ARCHIFACTS

Journal of the Archives and Records Association of New Zealand

April 1993 OBJECTS OF THE ASSOCIATION

The objects of the Association shall be:

i. To foster the care, preservation, and proper use of archives and records, both public and private, and their effective administra- tion.

ii. To arouse public awareness of the importance of records and archives and in all matters affecting their preservation and use, and to co-operate or affiliate with any other bodies in New Zealand or elsewhere with like objects.

iii. To promote the training of archivists, records keepers, curators, librarians and others by the dissemination of specialised knowl- edge and by encouraging the provision of adequate training in the administration and conservation of archives and records.

iv. To encourage research into problems connected with the use, administration and conservation of archives and records and to promote the publication of the results of this research.

v. To promote the standing of archives institutions.

vi. To advise and support the establishment of archives services throughout New Zealand.

vii. To publish ajournai at least once a year and other publications in furtherance of these objects. ARCHIFACTS

Published by the Archives and Records Association of New Zealand April 1993 ARCHIFACTS

Editor: Jane McRae.

Editorial Committee: Stephen Innes Bruce Symondson Jane Wild.

Reviews Editor: David Green.

Archifacts is published twice yearly in April and October.

Articles and correspondence should be addressed to the Editor at:

Te Hukatai, Maori Studies Library, University of Auckland, Private Bag, Auckland.

Intending contributors should obtain a style sheet from the Editor and are urged to provide their texts on a 5 V4" DOS formatted disk or Apple Macintosh diskette, in Word, Word Perfect, Macwrite or an ASCII text file.

Printed by Uniprint Copyright ARANZ 1993 ISSN 0303-7940 CONTENTS

PETER OETTLI The Papers of Johann Friedrich Riemenschneider 1 GISELLE M. BYRNES 'NO holidays are kept in the bush' 15 MARGARET CARR Archives and the Journalist 27 RUTH STODDART Security - Aiming to Stop Theft 32

Shorter Articles G. W. RICE J. M. Sherrard Award 39 Old World Meets New In Massive New Optical Storage Project 40 STEPHEN INNES Heritage Responsibilities Group 42

Tomorrow's History PAULINE PORTEOUS 43 LYNDA WALLACE 44 PETER MILLER 45 DAVID COLQUHOUN 46

News & Notes 49

Books and Book Reviews 54

Letter to Editor 60

Accessions 68 ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ASSOCIATION OF NEW ZEALAND INC. P.O. Box 11-553, Manners Street, Wellington, N.Z.

PATRON Her Excellency Dame Catherine Tizard, GCMG, DBE, Governor-General of New Zealand

COUNCIL

PRESIDENT Brad Patterson 20 Khyber Road, Seatoun, Wellington. VICE PRESIDENTS Peter Miller 114 Evans Street, Opoho, Dunedin. Sheryl Morgan Massey University Library, Private Bag, Palmerston North. SECRETARY Thérèse Angelo Royal NZ Airforce Museum, RNZAF Base Wigram, Private Bag, Christchurch. TREASURER Jane Tucker 53 Moana Rd., Highbury, Wellington. EDITOR Jane McRae Maori Studies Library, Auckland University, Private Bag, Auckland. MEMBERSHIP SECRETARY Thérèse Angelo Royal Ν Ζ Airforce Museum, RNZAF Base Wigram, Private Bag, Christchurch. MEMBERS Phillipa Fogarty National Archives, P.O. Box 12050, Wellington. Jan Gow 18 Modena Crescent, Auckland 5. Michael Hoare 77 Spinaker Drive, Whitby, Wellington. Margaret Morgan 46 Skibo Street, Kew, Dunedin. Pauline Porteous 144A Upland Road, Kelburn, Wellington. Mark Stoddart 69 Kimberhall Ave, Mt Roskill, Auckland. David Thomson History Department Massey University, Private Bag, Palmerston North. Editorial

In the 'Tomorrow's History' section of this issue we asked some archivists to consider what they would like of ARANZ as a professional association over the next decade. The retiring editorial team also reflected on this and came up with the following ideas. In the matter of public relations we think that ARANZ should initiate a survey to elicit opinion on the usefulness and effectiveness of archives and archivists. A more active involvement with related institutions is also proposed, with museums (especially local ones) and libraries, for in- stance. And discussion about whether or not archivists should have a code of ethics is, we feel, an important matter to tackle soon. Within the Association a survey of past and present members to determine levels of satisfaction and dissatisfaction would help deter- mine future planning and ways to attract new members. The recent establishment of another society for professional archivists prompts initiatives such as these in order to ensure a strong and active association. For our conferences we expressed the hope that from time to time we would be able to capture an excellent overseas speaker, in order to keep alive our international exchanges. For the same reason we consider that the discussions being held with the Australian Society of Archivists regarding a possible joint conference in 1996, could also be an incentive to develop permanent links at all levels across the Tasman. ARANZ's forthcoming education review will undoubtedly interest archivists in other countries, and could too become a basis for wider international links. In the area of publications, we thought that occasional papers on professional issues might be produced; that a comprehensive survey of national holdings be carried out to complement NRAM (Ross Harvey's invaluable Union List of Newspapers in New Zealand could serve as a model), and that the pamphlet to attract members might be upgraded to something stylish and arresting. Finally we hope that the style and quality of Archifacts will be maintained or even improved, and that there will be increased professional 'talk' in the journal, thus providing the back- ground and topical information to inspire and inform current and potential archivists, records managers, and members of the Association.

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Please excuse the dark smudges, dear Fathers The Papers of Johann Friedrich Riemenschneider1 Peter Oettli

University of Waikato

When a historian, or in my case a literary historian, refers to primary sources,2 the focus is generally on the content of these sources. What matters to the historian is what is said and the context in which it is said. As long as the source is reliable in terms of its accuracy, the conditions under which it was produced are often of secondary importance. There is, however, in most cases an important intermediate step between the production of a primary source and the use of its contents: it has to be made accessible to the user. This may require no more than adequate storage and classification, but it can also require an editor, who pro- duces, for example, a critical edition of a literary or historical source text which is transmitted in a number of variant MSS, or a transcriber (if the end user is not familiar with the script in which the source is written), or a translator. To these intermediaries whose task it is to ensure that the original primary source reaches the user with the minimum distortion possible, the conditions under which it was produced are of more importance and interest, since they are factors which may influence judgements about the reliability of a particular variant reading in a MS, or the preference of one translation over another. In this paper I intend to examine some of these factors in the light of the experience I have gained in the transcription and partial translation of a proportion of the papers of the North German Mission Society missionary Johann Friedrich Riemenschneider. Johann Friedrich Riemenschneider (1817-1866) has so far been one of the neglected figures in the history of Taranaki. From 1845 to 1860 he lived in Warea, a locality 35 km south-west of New Plymouth, and worked among the Taranaki people. After the closure, in 1852, of the Wesleyan mission station atHeretoa (Waimate) among the Ngati Ruanui people, and after the German-born Wesleyan missionary Schnackenberg was withdrawn from Mokau in April 1858, Riemenschneider was the only missionary on the West Coast of the North Island to actually live among the Maori between Kawhia and Wanganui. The reason for the comparative neglect of Riemenschneider is that the bulk of his papers is written not only in German, but also in a 19th century 'German' script which was replaced by the so-called 'English' script in the 1940s and with which even native speakers of the language of my generation are thus no longer familiar. However Riemenschneider also wrote assiduously in English and in Maori.3 A number of letters in English to Donald (later Sir Donald) McLean, for example, are in the Alexander Turnbull Library.4 In addition to these, there are a number of other letters, reports, sermons and treatises which have been pre- served in various archives and libraries, or survived in printed form. A list of all the English documents written by Riemenschneider which I have been able to find so far is given at the end of this paper. So there is some material available in New Zealand and in English, but the bulk of Riemenschneider's papers is in German The only brave biographer who has so far attempted to write an English account of Riemenschneider ' s life and work had no knowledge of German. In 1967, William Greenwood published a book entitled Riemenschneider of Warea5 which appears to be based almost entirely on a brief German biography written in 18756 (which Greenwood had translated for him) and the letters exchanged between Riemenschneider andMcLean. The result is, not surprisingly, somewhat disappointing. There is no doubt that Riemenschneider's papers held in the State Archive of Bremen and on microfilm in the Taranaki Museum are the key to his biography. But they also give a wealth of information and insights into life in New Zealand and particularly in Taranaki in the period leading up to the wars of the 1860s. In view of the dedication and zeal with which Riemenschneider exercised his vocation as a missionary and minister of the Gospel - a task that demanded almost constant travel among his far-flung flock - his written output is impressive. At a rough guess, the papers in the Bremen archive comprise some 5,400 pages, densely covered with handwriting. And apart from a few copies the Bremen papers do not contain his voluminous correspondence with his North German brother missionaryJ.F.H. Wohlers on Ruapuke Island, with J.W. Heine, who had come out as a mission assistant and had subsequently been ordained Lutheran pastor to the Germans living in Nelson,7 with his Wesleyan fellow-missionaries, particularly John Whiteley, and with members of his Maori congregation, once he had left Taranaki in 1860. One of the reasons for Riemenschneider's extensive correspondence with his society is no doubt the fact that, unlike with the Wesleyans and the CMS, there was no administrative or pastoral infrastructure for the two ordained missionaries of the North German society. There was no quarterly meeting, no bishop to whom Riemenschneider could turn for advice with major decisions he had to make, and Wohlers, on Ruapuke Island, was in an even more isolated position than Riemenschneider. From the time of their arrival in New Zealand in June 1843, to Riemenschneider's death in August 1866 the two North German missionaries met on only two occasions.8 Riemenschneider's sense of isolation, which was not alleviated by the arrival of his assistant, Carl Sylvius Völkner in 1849, was further increased when, because of a major crisis in the society in Germany, there were long gaps in correspondence from home. On 2 November 1850 he reports that the last letter he had had from the society was dated 15 December 1849, and in a letter accompanying the copy of his diary in February 1851 he writes:

We also find it a bit strange that for a most unusually long time we have had no letter from the Administration Committee. The last commu- nication which was sent by Inspector Brauer (or at least the last which arrived here with us) is ... dated 2 March 1850. In this we were informed of the prospect of further good news within a short time. But these have not arrived here so far and both of us, Völkner and I, have not received even the slightest communication from the Society since the arrival of that letter of March 1850.... Every time that we hear that the English mail has arrived we eagerly look out for letters, in vain, however. Well, perhaps the next mail will bring them.

With his large output of journals, reports and letters, Riemenschneider must have spent a considerable proportion of his 'spare' time writing. Occasionally he gives his readers (mainly the Administration Committee of the North German Mission Society) a glimpse of himself at work, sometimes in quite dramatic circumstances. On the journey up the Mokau River in September 1844, for example, Riemenschneider's Maori crew , trying to get more pay than had been agreed at the outset of the voyage, abandoned him and his party on the riverbank with enough food for a couple of days and no means to proceed in any direction. His tent had been torn down by the irate Maori who had left in the canoe, angrily throwing all his possessions onto the bank before paddling away. What did Riemenschneider do? Here is his report: Ί sat down and did some writing. Several hours passed. Our stomachs became empty, so we began to make a meal. Then there was a rustling in the undergrowth on the bank and one of the deserters crept out from it. Soon the canoe with the others also returned'.9 In a report to this committee in January 1845, he describes his situation at Motukaramu on the upper Mokau River, where he had established his first mission station and where he lived together with his assistant Trost and another European10 in a Raupo whare, 12 feet by nine feet. At the same time he introduces his readers to a pest which was new to him and most probably to many of his fellow settlers: the sandfly:

In this country doors and windows are almost as necessary as food and drink. This is not so much because of the frequent heavy rain and the strong wind, but rather because of the stinging flies and mosquitoes. The former are a very small species, called Namu by the natives. The whole country is riddled with them. As long as you are walking around, you are not molested by them very much, if at all. But as soon as you stand still or sit down, you find yourself beset by hundreds if not thousands of them. They even invade your clothing and as soon as they find some skin they begin to satisfy their thirst for blood. And their sting is so painful that it is hardly bearable. They are worst before and after it rains and in the houses, where the floor is continually moist because there is no wooden flooring, and where there are neither doors nor windows to repel them. I have often been tested to the limit while writing or studying, but was finally literally driven out of the house. The only way to drive them away is by strong-smoke, however my eyes have suffered dreadfully from the intensive smoking.

The CMS missionary Richard Taylor who together with McLean visited Riemenschneider in December 1845, not only corroborates Riemenschneider's account of the rather primitive conditions in which he and his two companions lived but also adds a moralising comment: ' [Riemenschneider's] house is a Raupo one at present without either doors windows floor or chimney and consequently is not the most comfortable one in the world. He has neither table chair nor stool, at present... I think if the party had thought less of their pipes (which they smoke from morning to night) and more of their house their situation would not have been so uncomfortable...'11 The 'desk' on which Riemenschneider wrote this report consisted of two old canoe planks and he must have manufactured it soon after Taylor's visit. In December 1845 he describes the interior of the house and writes: 'In my lounge (?) an immovable writing desk has appeared, made of two old canoe planks.' It is in the postscript to the January 1845 report that the quotation appears which I have paraphrased and adapted for the title of this paper.12 The literal translation is: 'The natives must be held responsible for the smudges found in this document. I can secure neither papers nor books against their dirty fingers.' Another glimpse of Riemenschneider writing is found in a report to the Administration Committee written in September to November 1848. By this time he had abandoned the station at-Motukaramu and had moved to Warea in Taranaki. In August 1848 he went to New Plymouth and stayed with his friend Donald McLean. While there he fell ill with rheumatic fever and for 17 days and nights, he reports, he had to lie in bed in terrible pain, unable to move. The report continues:

On 16 September I succeeded for the first time in lying on my side and already on the following day I was able, with God's help, to sit up in bed for an hour, with a chair, back to front and upside down and packed with cushions being placed behind my back. I am hoping to be up again for short times within the next one or two days so that I can write in ink. So far I have only been able to write in lead pencil. This is because when I am lying down I have to hold the writing pad above me with the left hand, and in this way the ink keeps on running back along the pen instead of onto the paper. So I will copy this. Perhaps I will even be able to finish it before I leave New Plymouth. I desire this all the more because, once I am in Warea again, I will have so much to do at first that I will not be able to devote much time to writing.

Riemenschneider did not manage to finish copying, for a little later the report contains a postscript: Ί had written the above to this point while lying ill in New Plymouth, but I could not finish copying there, because the doctor was on my back too often and threatened to take away my inkwell if I was too intent on exerting myself with writing excessively.' By 1850, Riemenschneider had a wife and a house, complete with a 'study' in which he wrote his reports.13 The house was very modest indeed:

Apart from the posts which are sunk into the ground, the dwelling (single storeyed and without an attic) is made of reeds and rushes and is covered with straw. It contains a living room and a bedroom, each 11 by 10 feet, a writing and store room, six feet square, and in front of this the entrance hall (?). To this point, the house has a decent floor. Then we have the wing which has been added to the house that contains the kitchen which is, at the same time, the audience chamber for visiting natives. Here there is no floor except for the bare earth.

So from 1850 onwards, Riemenschneider wrote in a storeroom, six feet square. In time, and with the arrival of a family,14 the storeroom appears to have been taken up entirely with stores, because in December 1858 he writes to the Administration Committee:

Over the last few years I have not found time and peace during the day for written work when I am at home. There is constantly other work which keeps brain and hands fully occupied. Once the evening comes, I am tired and first have to collect my distracted thoughts before I can start using my pen, and oh, how I feel the need for a study in order to be out of the way of the children and their irrepressible chatter. There is hardly any peace before eight o'clock. When I then get down to work, it progresses without me noticing how far back I go and how long my report becomes, and I often forget that my time does not permit me to write in so much detail, and that your time at home may not permit you to read so much detail.

