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NADIA F. SIMMONS-BRITO

THE REVELATION OF AS A HISTORIC CENTER

With this paper I would like to present the potentials Willemstad offers to be used as a laboratory of Historical Archaeological Research. Participation of Curaçao in the West Indian Trade is used as a basis to show the 's importance during the early eighteenth century. Use was made of many previously unstudied Antilles archival materials held in the "Rijks Archief" in , Holland as well as secondary sources. This study is also meant to provide an initial approach to Curacao's cultural history. Further observation will be made about the significance of this kind of research for the promotion of the tourist industry.

INTRODUCTION

Curaçao, a tiny Dutch island of which Willemstad functions as its capital, still has to be exposed to Historical Archaeological Research. Lack of this kind of research is to be ascribed to the general lack of interest that existed on the island for historical and cultural problems. A great amount of energy is being invested into economic problems, while it is forgotten that a nation without a past is a nation without a future. The complete social and cultural history of Curaçao still has to be written and without doubt Historical Archaeology can contribute to a very significant degree in the formulation of this history. Historical Archaeology offers facilities to explore the effect culture and environment had on the settlement patterns of the early European colonists, the African descendants, and their adaptation to this new environment. Also Willemstad boasts an exciting laboratory for the study of seventeenth to nineteenth century mercantile activities of the colonists. This contains monumental merchants' houses and habitational houses displaying a historical architecture of Neoclassicist style but adapted to the tropical climate. Other regions of studies are: the ethnicity pertaining to the Jewish and Dutch Protestant communities, the slavery system, military fortifications and general material culture studies. Furthermore, even though Curaçao did not possess a plantation economy during the colonial period it still contained a significant number of small plantations that offered excellent possibilities for the study of plantation households. Studies of archival materials and documents give insight into the way of living of the common man, which study can help in the interpretation of Archaeological sites.

COLONIAL SOCIETY AND TRADE

The Dutch colonial history in Curaçao started in the early seventeenth century when the island Was occupied by the Dutch (1634). Very soon these new settlers realized that Curaçao lacked the natural resources necessary for agricultural

393 development. They decided to exploit the only resource available which was the island's geographic location and its free-port. Curaçao became transformed form a military base into a transshipment center, where it linked trading routes among Europe, North- and South America, the Spanish and French West Indies, and . The island developed into a slave depot and staple market. The West India Company imported slaves from the African coast in Company ships. In Curaçao the slaves were credited by the director to the local merchants, who paid with bottomry bonds. Slaves and European goods were transferred to smaller ships and exchanged on the coast of for tropical products, including cacao, tobacco, hides, timber and sugar. These wares, in turn were exported by chartered W.I.C. ships to merchants in , and were sold at high profits (Appendix A). Curaçao also traded with the thirteen colonies in , exchanging cash and ammunition for provisions from the colonies.1 Documents in the archives listed day registers with specific names of hundreds of ships that had trafficked the Curaçao in the early eighteenth century (Appendix B). From the placards one could deduce that shipowners and sea captains felt so free in the Curaçao harbor that they often ignored the island's import regulations (Schiltkamp, 1978. 131-132). The situation became so extreme that director Johan van Beuningen (1716) issued a proclamation reminding shippers and shipowners of their obligation to pay weighage and import duties on all imported and exported goods. Taxes were as follows:

Port entry tax on boats 2 pesos ad valorem 5 to 1 percent Duty on all exports 2 percent Duty on Cacao 2.5 percent ad valorem on all imports (except meat and lard) 8 percent ad valorem on meat and lard 4 percent Tax sold on all merchandise sold at auction 2.5 percent

(Emmanuel and Emmanuel, 1970:70)

