DOCSLIB.ORG

Three Views of Local Consciousness in Hong Kong 香港 地元 の意識、三つの視点

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Three Views of Local Consciousness in Hong Kong 香港 地元 の意識、三つの視点 Volume 12 | Issue 44 | Number 1 | Article ID 4207 | Nov 02, 2014 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Three Views of Local Consciousness in Hong Kong 香港 地元 の意識、三つの視点 Ho-fung Hung Korean translation available In the meantime, the British flag or Hong Kong flag containing the Union Jack started to Chan, Koon-chung. 2012. Zhongguo tianchao appear and spread in annual July st1 and zhuyi yu Xianggang (China’s Heavenly Doctrine January 1st demonstrations in 2012. Slogans and Hong Kong). Hong Kong: Oxford University attacking mainland tourists and even “Chinese Press. colonialists” surfaced. Chin Wan. 2011. Xianggang Chengbang lun (On Hong Kong as a city state). Hong Kong: Enrich Publishing. Jiang Shigong. 2008.Zhongguo Xianggang: wenhua yu zhengzhi de shiye(China’s Hong Kong: cultural and political perspectives). Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Hong Kong has been in turmoil. The 2003 demonstration in which more than half a million demonstrators successfully forestalled the Article 23 anti-subversion legislation2, as well as the 2012 rally of 130,000 and the threat Beijing and many pro-establishment observers of general student strikes that forced the sensed the emergence of a strong localist government to shelve implementation of a identity and even a pro-independence Beijing-ordered National Education curriculum disposition. Besides explicit political in Hong Kong schools, showed that Beijing declarations that defy Beijing rule, localist and could not crack down on Hong Kong’santi-Chinese youth also initiated militant direct dissenting voices as readily as it repeatedly has action. One example was the protest that in mainland China. Such resistance victories sought to disrupt smuggling activities by have not brought a willingness to compromise mainland tourists to defend local supply of daily on fundamentals by either Hong Kong’snecessities, most of all baby formula, echoing opposition forces or Beijing. On the contrary, the food riots in early modern Europe studied they may have radicalized both sides. Beijing’s in E. P. Thompson’s seminal article “The moral decision to induct hardliner CY Leung as the economy of the English crowd in the chief executive in 2012, despite strongEighteenth century.”3 Localist demonstrations opposition even from its traditional allies also led the Hong Kong government to restrict among the city’s tycoons, shows that it is ready birth tourism from the mainland that strained to use more draconian means to deal with an the public hospital system. increasingly bold opposition intent on upholding Hong Kong’s relative autonomy. Recent opinion polls show that Hong Kong 1 12 | 44 | 1 APJ | JF identity has been surging while Chinese Xiaoping’s denunciation of the Cultural identity has been fading among Hong Kong Revolution had thrown the baby out with the residents, particularly among youth.4 Such bathwater by erroneously discrediting the radicalization of Hong Kong localexperiment in “Great Democracy” during the consciousness not only irritated Beijing. It also Cultural Revolution, depriving China of its departs from the historical domination of indigenous discourse on democracy and Chinese nationalist discourse in Hong Kong’s becoming speechless in the face of the western opposition movement, which has tended to see promotion of bourgeois democracy (Jiang 2008: itself as an avatar of Chinese liberalization and 187-8). At the same time, he is one of the key democratization, since its inception in the authors who introduced Carl Schmitt’s legal 1980s. philosophy, which sees the practice of differentiating enemies from friends and the The question of local identity in Hong Kong is absolute decisiveness of the sovereign as being examined from the perspectives of Beijing, of utmost importance in politics, with priority Chinese nationalist liberals, and Hong Kong over legal and legislative authorities. Jiang local youth in three recent books by Jiang served as a researcher in the Liaison Office of Shigong, Chan Koon-chung and Chin Wan. The the Central People’s Government in Hong increasing assertiveness of Beijing as an Kong, the de facto CCP headquarters in Hong imperial center over Hong Kong, part and Kong, between 2004 and 2007. During and parcel of the rising statism and nationalism after his tenure in Hong Kong, he published a among the Chinese elite, is epitomized by Jiang series of articles articulating his views on the Shigong’s book. Chan Koon-chung’s and Chin Hong Kong question and its significance for Wan’s books constitute powerful retorts to China’s revival as a Confucian empire in Beijing’s neo-imperialist stance on Hong Kong, Beijing’s Dushu (Reading) magazine. The both explicitly challenging Jiang’s thesis. While present book is a collection of those articles. Chan’s response resonates with the perspective While his view is not unique among the New of liberal intellectuals in mainland China, Left, his position as the Associate Dean of the Chin’s response, rooted in a Hong Kong School of Law in Peking University and his perspective, reflects the rising tide of Hong earlier