JOURNEY TO INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL WORK: A PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL REFLECTION
Miu Chung Yan, Ph.D., University of British Columbia, Vancouver
The author has been a traveler traversing not only the geographic and cultural but also professional social work boundaries of Hong Kong, London, Toronto, San Francisco, Beijing, and now Vancouver. The stories that unfold in this article are closely knitted with the notion of "international" in contemporary social work. As a former colonial elite, an immigrant, a minority, and a privileged social worker and scholar, he experienced "international" in social work as a continued struggle against imperialism in both the local and global levels. To conclude his narrative, the author highlights some issues which may be worthy of contemplation if the social work profession really wants to have a fair exchange among social work communities from the developed and developing worlds.
"The image of traveler depends not on recounted in this paper will be used to examine power, but on motion, on a willingness to go concepts and principles—including into different worlds, use different idioms, and interdependence, reciprocity, cultural understand a variety of disguises, masks, and competence, and the exportation model— rhetoric. Travelers must suspend the claim of proposed by major intemational social work customary routine in order to live in new scholars. Implications on the theory and rhythms and rituals. Most of all, and most practice of intemational social work will be unlike the potentate who must guard only one discussed. place and defend its frontier, the traveler crosses over, traverses territory, and Embarking on the Social Work Journey abandons fixed positions all the time." In October of 1981,1 embarked on my (Said, 1994, p. 17, itahcs in the original) professional joumey as a student of a two- year diploma program in social work. Social I am a traveler. The stories that I will relate work, both as a discipline and a profession, in this paper are not only about an immigrant's was not only westem but also modem—an sojoum experience; they are also stories of enlightened progression toward which Hong the professional growth of a social worker Kong was striving. Said (1994) observed that who crosses over boundaries of intemational in a colony "it was assumed native elites social work territories. As long as I am a would be taught the rudiments of intellectual traveler, my experience is in constant change. culture in idioms and methods designed in According to Said (1994), travelers "belong effect to keep those native elites subservient to more than one world" (p. 11). All travelers to colonial rule, the superiority of European are thus "intemational."' The intemationality leaming and so forth" (p. 6). This was an embedded in my own joiimey may offer some accurate description of Hong Kong - a British interesting dimensions to the current Colony. Perhaps social work was one of discussion of intemational social work. many examples ofthe superiority ofEuropean Reflecting on my personal and professional learning' through which I, like many other journeys between the developed^ and people of my age in Hong Kong, was kept developing^ worlds, I argue that we must subservient. ..M" . critically reflect on the imperial/colonial My first exposure to the rudiments of relations hidden in the current discussion of modem social work was through the texts that international social work. The stories were chosen for us. The first English social
4 REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 Joumey to Internationai Sooial Work
work textbook that I had ever had was a U.S.- authority. As I have discussed elsewhere, Canada collaboration—the earliest version of Chinese who identify with the traditional Social Work Process written by Compton hierarchical culture may tend to incorporate and Galaway (1979). Except for a very few or interpret authority relations into other Hong Kong-based materials, the majority of systems. As an educated professional, I was the textbooks and references we used were often seen as an authority by my clients, who from the West Chinese materials were largely expected that I, as someone with a higher from Taiwan and were either translated from status, would provide them with answers. or based on Westem (mainly British and Hoping to leam how to deal with cultural American) materials. These Westem materials expectations that did not fit well with my indoctrinated us with a set of social work professional role, I brought these dilemmas values, knowledge, and skills that were mainly to the supervisory meetings. However, these developed in two major Anglophonic difficulties were very often understood as countries, Britain (U.K) and the United States nothing more than issues of professional of America (U.S.). amateurism and thus were framed simply as In the 1980s, a postsecondary education areas in which I needed to improve. The in Hong Kong was indispensable for inconsistencies between the Westem theories members ofthe lower class who aspired to that we leamed and the actualities ofthe local join the ranks of the colonial elite. The cultural context therefore eluded critical prospect of upward mobility was so appealing examination, as their cultural relevance was that we young people from the lower class displaced by a standard discourse of job seldom questioned our desire to be part of performance. the colonial elite. This desire, however, did In October of 1985, after two years in hamper us from questioning what we were the field, I decided to retum to school to pursue learning. We tended to perceive the a baccalaureate degree in social work knowledge and values of this Westem (BSW). This two-year program was full of leaming—for instance, those underpinning fascinating