The Spanish Coast supplied Curaçao with cacao, tobacco, hides, indigo, timber and lime juice. and Sto. Domingo, also Spanish territories, offered sugar, snuff, hides and mahogany. The French colonies of , , Saint Domingue, St. Lucia and Cape François traded brown sugar, indigo, coffee, kiltum, brandy, red wine, blued linen, soap, cacao, French silk, hats, woolen socks, plates and yarn. England's Jamaica, Nevis, St. Christoffer, Tórtola, Antigua, Providence and Rocus exchanged sugar, dry goods, provisions, spices, brasilet, timber, turtles and salt fish. The North American English colonies exchanged flour, bread, meat, ham, salt, fish, butter, peas, candles, cotton, boards, and hats for slaves and ammunition. St. Eustatius, a Dutch colony, supplied Curaçao with sugar, yams and sweet potatoes. For the import duties stipulated by the W.I.C. on these products see Appendix C.

394 The Dutch

One distinguished during the eighteenth century in Curaçao two categories of merchants: the Dutch and the Jew. Analysis of the archival material showed that each category of merchant used a different strategy with the intent to exploit the available resources. The Dutch controlled the social resources through political power and functioned secondarily as merchants and planters. Among the Dutch class differentiation there was a distinction between the "higher" Protestants and the "lower Protestants (Hoetink, 1958: 45). The former was the aristocracy of the old society, composed of high ranking administrative officials, officers, families who had settled on Curaçao and prominent merchants. The "lower" Protestants were poor white artisans, shopkeepers, seamen and soldiers.

The Jews

Before 1825 the Jews did not benefit from the Dutch citizenship, but knew to establish themselves as the dominant group in the merchant class. The adapting strategy they applied was one involving the whole Jewish community into trade. This was achieved by creating a fictive kinship system based on religion, where strict rules and obligations were observed. Analysis of the commodity list in the early eighteenth century showed a greater number of Jewish names as exporters of tropical goods to Jewish factors in Amsterdam. Also the importance of Curaçao Jewish community became clear during the French invasion in 1713 when the inhabitants were taxed at a rate of six percent of the value of their holding to raise money for the ransom (Emmanuel, 1970; 106). The Jewish families paid 30% of the ransom (see Table I).2

The Africans

The Africans as a different category, remained at of the social ladder in the early eighteenth century. They were used as field-, artisan- or house slaves. Other slaves worked as sea-men on smaller vessels belonging to local merchants. There were also slaved who worked in the shops selling fruits, meat and dry-goods. In 1710, director Abraham Beck forbade local residents to allow slaves to sell wares other than vegetables, fruits, meat, or fish on the streets. This prohibition was intended to prevent smuggling of goods such as silk, linen, wool and other wares, which the slaves sold to Christians and Jews for reduced prices (Schiltkamp, 1978: 100-101). According to Romer (1981) slaves on Curaçao did not perform a specialized profession or craft. The same slaves who labored in the salt-pans also worked on the land, and may have been used as artisans, bricklayers, and carpenters. Some documents showed that since in the early eighteenth century there had been free Africans who participated in the local commercial activities, and in the sale of slaves, although not to a very significant degree. Paula (1987: 20) emphasizes this by saying: "....it would be wrong to think that slave owners during the entire period of slavery in the West Indies were by definition white. The slave labor was indispensable for the

395 maintenance of the system. Free negroes and ex-slaves in need of labor had to purchase some slaves in order to participate in the economic system. Eventhough this participation was at a lower degree." The documents contain information about one free black woman, Lucia, who imported a certain amount of pottery through the W.I.C.3 Other data exist concerning free blacks who bought female slaves, probably to use as housekeepers.4

Slave trade

Analysis of the slave lists denoted that the Dutch owned most of the slaves on the island, and the Jews participated at a higher degree in the sale of higher quality slaves (Appendix D) + (Appendix E). The local merchants of Curaçao traded slaves on the Spanish coast for tropical products and cash. They also took the opportunity to supply the Spaniards with European manufactured goods (Appendix F). During the eighteenth century slaves on the island could only be imported by the Dutch West India Company. These slaves were credited to the local merchants, to be exchanged on the Spanish coast. The Dutch authorities were not allowed to trade in the Spanish waters, but disregarded this restriction by encouraging local merchants to trade with the Spanish colonies. This trade developed into a lucrative contraband trade. Remarkably the local merchants, Dutch and Jews, each specialized in one particular crop. Most cacao was shipped by the jews to co-religionists acting as factors in Amsterdam, while the Dutch specialized in the export of the tobacco crop.