official affiliation with the Liaison Office Kong localist ideology and actions. in Hong Kong make him the most conspicuous Seeing Hong Kong like an Empire voice on Hong Kong close to the party-state’s power center. In recent years, part of the New Left in China that critiqued American imperialism and Jiang asserts that though the “one country, two neoliberalism in the 1990s has morphed into a systems” formula served as a brilliant peculiar intellectual formation that advocates a arrangement that secured Hong Kong’s reunion union of apparently conflicting intellectual with China in 1997, it is incapable of tackling lineages including Marxism and Maoism, and the most important question regarding China’s right-wing statism as epitomized by Leo sovereignty over Hong Kong, that is, the Strauss, Nazi legal theorist Carl Schmitt, and question of Hong Kong people’s identity. Jiang Confucianism. This group of intellectuals has suggests that the solution to this question has been criticized by liberals as being complicit or to be sought through political rather than legal openly collaborative with the increasingly means, and Beijing has to think beyond the repressive party-state establishment.5 “one country, two systems” framework in its endeavor to transform Hong Kong residents Among this group of intellectuals is Jiang into true Chinese patriots. Short of that, Shigong. As a neo-Maoist, he fretted that Deng China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong can only 2 12 | 44 | 1 APJ | JF be formal and never substantive. incorporated regions with distinct customs and leadership to exercise local autonomy. But not Jiang believes that most Hong Kong people indefinitely. Over time, they would be have embraced the socialist motherland since integrated into the core territory of the empire, the 1950s. Even those Hong Kong Chinese who being culturally assimilated and having their collaborated with the British were alllocal autonomy abolished. Then the empire inherently patriotic because of familial ties to would move on to incorporate other new mainland China dating back generations (Jiang territories. The PRC’s incorporation of Hong 2008: 142-45). The most important task then is Kong, as well as the prospective assimilation of to help Hong Kong Chinese rediscover their Hong Kong and eventual incorporation and latent patriotism. Jiang stipulates that the assimilation of Taiwan, are illustrative of a British were shrewd at “winning the hearts and similar Chinese imperial expansionist mentalité minds” of Hong Kong people during their in the twenty-first century. Jiang’s implication colonial rule, and Beijing should learn from the is clear. The “one country, two systems” British experience. It is noteworthy that Jiang formula for Hong Kong is just a tactical and translated “winning hearts and minds” into transitional arrangement. What awaits Hong “xinao yingxin,” which literally means “washing Kong is what Tibet has seen since 1959: forced the brain and winning the hearts,” deviating assimilation and tight direct control by Beijing. from its original English meaning (Jiang 2008: 31). Jiang’s thesis is tantamount to saying that Throughout the book, Jiang does not shy from all Hong Kong Chinese are inherently Chinese using the term “empire” with positive “patriots-in-themselves” waiting to beconnotation. He even stipulates that the transformed by the vanguard patriots in Beijing revived Chinese empire should learn from the into “patriots-for-themselves.” It suggests that arts of rulership of the British empire. Jiang’s Beijing’s ideological work in Hong Kong is embrace of Maoism, quasi-fascism, and essential to overcoming local identities. In imperialism in his discussion of Hong Kong is retrospect, Jiang’s diagnosis coincides well not exceptional, but is emblematic of the CCP’s increasingly assertiveness toward Hong Kong. with Beijing’s agenda for Hong Kong in the wake of his tenure there, as shown by the 2012 Seeing Hong Kong like a PRC Liberal attempt to introduce the compulsory National Education curriculum in all schools. Chan Koonchung’s Zhongguo tianchao zhuyi yu Xianggang is an explicit response to Jiang’s Jiang argues that the “one country, two views on Hong Kong. Besides outlining an systems” arrangement in Hong Kong, whose alternative interpretation of Hong Kong’s origins can be traced to the “Seventeen Point history and its historical relationship with Agreement” between Beijing and the Dalai China, Chan devotes about half of its pages to Lama government over Tibet in 1951, is critiquing Jiang’s views. Chan rightly observes significant not only because it anticipates Hong that Jiang’s views have been circulating among Kong’s reunion with China, but also because it Chinese officials for years, but were never presages the revival of China as an empire publicly formulated. He welcomes Jiang’s open 6 (Jiang 2008: 123-58). To Jiang, the Chinese elaboration of such views, as it offers a good empire, which reached its pinnacle in the Qing opportunity to interrogate the theoretical dynasty (1644-1911), was grounded on the underpinnings of China’s Hong Kong policy.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • APRES Moi LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL Review in HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY
    "APRES MoI LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL REvIEw IN HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY Tahirih V. Lee* INTRODUCTION One of the burning questions stemming from China's promise that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) would enjoy a "high degree of autonomy" is whether the HKSAR's courts would have the authority to review issues of constitutional magnitude and, if so, whether their decisions on these issues would stand free of interference by the People's Republic of China (PRC). The Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984 promulgated in PRC law and international law a guaranty that implied a positive answer to this question: "the judicial system previously practised in Hong Kong shall be maintained except for those changes consequent upon the vesting in the courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the power of final adjudication."' The PRC further promised in the Joint Declaration that the "Uludicial power" that was to "be vested in the courts" of the SAR was to be exercised "independently and free from any interference."2 The only limit upon the discretion of judicial decisions mentioned in the Joint Declaration was "the laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and [to a lesser extent] precedents in other common law jurisdictions."3 Despite these promises, however, most of the academic and popular discussion about Hong Kong's judiciary in the United States, and much of it in Hong Kong, during the several years leading up to the reversion to Chinese sovereignty, revolved around a fear about its decline after the reversion.4 The * Associate Professor of Law, Florida State University College of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • People's Republic of China Briefing on EU Concerns Regarding Human Rights in China Prepared for EU-China Summit 5 September 2005
    People's Republic of China Briefing on EU concerns regarding human rights in China Prepared for EU-China Summit 5 September 2005 In May of this year, representatives of the European Union decided to delay a move to lift the arms embargo against China, citing human rights concerns. They referred specifically to four areas of concern that would affect future consideration in lifting the embargo: the need for Chinese authorities to release citizens imprisoned in connection with the suppression of the 1989 pro-democracy movement; the need for reform of China’s “Re-education through Labour” (RTL) system; the need for the PRC to ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR); and the need to ease media censorship. Amnesty International welcomes the fact that the EU has made the lifting of its embargo contingent on human rights reform and has detailed specific areas for improvement. In this briefing Amnesty International presents an update on developments in these four areas in the lead-up to the EU-China Summit in September, 2005. Amnesty International urges the EU to take these factors and other human rights concerns into consideration in its ongoing analysis of the human rights situation in China. Release of those imprisoned in connection with 1989 pro-democracy protests A core issue raised by EU representatives as an area of human rights concern is the continued detention of individuals imprisoned for their connection to the 1989 pro-democracy movement. The EU arms embargo was imposed on 27 June 1989 as a direct response to the armed suppression by the Chinese military of the peaceful protests calling for democracy and political reforms in and around Tiananmen Square in Beijing on 3-4 June.
    [Show full text]
  • Ching Cheongwas Ondecember22, Born Photo:AFP/Gettyimages Ching Cheong
    CRF-2005-03-text.qxd 9/8/05 3:19 PM Page 133 Prisoner Profile: of an interview with the late purged leader husband’s innocence and reiterated his Ching Cheong Zhao Ziyang, which Ching was going to have unquestioned patriotism toward China. She published. The following day, Ching noted in particular that her husband had instructed his wife, Mary Lau, to bring his brokered meetings between researchers NO. 3,NO. 2005 COMPILED BY ZENOBIA LAI personal computer to Shenzhen. The com- from the Chinese Academy of Social Sci- puter apparently contained notes that ence (CASS) and various Hong Kong politi- Ching had kept on important policy discus- cal figures, including individuals branded as sions. dissidents, to give the central government During the first week of his detention, access to the uncensored views of critics Ching reportedly maintained regular con- of the current administration. In her letter, tact with his wife and told her not to dis- Lau urged Hu to recognize the whole- close his situation. Ching’s employer, The hearted sincerity of her husband and CASS Straits Times, soon learned of his deten- Scholar Lu Jianhua in protecting the welfare tion, but was similarly requested to keep of China, and pleaded for them to be CHINA RIGHTS FORUM the matter confidential. On May 29, Ching spared imprisonment. called his wife and urged her to visit his Although Ching Cheong is a Hong Kong Ching Cheong. Photo: AFP/Getty Images parents more often, as he did not expect to permanent resident, the Hong Kong govern- 133 return to Hong Kong any time soon.