theories and concepts, such as social work—^as noble, progressive, and even Titmuss' grand ideas of a welfare state. emancipatory, despite the vivid conflicts we Westem success in the social engineering encountered between what we were leaming approach ignited the fire of our progressive in school and what we were actually minds with respect to social remedies that experiencing in the field. For instance, my were needed at that time in Hong Kong classmates and I found it challenging to uphold society, which had a prosperous economy and the principle of confidentiality with our cUents numerous social problems. We were also who, like us, lived with six to eight people in introduced to the Westem philosophy of social a physical space of 100-200 square feet. welfare, such as John Rawls' distributive Likewise, we were uncertain about how to justice. Just as with the diploma course, almost apply the principle of self-determination to our all my teachers had been educated in the West. chents, who, also like us, were socialized in a Intemational materials, mainly fromth e U.K. culture in which making major personal and the U.S., dominated our reading lists. decisions without consulting or seeking Local materials were again rare. permission from family and/or elders was Likewise, the relevance of Chinese culture widely perceived as disrespectful. was seldom a part of what we leamed and The traditional Chinese culture in which was, instead, positioned as somehow savage. many of us - and our clients - were socialized, I still have a recollection of a particular lecture tends to be structured around relations of in which a guest speaker fromou r Philosophy
REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 5 Joumey to Intemational Social Work
in Social Welfare course showed us a book studying in Britain was more or less a "secular written by a Taiwanese social work scholar pilgrimage" (Janin, 2002), a joumey in which who had tried to re-interpret (or deconstmct) people travel to the holy land^to pursue their the ten famous Chinese legends of filial piety own academic, literary, historical, scientific, fi"om a western child abuse perspective. These political, military, artistic or other interests" traditional stories, treasured by many (p. 3). We sought not only to experience but generations of Chinese, were tumed into vivid also to leam fromth e wisdom of the imperial examples of child abuse. For instance, there center. was a boy called Huang Xiang who would However, such knowledge did not come warm his parents' bed with his body in the without its share of disillusionment The year winter and cool his parents' bed by fanning in that I was in England was also the year of the summer. The book interpreted this story major social discontentment over Prime as a child abuse case. The filial piety of Huang Minister Thatcher's poll tax, a measure seen became a forced labor by his abusive parents. as further reduction of govemment welfare We were completely stunned by the author's responsibilities^ The crisis of the British "new" Westem interpretation and became welfare system was especially disturbing to skeptical as to whether Chinese culture could those young intellectuals from the developing ever accommodate the rudimentary principles world, including myself, who admired so much of modem social work. of Beveridge's legacy of the modem welfare state. Living in the imperial capital—the A Journey to the Imperial Capital birthplace of the modem welfare state—I In the 1980s, many young social workers realized that the West, or at least Britain— in Hong Kong went abroad to pursue their the imperial master—^was not as successful graduate studies, partly because of the lack or as effectual as portrayed in our textbooks. of graduate programs in Hong Kong and This prestigious educational institute ofth e partly because we wanted to acquire firsthand imperial capital provided me an intemational knowledge of the West. As Hong Kong was scope, particularly through its diverse student a British colony, it was not surprising that many body. However, in my recollection, locahsm, ofus chose to study in England. In 1989, with rather than intemationalism, was perhaps a enough savings, I gave up my job as the truer reflection of the interests ofthis imperial manager ofa children-and-youth community academy. For instance, I still remember my center in Hong Kong and went to London to first book-searching experience in its library. pursue my Master of Science in Social Policy Coming from a polytechnic in Hong Kong, I and Planning at an intemationally renowned was quite used to a library full of intemational university. literature. It surprised me that materials at the As an intemational student, I crossed over library from foreign countries, particularly not only the geographic but also the cultural developing countries, were relatively boundary to the imperial capital, London. inadequate, at least in those sections related Traditionally, about sixty percent of the to social pohcy and social work studies. students ofthis renowned university are foreign Nor did classroom discussion reflect the students'*. Many are from developing intemationality of the diverse student body. countries, particularly the existing and former Most classroom discussions were largely British colonies. With its pioneer role in about domestic issues. Intemational examples contemporary welfare state development and were occasionally brought up by foreign its imperialist history, Britain has been a center students who knew so little about the British of welfare state study. For many of us. systems that we needed to use examples from