THE EMERGENCE OF WILLEMSTAD (1647 - 1650)

The first settlement of the Dutch was to be found at the Northeast side of Fort Amsterdam, which fortification was used to accommodate the Dutch officials and the military force. The town extended around 1675, the same year St. Annabay became declared as a free-port. The center of Willemstad, formerly called the Point, now Punda, was walled-in till 1861, and developed according to Goslinga (1985: 495) into a typical fortress town characterized by its narrow streets and high houses squeezed within a limited walked-in space. Punda blossomed into a commercial center where most buildings were used either as homes or warehouses of a combination of both. Prunetti-Winkel (1987) explained that the quick growth of the population in Punda and the consequent lack of space within the town walls determined at the beginning of the 18th century the birth of and also the construction of houses on Scharloo. Around 1707 permission was given by director Jacob Beek to certain individuals to build houses of only one storey at the other side of the harbor, which adopted the name of Otrobanda, meaning the other side (Ozinga, 1959). Reason for this prohibition was the government concern with the defence of the town. The officials preferred around Fort Amsterdam an open space which would facilitate the guard of the Fort against possible invaders. Soon Otrobanda became crowded due to the excess amount of unused land, but in contrast to Punda, this section developed into a habitational area. Among the monumental houses which were a copy of the plantation ( landhouses ) houses, habitational dwellings could be found

396 that housed the common people. One can say that the common people played an important role in the development of Otrobanda. Otrobanda characterized itself with the allocation of different small communities with related interests to be compared with the medieval guild associations. It is known that in the nineteenth century a group of cabinet makers occupied one street that adopted the name of "Schrijnwerkersstraat", meaning the street of cabinet makers. Oral history explained the same pattern with a street called "Schoenmakersstraat" (shoemakers street). The lay-out of the narrow streets, that were formed by the construction of tall buildings very close to each other, gave a very romantic feeling to streets, partly due to the closeness of the buildings and the shadows formed because of the high facades. Also the narrow streets and closeness of the buildings indicated a lack of distance that must have existed between the people who have lived in those dwellings. In the colonial period the image of Otrobanda must have been that of a big close family, like a kind of "fictive extended" family.

SIGNIFICANCE FOR TOURIST INDUSTRY

Otrobanda had been compared with other historic places in the world which enjoy the interest of a great amount of tourists. These places are Old San Juan in , New Orleans, St. Augustine in Florida, Quartier Latin in Paris, and Colonial Williamsburg in Virginia. The time has come to emphasize the historic value of Willemstad, and to share this with the tourist. Historical research with the use of archaeological methods can help delineate the spatial distribution of the early society in Otrobanda, patterns of nucleation, patterns in the forming of guild associations etc., all this which will throw light and understanding into the way of living of the early inhabitants. Visitors to Otrobanda will then have more to see than the narrow streets and the old restored houses displaying their nice gables.

CONCLUSION

That Willemstad is finely recognized as a potential historic center is proved by the amount of energy that is now being invested to have Willemstad accepted on the World Heritage List. Inclusion of Willemstad on this list will not only benefit the tourist industry, but it will also demand from the residents and local authorities a "conditio sine qua non" attitude to become aware of the importance of historic preservation and the conservation of cultural heritage. To conclude I have to emphasize that it does not only take an upgrading economic system to develop a country. It also takes the development of a profound awareness and the awakening to the factors that have helped build the nation and form its culture. This awakening can only be achieved by introducing cultural education on a mass scale. Cultivation of mind however, should not only be introduced at schools for students, but the general public should be involved, and especially the official representatives, in the hope that they also will become aware of the importance of preservation of Curaçao historic patrimonia. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Aizpurua, R. 1987 Curaçao y la Costa de Caracas: Introducción al estudio del contrabando en la provencia de Venezuela en tiempos de la Compañía Guipuscoana 1730 - 1784. Unpublished dissertation. Caracas.