    [Show full text]
  • OFFICIAL RECORD of PROCEEDINGS Wednesday, 13 June 2018 the Council Met at Thirty-One Minutes Past Eleven O'clock
    LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ― 13 June 2018 12053 OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS Wednesday, 13 June 2018 The Council met at thirty-one minutes past Eleven o'clock MEMBERS PRESENT: THE PRESIDENT THE HONOURABLE ANDREW LEUNG KWAN-YUEN, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE JAMES TO KUN-SUN THE HONOURABLE LEUNG YIU-CHUNG THE HONOURABLE ABRAHAM SHEK LAI-HIM, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE TOMMY CHEUNG YU-YAN, G.B.S., J.P. PROF THE HONOURABLE JOSEPH LEE KOK-LONG, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE JEFFREY LAM KIN-FUNG, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE WONG TING-KWONG, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE STARRY LEE WAI-KING, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHAN HAK-KAN, B.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHAN KIN-POR, G.B.S., J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE PRISCILLA LEUNG MEI-FUN, S.B.S., J.P. 12054 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ― 13 June 2018 THE HONOURABLE WONG KWOK-KIN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS REGINA IP LAU SUK-YEE, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE PAUL TSE WAI-CHUN, J.P. THE HONOURABLE CLAUDIA MO THE HONOURABLE MICHAEL TIEN PUK-SUN, B.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE STEVEN HO CHUN-YIN, B.B.S. THE HONOURABLE FRANKIE YICK CHI-MING, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE WU CHI-WAI, M.H. THE HONOURABLE YIU SI-WING, B.B.S. THE HONOURABLE MA FUNG-KWOK, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHARLES PETER MOK, J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHAN CHI-CHUEN THE HONOURABLE CHAN HAN-PAN, J.P.
    [Show full text]
  • 7 Civil Liberties: 6 Status: Not Free
    China Population: 1,311,400,000 Capital: Beijing Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 6 Status: Not Free Overview: In response to China’s pressing socioeconomic problems, the leadership team of President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao in 2006 continued to promote policies aimed at building a “harmonious society,” balancing economic growth with the provision of public goods such as social welfare and environmental protection. However, concerns over social stability also led to a strengthening of restrictions on the country’s media and the detention of human rights activists, civil rights lawyers, and others the authorities viewed as posing a challenge to the regime. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) took power in mainland China in 1949 after defeating the nationalist Kuomintang forces in the Chinese Civil War. Aiming to strengthen his own position and hasten China’s socialist transformation, Communist leader Mao Zedong oversaw devastating mass- mobilization campaigns, such as the Great Leap Forward (1958–61) and the Cultural Revolution (1966–76), which resulted in millions of deaths and politicized nearly every aspect of daily life. Following Mao’s death in 1976, Deng Xiaoping emerged as China’s paramount leader. Over the next two decades, Deng maintained the CCP’s absolute rule in the political sphere while guiding China’s transition from a largely agrarian economy to a rapidly urbanizing, export-driven market economy. The CCP signaled its intent to maintain political stability at all costs with the 1989 massacre of prodemocracy protesters who had gathered in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. Following the crackdown, the party tapped Jiang Zemin to replace the relatively moderate Zhao Ziyang as general secretary of the party.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pearl River Delta Region Portion of Guangdong Province) Has Made the Region Even More Attractive to Investors
    The Greater Pearl River Delta Guangzhou Zhaoqing Foshan Huizhou Dongguan Zhongshan Shenzhen Jiangemen Zhuhai Hong Kong Macao A report commissioned by Invest Hong Kong 6th Edition The Greater Pearl River Delta 6th Edition Authors Michael J. Enright Edith E. Scott Richard Petty Enright, Scott & Associates Editorial Invest Hong Kong EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Greater Pearl River Delta Executive Authors Michael J. Enright Edith E. Scott Summary Richard Petty Enright, Scott & Associates Editorial Invest Hong Kong Background First Published April 2003 Invest Hong Kong is pleased to publish the sixth edition of ‘The Greater Pearl Second Edition June 2004 Third Edition October 2005 River Delta’. Much has happened since the publication of the fifth edition. Fourth Edition October 2006 Rapid economic and business development in the Greater Pearl River Delta Fifth Edition September 2007 (which consists of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the Macao Sixth Edition May 2010 Special Administrative Region, and the Pearl River Delta region portion of Guangdong Province) has made the region even more attractive to investors. © Copyright reserved The region has increased in importance as a production centre and a market within China and globally. Improvements in connectivity within the region and ISBN-13: 978-988-97122-6-6 Printed in Hong Kong Published by Invest Hong Kong of the HKSAR Government EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY with the rest of the world have made it easier to access for investors than ever The third part of the report provides brief profi les of the jurisdictions of the before. And a range of key policy initiatives, such as ‘The Outline Plan for the Greater Pearl River Delta region, highlighting the main features of the local Reform and Development of the Pearl River Delta (2008-2020)’ from China’s economies, including the principal manufacturing and service sectors, National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), hold great promise economic development plans, location of development zones and industrial for the future.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pearl River's Tributaries