6 REFLECTIONS - WiNTER 2005 Joumey to International Social Work our home countries to demonstrate our Returning to Hong Kong understanding ofthe theories that were taught. I retumed to Hong Kong in 1990. The Although such input was appreciated as exotic, master's degree from a prestigious British it was never at the center of discussion and university brought me both professional and learning. After all, it was the British examples social advantages. Not only was I promoted that we needed to know for our examination to a midlevel management position in the papers. agency where I used to work, I also attained The university has always had two Master a part-time teaching position at a college. of Science in Social Policy and Planning Unlike that of my predecessors, my teaching programs: one for developing countries and was situated in the social context ofthe early the other one unspecified. When I applied for 1990s, an unsettled period for Hong Kong. admission, I was perplexed by the title of these One ofthe major social debates ofthat time two programs because I was unsure how to was centered on Hong Kong's social security position Hong Kong. Was it a developed or system. Recently retumed fromou r studies in developing city? The very existence of two England and North America, colonial elites different programs may indicate that they were such as myself formed various pohcy groups, tailored to suit the needs ofthe two different eager to apply our leaming to ameliorate the social and economic contexts. However, to social conditions of Hong Kong. uphold the dichotomy between developed and Since it had been agreed that Hong Kong developing countries may also indicate a logic would maintain its status quo for fifty years of imperial "otherness" (Said, 1979) after 1957, time was mnning short for those embedded in the program design. who wanted to change the colonial minimalist After all, like many colonial elites from welfare system before 1997. These groups the developing world, I had paid a secular were actively critiquing not only the colonial pilgrimage to the imperial capital. Such a government's policies but also the Chinese pilgrimage may, in hindsight, reflect an and British governments' fiiture plans for Hong imbalance in knowledge generation and Kong, in hopes that a more comprehensive transmission between the developed and social safety net could be installed. Our goal developing worlds, an imbalance rooted in was not to challenge the appropriateness of the historical imperial-colonial relations. We Westem social security systems but rather to elites from the colony were there to leam. Our optimize their value in Hong Kong within a experiences and stories were of little use to short time. Westem concepts, theories, and the imperial center. However, the knowledge methods were still the tools that we used to and, perhaps more importantly, the degree analyze and tackle local problems, and that we gained from there were viewed as Westem standards were still the yardsticks powerful in our homeland. . we used to measure local conditions. Meanwhile, the bmtal suppression ofthe student movement in Tiananmen Square, coupled with the impending return of Hong Kong to China, fueled social concems that, come 1997, the people of Hong Kong would lose many ofthe freedoms they had enjoyed under the British imperial regime. One proposal to defend against this fate was to ñuther intemationalize Hong Kong, justifying Hong Kong's claim to a unique socio-political
REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 Joumey to intemationai Sociai Wori<
status by appealing to its intemationality. The Kong social work profession received rationale was that Hong Kong was vital and relatively scant attention (Chu, 1999). irreplaceable as an intemational hub. The social work profession of Hong Kong thus - Becoming Canadian took a proactive approach not only to In 1993, like tens of thousands of people maintain its intemational scope but also to try from Hong Kong, I migrated to the great to broker a greater linkage between the social multicultural metropolis of Toronto. Moving service professions of China and the to Toronto was another form of intemational community. To broker such a intemationalization for me. This time, the connection, we needed to know what China internationalization did not embed in a locality, needed. Therefore, the exchange became two for instance Hong Kong, but in my body. All way. For instance, my colleagues and I travelers with more than one cultural organized a tour of 200 seniors to visit the experience are intemational by nature (Brah, social services of a city in southem China. In 1996). However, this intemational dimension the meantime, social work schools in Hong is confined by a local context in which the Kong also started offering courses on social travelers are positioned as minorities needing policy in China. I was one ofthe instmctors to adapt to the host culture. who taught such a course in an iindergraduate Three months after settling in Toronto, I program. was fortunate to secure a position as a It is now widely recognized that the Hong coordinator of a youth employment program Kong social work profession has had a major in a mainstream agency. The daily commute impact on China's social work education was like a transformational tunnel through development (Garber, 1997; Liu, 2003). Witii which I temporarily dropped my Chinese China's reintroduction of social work language, culture, and beliefs and assumed education in 1984, scholarly exchanges my professional persona. As an immigrant and between Hong Kong and Mainland China a social worker, I crossed back and forth became even more frequent. Social work between my Chinese life world and my EngHsh scholars and practitioners from Hong Kong work world. Like all immigrants, I had to be enthusiastically engaged in different levels of culturally competent in and adaptive of exchange with social service colleagues— different cultural environments. The need for mainly communist cadres and social work such adaptation leads