Bennett, J.W. 1969 Northern Plainsmen: adaptive strategy and agrarian life. A.H.M. Publishing Corporation, Illinois.

Brito, N.F. 1989 Merchants of Curaçao in the early 18th century. Unpublished Master thesis Anthropology. College of William and Mary.

Dunn, R. 1972 Sugar and slaves: The rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies. New York: Norten.

Emmanuel, Isaac S. 1957 Precious stones of the Jews in Curaçao: Curaçaoan Jewry. New York: Bloch Publishing Co.

Emmanuel, I.S. and Suzanne A. Emmanuel 1970 History of the Jews of the .

Fortune, Stephen A. 1984 Merchants and Jews: The struggle for the British West India Co. 1650 - 1750. University of Florida Press: Gainsville.

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1985 The Dutch in the Caribbean and in the Guianas 1680 - 1791. Van Gorkum: , Holland.

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NOTES

1. Brito, 1989, p. 18

2. ARA N.W.I.C. 571 Brieven en papieren van Curacao, 1712 - 1714 (letters and papers from Curaçao).

3. ARA N.W.I.C. 579, (1728 - 1730).

4. ARA N.W.I.C. 579, (1728) Public sale of slaves by the W.I.C.

40 Table. 1. Tax collected from Individual households in 1713.

Class Range Households Z Within Category Z of Total Average paid Total paid D J D J D J D J D J

Opper Ps.>1000 24 10 11.6 11.5 8.2 3.3 2,300 2,000 55,400 21,200 Upper/Middle PS.4IOOO75OO 17 8 8.2 9.2 5.8 2.7 627 618.7 10,660 4,950 Middle Ps. (.500} 100 86 33 41.5 37.9 29.3 11.2 219 215.5 18,910 7,110 Lower/Middle Ps. £.100 80 36 38.6 41.4 27.2, 12.3 43.8 48.8 3,520 1,760

Dutch (sD) and Jewish (=J) tax paying households In 1713 Total number of Dutch, households 207 = 70.41 Total number of Jewish households 87 = 29.61

The table shows that 8X of the population consisted of high ranking Dutch officials and merchants, and 31 of the Jewish population were proalnent merchants

401 Appendix A. ropical Commodities lists.

ARA (W.I.C.) 571 fo. 352 List of goods loaded in ship Sta. Clara, captain Joris Streyt bound for Amsterdam on Hay 16, 1713.