This passage illustrates at the same time the conditions under which Riemenschneider wrote as well as his awareness that he is often long- winded and repetitious. He certainly was long-winded and repetitious. I will cite just a few examples. In a report to the Administration Committee of June 1857, we find the following footnote: 'This last thought has led me, in what now follows, far from Arama Karaka and towards the general conditions of this people. I have taken up the thread of the story of Arama Karaka which breaks off here, only on page 164 of this report again so that, if you wish to read this story in a clearly arranged sequence, you have to go from this 41st page to page 164.' Riemenschneider does tend to wander off into side-issues quite frequently. The footnote I have cited refers to such a digression which occurred in the body of the text. Sometimes he uses footnotes for them. And sometimes he gets carried away with the footnote as well. In a report to the Administration Committee of 15 May 1858, Riemenschneider has a footnote which takes up 18 single-spaced pages in the transcription and contains two footnotes of its own as well as a postscript. Riemenschneider's reports were, as we have seen, dictated by the circumstances in which he found himself. On 14 August 1856, for example, he began a brief letter to the Administration Committee. In the first few pages he explains how he had started a major report on the spiritual conditions of his flock, then had been sidetracked into writing about his missionary activity among the Taranaki and Ngati Ruanui, so he was now making a second report on that topic. In the meantime, however, Riemenschneider continues, the Puketapu feud had broken out again and he had started a brief letter just to let his superiors know that he was still alive. This had escalated into a third report on the feud and he was now on page 80 ofthat. The reason for the present letter, we learn on page 10, was that he had had to draw some money, and he quickly wanted to let the Committee know about this. Having explained the business matter he then writes on page 13: 'As I find myself undisturbed at the moment, I will use the free time to add a few words'. The 'few words' take us to page 66 where Riemenschneider writes: 'You may perhaps wonder, dear fathers, how this present letter has become so long and detailed, seeing I announced at the beginning that it was to be only a brief, superficial letter in the meantime. I have been prevented by inclement weather and swollen rivers from making myjourney north. So I have sat down to let you have as much information in as much detail as possible about the matter which is the subject of this report.' Riemenschneider was not always so lucky to have undisturbed time. On 15 July 1859 he started a letter to Pastor Zahn of the North German Mission Society in Bremen. Near the bottom of page 17 we suddenly find a new date: 5 September. The sentences concluding the section begun on 15 July and the first few paragraphs after the new date provide the explanation (Riemenschneider had in the meantime shifted into his new house) :

It has cost me close on 14 full days to clear away the debris of the old house and during these last days I have been busily engaged in the task of shifting soil to the new one (which makes my hand a bit heavy and stiff so that I cannot write particularly legibly). In a few days I hope to be able to have it in a state where I can sow some grass seed. It is high time for that now. The Papers of Johann Fnedrich Riemenschneider 5 September

I had advanced with my letter as far as the above on 6 August (the very day on which I concluded my 42nd year). Up to that point and also beyond it I had carefully apportioned my time and calculated ahead as far as this was possible, in order to meet several commitments of equal importance at least somewhat equally Then it pleased the Lord to put a stop to my eager business and to transfer me, for a while, into a testing school of the cross.

What had happened was that Riemenschneider had had an accident with the handcart full of soil and had broken his sternum. His wife was pregnant so he did not want to alarm her and went to bed with some vinegar compresses. When he tried to get up next morning he almost fainted with the pain and then had his wife put a bandage across his chest. This did not seem to work all that well (he reports that he could feel how the lower part of the sternum moved behind the upper part!), so they pushed a piece of cardboard inside the bandage and this helped somewhat. In this condition Riemenschneider delivered his fifth child (and fourth daughter) on 13 August. After reporting all this in detail, Riemenschneider was forced once again to stop writing. By now the letter had grown considerably and had assumed (as Riemenschneider notes) the proportions of a report. On page 65 we find a new dateline, 'New Plymouth, 3 October'. Riemenschneider explains:

During the first weeks after my accident I was forced to let the pen rest altogether. I therefore got very much behind. In addition more recent letters concerning native affairs accumulated which, given the present circumstances, need immediate attention and reply. Since I have now got underway to some extent with my writing I have had to stick to it with all my might, particularly as I had to stop frequently in the beginning because it made my chest sore and many other interrup- tions occurred as well. This is also the reason why the conclusion of this letter has been delayed until now. I have so many writing tasks before me at the moment that I will be fully occupied for the next four weeks, and the Lord only knows what will happen in that time.

The reason why the letter was concluded in New Plymouth, inciden- tally, was that Riemenschneider had finally, seven weeks after the accident, decided to see a doctor. There appear to be three factors which are responsible for Riemenschneider's way of writing. There is firstly the personality of Riemenschneider himself. He was a man who examined every issue minutely, considering every conceivable argument and every possible angle. What he lacked was the ability to discriminate, to sift his material and concentrate on the essential points. A second factor relates to the conditions under which most of his documents were written. With constant travel, constant interruptions and with Riemenschneider's inability to detach himself from the multitude of his tasks (again based on his inability to distinguish between essentials and non-essentials), what seemed to be of crucial importance the day of writing, was replaced by something completely different a few weeks later. The third factor is Riemenschneider ' s uncertainty about whether his reports would, in fact, reach the Administration Committee. This often induced him to repeat material from earlier reports, in case those should not have arrived. This brings me to the final aspect of this brief examination of the conditions under which the Riemenschneider papers were written: the way in which they were transmitted. In view of the often precarious routes by which mail was sent, it is surprising that almost all the documents which Riemenschneider mentions did in fact reach their destination. When he was at Motukaramu in 1844-45, for example, his reports were taken downriver by canoe (normally a two-day journey) to the Wesleyan mission station, from where the mail messenger took them either to Kawhia or New Plymouth. Sometimes there were delays. In a postscript to his report for the second half of 1844, Riemenschneider laments: 'This report has been ready for sending since 1 January but because of lack of opportunity it has not been able to be despatched so far. It will be transported to Mokau tomorrow, 10 March (?), and from there it will go to Kawhia. It is a great inconvenience that here I cannot get hold of natives to do a message for me either for a decent wage or with kind words.' At least one of the messengers which Riemenschneider used to get his letters and reports to the mail in New Plymouth when he lived in Warea later made his mark on New Zealand history. On 20 July 1847 he writes to McLean:

The bearer is porangi [beside himself] to get off and makes me almost raruraru [confused] by his impatience. So I must conclude while I remain

My dear McLean Yours affectionately

J. Fr. Riemenschneider.

The bearer to whom Riemenschneider refers in this letter is none other than the young Te Whiti o Rongomai.15 The messengers as well as the mails, however, appear to have been remarkably reliable, even though Riemenschneider, in 1849, expresses his dissatisfaction with the postmaster at New Plymouth:

I see from a letter of the Society of 24 April of the previous year (which arrived here on 1 December accompanied by a chest full of clothing) that my report of October 1846 never reached its destination, and that my other reports also arrive most irregularly. I fear that this is mostly the fault of our post office here in New Plymouth. Almost everybody here has cause for similar complaints and also does complain. The postmaster, instead of attending to his office, is in grog shops all the time and people have to go and look for him there when he should be attending to his duties. Proof has been produced that he is not punctual in the delivery of letters and his early dismissal from office is becoming more and more likely.

Even if the mailswere relatively reliable, theywere not particularly fast. Riemenschneider notes in his diary for 14 May 1850: 'Today I received a letter from the Administration Committee by "Auckland Mail". It is dated "Hamburg, 3 October 1849". Thus it has been on the way from Hamburg to Warea seven months and almost a fortnight again.' Riemenschneider appears to have lost more documents in accidents before they were despatched than were lost in transit. In a letter fragment, probably written late in 1850, he writes:

A few days ago I had just finished (except for the last two or three pages) a long letter with substantial extracts from my diary for you, as 1 well as other letters, when we had to flee a fire at night time with all our possessions. The bush had caught fire because of the carelessness of the natives, and the wind drove the fire straight to our station until we were almost surrounded by flames. All hope of saving our house seemed to be lost. The natives did everything they could in order to fight the fire but for a long time it seemed to be in vain, even though they toiled so that some of them had the hair on their head singed. We had to evacuate the house at one o'clock in the morning, but thank God a few hours later the greatest danger was past, and on the following morning we could move back in again I had packed all my writings carefully into a basket. We had to pile all our things onto the grass in the middle of the garden and spread wet blankets over them. On the following morning I found that the basket with my

writing case had toppled over and all my writings werevlying in the grass, where they had been soaked with dew and everything I had written had run and become quite illegible. This was a most lamen- table loss for me, particularly as my time is continually taken up and I have got so far behind because of this accident.

The path the Riemenschneider papers took thus began with their writing, then they often had to be transported to the mail messenger, then by the mail to Germany, and then from the hands of the Administration Committee into the archives of the Society. Some material did get lost in that final step. Most enclosures, for example, which Riemenschneider mentions in his reports, are no longer with the papers. Nevertheless, in view of the lengthy, sometimes hazardous and cumbersome transmission of the papers, they are remarkably complete. Fortunately for us, the North German Mission Society decided some years ago to deposit its archives in the Bremen State Archive where the papers can be stored under optimum conditions and where they are in the hands of trained archivists. I cannot speak too highly of the invaluable assistance I have received from colleagues who are either professional archivists or professional librarians. Most of my work would not have been possible without their generous and expert help. In Bremen, this ranged from advising me on possible source material to teaching me how to tie an 'archivist's knot' (which was checked carefully whenever I returned a folder). In New Plymouth I would like to acknowledge gratefully the generosity of the curator and the archivist at the Taranaki Museum who let me have the microfilms of the papers for some years so that I could transcribe them. For the New Zealand reader, there is yet a further step in the chain of transmission. The papers are here in the form of microfilms, and while they are, on the whole, carefully photographed, some slips did occur as I was able to confirm when examining the original papers in Bremen in January/February 1991.16 Sometimes, a page was photographed twice. This is less serious than those cases where the photographers acciden- tally turned over two pages and therefore missed out two. I will cite just one example of this latter error. In a report of 27 December 1846 the translation of the microfilm passage reads:

[One of the natives17 of a village nearby] had a pig running around in Warea which he wanted to bring to town, and this is why he came to Warea.... On the occasion of this visit he came to the station and had about an hour's conversation with me. He then left to catch his pig. Only about 10 minutes had passed when he appeared again. This time he walked doubled over and appeared to be in great pain. I was no little surprised to see him in this state and asked what was the matter with him. But he just staggered into the house and sat down on the floor saying that he had had a distressing accident, and indeed he was in a wretched enough state. He and his friend18 had caught the pig and while the friend had

At this point the sentence breaks off at the bottom of a page. The'next sentence, at the top of the next page of the microfilm, reads: 'Now I am fairly familiar with the language, the customs and the other circum- stances of the New Zealanders.' The mystery was solved when I discovered the two missing pages in the Bremen archive. They had simply been skipped accidentally by the photographer. The text in the original continues:

held it by its hind leg and had been in the process of tying a rope to it, the angry animal had overcome him and had slipped out of his grasp. It had then taken a run at [the owner] and had done some serious damage to the lower part of his male member. The lower tear was straight and at least 21/2 inches long, and another tear above it and of the same length was angled and ragged. Fortunately the internal main organs were uninjured, however it looked bad enough and bled profusely.

Riemenschneider then sutured the wound, an operation which took an hour and a half with a darning needle, since he had no surgical needle, and in the presence of most of the village who had come to see the procedure once news of the accident had got there. 'With God's help', Riemenschneider writes further down the same page, 'the patient recovered completely'. The Riemenschneider papers are a rich source of information about the missionary himself, the conditions under which he worked, the ecclesiastical, social and political background to his work - in short, they are an important source for the New Zealand historian. True, they were written in conditions which made the careful composition of reports difficult. True, some of the papers were lost before or during their transmission to Germany. True, finally, Riemenschneider was often long-winded and repetitious. Nancy Taylor's judgement on missionary journals, that they are 'unpublished and perhaps unpublishable'19 would apply to the Riemenschneider papers in their entirety. However, this should not be a reason for resignation. With careful selection, editing and translating the papers will, I hope, not only secure for Johann Friedrich Riemenschneider his rightful place among the Chris- tian missionaries to this country, but they will also contribute signifi- cantly to the primary source materials for an important period in the history of Taranaki and New Zealand.

APPENDIX

Documents in English Written by J. Fr. Riemenschneider

1. Correspondence with Sir Donald McLean, 1845 - 1859. 29 items, Alexander Turnbull Library. Some extracts published in William Greenwood, Riemenschneider of Warea, Wellington/Auckland/ Sydney, 1967. 2. 'Narrow and Providential Escape of our Mission Station at Warea From Fire in the Night from the 16th to the 17th December 1851,' in Riemenschneider papers, Bremen State Archive (microfilm in Taranaki Museum). Unpublished manuscript. 3. Submission made to Governor Thomas Gore Browne requesting permission to acquire some land for the mission station at Warea, 1853. Part of the report to the Administration Committee of the North German Mission Society (NGMS), dated January 1854. In Riemenschneider papers, Bremen State Archive (microfilm in Taranaki Museum). Unpublished manuscript. 4. Letter to Native Secretary, 24 September 1855. MS copy in Appen- dix C to the report to the Administration Committee of the NGMS, dated 5 November 1855. In Riemenschneider papers, Bremen State Archive (microfilm in Taranaki Museum). Unpublished Manu- script. Extract published by Sir William Martin, The Taranaki Question. Auckland, 1860 (Reprint edn. Dunedin, 1867), pp.131-6. Published in William Greenwood, op. cit., Appendix 4, pp.100-13. 5. 'Report to Governor Thomas Gore Browne on whether native affairs should now be passed on to the elected parliament subject to a veto from the Governor, or whether they should continue to be handled by the Governor, dated 28 August 1856.' In Appendix 1 of the report to the Administration Committee of the NGMS, dated 14 August 1856. In Riemenschneider papers, Bremen State Archive (microfilm in Taranaki Museum). Unpublished manuscript. 6. Letter to Colonel Gold, dated 15 May 1860. Published by Robert Carey, Narrative of the Late War in New Zealand. London, 1863, pp. 51- 60. Published by William Greenwood, op. cit. Appendix 6, pp.122-5. 7. Letter to Sir William Martin, dated 30 September 1861. Printed in AJHR, 1862, El, Sect. II, pp. 22-8. Published in William Greenwood, op. cit. Appendix 7, pp. 126-41. 8. Letter to his wife, Catherine Riemenschneider, dated May 1862. In Riemenschneider papers, Bremen State Archive (microfilm in Taranaki Museum). Unpublished manuscript. 9. On Maori Habits of Life. Treatise written for Dr.T.M. Hocken in 1865. Hocken Library, Dunedin. Unpublished manuscript. 10. Let Brotherly Love Continue. Sermon. N.d. In Riemenschneider pa- pers, Bremen State Archive (microfilm in Taranaki Museum). Unpublished manuscript. 11. Sermon on Matthew 22, v. ll&12.N.d.InRiemenschneiderpapers, Bremen State Archive (microfilm in Taranaki Museum). Unpub- lished manuscript.