me to wonder what it scholars—in China who showed a great means to be culturally competent, a major eagemess to leam from us about how to requirement of intemational social work. As modernize dina professionalize their social many intemational social work scholars services. ' •'. -^ ' ^•••''•-'^' .' contend, with an increasing number of In order to survive, the social work immigrants in our caseloads, social work in a profession prioritized internationalization. The multicultural society is inevitably intemational colonial baggage ofthe Hong Kong social (e.g., Healy, 2002; Midgley, 1990). work profession was tumed into a valuable Very often, cultural competence asset that not only helped defend its future discussion implicitly assumes a bicultural but also established its role as a broker in process in which the Caucasian social worker bridging China's social work profession with crosses the cultural boundary into that of his/ the rest ofthe world. Intemationahty became her minority cHents (Lam & Yan, 2000). Yet, a means of continued viability. Consequently, for a social worker who is an immigrant and the cause of indigenization within the Hong a minority, cultural competence may not be merely a bicultural issue. I routinely worked
8 REFLECTIONS - WiNTER 2005 Joumey to International Social Work within a web of culturally diverse the issue of racism rather than cultural constituencies. For instance, when a competence. Racism is not only a local Caucasian employment counselor referred a problem. It is also rooted in the history of Somali refugee youth to me, and I, a Chinese imperialism - a hidden dimension of social worker, decided to place this youth intemationality. Afier all, as argued by many with a South Asian training employer, the authors (e.g., Anthias, Yuval-Davis, & Cain, notion of cultural competence became 1992; Omi & Winant, 1994), the whole idea complex and intriguing. In which culture(s) of racial difference was the result of the should I be competent? How can I be colonial/imperial hegemony. Many immigrants competent in all these cultures? come fi'omth e developing countries, a large Each immigrant is a linchpin linking at least number of which are either current or former two countries; immigrants are always colonies of the West. Their status in the transnational (Brah, 1996). In this sense, developed host countries is ofien understood social work, a local helping activity, can be asinferion -jf.' . y . ^,-: . ; ^ .' • - affected by international dynamics. I As a social worker helping many remember that there was always some immigrant youth attain employment, I found uneasiness between my Eritrean colleague and that very often such racist attitudes were his Ethiopian clients due to the colonial history disguised by the hegemonic premium put on and long-time conflicts between these two the so-called "local experience." For instance, countries. Their encounters were transnational employers, sometimes even minorities and and closely linked to the conflicts between immigrants themselves, fiequently used the the two countries. This transnational linkage excuse of "a lack of Canadian experience" to was juxtaposed with and complicated by the deprive thousands of qualified immigrants of power difference embedded in the helping jobs and promotion opportunities. The local relationship between my colleague - the helper accreditation bodies of various professions - and his clients - the helpees. have similarly tumed away thousands of Through unequal racial dynamics, the immigrants who were trained in the universities intemationality embedded in a local setting of of their home countries, even though the a Westem country is inescapably connected instructional models and curricula of those with its imperial history. In my doctoral universities were largely based on Westem dissertation study (Yan, 2002), I found that models introduced in and/or imposed during many visible minority social workers reported the colonial period. having had the experience ofbeing rejected In brief, the intemationality of social by their Caucasian clients. More interestingly, work practice in multicultural societies ofthe some of them even experienced being West may need to be understood within the rejected by clients coming from their own context of imperial/colonial history and white ethno-racial community. According to their supremacy, both of which intemationally infiise accounts, they were told by clients that and regulate the everyday life of not only compared with their Caucasian counterparts, people ofthe developing countries but also they as minorities were not competent or tens of thousands of immigrants from powerful enough to help them or advocate developing countries who now reside in the for them. The experiences of these workers developed world. may signify a racist reality that many visible minority immigrants experience. ' Journey of International Exchange To ground intemational social work in a In 1998,1 retumed to school full time in local context, perhaps we should start from order to pursue my doctoral degree in social
REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 9 Joumey to Intemational Social Work work. As a Chinese doctoral student who do not have sufficient resources to develop could speak the Chinese language, I was their social work programs. They rely on involved in an intemational collaboration substantial support from the developed between my school—a Canadian university— countries. and a college in China. This proved to be a Scholars from the West, who, deliberately valuable experience for me in terms of or unconsciously, position themselves as understanding the meaning of intemational experts, are reminded not to export social work. Intemational social work is knowledge to the developing countries. In important because we live in an employing their Westem lens to see the interdependent world (Healy, 2002; primitive condition of social work services in Hokenstad & Midgley, 1997a), and it has the developing world, colleagues from the been suggested that reciprocity should be the West are, genuinely but sometimes uncritically, principle of an equality-based intemational eager to share (or teach) their knowledge. collaboration (Healy, 2002; Hokenstad & Though the reciprocity injunction may sound Midgley, 1997b; Midgley, 1990). According right in principle, it is not easily put into to Miriam-Webster's Online Dictionary*, practice. Any reciprocal exchange involves reciprocity is defined as "mutual dependence, at least two agents. The dynamics between action, or inftuence." In other words, mutuality them are not unilateral, nor are they exclusively in exchange must be based on the dependence regulated fromeithe r side. of both sides. In real life, however, this When I visited China in 1999, my mutuality is not yet realized since the colleagues expressed a strong desire to obtain interdependent world is a global world access to Western (particularly U.S.) dominated by the West. In the global era, literature. Along the lines ofthe early phase military imperialism is transformed into of social work development in Hong Kong, economic, political, and cultural domination. my colleagues in China viewed Westem The reciprocity that these scholars urge cannot knowledge as a means of modernization—a be disentangled from the bmtal reality of national policy since the 1970s—^which has economic globalization. mandated the social work profession itself in In the very beginning ofthe project, we China (Yan, 1992). To be modemized is were very aware ofthe need to follow the understood as jiegui ("connecting the rail reciprocity principle. The idea of reciprocity track") with the intemational community. My is, however, not an easily achievable goal. colleagues in China equate modernization and First, social work is largely a Westem jiegui with leaming, following, and adapting constmct. As in the case of Hong Kong, it to their counterparts in the West To "import" was introduced to many developing countries social work knowledge from the West during the colonial era by the imperial regimes becomes the foremost goal of intemational as a superior form of knowledge or a collaboration. We scholars from the West are patemalistic social mechanism to resolve always uncritically positioned as experts, and indigenous social problems. Second, over the colleagues in the developing world are always years, the West has established a paradigm eager to leam due to their lack of access to of modem social work that is supported by information about and experience of the myriad literature written and accumulated by Westem world. Refusing to share our social its scholars and disseminated through its work knowledge with them may be seen as powerful and aggressive publication industry. arrogant and unfriendly. (I will come back to this point later.) Third, As a result, tiie reciprocity of intemational many developing countries, including China, exchange is hampered by the unequal dynamic
10 REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 Joumey to International Social Work of importation and exportation of westem perceived by many intemational social work knowledge between colleagues from the two scholars. For them, intemational is confined different worlds. This dynamic is, however, to the exchange between developed and the result of the history of imperialism, through developing worlds. For instance, Caragata & which the West is positioned as an Sanchez (2002) note that North American internationally accepted standard of schools of social work have actively modernization and advancement. All participated in intemational collaboration. developing countries must aspire to this However, in their articles, Canada and the standard or, as my colleagues in China say, U.S. are lumped into one socio-political entity: to jiegui. Yet, the standard of the gui (the North America. Collaboration and exchange track) with which to connect is always between these two countries are not defined Westem. as intemational. Meanwhile, Mexico, a member of the North American Free Trade Agreement, is positioned differently. Collaboration between Canada and Mexico, and between the U.S. and Mexico, is classified as intemational. By classifying their international partners according to the Teaching in the United States of developed/developing paradigm, many America Westem social work scholars reinforce the Having finished my doctoral study, I imperialist notion of "Othemcss," in that the started a new joumey by accepting a teaching developed is understood as the helping position at a university in the United States. subject, and the developing is understood as The fact that I need a visa to work in this the obj cet to be helped. , • , . " • '.[•. . ., country signifies that crossing the Canadian- The exchange between the developed and U.S. border is an intemational act. As a developing worlds is not reciprocal. Now traveler crossing the border, my identity situated at the center of the global economy, shifted from Canadian citizen to U.S. foreign I grasp a sense of the power of the capitalist worker. This crossing was more than a market economy in creating and maintaining change of legal status. Said (1994) claimed an unequal knowledge base between the that "travelers must suspend the claim of developed and developing worlds. This customary routine in order to live in new imequal base makes reciprocity and mutuality rhythms and rituals."Crossing , therefore, is of intemational exchange hard to attain. As also cultural. Culturally, I must adapt to the noted by Wachholz and Mullaly (2000), the new host. Despite many similarities, Canada textbook (including joumal publications) and the U.S. are