Local merchants factor in Amsterdam merchandise Antonio de Neyra Moses Athias de 14 serons cacao Neyra 1 barrel indigo Moses Vaes de Iaacq Dias Gutieres 6 serons cacao Olivera idem Henriques Vaes de 5 serons cacao Oliviera Brandua & Bundes Abraham Terborgh 18 serons cacao 33 serons cacao idem Ms. Pieter Engels 18 serons cacao idem Jeremías v/d Meer 42 serons cacao idem Jan Baeymans 20 serons cacao Abraham Rodrigues Isacq Hesquia 3 bags cacao d'Aguilar Rodrigues d'Aguilar idem Moses de Crasto 2 bags cacao Manuel Alvares Gabriel Alvares 3 barrels indigo Correa Correa 1 barrel indigo 1 casket 11 packages indigo parill salsa- Ferro y Neyra Luis & Jean 8 serons cacao Mendes da Costa Jacob de Menasch Raphael Hisquia 2 barrels indigo & Co. Athai8 & Sons Gabriel Levy Isacq Jeserun 25 serons cacao de Jongh idem Egbert & Abraham 27 serons cacao Edens idem Abraham Namias 12 serons cacao de Craato Elias & David de Manuel & Elias de 1 barrel indigo Crasto Crasto Elias de Crasto Manuel & Elias de 12 serons cacao Crasto Schuurman Moyart Jeremías v/d Meer 21 bags cacao & Van Pruysen & Sons idem Cornells Cocq 16 bags cacao idem Juan de Mortier 8 bags cacao Jeremías v. Collen Albertus Hoomoet 63 canasta tobacco 31 canasta tobacco 14 canasta tobacco Local merchants factor in Amsterdam merchandise Daniel Moreno Daniel Cardosa 2 bales indigo Henriques Abraham Mendee David v. Samuel 6 serons cacao de Crasto Pinto Jacob Juda Leon Jacob de Pinedo 10 serons cacao idem Michael Juda Leon 7 serons cacao idem Isacq Barsilay 15 serons cacao David v. Samuel Hoeb Barent Cooman 6 serons cacao idem Josua Israel 8 eerons cacao de Andrade idem Isacq Hoeb 12 serons cacao 1 barrel indigo Isacq & Jacob Abraham Athias 14 serons cacao Henriques Moron Abraham & Isacq Aron Henriques 14 serons cacao Henriques Moron Moron 6 barrel indigo Abraham Lopes Silva Daniel Fresco 3 serons cacao Henriques & Francisco Jacob Lorenzo 4 serons cacao Henriques Henriques idem Henriques Vaes de 7 serons cacao Olivera idem Jacob de Eliau 7 serons cacao Nunes Bernai idem Daniel Gomes 7 serons cacao de Crasto idem Jacob Bernai 7 serons cacao Mordochay de Manuel & Elias 3 barrels indigo Crasto de Crasto Cardoza & Moreno Aron Cardoza Junior 18 serons cacao Jacob Lopes de Elias de Crasto 6 serons cacao Fonseca Ferro y Neyra Luis & Jean Mendes 4 barrels indigo da Costa 7 barrels indigo idem Abraham Semah Ferro 2 barrels indigo S Moses Athias de Neyra Antonio de Neyra Luis & Jean Mendes 35 serons cacao da Costa 3 barrels indigo Schuurman Moyart & Luis & Jacob Victor 12 bags cacao Van Pruyeen idem Abraham Le Cordier 10 bags cacao idem Jan Eggebregt 12 bags cacao idem Pieter Stoccart 8 bags cacao idem Jacob Verhoeff 10 bags cacao idem Abraham Terborgh 8 bags cacao idem Jacob Daflines 10 bags cacao idem Bernardus Holthuysen 8 bags cacao idem Handemam 9 bags cacao Local merchants factor in Amsterdam merchandise