REFERENCES

1 This is a slightly edited version of a paper given to the 1992 ARANZ Conference in New Plymouth. 2 In the context of this paper 'primary source' refers to written material. With the advent of audio, video and computer technology this definition would obviously not be adequate for 20th century materials. 3 There are numerous references in his papers to a very active exchange of letters with members of his Maori flock once he was separated from them by the war in 1860 and 1861. However, I have so far not been able to locate any documents in Maori written either by or to Riemenschneider. 4 Riemenschneider met McLean in December 1845, when the latter visited the missionary's firstmission station atMotukaramu on the upperMokau togetherwith the CMS missionary Richard Taylor. They became friendly when Riemenschneider moved to Warea while McLean at that time was Sub-Protector of Aborigines and then inspector of police, based in New Plymouth. The McLean papers in the Alexander Turnbull Library contain 29 letters from Riemenschneider, written between 25 July 1845 and 16July 1859. 5 Wellington, Auckland, Sydney, 1967. 6 L. Tiesmeyer, Eine deutsche Missionsarbeit aufNeuseeland: Lebensgeschichte des Missionars J. Fr. Riemenschndder, Bremen, 1875. 7 For a brief description of the mission of the North German Mission Society to New Zealand, cf. Oettli, 'The "Wild Heathen New Zealanders'", in James Northcote- Bade, ed., German Connection: New Zealand and German-Speaking Europe in the 19th Century, forthcoming, Auckland, 1993. 8 Their first meeting was in Wellington in August 1849, their second in Otakou, where Riemenschneider had accepted a call to be missionary after he had had to leave Taranaki. Riemenschneider's wife called Wohlers to Riemenschneider's bedside in August 1864, expecting her husband to die. 9 Travel Report to the Administration Committee, dated 23 December 1844. 10 It was William Alexander Weightman, a settler from the Upper Moutere where the North German missionaries had settled on their arrival from Germany in 1843. He had been the missionaries' neighbour, had accompanied Riemenschneider on his trip north and stayed with him for some time. 11 Richard Taylor Journal. Typescript, vol. 3, p. 190. Alexander Turnbull Library. 12 The sub-title was added because my colleagues in the University of Waikato Library insisted that the title would be a nightmare for anyone trying to retrieve the paper from a bibliographic database. 13 He married Catherine Woon, the daughter of William Woon, the neighbouring Wesleyan missionary among the Ngati Ruanui, on 29 October 1849. 14 While at Warea, Riemenschneider and his wife had a son in 1850, and then daughters in 1852, 1854, 1857 and 1859. 15 In the letter, Riemenschneider refers to him by his baptismal name, Erueti. 16 I am grateful to the Claude McCarthy Foundation for providing me with a travel grant to spend some weeks in Bremen. I also acknowledge with gratitude the generosity of the North German Mission Society in providing me with free accommodation in their guest appartment. 17 The name and the village of origin which are in the document have not been translated. 18 The name of the friend and relative which is in the document has not been translated. 19 Early Travellers in New Zealand, ed. Nancy Taylor, Oxford, 1959, p. xiii. HVD&TOR ADJUSTABLE STEEL SHELVING SYSTEMS

AUCKLAND (Head Office) 55 Greenmount Drive, East Tamaki. RO. Box 58-641, Greenmount, Auckland. Telephone: 0-9-274 0026. Fax: 0-9-274 0763. WELLINGTON 89 Cuba Street, Petone RQ Box 38-537, Petone. Telephone: 0-4-568 3939. Fax: 0-4-568 7246. CHRISTCHURCH 17 Lupins Lane, Bromley. RO. Box 10-035, Phillipstown. Telephone: 0-3-3812 233. Fax: 0-3-3812 832 'No holidays are kept in the bush': Surveying in Taranaki and the Discourses of Colonization1 Giselle M. Byrnes

Department of History University of Auckland

On Christmas Day 1872, the surveyor Thomas Kingwell Skinner wrote in his diary 'here I am this evening having just returned from a hard days work - surveying, for no holidays are kept in the bush out here at Ngatimaru'.2 Skinner was, as a surveyor, involved in cutting and quanti- fying, measuring and mapping, the land. Moreover, he was actively engaged in the process of colonizing New Zealand; transforming space into place and land into landscape. Through surveying, he 'brought space into the realm of civilised discourse; his maps opened the land to invasion, enabled the history of conquest to begin, and transformed the amorphous face of [New Zealand] into an imperial possession.'3 This paper examines the place of surveying as a discourse of coloni- zation in the European invasion and settlement of Taranaki. The work of die surveyors F. A. Carrington, T. K. Skinner, W. H. Skinner and S. Percy Smith, provide a case study of themes that are also applicable to other regions of New Zealand. The particular issues that will be exam- ined include the creation of a new landscape through inscription, description and de-scription. Inscription is defined here as the process of possessing a place through language, in both the physical transforma- tion and the naming of that space. Description is defined as the representation of this process in words, and de-scription as the denial (implicit or explicit) of an already existing representation of landscape. The agency of surveyors as cultural mediators, the role of Maori in surveying discourse and the relationship of surveying to ethnographic discourse will also be considered. The major sources, the 'survey archive ' of this travel writing, include survey maps, plans, surveyors' field-books, diaries, letters and the landscape itself. Only since the 1970s has the study of colonial discourse - the analysis of texts written by westerners about colonized places and peoples - come to include various forms of travel writing as worthy of academic atten- tion. The impetus largely began with Edward Said's Orientalism (1978), which traced the similarities in rhetorical and informational structure of a wide range of seemingly objective writings about the Orient.4 This approach has been extended by others, most notably Mary Louise Pratt, Peter Hulme, Gayatri Spivak and Homi Bhabha; for whom travel writing is essentially an instrument of colonization which served to reinforce an already established colonial order. As Peter Hulme has suggested: 'The venture., .is archeological; no smooth history emerges, but rather a series of fragments which, read speculatively, hint at a story that can never be fully recovered.'5 Following the work of Foucault, these texts of travel will here be treated as products of a discourse.6 The term 'discourse' has been given several meanings: firstly, all language and the system of rules whereby utterances/texts are produced; secondly, all texts and utterances pro- duced by those rules; and thirdly, groupings of texts/utterances. Indeed, whatever signifies or has meaning can be considered part of discourse.7 An understanding of the discourse, and of the discursive practices that generate these texts, therefore provides an understanding of history; particularly if history is seen as a series of discursive practices, each with its own ideologies and methods of controlling power.8 Indeed, as political texts - and they are political because they are involved in power and power is immanent in discourse - it may be argued that these sources can be read as being directly implicated in establishing and maintaining European power in New Zealand since 1840. The definition of surveying as a discourse, with landscape as text, has been suggested by Paul Carter in The Road to Botany Bay: An Essay in Spatial History ,9 and more recently, in William J. Lines' Taming the Great South Land: A History of the Conquest oj"Nature inAustralian'While in New Zealand, the exhibition curated by Wystan Curnow in 1989, Putting the Land on the Map: Art and Cartography in New Zealand Since 1840, and Julian Dashper's exhibition, 'Surveyor', held at the Govett-Brewster Art Gallery in New Plymouth during May 1992, also examined surveying from this perspective.11 Surveyors inscribed the land by naming, mapping, occu- pying and physically transforming it into 'landscape'. If maps are understood as ways of entering the landscape, then survey pegs may be read as signs written on the land and given meaning in the signifying system of a literate and textually based culture. The strategies employed in map-making, such as the reinscription, enclosure and hierarchization of space, have been shown to provide an analogue for the acquisition, management and reinforcement of colonial power.12 It is therefore, significant that i η his book Frontier Life: Taranaki, New Zealand (1892), the surveyor Edwin Brookes has a chapter entitled 'Mount Egmont; or, the artists' page'; a definition which, in itself, is a textual reading of land- scape.13 To the nineteenth-century European settler - or unsettler - land that lay uncultivated was unproductive. British emigrants expected that the transformation of the indigenous landscape of New Zealand would 'civilize' what appeared to be a wild and unlettered land. This part of the New World was to be a 'Britain of the South'; an antipodean outpost of Empire that replicated, then reproduced the values, attitudes and aspirations of the old. Both nature and the natives would eventually be displaced; 'smiling fields' would replace the wilderness, just as the Maori would eventually be amalgamated with the European. It followed, then, that the enclosure of land with the delineation of boundaries and property rights should accompany this process. The quantitative valua- tion, or surveying of this land, was seen as a step in the processes of taming, explaining and controlling Nature. Contemporary European perceptions of land commonly rested on the assumption that it was waiting to be 'settled'; it was a theatre upon which the events of History would unfold. The creation of a new landscape was first achieved through inscrip- tion; the process of possessing the land through physical transformation. The surveyor inscribed the landscape by direcdy engaging with it; by inhabiting, travelling, exploring and naming it.14 As T. K. Skinner wrote in 1872, 'It is not until you really travel through the country that you can form an idea of the immense barriers that are in existence to prevent such an undertaking.'15 In 1841, the New Plymouth surveyor F. A. Carrington noted: 'The country is clothed down to the Shore & it is impossible to penetrate any distance from the coast except by a native path or track, you may spend hours to get a mile... It is not a little labour to lay out a town in a country where it is impossible to stir without cutting your way.'16 "Navigating the country was also part of colonizing it. As Carter has suggested: 'If, for the explorer, mountains and rivers were both means of getting on, then, for the surveyor, they functioned primarily as natural boundaries. They were geographical givens which helped the surveyor bound a useful space, a space that was conceptually and trigonometrically consistent... .Where the explorer saw ranges as roads, the surveyor thought of them as bases. Where the explorer's space was two-dimen- sional, backwards and forwards, the space of the surveyor was triangular, extending in depth to either side.'17 Inscribing the landscape also involved naming the land, possessing the space and transforming it into a place; incorporating it into the realm of civilized discourse. Names legitimize the ownership of a place and the authority of the society that produces these names. As the land was categorized and charted, the inscription of European names on the 'new' landscape confirmed both the possession and dispossession of that geopolitical space. As maps were made, the explorer-surveyor began to possess the place. Indeed, mapping determines the way landscape has been conceived; quite literally, the land may be seen as an 'unfolded map'.18 Wellington Carrington, brother to Frederic Alonzo Carrington, joined the survey staff in New Plymouth in Feburary 1841.19 He surveyed and mapped the Omata district and Pari tu tu district in 1847-48, the Tataraimaka district in 1850, the Grey and Omata districts, Wai tara West, Hua and Waiwakaiho district, the Oakura district, the Urenui district in 1866, the Whenuakura Block 1871-72, the Patea River in 1872.20 Thomas Kingwell Skinner worked in the survey districts of Ngatimaru in 1872-73, Huiroa and Waitara in 1874 and Omona in 1875.21 Stephenson Percy Smith surveyed and mapped the Fitzroy, Grey and Bell Districts, the Paritutu and Waiwakaiho districts in 1860, Huirangi in 1865, and Patea in 1866-67.22 In the 1860s Smith also surveyed confiscated land in Taranaki for the purpose of locating military settlers.23 W. H. Skinner surveyed in Inglewood, Tariki, Patea, Mokau, the Oeo block, the Kaimiro •district and Ngatimaru from 1872 through to 1888.24 In 1841, Frederic Alonzo Carrington was commissioned by the New Zealand Company to select a site for the settlement of New Plymouth.25 Carrington was criticized for his decision, largely because the proposed site lacked a natural harbour. However, he was convinced that the natural wealth of the region more than compensated for the absence of a natural portage.26 In May 1841, Carrington wrote to Thomas Woollcombe, Director of the Plymouth Company: 'at the same time that I lament the want of a harbour I have much pleasure in informing you that I have selected a place where small ones can be made & with trifling expense close to the Town abundance of material being on the spot ...'27 F. A. Carrington began work in New Plymouth in February 1841, and four months' later, the town sections were 'surveyed and ready for selection'.28 Carrington's inscription of the landscape is best evidenced on his original map of New Plymouth, where the street names read like the minutes of a meeting of the New Zealand and Plymouth Companies. The streets Vivian, St Aubyn, Hine, Buller, Devon, Leach, Lemon, Pendarves, Gilbert, Eliot and Cutfield Road memorialize the directors of the Plymouth Company; Young Street, Currie Street, Wakefield Street, Fillis Street, Molesworth Street, Courtnay Street and Woollcombe Ter- race the directors of the New Zealand Company; Queen, Bell and Hobson streets honour public figures; Standish, Barrett and King streets salute those of local repute; and Liardet Street, Octavius Place and, of course, Carrington Road, the surveyors.29 The colonizing impact of inscription is most obvious where 'little Englands' have been replicated on New Zealand soil. The name 'New Plymouth' is a case in point. As if the language itself could impart something of the old world onto the 'new', British place names were transported wholesale to the colony; for instance, Stratford, Inglewood, Carlyle, Raleigh, Eltham, Midhurst and Egmont in Taranaki. The map of New Zealand also reads like an inventory of British history; see Wellington, Auckland, Nelson, Hastings to name but afew examples. Indeed, European New Zealanders seem to have defined their environ- ment in terms of legends of arrival, conquest and permanence. For the early European colonists, place names were the most tangible (and perhaps easily transportable) memoir of 'Home' that they could trans- plant in the colony. In his book Maori Mind, Maori Land: essays on the cultural geography of the Maori Peoplefrom an outsider's perspective, Hong-Key Yoon identifies two features of New Zealand place names. The first is that European names are more highly concentrated in the higher order of cultural features, while Maori names are more concentrated in the less important orders of cultural features. The second characteristic is that the proportion of Maori to European names of cultural features varies greatly from region to region, and this variation reflects the distribution of pre-European Maori population.30 How then, does this account for the existence of, and often the reversion back to Maori place names in New Zealand? It is suggested here that Maori nomenclature was retained in certain areas simply to avoid confusion, particularly those which delineated tribal areas. But to European settlers searching for a sense of identity, Maori place names often carried the sense of nostalgia their own itinerant culture lacked. Pakeha felt free to appropriate Maori names in the construction of their own cultural identity. Often, where a civilized English name would sit uncomfortably in the 'wild' surroundings, a Maori name was considered to be more appropriate, as it more aptly conveyed the sense of the frontier. For example, in Taranaki, the name Waitara was kept in preference to 'Raleigh'; and the Waikato town of Tirau was known as Oxford', until it reverted back to the Maori name in 1895.31 The tendency towards Maori nomenclature - particularly in the 1890s - may be partially explained by 'The Designation of Districts Act, 1894'. This act assigned to the Governor the authority to name and alter the existing names of localities, boroughs, counties, towns, rivers and moun- tains in New Zealand; with the provision that 'in all such alterations and future naming, preference shall be given to the original Maori names.'32 The stated object of the Act was 'to obviate a very great difficulty which the postal authorities met with from time to time in connection with postal matters'.33 This specifically referred to the confusion that had arisen between places in New Zealand with the same or similar names. However, the 'pretty' and 'euphonious' appeal of Maori names to Pakeha were cited as the real reason; harking back to the colonial appetite for the exotic and nostalgic.34 Indeed, it may be argued that, ironically, the reversion back to native nomenclature and the replacement of European place names for indigenous names is a latent, if not manifest form of cultural appropriation. In a recent article, Paul Carter argues that in Australia, even when European explorers preserved native names, the name was located 'not within an aboriginal context, but within the rhetorical ambit of a white geo-historical discourse'.35 The namer, not the informant, retained linguistic, and hence, political authority. Preserved out of context, in a lingustic environment quite foreign to it, the indigenous name becomes little more than 'a stuffed bird in a museum case'.36 Tony Birch has also suggested, that 'for the colonizers to attach a "native" name to a place does not represent or recognize an indigenous history, and therefore possible indigenous ownership.... It is when names are restored to recognize earlier histores and cultures that the threat to ownership occurs.'37 While the history of a white settler/invader society fails to accommodate and or recognize indigenous history, the power of claiming, naming and possessing rights of'ownership' over the landscape will remain unresolved. Perhaps the most subtle, but the most invasive strategy of this coloniz- ing discourse was the Eurocentric gaze of the surveyor. The European surveyor interpreted his environment with reference to the familiar, rather than to the foreign. 'We have indeed come to a land flowing with milk and honey - a land wherein there is no want', wrote T. K. Skinner in 1872.38 In her recent work Possessing Albany, Donna Merwick relates this kind of eurocentrism to Greg Dening's idea of the 'central cultural metaphor'39 in a study of Dutch settlers in seventeenth-century New York. Merwick argues that, in Albany, there was 'a Dutch way of looking at land, a Dutch, way of seeing a landscape and its iconographical representations. There was a Dutch way of describing and surveying it, of inscribing it on maps - of buying and bequeathing, owning and talking about it. And there was an English way. The Dutch and the English each 'possessed'. Albany according to their own central [cultural] meta- phors.'40 In New Zealand, the British came to possess the land not only by proclamation, conflict and confiscation, but because they controlled its interpretation ; and surveying was central to this process. Here the discourse of surveying is comparable to David Goodman's 'language of agrarianism' of the Victorian goldfields, which 'provided a way of seeing the newly taken land, of constituting the landscape as available for British appropriation, as always already full of British associations'.41 The surveyor's image of the landscape was determined as much by the material demand for land as it was controlled by the sights of his ' cultural theodolite'. F. A. Carrington saw New Zealand as 'the Great Granary from its possessing such an immense extent of Land fit for Agriculture, many millions of acres'.42 'The valleys are particularly rich', wrote T. K. Skinner, 'and this is the best land you can find'.43 As Carter suggests, the surveyor 'saw his task as preparing the path for orderly colonization. He was the means of transforming the dynamic space of travelling into the fixed and passive space of settlement. But he effected this transforma- tion by positing a plausible place rather than by discovering it. He viewed the country he passed through as if with the eyes of the future.'44 Bernard Smith has already shown how Europeans in a 'new land' imposed their own cultural expectations on the environment, and remodelled the landscape accordingly.45 The discourse of surveying also de-scribed a place that was already explored, named and known by Maori. European travellers in Taranaki, as in other parts of New Zealand, assumed the land was untamed, unnamed and, therefore, unknown. Through their inscriptive efforts - inhabiting, naming and textualizing the place - surveyors de-scribed an existing landscape. By imposing their frame on the land, by direct implication, they denied the validity of what has been called the Oral mapping' of Maori.46 Maori already employed mnemonic devices47 in their construction of mental maps; they conceptualized a geographical reference framework into which topographical features could be fitted into each other.48The language of contemporary European cartography did not have the latitude to accommodate or recognize such mnemonic strategies. The texts of surveying both describe and de-scribe. The diary of T. K. Skinner, held in the New Plymouth City Library, is a narrative account of his journey inland from New Plymouth to Ngatimaru. land from December 1872 to January 1873, and is a record of his surveying, with his observations on the local Maori. 49 As a document composed in the process of travelling, this text was part of Skinner's inscription of the landscape; the writing of his diary was an active part of his invasion of the country. Skinner's account of the Ngatimaru survey was published in the Taranaki Herald during the same month.50 The diary is structured on the basis of a one-way chronology, with a continuity which is almost a literary illusion. Skinner also embellished the account with frequent anecdotal portraits of personal or historical interest. He tells of an encounter with a deserter he suspects is Kimbal Bent,51 records a visit to Pukemahoe, 'a kind of headquarters of Titoko', and later describes Titoko's 'strong hold' atTunupo.52 Percy Smith's surveying is textualized in his autobiographical Reminis- cences of a Pioneer Surveyor, his field-books and diary entries. Smith's An 1858Journey Into the Interior, is also a valuable repository of exploratory discourse. In 1858, Smith and four male companions embarked on a journey from New Plymouth to Lake Taupo and back via Wanganui. They returned two months later, 'having walked 500 miles, canoed 46, and ridden on horseback 60.'53 While most of the narrative is concerned with describing the journey out, the return trip is glossed over. If the narrative account is seen as representation of track-making, then the return journey is not omitted, but is later incorporated into the tale of the outward trip as alterations and minor digressions. Smith visually described the 1858 journey in a series of sketches, also included in the Journey . The land also functioned as a female object of desire for European travellers. Kay Schaeffer has recently shown how early European explor- ers in Australia often described the land in feminine terms.54 Annette Kolodny has also argued how the 'land-as-woman' metaphor functioned in the early exploration and colonization of North America.55 In nine- teenth century travelogues of New Zealand, from Cook on, the land is frequently personified and apostrophized as woman. While these refer- ences are too numerous to delineate here, W. H. Skinner's description of the landscape he surveyed near Eltham as 'Virgin country of great promise' is typical of this genre.56 The third aspect of surveying to be considered here is the cultural negotiation between European surveyors and Maori. The latter appear in the discourse of surveying as active or passive players; either as hosts and guides, rebels and resistors or as a peripheral part of the landscape, no more than passive subjects for ethnographic observation. Native guides, such as T. K. Skinner's Matine, carried the cultural and emotional baggage of the explorer-surveyor, and so play a contradictory role in the exploration of New Zealand.57 After 1840, settlers have an interest in depicting the Maori as Other; largely to confirm their own identity as 'civilized' and to prevent locals from transgressing across the cultural divide and 'going native'. As cultural mediators, surveyors operated in this contact zone and participated in the 'transcultitration' between the Maori and European worlds. The surveyor Wellington Carrington was also an interpreter, at court and in the field. S. Percy Smith was a competent Maori speaker. Compare this with T. K. Skinner's frustrated inability to understand the Maori tongue: 'Sunday spent here today in the bush is wretched. Not being a native linguist I do not appreciate it at all.'58 Cultural negotiation often meant cultural misunderstandings. As a surveyor, T. K. Skinner acted as a mediator working at the interface of Maori and European culture. AtNgatimaru, Skinner wrote: 'The [Maori] seem to fancy that wherever the line goes there the boundary is, and of course all the land within the line is purchased by the Govt. I explained through Matine and myself as well as I could how I threw away the lines when I had found out the positions of certain rivers and points.'59 He later noted, 'They do not understand taking another natives land as a gift from the Govt. They do not yet understand Confiscation - which renders the whole of the land the property of Govt, and enables Govt, to deal it out as they please.... '60 Clearly then, in the absence of commonly shared perceptions of landscape, both parties were talking past each other. Indeed, European surveyors tended to see their relationship with Maori in simple, binary terms of an 'us' and 'them' dialectic. As the surveyor Wellington Carrington recorded in 1865, 'Capt. Horan told me to tell Porana Terei and Rewiti that he wanted them as guides to point out an inland track tomorrow, and if they would not go willingly he would make prisoners of them and force them. I asked him if they would not get pay and rations, he said no, told the natives so, who then said they believed they were going to be badly treated, as Capt. Cateman had been to their Pa a day of two ago and said that if they did not go as guides, he would burn all their places down.'61 However, the evidence suggests that the relationship between Maori and surveyors was more complex - and existed in a more fluid state - than the traditional master-slave dichotomy implies. It is difficult to identify a definitive boundary line between the 'possessed' and the 'dispos- sessed' when Maori were also employed in survey parties. Although both were accultured through contact and co-operation - the exchange of knowledge and goods - European surveyors relied on Maori for guid- ance, hospitality and labour. Surveyors also relied on Maori acquies- cence to proceed with a survey. T. K. Skinner wrote Ί have had the consent of most of the principal natives today, to allow me to take the traverse line of the Waitara, on both sides of the river.'62 He later wrote: Ί think I was wise in deciding not to go [up the Makino river] for about 12 o'clock Te Whenu sent a messenger to me, from Pai Haa, to tell me that if I stayed at Rongoreti after tomorrow he would burn this house also'63, and then, 'There is great opposition down here to my surveying and also the road. Titokowaru sends messages up here nearly every day.'64 Maori opposition to surveying and surveyors was not uncommon. As early as July 1843, the Resident Agent, Wicksteed, wrote to Colonel Wakefield:

I have had some trouble with Maori... at the Waitara. A number of men belonging to Kapiti appeared lately among the Waitara people, and in conjunction with a chief, who lives some miles up the river, stopped a party of surveying men who were cutting a line preparatory to making a road. They were not armed and used no violence, but sat down in the road to the number of about 188, including men women and children, and quietly declared that they would not allow the white men to occupy any land at the Waitara. When the assistant surveyor and some of the white settlers attempted to reason with them they said 'You are all Wicksteed's slaves, and we will not listen to you'. As soon as I heard of this occurrence I withdrew all the Company's men from the Waitara, wishing at present to avoid collision with the natives.65

Under the instructions of Wi Kingi te Rangitake women had pulled up the survey pegs at Waitara in February 1860, and on the surveys south of the Waingongoro in 1866-67.66 Hazel Riseborough has illustrated this resistance in the survey of the Waimate Plains in the late 1870s.67 In his Frontier Life: Taranaki, New Zealand (1892), Edwin Brookes wrote 'after the meeting at Waitara [9 January 1878] an attempt was made by the Grey Government to survey the Waimate Plains, but it ended in the natives under Te Whiti's orders forcibly turning off the ground the staff of surveyors then engaged upon the this work and carting all their equipment off the plains ' ,68 W. H. Skinner '... did about 21 /2 miles when to my surprise I found the pegs had been pulled out by the Hauhaus and I was obliged to search for the places again in order to continue my levelling, which impeded us very much & I was unable to complete my work this evening.'69 While laying out military settlements in Taranaki in 1865-66, Percy Smith often had to work under the protection of covering parties.70 It may be argued that that these surveying texts, as travel texts, are also ethnographic texts; ostensibly means by which Europeans represent to themselves their 'Others'. Both Percy Smith and W. H. Skinner were actively engaged in the transformation of the indigenous landscape, and with the 'conservation' of its native people. Skinner and Smith spoke Maori, which increased their ability to negotiate in the contact zone, and were later both active members of the Polynesian Society. As surveyors, Skinner and Smith denied the 'otherness' of the indigenous landscape; but as amateur ethnographers, they were intent on conserving and saving at least the image of the people who inhabited this space. This contradiction maybe partially explained contextually. In the early years of the colony, landwas surveyed in response to the settler demand for it. In the 1890s, scholarly interest in Maori culture coincided with the decline in the native population. Indeed, the popular image of the 'dying Maori' was used to legitimize the Pakeha appropriation of Maori culture, to preserve 'the Maori as He Was', in the search for a Pakeha national identity. Both Smith and Skinner were, then, active in the European construction of nature and the native in New Zealand, in the field and on paper. An appreciation of the ways in which a culture defines or imagines space is central to understanding the construction of a new cultural landscape. Surveying was, and indeed still is, fundamental to the Euro- pean acquisition of territory. It has been suggested here that the discourse of surveying in Taranaki was a further discourse of coloniza- tion, which the strategies of inscription, description and de-scription served to consolidate. As agents of colonization, surveyors in Taranaki played a central role in the transformation of the indigenous land and the creation of a new landscape as a cultural artifact. In this context, perhaps the final word should be left to T. K. Skinner, whose diary entry for 15 April 1873 reads: 'Straightened above line with Theodolite. The original line appears to be very crooked. I have made a kind of an average line. Very difficult work this - "traversing straight lines". The more I see of these surveys the greater the confusion appears to be.'7!

REFERENŒS

1 This paper was presented at the Archives and Records Association of New Zealand Conference in New Plymouth, August 1992. 2 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, December 1872 - May 1873, Z920MS, New Plymouth City Library, New Plymouth. 3 William J. Lines, Taming the Great South Land: A History of the Conquest of Nature in Australia, Sydney, 1991, p.53. 4 Sara Mills, Discourses of Difference: An analysis of women's travel writing and colonialism, London, 1991, pp.2-3. 5 Peter Hulme, ColonialEncounlers: Europe and the Native Caribbean 1492-1797, London, 1986, p.12. 6 M. Foucault, trans. A.M. Sheridan Smith, The Archaeology of Knowledge, London, 1972. 7 D. Macdonell, Theories of Discourse, Oxford, 1986. 8 Edward Said, Beginnings: Intention and Method, New York, 1975. 9 Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: An Essay in Spatial History, London, 1987. 10 Lines, Taming the Great South Land, Sydney, 1991. 11 Comprised four works: Michael Smither's, 'Rocks with Mountain' (1968), Colin McCahon's 'Untitled (is there anything of which one can say, this is new?...), and Julian Dashper's 'YoungNick's Head' (1987) and 'The Empty Endeavour' (1991). Julian Dashper, 'Surveyor' Exhibition, Govett-Brewster Art Gallery, New Plymouth, May 1992. 12 Graham Huggan, 'Decolonizing the Map: Post-Colonialism, Post-Structuralism and the Cartographic Connection', Ian Adam and Helen Tiffen (eds) Past the Last Post: Theorizing Post-Colonialism and Post-Modernism, University of Calgary Press: Calgary, 1990, pp.125-38. J. B. Harley, 'Maps, Knowledge and Power', D. Cosgrove and S. Daniels (eds), The Iconography of Landscape, Cambridge, 1988, pp. 277-312. I am grateful to Peter Gibbons of the History Department, University of Waikato, for these references. 13 Edwin Brookes, Frontier Life: Taranaki, New Zealand, Auckland, 1892, pp.57-69. 14 'Skinner's Hill', near the Maikaikatoa stream, Taranaki. 15 T. K. Skinner, Diary, p.9. 16 F. A. Carrington to Woollcombe, 22 September 1841, MS00/1 A96, Taranaki Museum, New Plymouth. 17 Carter, Road to Botany Bay, p. 108. 18 Elizabeth Ferrier, 'Mapping Power and Contemporary Cultural Theory', antithesis, 4,1, (1990), p.41. 19 Wellington Carrington was a brother to Frederick and Octavius Carrington. He came to New Zealand in 1835 visiting the Bay of Islands and returned in 1839 as assistant surveyor to Captain William Mein Smith of the New Zealand Company. He later joined the Native Land Purchase Department and was a Captain in the Taranaki Militia. C. A. Lawn, The Pioneer Land Surveyors of New Zealand, Ν. Z. Institute of Surveyors, 1977, pp.54-55. 20 W. Carrington, FB 1-2, FB 1-3, FB 1-4, FB 1-6, FB 1-7, FB 1-8, FB 1-21, FB HW-4, FB HW-5, FB HW-8, FB HW-9, FB HW-13, FB HW-14, FB HW-15, FB HW-16, FB 0-2, FB U-7, Patea Series III FB-4, FB-11, Department of Survey and Land Information, New Plymouth. 21 T. Κ Skinner, FB M-24, FB N2-6, FB N-8, FB T-22, Department of Survey and Land Information, New Plymouth. 22 S. P. Smith, FB 1-9, FB 1-13, FB 1-25, FB HW-6, FB T-la, FB U-4, FB V-l, Patea Series I FB 1-12, Department of Survey and Land Information, New Plymouth. 23 Lawn, Pioneer Land Surveyors of New Zealand, p.247. 24 W. H. Skinner, FB 1-14, FB M-16, FB N-21, Department of Survey and Land Information, New Plymouth; W. H. Skinner, Reminiscences of a Taranaki Surveyor, New Plymouth, 1946, pp.31-84. 25 For further biographical details see B. Wells, The History of Taranaki, New Plymouth, 1878, pp.298-302; Lawn, PioneerLand Surveyors oj'New Zealand, pp.51-52;J. S. Tullett, The Industrious Heart: A History of New Plymouth, New Plymouth, 1981, pp. 1-39; F. A. Carrington, Obituaries Folder, New Plymouth City Library. 26 Tullett, Industrious Heart, p. 12. 27 F. A. Carrington to Woollcombe, 4 May 1841, MS00/1 A96, Taranaki Museum. 28 Tullett, Industrious Heart, p.18. 29 Murray Moorhead, Tales of Old North Taranaki, New Plymouth, 1991. 30 Hong-Key Yoon, Maori Mind, Maori Land: essays on the cultural geography of the Maori people from an outsider's perspective, Berne, 1986, pp.101-112. 31 C. W. Vennell, M. Gordon, Μ. E. W. FitzGerald, Τ. E. McMillan and G. Gilmore Griffiths, Centennial History of Matamata Plains, Matamata County Council, 1951, p.256. 32 'The Designation of Districts Act, 1894', No. 19, New Zealand Statutes 1894, pp.53- 54. 33 New Zealand Parliamentary Debates (NZPD), 84, July 24 - August 15 1894, p.441. 34 NZPD, 84, 1894, p.441. 35 Carter, p.328. 36 Carter, p.328. 37 Tony Birch, '"Nothing has Changed": The Making and Unmaking of Koori Culture', Meanjin, 51, 2 (1992), p.234. 38 T. K. Skinner, Diary, pp.12, 29, 73. 39 Greg Dening, Islands and Beaches, Discourses on a Silent land: Marquesas, 1774-1880, Honolulu, 1980, p.87. 40 Donna Merwick, Possessing Albany, 1630-1710: The Dutch and English Experiences, Cambridge, 1990, p.5. 41 David Goodman, 'Gold Fields/Golden Fields: The Language of Agrarianism and the Victorian Gold Rush', Australian Historical Studies, 23, 90, (1988), pp.19-41. 42 F. A. Carrington to the Secretary of the New Zealand Company, 22 September 1841, MS00/1 A96, Taranaki Museum. 43 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.29.