culturally different in many industry ofthis country is so powerful that it aspects. Perhaps Michael Moore's film not only impacts on one's teaching at the local Bowling for Columbine is a good, albeit level but also dominates the intemational simplistic illustration ofsome of these cultural generation and dissemination of social work differences. Meanwhile, the socio-politico- knowledge through its profit-driven confrol cultural milieu in which social worit is practiced of the global market. in these two countries is also diflerent. After Despite the ethnocentric nature of U.S. all, Canada and the U.S. have two different textbooks and joumals, they are perceived welfare systems. • : .,[•.. •,..: b, y many social work scholars from developing Intriguingly, the intemational aspect of countries, particularly those who have been crossing the Canada-U.S. border is not educated in the Anglophonic Westem
REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 11 Joumey to Intemational Social Work
countries, as state-of-the-art knowledge. To allows them to practice the Western- compete with their local and intemational constructed social work in a local context. counterparts, higher education institutions in Second, scholars in the developing world the developing world tend to assess their have recently given much attention on how to faculty's productivity according to their indigenize social work inherited from a number of publications in U.S. joumals. colonial history (Hammoud, 1988; Walton & Sustained by this push-and-pull force, social Nasr, 1988; Wang, 1998). Indigenization and work knowledge from the developed intemationalization are not antithetical but countries is elevated to a superior position. rather dialectical to each other. According to In brief, under the existing global order, the imperiahst understanding of social work, intemational exchange constitutes a new form the "local" culture and actualities of the of imperialism, and is always unequal. Despite developing world are always subjugated as forceful advocacy for reciprocity fromman y primitive, underdeveloped, and ignorable. A social work scholars, cultural imperialism in true mutuality in intemational exchange may intemational social work is part of the need to be built on an equal sharing of untamable global economic domination ofthe knowledge, which requires our colleagues West, which may be beyond what socially from developing countries to generate their conscious intemational social work scholars own indigenous understanding of social work, can control. a form of privileged localized knowledge that they can share with their colleagues in the Observations and Implications West. Currently, I am co-editing a Chinese To summarize my personal and book on community work for readers in professional journeys, I state a few China. To ensure a genuine exchange with observations and implications. First, the word indigenous scholars, a dialogical approach is "intemational" is never neutral. It is rooted in employed to organize the book. Each chapter the imperial-colonial history ofthe human race has two parts - an introduction and a during the last four centuries. Owing to its commentary - written by a pair of scholars, origin in and transmission through imperial one frominsid e and one from outside China. regimes, social work in the developing world The intemational (outside) and local (inside) has, by default, already been intemationalized. perspectives are mutually appreciated, My professional joumeys in Hong Kong and challenged, and validated. After all, to China indicate that social work in intemationalization of social work inevitably developing countries has always been interfaces with indigenization, which is seldom "international," or, more specifically, addressed in intemational social work "imperial." Through various channels, literature. " .:. ' including textual materials, secular pilgrimages, Third, though colleagues in the West may and appointments of expatriate scholars from consciously try to avoid any form of cultural the West, social workers in the developing imperialism (Midgley, 1981 ) in which Westem world are trained with values, knowledge, and social work values, knowledge, and skills are skills fromth e West, particularly Britain and positioned as elite, superior, and hegemonic, the U.S. To borrow Du Bois's concept, social a strict refutation ofthe exportation model may work students and practitioners in the nonetheless ignore the fact that the social work developing countries, through exposure to profession in the developing world is deeply Westem materials and local actualities, have entrenched in both the goal of connecting with developed a "double consciousness," an their counterparts ofthe developed world and intimate knowledge ofthe two worlds, which the hegemonic global standard defined by the
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West. We need to recognize that as long as Fiföi, language is a critical issue in allowing the desire for importation among colleagues the voices of colleagues from developing from the developing world is intense, it may countries to be heard. EngHsh, as the dominant take a long time to achieve an equal base language in the intemational social work between the developed and developing exchange, inhibits many non-English-speaking countries in intemational exchange and colleagues from the developing world from collaboration. To resolve this difficulty, a participating on an equal footing. Recently, constant negotiation ofthe exchange agenda the Canada-China project has published the may be critical (Tsang, Yan, & Shera, 2000). first book on China's social work development As in the above-mentioned Canada-China in an English edition (Tsang, Yan & Shera, collaborative project, despite all the logical 2004). It took three years' time and involved problems (details see Tsang, Yan & Shera, the work of more than five translators and 2000), almost all major decisions were made two professional English editors to translate bilaterally between the two sides through more than twenty-five articles written by regular long distance phone calls ofthe two colleagues from China. Despite tiiefac t that co-chairs. bridging the language barrier is a demanding Fourth, in terms of social work process in terms of resources and time, this knowledge generation, we need to empower proves to be an important task for colleagues from the developing world and de- intemational social work. In the traditional center the leading role ofthe developed world practice, colleagues from the West have relied We need to let the voices, ideas, experience, on an anthropological approach—"going and theoretical conceptualizations of our native," observing, and writing about the colleagues from the developing world be "other" or the voices of social work scholars heard, not only in their own countries as from the developing world either are unheard indigenous knowledge, but also in the Westem or are represented by scholars fromth e West. world as an altemative perspective. To do Now, stories ofthe development of social this, we must create more platforms for this work in China can be told directly by the kind of equal exchange, for example, by indigenous scholars. comprising intemational joumals of editorial Sixth, if we are to understand global boards and reviewers from both developed interdependence, we cannot ignore its and developing countries. To enable more imperial/colonial history and relations. It has colleagues from the developing world to share been argued that globalization is not a process their local knowledge with colleagues from driven by equal participation among countries the West, domestic joumals in the West should ofthe developed and the developing worlds recmit more intemational peer reviewers who (e.g., Ife, 2000; Kellner, 2002; Steger, 2003). have knowledge ofthe two worlds. Domestic Fanon ( 1967) has suggested that "the gravest national conferences should proactively invite mistake would be to believe in... automatic participants fromth e developing world. For interdependence" without taking historical instance, the Annual Program Meeting ofthe context into consideration (p. 13). Therefore, Council of Social Work Education could in order to translate the ideal of extend its invitation to colleagues all over the interdependence into a social work curriculum world. Special panels could be organized to in the West—at least in North America—^we encourage foreign presentations. Fee waivers must not lose sight ofthe imperial history for social work scholars from developing embedded in and the neocolonial dimension countries might permit them to attend imprinted in notions of "intemational," conferences whose fees are prohibitive. particularly in view ofthe recent trends in
REFLECTiONS - WINTER 2005 13 Joumey to Intemational Social Work
economic and cultural globalization. Perhaps the first aim of an intemational social work • Brah, A. (1996). Cartographies of curriculum should be to equip students to Diaspora. London, UK: Routiedge. reflexively understand the ideal of interdependence in intemational social work, • Caragata, L., & Sanchez, M. (2002). vis-à-vis the imperialist history of social work Globalization and global need. Intemational development in the developing world, the local Social Work, 45(2), 217-238. oppressive conditions faced by ti:ansnational minorities, and the brutal realities of • Chu, W. C (1999). Reexamine the blue- globalization imposed on the developing print of Hong Kong Social Work. In K. W. world. Ho & W. K. Yuen Tsang (Eds.), Towards the New Millennium (pp. 414-440). River Conclusion Ridge, NJ: Global Pubhshing Co. Upon finishing this manuscript, I accepted an offer fi-om a Canadian University. This time • Compton, B. R., & Galaway, B. (1979). I will be moving back to my second home. Social Work Processes (2 ed.). Homewood, However, as a Canadian social work scholar Illinois: The Dorsey Press. who has taught in the U.S., retuming to Canada will be another international • Fanon, F. (1967). Black Skin White Masks: experience. My traveling story has not finished The Experiences ofa Black Man in a White but tumed a page. Traversing the boundaries World(C. L. Markmann, Trans.). New York: of the social work communities of the Grove Press. developed and developing worlds in the last two decades reminds me ofthe complexities • Garber, R. (1997). Social work education abounding in the discussion of intemational in intemational context. InM. C. J. Hokenstad social work. We live in a global world. The & J. Midgley (Eds.), Issues in International meaning of "intemational" within the current Social Work: Global Challenges for a New global order is inherited fiom the imperialist Century, Chapter 11 (pp. 159-171). era, which has not totally vanished fi-omth e Washington D.C: NASW Press. human experience. This imperialist history has located social work communities of the • Hammoud, H. R. (1988). Social work developed and developing worlds in unequal education in developing countries: Issues and power positions, particularly in terms of problems in undergraduate curricula. knowledge generation and transmission. While International Social Work, 37(1988), 195-
we promote an interdependent world, we 210. .: •; \y •••:--'••. '"• h-^:- should not lose sight of this unequal imperial dimension that is hidden both in the local • Healy, L. M. (2001). International Social social work practices of multicultural societies Work: Professional Action in an in the developed world and in the intemational Interdependent World. New York, Oxford: exchange with social work colleagues from Oxford University Press. " :''•'•''''•'-'' • ' the developing world. • Healy, L. M. (2002). Intemationalizing social References work curriculum in the twenty-first century. • Anthias, F., Yuval-Davis, N., & Cain, H. Electronic Journal of Social Work, 1(1). (1992). Racialized Boundary. London: Routiedge. f , ,; . ^ ^ . ' -•; : ' •