Schuurman Moyart Widow Lero Moy 8 bags cacao & Van Pruysen Idem Mattheo Critty 12 bags cacao idem Abraham Romswinkel 10 bags cacao Antonio de Neyra Jacob & Raphael 7 serons cacao Mendes da Costa Gradis Machora Egbert & Abraham 6 bags cacao Edens idem Abraham Namias 10 bags cacao de Crasto Benjamin Jeserun Jacob Benjamin 30 serons cacao Jeserun idem IEacq Barsilay 15 serons cacao Samuel v. Ar,on Paulo junior & Co. 23 serons cacao Gomes David & Isacq Jacob de Pardo 10 serons cacao Bueno Vivas idem Abraham Bueno Vivas 1 barrel indigo David Faes Faro David Barsilay 8 serons cacao David Lopez Dias Henriques d'Olimera 40 serons cacao Willem Meyer Reynier Laclee 2 barrels indigo Elias Parera Raphael Hisqura 1 barrel indigo Athias & Sons Gabriel Levy Jean v Vollenhoven 1r. 4 barrel indigo Frere & Otto Albertus Hoomoet 47886 lb. cacao 500 serons cacao 3714 lb. cacao 138 serons cacao 250 bags cacao idem Hajo Garluk 11 serons cacao Jacob Abenater M. Abenater 2 barrels indigo Abraham & Isacq Aron Henriques Moron 14 serons cacao Henriques Moron 10 barrels indigo IEacq Jacob Abraham Athias 14 serons cacao Henriques Moron Hendrik de Wilde Abraham de Wilde 2 barrels indigo 2 barrels indigo Joseph Fidanque Nicolaas & Hendrik 9 canasta tobacco v. Hoorn Mordechay de Crasto Bernardus Houthuyzen 20 serons cacao idem Jan Eggebregts 30 serons cacao idem Manuel Elias 60 canasta varinas tobacco 22 canasta varinas tobacco Jeremías v. Collen De La Fontain & 33 serons cacao Philip Haack Juan Pedro v. Collen Abraham Fundam 12 canasta tobacco Willem Lamont Widow Hermanus Grijs 10 butts limejuice 2 barrel limejuice Mordechay de Crasto Manuel & Ellas 17 canasta tobacco de Crasto Appendix B. Day register of incoming and outgoing ships in the har­ bour of Curaçao in mounth november 1729.

W. I. C. 579 fo. 393

Nov. 2. Johannes Bode, capitain of ships de bon Avonture lea­ ving for the coast of Caracas. Nov. 3- Johannes de Bruyn, captain of ship de Laarburg Galley leaving for Holland.

Thomas Hunt, captain of the barque de Vrintschap,lea­ ving for New York.

Nov. 4. Michiel Engel, captain of the barque de Abigael lea­ ving for Tucacas. Anthony Claasz, captain of ship d'Elisabeth' coming from Bonaire with salted fish. J. Brishon, captain of the ship La Belle Sara coming from Martenique with sugar - kiltum - dry goods. Evert Franken, captain of the barque de Jonge Alida leaving for St. Thomas.

Nov. 6. Jonathan Mario,captain of the Zeeblom coming from St. Christoffel with maderawine - meat - Fish - hammocks. Francois Reneau, captain of the barque de Postiljon leaving for Guadeloupe. Gerbrant Pranger,captain of the ship de Jonge Abraham from Holland with cargoes. Anthony Bentuur,captain of the ship de Kloop, comming from Rocus with turtles - firewood.

Nov. 8. Joseph Ochoa, captain of the barque Nuestra Sra. Del Carmijn leaving for La Guaira. George White, captain of the ship Prins Frederik, co­ ming from Antigua with kiltum. Lancelot Lake, captain of the San Juan, coming from Sto. Domingo with indigo - brandy - dry goods. Teuze Vijo, captain of La Maria, coming from Sto. Domingo with indigo - tobacco.

405 Nov. 9. Robbert Theobalds,captain of the barque the 2 Susters going to New York. I. Daele, captain of the Diamant, coming from Jamaica with flour tar. Thomas Somers,captain of 'Coezar' coming from tucacas with kiltum and tobacco.

Nov. 10. Albert de Ruyter, captai'n of ship de Tombago from Holland with piece - goods.

W. I. C. 579 fo. 393 Nov. 10. Pieter Andries Turp, captain of Galllarda coming from Tucacas with timber. Goyeret, captain of La Mariana coming from Martenique with meat - sugar - kiltum - brandy. Cornells Raven,captain from the Paques boat coming from the bight of Haracaibo with logwood - pelts and grease. Nov. 11. Thomas Somers, captain of the barque de Casar leaving for St. Christoffel. Thomas Porter, captain of the barque Levina leaving fot the coast of Caracas. Nov. 12. John Outerbridge, captain of the Charmey coming from St. Christoffel with meat - kiltum. Lafon,captain of Maria Francisca coming from Martenique with sugar. Juan de Lemos, captain of the barque de Juan de Lemos coming from Sto. Domingo with cinnamon - sniff. Francois Paradies, captain of Maria Catharina coming from French St. Domingue with sugar - kiltum - brandy - indigo.

