) (the lower house of pArliAment) And the 100- member SenAte (the upper house). KEY POINT PiS Achieved this remarkable electoral success As they were the sole pArty The ruling nAtionAlist-conservative LAw And not only campAigning about, but Also with a Justice (PiS)-led coAlition retAined its majority record of delivering on, the sociAl needs thAt in the lower house, winning 235 seAts, but, many Poles care most About. with 48 seAts, lost its majority in the SenAte. It wAs the PiS-led coAlition’s second electoral 1. PiS wAs Able to score A victory despite victory After gAining An Absolute majority in Accusations About undermining Polish both houses in 2015. democracy put forwArd by both domestic And externAl Actors. The main opposition bloc, the Civic CoAlition, came second with 134 And 43 seAts in the 2. PiS populArity wAs predicated on its lower And upper houses, respectively. The success in fulfilling its generous Left coAlition Also gAve A strong enough welfAre pledges while in office. Also, performance to enter pArliAment. the pArty “redistributed prestige” by providing A sense of importAnce to the Voter turnout wAs A record 61.7% – the sociAl groups previously highest of the post-1989 pArliAmentAry condescended to by the governments elections in PolAnd. led by liberal urbAn elites.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland: the Olitp Ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected]
    Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Political Science College of Arts & Sciences 2014 Poland: The olitP ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/poli_sci Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Curry, J. L. (2014). Poland: The oP litics of “God's Playground”. In S. L. Wolchik & J. L. Curry (Eds.), Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy, (pp. 235-263). Rowman & Littlefield. Copyright © 2014 Rowman & Littlefield. Reproduced by permission of Rowman & Littlefield. All rights reserved. Please contact the publisher for permission to copy, distribute or reprint. View the book in our Faculty Book Gallery. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Baltic Sea BELARUS POLAND *Warsaw eWroclaw CZECH REPUBLIC Map l 0.0. Poland CHAPTER 10 Poland THE POLITICS OF "GOD'S PLAYGROUND" Jane Leftwich Curry Poland was the first and one of the most successful transitions from a centralized com­ munist state to a liberal, more Western-style democracy. During the European economic crisis, Poland's economy maintained one of the highest growth rates in the European Union (EU). Its political system stabilized. It has been both an active member of the EU and a strong advocate for liberalization of its eastern neighbors as well as for their inclu­ sion in European initiatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens
    “The Most Challenging Term Since 1989”: Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens Article by Urszula Zielińska July 9, 2021 Rising corruption, shrinking democratic freedoms, and a crackdown on free media: the political landscape in Poland is challenging to say the least. After a long struggle, Polish Greens made it into parliament in 2019, where they have been standing in solidarity with protestors and fighting to put green issues on the agenda. We asked Green MP Urszula Zielińska how the environment and Europe fit into the Polish political debate, and how Greens are gearing up ahead of local and parliamentary elections in 2023. This interview is part of a series that we are publishing in partnership with Le Grand Continent on green parties in Europe. Green European Journal: 2020 saw presidential elections in Poland as well as a great wave of protest provoked by further restrictions to abortion rights. The pandemic is ongoing in Poland as everywhere. How are the Greens approaching the main issues in Polish politics in 2021? Urszula Zielinska: This period is significant for the Greens. We entered parliament for the first time after the October 2019 election with three MPs as part of a coalition with the Christian Democrat party Civic Platform (PO) and two other partners (The Modern Party and Initiative Poland). It’s taken the Greens 14 years to reach this point and the coalition helped us gain our first MPs. But at the same time, it has been an extremely difficult parliamentary term in general for Poland. In some respects, it may have been the most challenging term in 30 years of free, democratic Poland.
    [Show full text]
  • The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
    An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform.
    [Show full text]
  • EUROPEAN ELECTIONS in the V4 from Disinformation Campaigns to Narrative Amplification
    Strategic Communication Programme EUROPEAN ELECTIONS IN THE V4 From disinformation campaigns to narrative amplification 1 AUTHORS Miroslava Sawiris, Research Fellow, StratCom Programme, GLOBSEC, Slovakia Lenka Dušková, Project Assistant, PSSI, Czech Republic Jonáš Syrovátka, Programme Manager, PSSI, Czech Republic Lóránt Győri, Geopolitical Analyst, Political Capital, Hungary Antoni Wierzejski, Member of the Board, Euro-Atlantic Association, Poland GLOBSEC and National Endowment for Democracy assume no responsibility for the facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. The sole responsibility lies with the authors of this report. METHODOLOGY Data were collected between 10.4.2019 and 29.5.2019 from 15 relevant Facebook pages in each V4 country based on the following criteria: local experts and publicly available sources (such as blbec.online) identified Facebook channels that often publish disinformation content. In the selection of Facebook pages, those openly affiliated with a specific political party were omitted, including the Facebook pages of individual candidates. The data were filtered using different forms of the term “election” in local languages and the term “euro”, and then labelled based on the sentiment toward relevant political parties and the most prevalent narratives identified. © GLOBSEC GLOBSEC, Bratislava, Slovakia June 2019 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 Czechia 4 Hungary 4 Poland 4 Slovakia 4 ACTIVITY OF THE MONITORED CHANNELS ACROSS THE V4 REGION 6 Intensity of the campaigns 6
    [Show full text]
  • Poland and Its Relations with the United States
    Poland and Its Relations with the United States Derek E. Mix Analyst in European Affairs March 7, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44212 Poland and Its Relations with the United States Summary Over the past 25 years, the relationship between the United States and Poland has been close and cooperative. The United States strongly supported Poland’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1999 and backed its entry into the European Union (EU) in 2004. In recent years, Poland has made significant contributions to U.S.- and NATO-led military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and Poland and the United States continue working together on issues such as democracy promotion, counterterrorism, and improving NATO capabilities. Given its role as a close U.S. ally and partner, developments in Poland and its relations with the United States are of continuing interest to the U.S. Congress. This report provides an overview and assessment of some of the main dimensions of these topics. Domestic Political and Economic Issues The Polish parliamentary election held on October 25, 2015, resulted in a victory for the conservative Law and Justice Party. Law and Justice won an absolute majority of seats in the lower house of parliament (Sejm), and Beata Szydlo took over as the country’s new prime minister in November 2015. The center-right Civic Platform party had previously led the government of Poland since 2007. During its first months in office, Law and Justice has made changes to the country’s Constitutional Tribunal and media law that have generated concerns about backsliding on democracy and triggered an EU rule-of-law investigation.
    [Show full text]