    CB(1)1986/09-10(01) Liquid Assets Water Security and Management in the Pearl River Basin and Hong Kong December 2009 Dinesh Sadhwani Jonas Chau Christine Loh Mike Kilburn Andrew Lawson Table of Contents Foreword 1 Acknowledgements 2 Contributors 3 Glossary 4 Introduction 5 Part 1: Hong Kong’s Fresh Water 6 Part 2: The Dongjiang and the Pearl River Basin 14 Part 3: Threats to the Water Supply in the Pearl River Basin and Beyond 18 Part 3.1: Climate Change: an Emerging Threat to Supply? 20 Part 3.2: Pollution 22 Part 3.3: Competition 27 Part 4: Hong Kong’s Water Management 33 Part 5: Conclusion 40 References 42 © Civic Exchange, December 2009. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the opinions of Civic Exchange, Noble Group or the reviewers. Report layout and illustrations by Jonas Chau. Foreword South China, including Hong Kong and Macau, depends on the Pearl River and its tributaries. It is in our interest to protect, restore and sustain these rivers and the watershed as a whole for all times. The other major river systems in China – the Yellow and Yangtze rivers – suffer from severe pollution and over-use. The threats facing the Pearl River, although serious, are of a lower order of magnitude by comparison. It is thus incumbent upon the south to ensure that the key source of life is much better managed. Civic Exchange is grateful to Noble Group for funding this research to focus attention on the Pearl River watershed.
    [Show full text]
  • Urban Climatic Map and Standards for Wind Environment - Feasibility Study
    Urban Climatic Map and Standards for Wind Environment - Feasibility Study FINAL REPORT C U H K Planning Department: Urban Climatic Map and Standards for Wind Environment – Feasibility Study FINAL REPORT TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................... 8 LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................... 16 GLOSSARY ............................................................................................................................ 19 ACRONYMS ........................................................................................................................... 21 INTRODUCTION: THE URBAN CLIMATIC MAP AND STANDARDS FOR WIND ENVIRONMENT - FEASIBILITY STUDY..................................... 23 PART I: URBAN CLIMATIC MAP (UC-MAP) ............................................... 25 PART I(A): URBAN CLIMATIC MAP (UC-MAP) .......................................................... 26 PART I(A)-1 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 26 1.1 DEFINITION OF UC-MAP ...................................................................................... 27 1.2 STATE-OF-THE-ART OF UC-MAP ....................................................................... 28 1.3 MODUS OPERANDI OF UC-MAP ......................................................................... 30 PART I(A)-2 DESKTOP STUDIES ....................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • To Learn About the City-Region
    [Part I Objectives and Strategies] Chapter 1 To Learn about the City-region Chapter 2 Development Objectives Chapter 3 Development Strategies � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �������� ����� �� ��� ������������ ����������� �������� ����� �� ��� ������������ ����������� �� ��� ������� ����� ����� ����� ��������� �� ��� ������� ����� ����� ����� ��������� Chapter 1 To Learn about the City-region �� Chapter 1 To Learn about the City-region �� The Greater PRD City-region comprises nine cities in the PRD, Hong Kong and Macao, and occupies a total land area of 42,831.5 km2. The nine cities in the PRD include Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Foshan, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Jiangmen, Huizhou (including only Huicheng and Huiyang Districts and Huidong and Boluo Counties) and Zhaoqing (including only Duanzhou and Dinghu Districts and Gaoyao and Sihui Cities), with a total land area of 41,698 km2. The area of Hong Kong is 1,104.3 km2 while the area of Macao is 29.2 km2 1 (Figure 1-1). Legend Boundary of the GPRD City-region City Boundaries Figure 1-1 The Boundary of the Greater PRD City-region The Greater PRD City-region is the most developed city-region in China. Although none of the cities in the PRD is the strongest one in China and Hong Kong is not the most developed city in the world, the PRD region, with its well-established outward-oriented manufacturing industries and continuous innovations, has become one of the three major city-regions in China, together with the Yangtze River Delta and Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei. 1 The information about the Hong Kong, with the most liberal economic system in the world and as an PRD is sourced from "2008 international financial, trading, shipping, tourism and logistics centre, enjoys Guangdong Statistical Yearbook".