Guillot,captain of L'Amable Maria leaving to Martenique

Arends den Uyl, captain of barque Elisabeth leaving for' Rocus-.

406 Nov. 13. Gonnet, captain of the barque Le Dauphin leaving for french St. Domingue. Johannes Bode, captain of Bon Avontuure coming from Tucacas with firewood. Nov. 14. Juan de'Lemos, captain of the barque de Juan de Lemos leaving for Coro. Andries Blom, captain of Juf fr.Sandering coming from Rocus with turtles.

Thomas Bouwling, captain of the ship the Egell coming from St. Christoffel with meat - wine - butter - Bugar.

Nov. 15. Willem Beesdin, captain of the barque de Ellen leaving for ROCUB.

Nov. 16. Jan Ooyman, captain of the Hoop leaving for the coast of Caracas.

W. I. C. 579 fo. 393 Nov. 17. Jan Jonassen, captain of the barque de Wakende Boey co- min from Tucacas with cacao and tobacco. J. Conqueret,captain of the Le Content coming from Sto. Domingo with sugar and indigo. Nov. 18. Kirmabon, captain of the barque de Series coming from Guadeloupe with sugar and kiltum. William Daves, captain of the Catharina coming from St'. Thomas with meat - sugar - candles - firewood. Andries Blom, captain of the barque de Sandarina lea­ ving to the coast of Caracas. Anthony Bentuur, captain of the Hoop leaving for Rocus. Benjamin Butterfield, captain of the barque de Voos leaving for Jamaica. Nov. 19. Samuel Stuyling, captain of the 2 Confrere of Tucacas carying cotton and tobacco. Pieter A. Turp,captain of the Galliarda leaving for the coast of Caracas. Jan JonaBsen, captain of the Wakende Boey leaving for Tucacas.

407 APPENDIX C. Liet of imported goods and the amount of importduty attached in the 18th century.

W. I. C. 577 fo. 322

8% to be paid on 4% to be paid on 2% >to be paid on Almonds Smoked meat Amber Baracanen Ham Bra8ilet timber Bayetten Tongues Bowsprit Salt fish Bacon Cacao Red herring Meat Coffee Brandy per anker Sauer kraut Preserves Bread the barrel Caret Butter the barrel Cotton Beer Corduanan Candles and Casje Cochenille Copper kettles Campeche timber Cabinets Duygen Eel & Cyter in bottles Ginger Peas Pelts Frontec Jac wine Iron-hooped French linen - silk stockings Indigo Glass Yams & sweet potato Herring, Oil, Train oil Mais Haerlemmer books logwood Hats Lignum vitae Kiltum per gallon Broads Sheets Cedar wood Madera wine, white Corded material Malvasse wine Rice Medicaments Rocoe Flour per barrel White sugar powder Mackerel the barrel White/Brown sugar Marquette Wax Sniff/ Grease Rope netting bags Chaire / Girths Oysters Saleaparilla Wax, Soap, Talcum Portorico tobacco Red wine Tabacco in canasta Rye-flour Tanned leather Tin wares Sole-leather Onions Figs appendix D. List of slaves bought by the Dutch during public sales.