44 Carter, Road to Botany Bay, p. 120. ( 45 Bernard Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, 2nd ed, Melbourne, 1985. 46 P. L. Barton, 'Maori geographical knowledge and mapping: a synopsis', Turnbull Library Record, 13 (1980), pp.5-25. 47 To aid or assist memory. 48 Barton, 'Maori geographical knowledge and mapping: a synopsis', pp.5-25 49 Deed No. 49, Te Kopua Block; Deed No. 50, Waitara-Taramouku Block; Deed No. 51 Waitara-Taramouku No.2; Deed No. 53, Pukemahoe Block, Ngatimaru District, in H. Turton, MaoriDeeds of Land Purchases In the North Island of New Zealand: Volume II Provinces of Taranaki, Wellington, and Hawke's Bay, Wellington: George Didsbury, Govt. Printer, 1878, pp.61-68; R. Parris, Civil Commissioner, New Plymouth, 'Reports from Land Purchase Officers', No. 5, Appendices to theJournals of the House of Representatives (AJHR), 1875, C-4 . 50 T. K. Skinner, 'Amongst the Maoris', Taranaki Herald, 25 December 1872. 51 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.3. 52 T. K. Skinner, Diary, pp.7,48. 53 S. Percy Smith, An 1858Journey Into the Interior, 1953 ed, p.31. 54 Kay Schaeffer^ Women and the Bush: Forces of Desire in the Australian Cultural Tradition, Cambridge, 1988. 55 Annette Kolodny, The Lay of the Land: Metaphor as experience and history in American life and letters, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1975. 56 W. H. Skinner, Reminiscences of a Taranaki Surveyor, p.49. 57 Henry Reynolds, 'The Land, The Explorers and the Aborigines', Historical Studies, 19, 75 (1980),pp.213-26 58 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.24. 59 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.40. 60 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.68. 61 Wellington Carrington, Diaries, Vol. 1,1 Aug 1865-21 Sept 1869, MS149, Taranaki Museum. 62 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.40. 63 T. K. Skinner, Diary, p.44. 64 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.71. 65 Resident Agent, New Plymouth to Colonel Wakefield, 31 July 1843, cited in B. Wells, History of Taranaki, p.97. 66 J. Rutherford, Sir George Grey K. G B., 1812-1898: A Study in Colonial Government, London, 1961, pp. 449, 551. 67 Hazel Riseborough, Days of Darkness: Taranaki 1878-1884, Wellington, 1989, pp.31- 51. 68 Edwin Brookes, Frontier Life: Taranaki, New Zealand, Auckland, 1892, p.37. 69 W. H. Skinner, Diary, MS020/1, Taranaki Museum. See also Skinner's comments on 'Native Unrest in Central Taranaki' in Reminisences of a Taranaki Surveyor, pp.48- 49. 7θ Smith, Reminiscences, TS, Auckland Institute and Museum, p.42. 71 T. Κ Skinner, Diary, p.65. Archives and the Journalist Margaret Carr

New Plymouth

I am writing about how we can bring journalists and archives a little closer, and how journalists and the keepers of records and archives can help each other. Journalists are not just potential users of archival material, they are also creators of it. They don't see themselves that way - in fact most have probably never even thought about it. It is up to you the keepers to educate them. And they need education. Journalists see themselves as creators of tomorrow's newspapers, not of yesterday's. The companies they work for see journalists as creators of tomorrow's profits, and not as creators of archives. Apart from the standard bound files put out by each newspaper, reporters also keep their own files. Mostíy they clip stories which they have written and paste them into scrapbooks. Sometimes they date them. These scrapbooks, or clipping files, act as a record of their work and as a quick reference, so they don't need a trip to the office library to check a story they wrote last March. Most reporters have rounds, or areas of responsibility. Many of them also keep clipping files relating to their particular rounds. Imagine the tremendous resource there would be if these files were kept - comprehensive files on local sport, health, education, energy developments, social welfare, orwhatever the subject. In practice, they are dumped. Someone's education file might hang around the office for maybe five years, until someone else decides to have a clean-up and chuck them out. Or reporters might even take these subject files with them to a new job where they will be dealing with a similar round. I know of one newspaper editor who had a long career as a reporter, covering police and political news, and who then became Norman Kirk's press secretary. About five years ago, he boasted that he'd kept copies of everything he'd written, and that he had just dumped the lot! To him the only reason for keeping his files had been to show prospective employ- ers. The fact that he felt free to dump them was an acknowledgement that he had moved beyond the reporters' room and was now part of management. Big boys don't keep files. As I said, journalists need help when it comes to archives. In this country there are newspaper and magazine libraries where files of stories have been kept for years and decades back - where you can ask about a subject and have folders full of clippings produced. Our paper, The Daily News, did not start keeping any record until 1975. All we do is index stories under subject headings and list the page and date on which they appeared. Negatives are retained by our photographers for three to four years - or until their filing cabinets and related cardboard boxes are full. The negatives from each day's work are put into a standard post envelope, and the front listed with the date and the subjects, somewhat summa- rized, say, 'flooding, cows, Hawera man'. Often the negatives end up filed under the date they were taken, rather than the date they were printed in the paper. In theory, once the negatives are not required by us they go to the Taranaki Museum. So the Museum staff end up with a lot of loose strips of negatives, filed in unsuitable envelopes marked 'flooding, cows, Hawera man', possibly some years after the same 'flooding, cows, Hawera man' were printed in the paper on a day which isn't that noted on the envelope. In preparing for this paper, I spoke to one of our senior photographers about the system. 'We've still got most of the 80s here, but after that I suppose they would go to the Museum, though we'd cull out a lot of them. Anyway, they're not a lot of use to us at the Museum. We've tried getting some back from the Museum, but they just throw their hands up in the air and start crying because they don't want to find them'. Which really makes me wonder why Mary Donald thought archives and journalists could be in the same sentence, let alone in the same conference! Why should we try to bring archives and journalists closer together? What has either side got to gain? The answer is that we can help each other. Journalists are typical of so many in the general public who are ignorant about archives. If you educate journalists, you must hope for some trickle-down effect to the general public. If journalists ever think about archives - and I don't know any who do - it is as something dead and irrelevant. They don't know any better. None of the main journalism courses teach anything about records and archives, or their uses. When Wilfred Smith looked at New Zealand's archives in the 1970s, he recommended the maximum utilization of archives for a wide range of administrative, research, educational and popular uses; and he recommended the dissemination of information about archives. Smith said that in nearly all cases, potential users were not aware of the nature or extent of the collections.1 He recommended the use of radio, television and... the press. As a media professional, I have seen little of this sort of outreach. I believe it's vital that you people raise awareness of archives and records in the public's collective mind, and that we can help if you let us. Journalists do have their uses. The destruction of important records in the Hope Gibbons building fire in the 1950s led, eventually, to the passing of the Archives Act. The impetus for this came from the public outcry over the loss of the records. How did the public find out? It wasn't through the publishing of the information in an archives and records newsletter, or a thesis by a librarian. It was because the press published Archives and the Journalist the story of the fire, and told the public about the records in such away that they sounded important. Imagine another possible scene after the fire. The reporter asks someone what was lost and they reply, 'Oh, just some old files, but it's okay, they weren't current'. Archivists would like more money for their collections. Call me stupid, but I have a very cynical view of politicians. I believe they are too often guided by thoughts of the next election. If they cut or delay funding for roads or police training, the public will be upset and might not vote for them next time. If they cut or delay funding for archives, the public probably won't even notice. The more publicity you can get about archives, the more the public awareness will be raised. At the moment there are two things keeping journalists and archives keepers apart, ignorance and inaccessibility. When I say inaccessibility, I know that is not entirely fair. The opening hours of institutions are governed by the amount of money available for staff and maintenance. But the fact remains that archives are often not available to journalists at the time they want them. Evening paper journalists work from about 7 a.m. to 3 p.m. Morning newspaper journalists often work afternoon and evening shifts, and have to work at the weekend to get out Monday's paper. The Daily News used to keep all its bound files in the back of the building, where all we had to do was get the key from the editor to look up any stories written in the last 60 or so years. If a war hero died, we could check what the original stories of heroism said. If a building was being demolished, or a firm closing down, we could check in stories from when it was built or founded. When our building was redeveloped, the storeroom was done away with, and the bound files transferred to the Museum basement. This means that, at most, we keep about four years of bound files in our office. To look up anything older, we have to arrange with the Museum to get access to the basement, find what we want, negotiate over whether we can actually photocopy it or have to take notes, and take a Museum staff member away from other work to help us move things around. And that's if it is during the Museum's working hours. Now, I'm not saying that I don't understand the need for care in handling old newsprint. And I know that bright lights are not the best things for preserving paper. But many of my colleagues feel really resentful that it's such a complicated exercise to get hold of what we still see as our bound files. Are they going to be anymore receptive to the idea of using unfamiliar archives which can be equally awkward to get at? Because we work to daily deadlines, we can ' t wait a day for material to add to a story which is in tomorrow's paper. It is rarely so important that we need to ring Museum staff and get the place opened up after hours. So the simple answer is to forget it-write the story without the archival stuff. Believe what someone tells you about her grandmother, because it's too late to check with the Museum. The education of journalists, however, is something you can start on straight away. It is something you can do whether you come from a small town where the weekly paper's editor is its only journalist, or from a metropolitan centre with two dailies and a score of community papers. It starts with making contact. Call your paper and offer to show people around your collection. Find out who does the staff training and offer to arrange quick half-hour tours for journalists. If you live in a town where there is a journalism course running, call the course controller and suggest that the use of archives could be included in the course. On our staff we have people who were trained at the Auckland Technical Institute, Wellington Polytechnic and Canterbury University. Not one of them even had archives mentioned on their course, let alone actually visited any. If you are in charge of a specialized collection, say, health archives, or the records of a local body, contact your paper's health reporter, or the civic reporter. Offer to show them what you can do for them. I once managed to make a passably interesting story out of govern- ment files relating to bylaws for a scenic reserve, and filed order forms from the custodians of reserves. When I worked for the Department of Lands and Survey, I used these files, which were at National Archives, to do a background feature on the Morere Hot Springs, which had just been upgraded. The bylaws made it against regulations for anyone to wear any sort of clothing in the hot pools. Luckily, the same 1921 bylaws also made it illegal for men and women to bathe together. In the files of order forms was a letter from the baths' custodian in the 1920s. He wanted a copy of the bylaws in the native language, and a 'Regulation Cap' to deter the natives. He also wanted some shrub and flower plants and wrote, Ί have laid out the grounds at the entrance to the baths, which a little decoration would make it look very well. I also think a few opossums would do very well here.' They probably did. Those who know this sort of material best are those who are the keepers of that material - you. If you come across something you think is relevant or particularly interesting, let someone know. I don't mean in a general sort of way, it has to be specific. Anything that adds to the background information of current issues is particularly relevant. If you hold, for example, the nursing records for your local hospital for the 1930s, let someone know. The information might make interest- ing reading in the light of the current industrial problems. If they're demolishing your local Post Office building, and you hold the depart- ment's file on it, let someone know. Don't be put off if no-one seems interested. It mightjust be a bad day. In journalism each day is different. One day there might be someone off sick, someone attending a district council meeting, the Prime Minister visiting, someone trying to cover two courts at once and two others covering the aftermath of a storm. But, the day after, there might be two reporters and a photographer reduced to driving around the district looking for news-or at least a cutesy animal picture-because everything else has fallen through. If you don't have any joy, and don't seem able to raise any interest from your daily paper, try your community paper. Supply photographs if you can. Supply a copy of the material. If you want any information from the public, say about the identity of people in a photograph, or about the life of someone being researched, or about the whereabouts of particular material, then ask your paper for help. If the newsroom isn't interested, write a letter to the editor for publication, making the same request. Whenever you give information or photographs for publication, ask that the source be acknowledged. Ifitisn't, complain. Don'tgive up. Remember outreach. Reach out.

REFERENCES

1 W.I. Smith, Archives in New Zealand-A Report, Wellington, 1978, p.33.

THE NATIONAL REGISTER OF ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPTS IN NEW ZEALAND

The Register is the essential guide to archive and manuscript collections held in New Zealand institutions. A must for all research needs

The Register is published in instalments of 250 entries and is available in separate instalments or as a complete set. Dedicated binders can also be purchased.

To order, or to find out more about the Register, contact:

The Editor NRAM, Alexander Turnbull Library PO Box 12-349, Wellington New Zealand Security - Aiming to Stop Theft Ruth Stoddart

National Archives, Auckland

Like most major issues, security is hard to cope with intellectually. By deciding it is too difficult, we often avoid trying to do anything about it at all. This is an attitude we must fight against. Security is important. Even if we are aware that it is unlikely that we will prevent all thefts, we can move heaven and earth to minimize the risk theft. Security is the perennial hot potato for institutions - try as we might with improvements to our security, as soon as something turns up at auction or is declared missing, then the public and the archival commu- nity feel moved to comment either officially or amongst themselves about the standards and practices of security within institutions which they often know little about. This results in unfounded rumours which do nothing to enhance the institution itself or the archival community where such rumours tend to grow. The aim of this article is to give guidance but also to suggest that although there have been breaches in National Archives security, this is not because we have been lax in protecting our collections. Security is a little like income tax legislation - as soon as you plug one loophole another appears. Since the Sanders case, National Archives has developed a draft security policy which is still undergoing discussion and modification. This written policy documents existing security measures and the addi- tional measures necessary to provide the police with the kind of informa- tion they require to undertake a prosecution. National Archives has three offices which have very different buildings and systems, hence some of the provisions relate to what we are working towards rather than what we are able to achieve at this instant. There are eight areas relating to National Archives policy which deserve discussion, and on which I will make comment.

Motives for Theft

It is often difficult to predict the kind of danger you will be protecting your holdings against. People may steal archives for personal gain to sell for their value, for instance, a stamp or postal history item. They may souvenir an item or part of an item because it mentions a member of their family. They may remove an item because it contains information that they believe to be untrue and do not want anyone else to see. They may remove an item so that their piece of research will be unique. Alternatively they may deface items - expunge a name from an archive or add one to it (because they know the person was there). We must be on guard not only against theft of whole documents, but also of parts of documents or defacement of them. If someone takes material for a purely personal reason, because it documents their family, will we ever know except by chance? In the cases where detection has been possible, it has been because documents have appeared for sale and it has not been until this point that the material has been noticed missing. This is a problem for archival institutions and it will be a problem which gets worse as the years go by and more and more of our holdings are correspondence files from the twentieth century for which control at the individual page level is impractical. Will we ever be able to document every single page in our holdings so that we can completely stock-take our records? We can only concentrate on reducing the risk of material being stolen or defaced by preventative measures and by being alert to the appearance of likely stolen items on the market.

Identity of Readers

National Archives needs to document who visits the institution and who is using our collections. All new readers in National Archives, Wellington, are required to fill in a registration form and provide one form of identification. If they do not have that ID with them, they are given temporary registration which must be revalidated at their next visit. Readers sign a form which acknowledges that they have read the documents in the registration folder, and are then entered onto the computer system. They are given a registration number and they provide their own password, which is only known to them. They are also required to sign the daily readers' book. In National Archives offices without the computer registration system, readers are required to sign a readers' book giving details of their name, address and research interest.

Issue Systems

During the Sanders case, the police required that we could show who had seen certain items and which items had been seen by which readers. These requests sound as if they are the same, but it is important to document the issue from both the point of view of the researcher as well as the documents researched. For instance, we may be asked to show what a particular reader used when he was in our institution if we know the name of the person under suspicion, or if we do not, and we have reference to a particular document, we can document when it was used and by whom for a particular period. In National Archives offices where we are still using a manual system, all readers' requests are written in an issues book and also documented on a request slip which is used to mark the place on the shelf where the box was removed and also within the box where the item was removed. These slips are supposed to be signed by readers and then retained for ten years in case they need to be referred to again. In the automated system readers have their own registration number and password. They enter details of their requests onto the computer system. This allows us to produce reports by reader of which archives they used, and by archive which reader or readers used it. Because each reader has a secret password, the records of their requests and subse- quent retrievals are valid as evidence that they used the material as if they had signed a request slip. In addition, at the end of each day, the duty staff member or members check off all material which has been issued that day and see that it has been returned. Every Monday, a check is undertaken of all material ,which has not been returned to its box and its whereabouts verified (e.g. at photocopying, on 'held out' shelves). At present, when something cannot be found, the reference archivist or regional archivist is notified and further searches are made at that point. In future, once these avenues are exhausted, it is proposed that the arrangement and descrip- tion section will do a follow-up check and, pending approval, any missing item will be entered on the Register of Archives Missing (ROAM) (of which more later). At this stage, we do not do regular stock-takes of our holdings - although this is1 something that the Audit Department would like us to do with the new valuation of collections which we have been obliged to carry out. This will be a major undertaking for us as the collection sizes of our offices are: Wellington 40km and Auckland 16km of boxed archives, plus 52 map cabinets; Christchurch 7km of boxed archives, plus maps and plans. The advantage of recent moves of collections where we have documented holdings on computer to aid in the move, was that the documentation also enabled painstaking shelf checks, and the subsequent sorting out of anomalies. Similar shelf checks have also been done at National Archives in Auckland in preparation for the move hopefully some time in the near future.