    [Show full text]
  • University of Southampton Research Repository Eprints Soton
    University of Southampton Research Repository ePrints Soton Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES Film Studies Hong Kong Cinema Since 1997: The Response of Filmmakers Following the Political Handover from Britain to the People’s Republic of China by Sherry Xiaorui Xu Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2012 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES Film Studies Doctor of Philosophy HONG KONG CINEMA SINCE 1997: THE RESPONSE OF FILMMAKERS FOLLOWING THE POLITICAL HANDOVER FROM BRITAIN TO THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA by Sherry Xiaorui Xu This thesis was instigated through a consideration of the views held by many film scholars who predicted that the political handover that took place on the July 1 1997, whereby Hong Kong was returned to the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from British colonial rule, would result in the “end” of Hong Kong cinema.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on Shenzhen Bay Port Hong Kong Port Area Bill I
    立法會 Legislative Council LC Paper No. LS38/06-07 Paper for the House Committee Meeting on 23 February 2007 Legal Service Division Report on Shenzhen Bay Port Hong Kong Port Area Bill I. SUMMARY 1. Objects of the Bill To declare an area in the Shenzhen Bay Port in the Mainland as the Shenzhen Bay Port Hong Kong Port Area and to apply the laws of Hong Kong in the declared area. 2. Comments The Bill makes provisions to declare the geographical area of the Hong Kong Port Area, and for it to be operated as a closed area. The laws of Hong Kong would apply in the Area, and Hong Kong courts would have jurisdiction to hear and determine matters in respect of the Area. The Chief Executive in Council would have power to modify or exclude any enactment from application. The Bill also makes provisions for legal rights and obligations already in existence at the commencement of the Bill, and those acquired, accrued or incurred after commencement. 3. Public Consultation The Administration has consulted the Hong Kong Bar Association and the Law Society of Hong Kong in January 2006 on the proposed approach to deal with territorial limits of rights and obligations. Preliminary feedback was that they do not object to the proposed approach. The Administration has also consulted the Hong Kong Federation of Insurers in January 2006 on the impact of the arrangement on insurance policies. Feedback was that it appeared to the Federation that it was quite unlikely that the co-location arrangement per se would trigger a premium increase across the board, and that the Federation will take a definitive view on the exact arrangements to extend the territorial limits of certain insurance policies to cover the Hong Kong Port Area upon receipt of the Bill.
    [Show full text]
  • A PDF of This Newsletter
    September 2006 China Human Rights and Subscribe Rule of Law Update View PDF Version United States Congressional-Executive Commission on China Senator Chuck Hagel, Chairman | Representative Jim Leach, Co-Chairman Announcements Hearing: Human Rights and Rule of Law in China The Congressional-Executive Commission on China will hold a full Commission hearing entitled "Human Rights and Rule of Law in China," on Wednesday, September 20, 2006 from 10:00 - 11:30 a.m. in Room 138 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building. Senator Hagel will preside. The witnesses are: ● Jerome A. Cohen, Professor of Law, New York University School of Law ● John Kamm, Executive Director, The Dui Hua Foundation ● Minxin Pei, Director, China Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace ● Xiao Qiang, Director, China Internet Project, University of California at Berkeley Update on Rights and Law in China Human Rights Updates Rule of Law Updates All Updates Beijing Court Sentences Journalist Zhao Yan to 3 Years' Imprisonment The Beijing No. 2 Intermediate People's Court acquitted New York Times researcher Zhao Yan of disclosing state secrets on August 25, but sentenced him to three years' imprisonment on an unrelated fraud charge, according to an August 25 New York Times report. On August 26, the China Daily reported that the court also fined Zhao 2,000 yuan (US$250) and ordered him to pay back 20,000 yuan (US$2,500) that it ruled he had acquired through fraud. According to a September 5 Associated Press International report (via the Guardian), on that day Zhao filed an appeal arguing that the prosecution's evidence was insufficient and that the court did not allow a defense witness to testify.
    [Show full text]