SHIP YEAR MALES PESOS FEMALES PESOS BOYS PESOS CIELS PESOS TMXE PESOS

St. Marcus 1714 20 1414 7 503 - - - - 27 1917

QUEER ESTBEB 1714 60 3726 22 1533 - - 82 5259

V. I. C.(sick 1718 27 1689 24 1321 7 415 11 632 69 4057 slaves)

CROOT BENTVELD 1728 221 19743 70 8158 8 935 4 531 303 29367

PHEKIX 1729 98 8096 38 4225 14 1171 6 670 156 14162

STEERHDYSEN 1735 341 23023 134 8067 4 252 2 104 481 31446

Aooont of taz paid by Centlle residents for Imported slav

TEAR NUMBER OF SLAVES PESOS

1721 1394 1394

1722 144 144

409 Appendix B. List of slaves bought by the Jews during public sales.

SHIP YEAS HALES PESOS FEMALES PESOS BOYS PESOS CIELS PESOS ME PESOS

ST.MARCUSlsick 1714 18 971 16 864 _ _ _ _ 34 1835 slaves) QUEEN ESTHER 1714 27 1552 13 539 - - - - 40 2091 (sick slaves) W. I. C.(slek 1718 19 956 12 758 5 195 9+1* 490+14* 46 2413 slaves)

GROOT BENTVELD 1728 264 22663 53 5598 16 1628 8 893 349 30782

PHENIX 1729 105 8218 20 2162 9 742 2 195 136 11317

STEENHUYSEN 173S 109 7802 48 3378 4 258 2 127 163 11565

* = deaf/oute girl Aaonnt of tax paid by Jewish reside nts for imported slaves

YEAR NUMBER Or SLAVES PESOS

1721 355 355

1722 92 92

410

K APPENDIX F.

OAC 796 I fo. 79

Inventory of goods unloaded from the brigantlne 'de Jonge Daniel' captalVi Jan Bontekoe, imported out Holland on requisition of Daniel Moreno Henrtques joint propletor of abouve mentioned brigantlne.

(Note» this document is incomplete, part of it has desintegrated).

A case of the following goods i

3 quart pound Nails 10 ell Diced (7) Fabric 2 pes. Gingham (yarn dyed plain waved cotten fabric) 4 pes. Flowered cotton 1 pair Cuffs 9 ell Striped fabric 4 pairs of Woolen Bock6 4 pes. SmirnesBe stripes 4 Bil Caps 10 i pounds Sewing silk 1 pound Black double armozijn ribbon 52 ell Violet ribbon 4 PCB. Variegated ribbon 7 rolls Ribbon 3 i Striped silk ribbon 6 dozen Horn combs 2 J dozen Palm-wood combs

1 case containing i

20 enema Syringe 23 dozen Palm-wood combs 10 dozen Horn combs

1 casket witht

75 dozen Jack-knives

411 1 barrel containingi 30 pes. fabric with striped design 45 gross (Haare) Buttons 24 pounds Senna leaves 52 ell Diced fabric 3 dozen Woolen socks

1 case with: 5 Santos (?)

1 case witht 3 Santos (?)

412 OAC 796 I to. 79

case with the fallowing articles! 27 White and Black coarse hats ie dozen flaying cards 6 pounds Enamel 20 bunch Pennetandstokers (?) (Penholders? ) 42 bunch Nibbs and covers

1 barrel

Slootenvol (?) (Picklock?)

1 barrel containing: 97 dozen Knives 10 butts Corn spirit 2 cellars Olives and Gherkins 6 cellaret Brandy

413 ARCHIVAL SOURCES

ARA : Algemeen Rijks Archief, (General Government Archives) The Hague. NWIC : Nieuwe West Indische Compagnie (New West India Company). (1.05.01) 203 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1709-1711 204 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1711-1712 205 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1713-1714 206 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1715-1719 207 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1719-1722 208 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1723-1739 570 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1708-1711 571 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1712-1714 572 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1715-1716 573 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1717-1719 574 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1719-1720 575 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1720-1721 576 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1721-1722 577 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1722-1724 578 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1724-1727 579 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1728-1730 580 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1730-1733 581 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1733-1735 1149 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1708-1712 1150 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1712-1713 1151 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1713-1715 1152 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1716-1720 1153 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1721-1723 1154 Letters and Papers from Curaçao Í724-1729 1155 Letters and Papers from Curaçao 1730-1735

OAC : Oud Archief Curaçao ( Old Archive Curaçao) 797 I + II Reports etc. 1722 798 I + II Reports etc. 1723