Proof of Ownership

Providing proof to a degree which would be acceptable in court that documents which appear for sale are from our collections is a particular problem for National Archives. For it is extremely unlikely that we will ever be able to identify all our holdings beyond the item (or file) level. We know that they are ours, but legal proof required in court is another matter. A very high proportion of our records are files or volumes, or nineteenth-century accumulations of papers. In the case of a theft that we have been dealing with, individual papers were removed from within items so that the item was returned and all procedures followed without staff being aware that individual sheets had been removed. When this material was located, we had to try and prove that it belonged to us by using the nineteenth-century finding aids which documented individual letters. We do not have microfilm copies of large portions of our holdings, although that is something that we may have to consider on a staged basis for our older records which have an intrinsic value. At this stage, we do not have any proposed solutions for this particular problem and for the moment have to rely on our other security measures. What we are looking for is an inexpensive and quick way of marking individual sheets which is conservation friendly, easily identifiable and admissible in court. Not asking for much ! It is possible for National Archives to identify those records which are most at risk because of their value, and make submissions for funding to make security copies progressively over the next few years or to investigate the possibility of developing an in-house microfilming programme. In the meantime, we must use all other means at our disposal to limit the risk of further theft, as despite our best efforts it remains unlikely that large proportions of our collection will be filmed or identified on a page level.

Providing a Deterrent

Reading Room security is an area which National Archives has been able to work on due to moving buildings in two of our three offices in the last two years. Both Christchurch and Wellington offices have full camera security in the Reading Rooms with backup tapes kept for a period. Beepers are installed at the Reading Room doors to go off when material which is tatdetaped is taken out. Staff monitor the Reading Room with regular walkabouts, as do the security guards in Wellington. The Auckland office is monitored with convex mirrors and staff can see through into the Reading Room from the work area and keep an eye on what is going on. All readers must leave bags in lockers outside the reading room area. They only take notes and small purses into the Reading Room. In Wellington, the security guards monitor both the bag area and the exhibition spaces. In an article directed at 'Searchroom Supervisors', J.F. Wilson gives some useful tips on the kinds of behaviour to look out for.1 They fall into five categories - evasion of identification procedures, evasion of other controls, obstruction of supervision, distraction or evasion of supervi- sion, mannerisms and interests. In some overseas institutions the following steps are taken: - Notes are hole-punched in the corner so that the security person can check to see if any material is tucked in amongst the notes. - Any notepaper used is of a prescribed colour and must be purchased from the institution. - Notes are weighed on the way in and the way out. Presumably those institutions have felt that such security needs merit the risk of poor public relations. Shelving trolleys are a potential danger spot for National Archives. Material tends to sit once it has been checked back into the system and is awaiting reshelving. Material taken at this point is no longer recorded as issued and could be open to being picked up and taken away. Efforts are made to re-box items on their return to the reference archivist so that they regain a degree of anonymity, and to ensure that trolleys are kept in a secure area awaiting reshelving. We also in our draft paper suggest that readers check their items back in with the duty archivist prior to leaving the building.

Protection of Collection

Stack areas in our Christchurch and Wellington buildings are secure and have security access only. Staff alone have access to those areas - until our move to new buildings, areas were designated staff access only but not always physically secured with pass key or code locked access. This will also pertain to Auckland when new premises are secured. We do sometimes conduct supervised tours of stack areas to allow people to see the enormity of our holdings, but material is almost entirely boxed and labelled with codes rather than with meaningful titles, in order to discourage browsing. There is not, nor has there ever been, a National Archives policy which allows privileged access to stack areas. All users of archives are required to register and read material in the Reading Room. At this stage, we do not get surrogate copies made for security purposes (e.g. microfilm) - generally reproduction is to safeguard fragile documents or to ensure frequently used material is more widely available, but of course such copying can double as security copying.

Professional Ethics

There are a number of ways that archivists can minimize the risk to archives from theft or defacement. It is altogether another thing to eliminate the risk, which we often do not wish to confront, from our own staff or from people who with bona fide credentials obtain access behind the scenes for any number of reasons, from cleaning to maintenance to computer services to volunteer and subsidized job programmes and on- the-job training projects people undertaking archives courses. Our institutions will not function if we have all our staff and other workers unable to enter secure stack areas and we need to operate in an atmosphere of trust. We need to take what precautionary measures we can in terms of vetting people at the point of application, for example, asking direct questions about potential conflicts of interest. In the case of National Archives, our permanent staff are vetted by the SIS to gain security clearance. This is explained to staff at their interview. We are also exploring the vetting of temporary staff. With the new registration system at National Archives, Wellington, staff are registered as in-house users and are expected to register removal of items from the stack and mark their removal with the printed request. We stress to staff that the policies and procedures are there for both protection of the archives and protection of themselves from suspicion. Introduction of the concept of archival/professional ethics to training undertaken by staff will ensure that these issues are kept at the forefront of people's minds. Whatever precautions we take, we must be mindful that in the end we have to place trust in our fellow workers and employees in order for our organizations to function. This does not mean, however, that we should blindly accept anomalies we may find in our day-to-day work. We should check out anything which does not seem right to us - this is how problems are often detected.

Institutional and Support Group Cooperation

When theft has been discovered by the appearance of material at an auction or sale, it has usually been long after the event, and like the cheated wife or husband, National Archives is often the last to know. Not only do we need mechanisms internally to check about material we suspect is missing or stolen, we also need to keep our profile raised in the archival, philatelic, postal history and other communities, as material which is missing might become known to them before we notice it appearing on the market or even notice it is missing. We are trying to do this in a number of ways, for example, scanning catalogues of sales and where possible having someone attend sales. This has already proved worthwhile with the seizure of a fragment of a letter from our collection which appeared in a postal auction. Our staff have also been recognized viewing material for auction so at least our vigilance may be noted. The other area which seems inherently difficult for archivists to deal with is publicizing loss of documents. There are always the fears that material may have been misfiled rather than stolen, but this should never stop us alerting people to the fact that material may be out there which belongs to us. Overseas documentation on thefts which have occurred all mirror an initial low profile in dealing with theft, and afterwards stress how being open about the situation could have assisted in early detection and retrieval of the documents. There is a greater loss in credibility if we cover up losses than if we are publicly accountable. An open attitude to disclosure of missing items ensures public awareness is raised, smaller institutions feel more comfortable in disclosing losses and can be provided with institutional support. It frequently happens that if thefts have occurred from one institution, they have also occurred from others over the same period. National Archives proposes to include a provision in the revision of the Archives Act 1957 that it will maintain a register of missing items from its collections. We would like to extend the coverage of the register to all interested institutions. National Archives would establish and maintain a computer register of items notified as missing and provide a printout (for a small charge) at regular intervals to interested parties, as well as circulating it to professional organizations such as the Philatelic Federa- tion. I feel strongly that it is important that there is a means by which small and large organizations can publicize losses because theft is something we may all fall prey to. In conclusion, let us all stop being nervous about theft. It is a rare and lucky organization whose collections have not been touched by theft (or perhaps theyjust haven't found out yet). Let us be honest about the fact that, despite our most vigilant efforts, we know theft may still be possible. We need to talk about it, be painstaking in the security measures we take, and ever aware of situations which arouse a nagging doubt which needs to be investigated.

REFERENCES

1 J.F. Wilson, 'Seeing and Observing: Warning Signs for Searchroom Supervisors', Journal of the Society of Archivists, 10, 3 (1989), pp.113-4.

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J.M. Sherrard Award

The winner of the biennial J.M. Sherrard Award in New Zealand Regional Historyfor books published in 1990 and 1991 is Peter Tremewan of Christchurch, for his French Akaroa, published by the Canterbury University Press in 1990. The judges (Ray Grover, former director of National Archives; Jeanine Graham, University of Waikato; and Jim Gardner, formerly Reader in History, University of Canterbury) praised French Akaroa for its 'high academic standards in research, presentation and documentation', describing it as 'both absorbing and highly read- able'. Lesser awards were also made to W.H. Gibbons for TheRangataiki, 1890-1990 and James Watson for Along the Hills; A History of the Heathcote Road Board and the Heathcote County Council, 1864-1989. An equivalent award was recognized for Gordon Ogilvie's Banks Peninsula, Cradle of Canterbury (1990) but as a previous recipent of the Sherrard Award in 1981, the author was not eligible for this year's award. The Sherrard Award is administered by the Canterbury Historical Association from a fund setup to commemorate the work of the late Jock Sherrard, whose Kaikoura, A History of the District (1966) set high stand- ards as a model for New Zealand regional history. No application is required, as all likely titles appearing in the National Bibliography are examined for suitability. The criteria for the award are that the work should meet scholarly standards of historical research and presentation, and possess more than merely local interest or significance. In the judges' view, a successful regional history should relate the history of a district (or even a locality) to wider colonial or national trends, and thus contribute significantly to New Zealand's historical heritage. (This tends to rule out many parish and school jubilee histories.) The judges note that inexperienced or unqualified authors tend not to produce satisfac- tory regional histories. A degree in History or English now seems an essential qualification for such authors, and the judges urge local historical or jubilee committees to seek properly qualified authors, even from outside their district, if they wish to produce works of lasting value. Collaborative works in particular need strong and experienced editorial control. The judges strongly recommend Gavin McLean's Local History; A Short Guide (1992) to all intending authors of local and regional histories. Commendations were also awarded to the following: Ian Church, The Stratford Inheritance; Merrilyn George, Ohakune; Opening to a New World; Janice Mogford, The Onehunga Heritage; Sidney Perry, Soldiers of the Mangateparu;lrvine Roxburgh, WanakaandSurroundingDistricts;Bema.rd Wells, The Fruits of Labour: A History of the Moutere Hills Area.

Dr G.W. Rice Hon. Secretary Canterbury Historical Association

Old World Meets New In Massive New Optical Storage Project

(Reproduced with permission of the Editor, from IMC Journal, May/ June 1992, Vol.2, No.3, pp.32-34.)

Five hundred years after Columbus, optical storage equipment from Reflection Systems is helping conserve Spain's national heritage in a massive optical disk project. Optical storage technology and the world of history and art have come together just in time for next year's 5th Centenary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus, in one of the largest optical storage projects ever undertaken anywhere in the world. Britisl>based optical storage specialists, Reflection Systems of Royston, won the order to supply an initial 20 optical WORM drives plus 50 year guaranteed optical disks as part of this major project, whichis based on an IBM mid-range computer linked to a network of PS/2 workstations, optical servers and banks of scanners etc. The entire project is jointly designed and developed by the Spanish Ministry of Culture, IBM Spain and the Ramon Areces Foundation. This is a private Spanish foundation that supports scientific research projects and in this case was also responsible for working directly on technical matters. The computer based archiving system is housed in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville which is a major research centre for American studies. A temporary link from the research centre to the Huntington Library in Southern California is enabling visitors and researchers to access the scanned images in the United States. The centre has a substantial computer system based on an IBM AS 400 machine located at a central ring where all the main database and user management services reside. A token ring network links this main ring to several secondary rings connected directly to a series of image servers including about 20 optical drives. Also connected to the network are high-end Personal System 2 computer workstations equipped with high resolution 1600 χ 1200 dot displays to allow document viewing. Access to any document is possible from any workstation on the network and users can search for documents using a variety of techniques based on an SQL query language with special description tags designed by archivists to allow rapid access to documents by various criteria. A major part of the operation is a separate document scanning room where doubleshift scanning is carried out on a bank of 15 scanners by a specially trained team. The huge optical project is being developed in Madrid and progres- ^ sively installed in Seville to scan, store and provide fast retrieval for millions of original documents relating to the History of the New World and the Spanish Administration in America. The first phase of the project, expected to be completed in 1992, involves scanning and archiving some 9 million pages - an operation requiring about 3 Terabytes of optical storage (3 million million bytes). Further phases of the project are planned to store up to 90 million pages making this one of the largest projects of its kind. One of the main aims of the project is to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus in 1992. Equally important, however, is the need to protect and conserve the original valuable documents such as correspondence, maps, official accounts, drawings, etc., which could deteriorate with the increased interest and handling by researchers. By scanning the original docu- ments and storing the images on optical media, researchers will have much greater access without ever having to touch the original docu- ments. The researchers can also search the records and view and enhance the grey level document images on high resolution 1600 χ 1200 dot workstations connected to the network. Images can be enlarged, rotated or enhanced in a number of ways including contrast enhance- ment to remove old stains or discolorations. Reflection Systems won the optical equipment order on the basis of the very high storage capacity and flexibility offered by its WORM drives and the exceptionally long 50 year guaranteed lifetime of the optical media provided by its associated company Plasmon. The optical drives also had to interface directly to Personal System 2 (PS/2) computers and operate under Operating System 2 (OS/2). They read only WORM drives, models RF5010C, provide a remarkable 940 MBytes of storage on a single removable 5 1/4-inch optical disk and achieve fast sustained data transfer rates up to 655 KBytes/sec. The data is permanently written to the Plasmon WORM (write once read many) media which provides true write-once storage to guarantee secure data archiving for over 50 years. The unique platinum coated optical disk undergoes a permanent irreversible change so it cannot be erased. According to Reflection Systems, the project ranks as one of the most impressive examples of optical storage technology anywhere in the world. 'We are particularly pleased to supply the optical disk technology to such an impressive project,' says Phil Storey, Joint Managing Director of Reflection Systems. The company sees optical storage growing rapidly as users discover its potential to store and retrieve data reliably both on an archival and back- up basis. 'In this application, the optical storage system really functions as a vast filing cabinet providing fast access to millions of documents without any of the physical storage and handling problems of conven- tional storage,' says Phil Storey.

Heritage Responsibilities Group

As part of the wide-ranging 'actions' decided on by the NZLIA's (New Zealand Library and Information Association) 'N-Strategy' at its 1992 Conference in Nelson, a Heritage Responsibilities Group has been established and centred in Auckland. 'Heritage Collections' are defined as those whose primary focus is New Zealand and which are built and maintained with the intention of permanent retention. The Group, with convenors Peter Hughes (Auckland Institute and Museum Library), Theresa Graham (Auckland City Library), and Judith Bright (St John's Theological College Library), consists of representatives of all major heritage collections in the Auckland area, and met for the first time in February. Amongst its initiatives is the conducting of a survey of institu- tions in the Auckland area which will attempt to assess their policies, priorities and collections. The Group will report back to the NZLIA's 1993 Conference on the findings of the survey and its suitability as a model for a similar review of collections on a national basis.

Stephen Innes University of Auckland Library Tomorrow's History

For this issue archivists were invited to submit their views on what they would like from ARANZ as a professional association over the next ten years.

Pauline Porteous Wellington

I work as an archivist, with a part-time assistant, at the Westpac Archive. The nature of the work is isolated from other banking activities and the location of the Archive is out of the city and in an isolated area. Despite this the Archive is busy and the variety of work is wonderful. The job is a pleasure. However, I appreciate regular contact with people who share my interest in archives. I also appreciate regular archive publications for my sense of being part of an archive community. ARANZ plays an important role in meeting this interest. It is important to receive up to date information about archives and records. I enjoy the ARANZ Newsletter for its informal, chatty style and I appreciate the more lengthy articles written in Archifacts. I appreciate the opportunity to be a member of the ARANZ Council, and recommend it to anyone wanting to be more involved. The Council meetings I have attended are, in general, productive and frequently good-humoured. I always look forward to the ARANZ conferences. Our conferences provide relevant programmes of a high quality. I should add that it can be more interesting if overseas speakers are included to widen our views, providing they are chosen with care. The conferences are also a welcome opportunity to catch up with old workmates and friends. I would, of course, prefer more information, more seminars, more everything but I appreciate what we already have and the efforts made by those who put a considerable amount of time into developing such events. I don't consider that I can ask for more, unless I am prepared to put more time towards such events. Clearly I like what I am getting from ARANZ and what I want from ARANZ in the future is more of the same. However, my vision for future change in the next decade goes beyond ARANZ. I would like to see issues that concern archivists, records managers, librarians and user groups being addressed by a stronger and united voice. There is a place for the occasional conference which brings the wider groups together to look at issues which concern us all. Perhaps these common interests may lead to a large association of information managers, it could be the umbrella organization through which the present different groups may develop a stronger voice.