14 REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 Joumey to Internationai Social Work
• Hokenstad, M. C. J., & Midgley, J. (1997a). Realities of global interdependence: • Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1994). Racial Challenges for social work in the new century. Formations (2nd ed.). New York, London: Chapter 1. In M. C. J. Hokenstad & J. Routledge. •. • , _ . Midgley (Eds.), Issues in International Social Work: Global Challenges for a New • Said, E. (1979). Orientalism. New York: Century (pp. 1-10). Washington D.C: Vintage Books. NASW Press. :• : . : • Said, E. (1994). Identity, authority, and • Hokenstad, M. C. J., & Midgley, J. (Eds.). freedom: The potentate and the traveler. (1997b). Issues in International Social Boundary 2, 21(3), 1-18. Work: Global Challenges for a New Century. Washington, D.C: NASW Press. • Steger, M. B. (2003). Globalization: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford, New York: • Ife, J. (2000). Localized needs and a Oxford University Press. globalized economy: Bridging the gap with social work practice. Canadian Social Work • Tsang, K. T., Yan, M. C, & Shera, W. (Social Work and Globalization: Special (2000). Negotiating multiple agendas in Issue), 2(1), 50-64. . •• , , intemational social work: The case ofthe China-Canada Collaborative Project. • Janin, H. (2002). Four Paths to Jerusalem: Canadian Social Work (Social Work and Jewish, Christian, Muslim, and Secular Globalization — Special Issue), 2(1), 147- Pilgrimages, 1000 BCE to 2001 CE. 161. V Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company. • Tsang, K. T. A., Yan, M. C, & Shera, W. • Kellner, D. (2002). Theorizing globalization. (Eds.). (2004). Social Work in China: A Sociological Theory, 20(3), 285-305. Snapshot of Critical Issues and Emerging Ideas. Toronto, Canada: Faculty of Social • Lam, C M., & Yan, M. C (2000). Work, University of Toronto. . . ,? Repositioning cross-cultural counseling in a multicultural society. International Social • Wachholz, S., & MuUaly, B. (2000). The fForit, ^3(4), 481-493. politics ofthe textbook: A content analysis of the coverage and treatment of feminist, radical • Liu, J. T. (2003). Review of documents: A and anti-racist social work scholarship in critical analysis often major issues in China American Introductory social work textbooks social work education development (in pubHshed between 1988 and 1991. Journal Chinese). Hong Kong Journal of Social of Progressive Human Services, 11(2), 51- Work, 57(1), 41-59. 76.
• Midgley, J. (1981). Professional • Walton, R. G, &Nasr, M. M. A. (1988). Imperialism: Social Work in the Third Indigenization and authentization in terms of World. London: Heinemann. social work in Egypt. International Social Work, 57(1988), 135-144. • Midgley, J. (1990). Intemational social work: Leaming from the Third World. Social • Wang, S. B. (1998). Zhongguo shehui ñih Work S5{A),295-2>Q\. xin dongü: Zhongguo shehui gongzuo de fazhan
REFLECTIONS - WINTER 2005 15 Joumey to Intemational Social Work
[New force in Chinese social welfare: The is used interchangeably with the West or development of Chinese social work]. In S. Western countries or the North. Very often B. Wang, J. Tan, P L. Leung & T. K. Mok these terms are loosely defined. Since it is (Eds.), Zhongguo Shehui Fuli [Chinese not the intention ofthis paper to define these Social Welfare] (in Chinese). Hong Kong: terms, I will use them interchangeably to signify ZhongHua. a group of Anglophonic industrial countries.
• Yan, M. C. (2002). A Grounded Theory ^ Some people use third world or the South Study on Culture and Social Workers: to describe countries that are economically Towards a Dialectical Model of Cross- underdeveloped In this paper, for consistency, Cultural Social Work. Unpublished Ph.D. developing is used to signify the process of Dissertation, University of Toronto, Toronto, development. Ontario, Canada. '^ Please refer to http://www.lse.ac.uk/ • Yan, M. F. (1992). Kaimu ci (Openning collections/pressAndlnformationOffíce/ address). In Shehui Gongzuo Yanjiu Zazhi aboutLSE/information.htm zengkan: Jiushi niandai de Zhongguo shehui gongzuo - yijiujiuernian yantaohui ^ Please refer to http://www.bbc.co.uk/ lunwenji [Chinese social work in the history/timelines/england/pwar_poll_tax.shtml nineties: Proceedings of the 1992 for further information on the poll tax. Conference (Supplementary issue of Social Work Research)] (pp. 3-5). Beijing: '' See http://www.m-w.com/cgi-bin/ Zhongguo Shehui Gongzuozhe Xiehui, dictionary ?booli^Dictionary&va=reciprocity. Minzhengbu Shehui Gongzuo Jiaoyu Yanjiu Zhongxin (China Social Workers' Association, Ministry of Civil Aflairs Social Work Education Research Centre). Miu Chang Yan is an Assistant Professor at the School of Social Work and Family Studies Footnotes ' •' ' " '•'""': " •'•''-'- / at the University of British Columbia. ' Healy (2001) defines international as [email protected] "between or among two or more nations, of or pertaining to two or more nations of their citizens, pertaining to the relations between nations, having members or activities in several nations, or transcending national boundaries or view points" (p.5). She also recognizes that the word international is used interchangeably with cross-national and global. In this paper, international also includes a transnational dimension.
^ The term developed countries refers to countries with advance industrial development , for instance, the G7. However, very often in social work literature, developed countries
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