Lynda Wallace Museums Liaison Officer Canterbury/Malborough/West Coast Region

There are hundreds of local museums in New Zealand, most of them with archives collections of some sort, and many of them completely unaware of the existence of ARANZ or what the organization might be able to do for them. The term 'local' or 'small' when applied to museums is not synony- mous with 'amateur' or 'second-rate'. These museums hold significant and valuable collections, and provide very effective services (research and education) and stimulating displays for their visitors. Typically, however, local museums will experience problems brought about by under-funding and isolation from professional services and advice. It is in recognition of these basic problems faced by local museums that the Museums Liaison Service runs workshops and seminars on subjects as diverse as pest control, caring for photographs, and caring for archives. The trick in making these seminarsworkforthe people they are intended to benefit is to provide useful and practical content at an affordable cost. The Museums Liaison Service uses professional archivists as tutors and uses all available sources of funding in order to subsidize the costs of bringing professionals to the regions to share their knowledge and impart their skills. Seminars on caring for archives are presently being held throughout the country, subsidized by the Lottery Board and the Museums Liaison Service. However, there is a need for an ongoing effort to raise the awareness of the importance of good archives care and management in local museums, beyond the scale that over-worked liaison officers can pro- vide. Who better than ARANZ to take responsibility for this? Tomorrow's History Peter Miller Hocken Library Dunedin

When the Editor asked me for a short piece on what I might like from ARANZ as my professional association over the next ten years, her request caused me to look both forwards and backwards. The adage about not understanding our future without a knowledge of our past is all too true. I have been a member of the Association since its inception. Much has been achieved by its efforts over past years, as can be ascer- tained from perusal of successive issues of this journal and annual reports. However, much remains to be done in the way of bringing to fruition matters which have occupied the time of Council for many a year, and undertaking new initiatives. Some of these are very dear to my heart. Let me elaborate. Perhaps foremost on my wish list would be a substantial growth in membership so that ARANZ would have several thousand members, rather than the present static 300-400. This would enable the Association to offer a number of services to members which currendy it is unable to because of financial and other constraints. For some years now it has been a source of some considerable regret to me that ARANZ is not seen by more people as being an organization deserving of their support in the way the New Zealand Society of Genealogists and the New Zealand Historic Places Trust are supported so widely. Do we need to blow our own trumpet more loudly or are we not offering the right inducements to prospective members? A publishing programme focussing on publications tailored to the New Zealand scene would be an excellent step - the proposed 'Manual for Clubs and Societies' could perhaps be seen as the first in a series which might extend to more specialized ones on school and business archives, and so on. These would fill a very definite need, based on my experience. Another initiative which no doubt will be considered in the forthcom- ing Education and Training Review could be an integrated series of seminars, of various lengths, organized centrally and run throughout the country. I envisage that they would cover a variety of archives and records topics and be in the form of modules - introductory, intermedi- ate and advanced - possibly leading to a national certificate. At present, ARANZ seminars whether run by branches or by Council committees do not generally follow an agreed framework. This is not to denigrate in any way the value of the many courses held over the last sixteen years, but we can do better. My fourth wish is for an Association able to take up the cudgels publicly on more issues than is feasible now. There will always be a necessity to lobby for an increase in resources for the archives and records professions whether it be buildings or staff, and particularly so in straitened economic times. However, there are other battles to be fought. I should like to see ARANZ involved in the whole privacy and freedom of information debate, which is bound to intensify over the next few years. With so many of our members being keepers of information, we have a role to play in bringing aspects of this vexed question before the public. Then, too,, there is the impact of all sorts of new technologies on records-keeping and archives. What will the archives of the future look like? I believe we have a duty to society and our cultural heritage to raise the consciousnss of people as to the effects of computerization on the preservation of information. All this will, as I have postulated, require more members to provide the resources. Let us take up the challenge NOW!

David Colquhoun Alexander Turnbull Library Wellington

What do I want from a professional archives organization over the next decade? On reflection the question seemed less straightforward than I first thought. Should I discuss the very large topic of the key issues facing archives as we move into the twentieth century? Or is it more useful to discuss the more specific subject of the professional archives organiza- tion itself, and the form it should take if we are to cope with the changes and pressures facing our profession. I give some brief thoughts on both themes. Inevitably the following points reflect the view of a a particular kind of archivist - a person working in a research library environment, with responsibility for a collection of non-government archives and manu- scripts. But I feel the issues will be much the same for archives managers everywhere, whether they are at National Archives, caring for the archives of a large business, or working in a smaller museum or local library. Archivists throughout New Zealand will be needing all the help over the next decade from the cooperative opportunities and leadership made possible through an effective professional organization. To me the most important general areas of concern are:

- The downstream effect of government policy on archives keeping, and the need to inform government of present and future implica- tions of its legislative actions. Such effects include uncertainty as to the legal ownership of the records of privatized parts of the public Tomorrow 's History service; the pressure on appraisal staff and storage space as both government and non-government agencies go out of business as a result of government actions; the increase in research use of collec- tions arising out of Treaty of Waitangi-related claims. Related to this general concern is the continuing failure to see the proposed archives bill enacted.

The need to develop our still very rudimentary guidelines for conditions, standards and ethics in the archival profession. Of particular importance here is the need to make further progress on developing training opportunities for professional archivists.

The need to develop appropriate technical responses and solutions to new developments in archives keeping. Three areas that seem particularly important to me are: discussion and and swapping of information on the options for computerizing archives manage- ment; and the development of effective policies for appraising, preserving and making available electronic records; and the devel- opment of better, and stricter, appraisal policies for non-govern- ment archives as we confront rapidly increasing quantities of records.

- The need, while all of the above are happening, to continue liaising with the research community, our clients, so that we remain aware of their very varied and ever changing needs, and they understand the problems facing archives keeping.

Such issues require a number of different strategies from a profes- sional archives organization. Such an organization would need to act as a lobbyist, promotional body, liaison between institutions and between archivists and users of archives, as well as providing a forum, professional organization and publication outlet for working archivists. It is an onerous task for one body. Since the 1970s ARANZ has acted as such an umbrella organization, and considering the difficulties, has generally done so reasonably successfully. Archifacts continues to provide excellent articles and reviews reflecting the interests of the membership. Recently a group of mainly Wellington-based archivists have formed a new organization, the New Zealand Society of Archivists. Although the NZSA's objects are similar to those of ARANZ the emphasis of the new body is more on acting specifically as a professional body for working archivists, like the ASA in Australia, for example. Unlike ARANZ all officers are required to be principally employed in archival work. The journal of the new association, The New Zealand Archivist, has reflected this professional emphasis with a string of informative articles on various aspects of archival theory and practice. Although I am not convinced that New Zealand needs two archives organizations, there would seem to be litde immediate chance of any amalgamation. I, like several others, now belong to both organizations. But it seems to me vital that the two organizations cooperate rather more effectively than is currently the case. There is, for example, very little information about the activity of one organization in the journal of the other. Both organized separate conferences that had exactly the same mixture of speakers from the research and custodial communities. Both organizations are pursuing separate strategies on the all-important issue of developing an archivist training programme. Both have sepa- rately produced documents on access policies (ARANZ) and a code of ethics (NZSA) which have different emphases when dealing with the important issue of charging for reference services. Such apparent competition is a waste of our limited resources. It can only damage the image of archives work as seen by those we seek to influence, and limit our ability to effectively deal with the issues outlined above. News & Notes

Maritime Museum Fund It would be premature to sign construc- Delay Spurs Row tion contracts now which could limit fu- Maritime Museum trustees are upset Wel- ture possible uses, she said. lington City Council wants to delay until Cr Anna Weir said she was horrified the 1995 spending $7 million strengthening building might become something other and refurbishing their 101-year old water- than a museum... front building. Cr Val Bedingfield said the-Maritime Mu- Trustees said this week the council has seum should be funded ahead of new received money for refurbishing the build- libraries for Kilbirnie and Néwlands... ing after the Government paid $20 million Cr Russell Armitage said the museum's for its waterfront Museum of New Zealand 700 visitors a week was not good enough site. and suggested moving the museum to a An agreement was reached in 1989 bet- more suitable waterfront building. ween the trust, the city council, the regional Committee chairman John Gilberthorpe council and Lambton Harbour Manage- said Lambton Harbour Management was ment to upgrade the maritime museum reviewing its harbour plan and other suit- building within three years. able buildings might be found. However, the city council's latest five-year 'But we will continue to uphold the re- capital expenditure programme shows the sponsibility to look after the [museum] refurbishment is now scheduled for 1995. building.' 'Ultimately we are pretty concerned about Evening Post 5 September 1992 [that],' Trust chairman Nigel Gould said. 'Funds have been received by the council for that purpose... it's not cash that would Treaty Copy May Have Been for Trial have been received otherwise.' A newly found copy of the Treaty of Trustees might seek legal advice to force Waitangi could have been used in the the council to make clear its commitment murder trial of a Maori in 1842. to funding, he said. Wiremu Kingi Maketu was hanged for Mr Gould and a delegation of trustees told murder after the first trial of a Maori a council committee this week refurbish- under European law. ment should start in the next financial The treaty copy was found in Auckland by year, to coincide with renovations to the the two sisters ofjohn Littlewood, a retired nearby Shed 7. sales representative, who has deposited it Cost reductions were possible if the same in the National Archives. contractors were used for each building. It Historian Claudia Orange said today Mr would be ludicrous to disrupt the water- Littlewood's great-grandfather Henry front with Shed 7 renovations then disrupt Littlewood was a defence counsel for a itagain laterwith museum alterations when Maori chief Maketu, who was later hanged. both could be done simultaneously. Mr Littlewood was one of two defence The trust wants the council to spend counsel and he may have needed to know $700,000 on design this year and fund the what rights Maori had under the treaty. $6.3 million construction programme next 'Since most Maori signed the Maori text of financial year. the Treaty, Mr Litdewood may well have At the meeting, culture and recreation wanted a translation of this to see what it division general manager Rosemary was Maori had agreed to.' Barrington said officers proposed spend- She said it was very likely to be a translation ing $100,000 to audit existing refurbish- as the English words followed the Maori ment plans to try to cut costs. text very closely. Alternative uses for the building were be- However, a puzzle remained over the Feb- ing considered. ruary 4 date on the copy. 'February 4 was the day when Governor Gift of Life in Box of Memories Hobson gave a draft of the treaty in English 'David' the man found in England a year to the missionary Henry Williams to ago with a New Zealand accent and no translate into Maori and that draft is memory, has been given back his life. missing.' His past has literally caught up with him There was speculation the Littlewood copy from the other side of the world. He is was the missing draft in English; but Dr Colin David Bradbury, a single man, who Orange did not think so. It was an exciting spent a decade in New Zealand before find, but may be worth nothing. However, returning to England in 1981. it was of considerable historical interest. And he has a super-efficient former boss in 'Until we ascertain what it is, where it has Takapuna, Auckland, to thank for come from, we don't know how important squirrelling away the ageing Bradbury it is'... work-file in a box in his garage. Evening Post 11 September 1992 Mr Bradbury and his parents might not thank the police in Essex, where he lived, or Dorset where was found. For his parents 1987 Sharemarket Crash Records reported him missing from his home in the town of Benfleet, Essex, one day after We are about to celebrate - if that is the he disappeared. The forces obviously did right word - the fifth anniversary of the not co-ordinate October 1987 sharemarket crash.... A key factorwas the rapid financial market David had been found in a field on the liberalisation of 1984 and 1985.... outskirts of Swanage, a town in Dorset, in There was also the media hype in which a confused and panicked state in Septem- opinion was offered as judgment. In the ber last year. He had been in an area in box [not included with this excerpt from which, it later became known, the Army the article] are the September 1987 buy had been firing shells in testing. recommendations from one of the coun- He carried no identification, and could try's biggest sharebrokers. I leave you to remember nothing of his past. He spent a judge the worth of the advice. The broker month in hospital, bewildered and said its research department had just vis- depressed. Under a truth drug, he made ited a number of the recommended com- an unprompted reference to a giant square panies, including some that went-down kauri on the Coroglen Rd at Coromandel.... the tubes only months later. I am sure the Yesterday, police headquarters in Welling- hospitality was excellent, but did the re- ton announced that through inquiries co- searchers learn anything of use to their ordinated by Interpol, 'David was officially clients? As late as October 1988 Fay identified as 54-year old Mr Bradbury'.... Richwhite's.EOtago other directive outlaws gambling. and Southland, and of the nation as a The instructions had survived in excellent whole. condition because of the importance Much time and effort had been spent in attached to them by governors, Mr Driessen looking for the most cost-effective solution. said. 'Perseverance haswon through in the end,' They had been sent with Governor he said. Hobson's commission as Governor and Completion of the archives building would the charter constituting the new colony. free a good deal of Hocken Library stor- Governor Hobson's first name was wrong age space and allow the library to develop in both the commission and the instruc- its own areas of interest. tions; they were addressed to John instead He expressed his gratitude to the library of to William. and the University of Otago for their New Zealand Herald 7 November 1992 patience and continuing-care of the archives during a 'long period of uncertainty'. Early Start on New Archives Building The further expansion of the country's Construction of the long-awaited Dunedin network of national archives buildings national archives building will begin im- meant 1993 would be a 'landmark year' mediately, the Minister of Internal Affairs, not only for Otago-Southland archives, Mr Lee, announced yesterday. but also for those of the whole country, he Mr Lee announced the successful tenderer said. for the $1.3 million building was Fletcher Dunedin reaction to the announcement Development and Construction. was swift and positive. The contractor indicated yesterday a con- The Mayor of Dunedin, Mr Richard Walls, was pleased, having been involved with the archives of 46 British Missionary Societies, matter since May last year. with cross-referencing to earlier tides, and He congratulated Mr Lee for his role and includes an introduction; details of each also praised the MP for Dunedin North, Society's principal publications; published Mr Pete Hodgson, for helping to advance histories and information on access and the project. location. It is intended in due course to Mr Hodgson, who has asked an extensive bring out an improved and expanded ver- series of parliamentary questions on the sion of the guide but, in the meantime, a matter, said the decision was a 'wonderful limited number of copies of A Preliminary Christmas present' for the city. Guide to the Archives of British Missionary By John Gibb, Otago Daily Times 23 December Societies, compiled by Rosemary Seton and 1992 Emily Naish, are available from Rosemary, Seton, Archivist, School of Oriental and African Studies, Thornhaugh Street, Media Scan Russell Square, London WC1H OXG at a 21 Aug (Times): Sixpenny posters from price of £6 plus 60p postage. Shell archives become classics. The post- Society of Archivists Newsletter No 63 December ers are expected to make up to 40,000 at 1992 auction in London on 13 October.

26 Aug [Guardian): One of eight deep Old Films Reveal Lost Treasures shelters which could withstand a gas attack Rare film of the 1913 A & Ρ Show at or a direct hit from a German V2 rocket is Carterton and footage of activities around leased by the Government to Security Ar- the Southern Alps in the 1920s are among chives, a private storage company, on con- almost 1500 films recovered by the Film dition that it leaves the subterranean bun- Archive's search for old movies in Canter- ker a month after declaration of a third bury. world war. The Last Film Search campaign was con- ducted in October, but archive staff were 6 Sep ( Sunday Times) : A collection of 'lost' so deluged with material they are only now songs by the Beades is to be released for identifying the images. the first time after being rescued from the 'We got so much more than we expected,' vaults of a record company where the said the archive's marketing director, Ms recordings have been stored since the Lynne Carruthers. 1960s. The search was sparked by a need to res- Sodety of Archivists Newsletter No. 63December cue frail nitrate film stock, which was widely 1992 used until the 1950s but is now decompos- ing and expected to be beyond salvage by 2000. An Insatiable Interest in Missionaries In Canterbury, 60 nitrate films were found, Workshop and Survey of Missionary Ar- some professionally made and others as chives Report. home movies.1 Ms Carruthers said the films Two connected events held at the School were being preserved by transfer to mod- of Oriental and African Studies recently ern safety film. demonstrated a surprising, degree of cur- 'We never screen the master films. They rent interest in sources on Christian mis- are copied on to safety film and then sionaries. A Workshop on Missionary Ar- transferred to VHS video tapes so that the chives on 8 and 9July proved to be tremen- process of identifying the images can dously popular, with more than 100 par- begin.' ticipants from Britain, mainland Europe, So much material was received from the North America and Australia.... Canterbury search that the films filled 25 ...a survey of the archives of British Mis- video cassettes. sionary Societies was carried out prior to 'In a way we were feeling our way in the the Conference, and each participant was dark with the search, but we not only provided with a copy of the 104-page guide received more film than we expected, we based on the survey. The guide lists the had information on the whereabouts else- News &f Notes where in the South Island of other rare 'The first priority is to preserve the images. ' film.' By Dave Wibon, Christchurch Press 19January Among donors to the film search was the 1993 Mount Cook Company, which provided substantial footage of its early rural opera- tions in the 1920s. Film Archive Has New Head The search unearthed rare home movies, The New Zealand Film Archive has ap- including Sir Harry Wigley's family skiing pointed Wellington arts consultant Frank and ice skating in the Mount Cook region, Stark as its chief executive officer. and hunting and holiday scenes from the Mr Stark heads his own consultancy, A 1920s and 1930s. Cultural Agency, which assesses arts and The project also turned up 1000 movie cultural projects for clients such as the posters and rare film equipment, includ- Museum of New Zealand, New Zealand on ing hand-cranked projectors. Air, the Museum Directors' Federation 'At the moment we do not really know and the Wellington City Art Gallery. precisely what we have on the films be- He has been chief executive of the Crafts cause the process of viewing and identify- Council. ing them is just beginning, and will take He succeeds Cheryl Linge whose contract some months,' Ms Carruthers said. ends in June. Evening Post 22 January 1993 Books and Book Reviews

Note: We regret that in the last issue of Archifacts, October 1992, John E. Martin's name was omitted as author of the review of K. R. Howe's A Singer in a Songless Land: a Life of Edward Tregear. Ed.

The National Register of Archives and Manuscripts in New Zealand. C Series Instalment I, Entries C1-C250. Wellington: Alexander Turnbull Library, 1991. $27.00.

To researchers and custodians of unpublished resources in New Zea- land, this first instalment of Series C of the National Registeris a welcome addition to what has become an essential finding aid. First published in 1979, the intention of the Register (produced in batches of 250 entries) was to provide a 'comprehensive guide to New Zealand's national resources of manuscripts and archives',1 which in the introduction were defined as including ' all archives and manuscripts held in New Zealand libraries, museums, historical societies, National Archives, and in the custody of private individuals willing to grant access to bona fide researchers'.2 Publication of the second series in 1983 saw a note of caution introduced by the then editor, Jane Wild: NRAM 'depends on the co-operation of those responsible for manuscript and archive collections throughout New Zealand for an accurate picture of our holdings'.3 How then does this latest instalment measure up in these times of staff and budgetary constraints? Significantly, the aim of this issue is put more simply: 'to alert researchers to New Zealand's archives and manuscripts collections and to assist curators with the cataloguing of collections'.4 The emphasis on assistance with the compilation of entries is perhaps an indication that contributors have been less than forthcoming. The scope of Series C is wide both geographically (with entries from Auckland to Invercargill) and institutionally (from the Alexander Turnbull Library to the Tinui Historical Society). Twenty-four institu- tions are represented and the subject range is catholic (with apologies to the Presbyterian entries). To browse through the contents is in itself a fascinating exercise, with information ranging from knitting instructions for seaboot stockings to a history of the viola alta and an intriguing account of the missionary and nursing adventures of Sister Annie Kilburne. As far as a systematic thematic search is concerned, I have some reservations about the ease of access to this information. To begin with, I found the list of 'Contributing Institutions' unhelp- ful. While most names are self-explanatory, e.g. 'Te Awamutu District Museum Archive', there is no clue on the list to the location of institu- tions such as 'Te Hukatai', 'Presbyterian Archives', and the 'National Cricket Museum'. (Referral to Frank Rogers' Archives New Zealand does not, to me, compensate for this omission.) In some instances, such as the Cricket Museum and the Govett Brewster Gallery, the entries themselves leave the reader still mystified. The index, 'designed to give access by broad subject categories, by geographic area and by individual and corporate names',5 is crucial to the success of the Register. Broad the subject categories certainly are, with terms such as 'Fine & Applied Arts', 'Social Affairs', and 'Sport, Recrea- tion & Entertainment' verging on the quaint in these days of computer- based key-word subject searching. I checked under 'Social Affairs' in the index and found references as diverse as burial registers, theatre and business records and the Maori letters of George Selwyn. There are 23 sub-headings by geographical area under 'Social Affairs', and a total of 54 entries are referenced. The geographical divisions are those used in the Directory of Local Government Regions and Districts. While appreciating the difficulty of selecting terms, I wonder how likely it is that a researcher would look under F, as in 'Far North District', for entries relating to the Ngapuhi of the Hokianga (C125), neither of which words are directly indexed. To arrive at this entry via subject the researcher must look under 'Maori' and the sub-division 'Far North'. Within its limitations, the individual and corporate name index works well. There are inconsistencies, however. Individual ships are indexed, but not individual tribes, titles of publications or unpublished manu- scripts. While the 'Dieter Meyer Memorial Collection' is indexed, there is no listing for 'Meyer, Dieter' (CI 14). More curiously, some name entries in the index do not appear in the body of the entries cited, for example, Birrell, K.S. (C227), Breward, Ian (C182), Bruce, W. (C203); Committee to Oppose the Hospitals Amend- ment Bill (C224), and the Association of Presbyterian Women (C179). I found this particularly frustrating with references to the Rosemary Seymour Papers at the University of Waikato Library, a large and important collection which as yet has no inventory. If these names have been edited out of the description, should they remain in the index? The entries themselves vary from detailed descriptive accounts of collections to brief two or three line summaries. All fulfil the Register's aim of alerting researchers to resources. As a contributor I must confess to feeling somewhat dismayed at the brevity of my own entries. I later recalled that these contributions were based on a computer printout of our in-house manuscripts' catalogue and had been passed on to an obliging editor for inclusion. I wonder how many other entries were brief due to the pressures of work, and how much 'arm-twisting' was required to get this information? Is it now time to rethink the National Register-àXong the lines of a national computer database as has been done with the Oral History Archive? Regular print-outs and a facility for key- word searching would avoid the inherent disadvantages of a published index. I do not wish, however, to detract from the tremendous professional achievement involved in the compilation of this instalment, and con- gratulate the team on its publication.

Theresa Graham Curator of Manuscripts Auckland City Library

REFERENCES

1. National Register of Archives and Manuscripts in New Zealand, A Series, Instalment I, Wellington, 1979, Preface. 2. ibid., Introduction. 3. ibid., Β Series, Instalment I, Wellington, 1983, Introduction. 4. ibid., C Series, Instalment I, Wellington, 1991, Introduction. 5. ibid., Introduction to Index.

Further comment on The National Register of Archives and Manuscripts...

The second instalment of series C (C251-C500) has recentiy been published. The bulk of the entries come from the Alexander Turnbull Library (a quarter of the total), the Kaiapoi and Cheviot Historical Societies (40 between them), and the Manawatu, Canterbury and Otago Early Settlers Museums (20-something each), with the Te Awamutu Museum, Knox College and the Wairarapa Archive the next most prolific. Theresa Graham's comments can in general be applied to this instalment as well. My specific concern is that acceptable standards of accuracy have not been achieved, presumably because of a lack of resources. For example: 1. The list of contributing institutions claims to be for entries C1-C250, credits the Turnbull with 30 entries too many, and includes a 'Saint John Ambulance Association'. 2. C252 is for the 'Akaora' District Schools, one of which has an 'attendence' register; the right and wrong spellings of the town's name have adjacent index entries. 3. The contributing institution located in Kaiapoi is given three differ- ent names. 4. The Auckland Institute of Technology was so named in 1990, we are told (C318) ; the contents page lists the Auckland Technical Institute. 5. C335 is held either at the Turnbull (entry) or Canterbury Museum (contents page). 6. C437 appears twice (in not quite the same form), as does C477. Some of the déficiences are conceptual rather than simply editorial. 7. The distinction between local government regions and districts seems to break down in practice (see, e.g., Southland), and some areas are wrongly assigned - the Bay of Islands does not lie within the Whangarei district (C467), for example. 8. 'Travel accounts' and 'voyage accounts' seem to be interchangeable categories, with entries geographically linked to point of departure, point of arrival, or ultimate destination, for no apparent reason. I could go on, but won't. What is to be done? Might it now be time for appropriate institutions to co-ordinate thematic instalments devoted to science, shipping, 'social affairs' or whatever? The National Register would thereby benefit from the expertise and enthusiasm of those knowledgeable in their fields, and the staff of the Turnbull would get a break from duties which seem to have become too onerous to be done with care.

David Green Wellington

Gavin McLean. Local History: A Short Guide to Researching, Writing and Publishing a Local History. Wellington: Bridget Williams Books and Historical Branch, Department of Internal Affairs, 1992. 136pp. $17.95. ISBN 0-908912-18-1.

Local History: A Short Guide to Researching, Writing and Publishing a Local History is one of the first two published titles in a projected series of 'guides' to various kinds of historical research in New Zealand: others will deal with Maori history, women's history, oral history, and labour history. The general notion of the series, to provide clear, concise assistance for researchers of limited experience, is admirable. All the same, so many different kinds of historical work are customarily sub- sumed under the loose rubric 'local history' that Gavin McLean seems to have been given an impossible task within the constraints imposed by the format of the series. But the choice of author proves to have been a judicious one, and McLean, a practised editor of manuscripts and himself the author of several distinguished business, institutional and local histories, has produced an outline which is, on the whole, a very useful blend of experience, information and advice. The first of the four chapters is a succinct and sensible survey of definitions of 'local history', how the genre has developed in New Zealand, and the kinds of questions social historians have recently attempted to import into local history. Though McLean is clearly in sympathy with the agenda of social historians, he quite reasonably indicates the diversity of local historians' concerns, and is not prescrip- tive. It is perhaps regrettable that he has not been able to include an analysis of the various wider motivations of local historians, the shaping of foundation myths, the creation of pioneer legends, the functions of local histories as colonizing texts; but this gap largely reflects the scandalous lack of critical attention which New Zealand historians have given to local histories as cultural artifacts. Chapter Two suggests how the tyro historian might go about research, and indicates the general kinds of sources available and their utility. As well as written and printed materials (his discussion of newspapers in particular is excellent), McLean wisely reminds the reader about 'non- written primary sources', including 'field study', oral evidence, paint- ings, and photographs. He might have added published reminiscences to novels as an aid to gaining 'useful insights into the social conditions of the past' (p.47). His very brief comments on the relatively neglected field of business history are so especially good that it may be hoped he will extend the framework on some other occasion. In the third chapter, 'Writing', McLean, perhaps recognizing that many local annalists are, like Lord Acton, forever deferring the task of composition, keeps in mind as a principle informing his discussion publication in the not-too-distant future. Again, the advice is sensible and wide-ranging: identify your themes, organize the chapters, check detail, make usage consistent, annotate, provide a bibliography, and don't forget an index. Chapter Four, 'Publishing', compactly summa- rizes technical matters, many of which will be a relevation even to experienced authors, and insists on the importance of good book design - poor design has been a besetting fault of many local histories, including a number of substantial and important works. The appendices to Local History complement the text: there is a substantial annotated listing of publications, arranged by topics ('Archi- tecture', 'Education', and so on), which will provide indications of recent research or basic information; a selected list óf recent local histories; some comments on possible sources of finance; and addresses of research institutions, firms concerned with book production, and relevant journals. Writing clearly and fluently without becoming slick, McLean goes far towards demystifying research for the novice; and the experienced historian will also find much to relish. There are, unsurprizingly, arguable statements. Bernard Levin is not everyone's idea of a 'good writer' (p.59), and the prospect of school and church histories for a generation hence in Levinical prose is alarming. Op.cit.' is one of the less pleasant legacies of Latin, and it is a pity that McLean not only prescribes its use but uses the abbreviation himself. No doubt these are matters of personal taste. The distinction between 'primary' and 'sec- ondary' sources is a misleading old saw which distracts historians from the need to interrogate all materials: McLean's alternative of a biblio- graphic essay is preferable (pp.74-75). Likewise, the notion that some sources are 'biased' (p.8) suggests that some are not: but since all materials have contexts, it is elucidation of the conditions of production (and preservation) of the materials, and not 'objectivity', perfect or otherwise, that is the goal of the historian. While the numerous illustrations neady and significantly amplify the text, the novice historian might well wish for more - she might ask, for example, what a page from a street directory looks like. Here the constraints of space severely limit what McLean has been able to provide.Perhaps a videotape, with more examples of sources displayed, is a necessary supplement; and a videotape could also take the beginner vicariously into such research sanctuaries as the Turnbull or National Archives or the Hocken Library on a tour of visual and procedural familiarization. As McLean says in his Preface, LocalHistory 'is merely an introduction to a vast subject. It aims to point people in the right directions rather than to answer detailed questions or describe historical sources in great depth' (p.5). Even so, as an introduction this books is excellent. For those who cannot resist Latin tags: multum in parvo.

P.J. Gibbons University of Waikato

Anne Bromell. Tracing Family History Overseas from New Zealand. Petone: GP Publications, 1991. 196pp. $34.95. ISBN 0-86956-009-4.

I basically agree with the Listeneri, recommendation of Anne Bromell's latest book: this 'easy to follow, sensibly illustrated volume will do much to foster an informed interest in the subject'. But as I am here to review it, and not simply to promote it, I would be remiss if I glossed over the warts. Bromell states in her Introduction that 'the majority of immigrants to New Zealand came from Australia and Great Britain, therefore sources in these areas are covered in more detail than those of other countries'. However, according to the 'Locality of Members' Research to April 198Γ (produced by the New Zealand Society of Genealogists), 95% of mem- bers had ancestral interests in Great Britain, 56% in Ireland and only 38% in Australia. Yet Bromell places a disproportionate emphasis on Australia compared to the United Kingdom; Australia gets more than twice as many pages as Ireland. Perhaps this is because the author has a good proportion of Australian ancestry. The chapters on vital records (births, marriages and deaths) in Australia and the United Kingdom are detailed, very useful for the beginner and seem to be accurate - it is surprizing how many books of this type make factual errors when describing these records. The addresses for and costs of applying for certificates are all up to date. This is probably the best part of the book: the coverage is detailed enough to be really useful. Bromell provides good advice on aspects of research which would otherwise only be learned by trial and error. Employing a researcher is an exercise fraught with pitfalls for the unwary, but Bromell's guidance in this area should ease the beginner's way. Some of the chapters are re-mixes of their equivalents in her book Tracing Family History in New Zealand, particularly those on personal and family records, recording, filing and charting, handling research mate- rials and writing a family history. These are very well written and full of practical suggestions, but surely the reader could have been referred to the earlier book, and more space devoted to details of overseas records. Take as an example the Locality Catalogue found in the Mormon Family History Centres, a primary resource for those who are trying to do remote research in other countries. Besides the vital records and census returns mentioned, I would like to have seen more material on non- Australian records of the poor, taxes, the courts, property and parish administration, to name just a few. These are records applicable to family history research in most countries, and many are available through the Locality Catalogue. They deserve more detail in a book of this size. Unfortunately, Europe east of the English Channel receives very short shrift, but there are good references to works specializing in this area. I am not qualified to comment on the value of the information provided here, except perhaps in the area of Scandinavian research. Just glancing through this chapter, I see the usage of'dotter' incorrecdy attributed to Danish and Norwegian patronymics (they used 'datter'). Perhaps it is just as well that Bromell has left this area to the experts. On the whole I'd recommend Angus Baxter's books on European research as a beginner's guide to the Continent. Baxter gets down to the meat in a way that Bromell never really does. When discussing records she has used in her own research, she is able to provide full and valuable information for the beginner. However, she has bitten off more than she can chew in 200 pages, and after finishing Australia and Great Britain has been forced to leave the rest of the world on her plate. She does compensate for this with a novel index to books, periodicals and microfiche publications mentioned in the text. Occupying seven pages, it shows the depth of bibliographical content to the book. It really is comprehensive in its references to other more specialized works on this wide-ranging subject. Readers of the book will find themselves using this index once Bromell has whetted their appetites. And there is no doubt that she will do so.

Donald Hansen Wellington John Ε. Martin and Kerry Taylor (editors). Culture and the Labour Movement: Essays in New Zeahnd Labour History. Palmerston North: The Dunmore Press, 1991. 316pp. $30.00. ISBN 0-86469-159-9.

What about the workers? An Archifacts book reviewer recently marvelled that in writing a history of Petone it had been found possible to follow the fortunes of this quintessentially working-class town without refer- ence to its central core, the rich life, struggles and organizations revolving around its assembly lines and work-benches. While it is to be hoped that this was an extreme case, New Zealand historians, local and general, have been too ready to elevate their eyes from what are perceived as lowly concerns. Culture and the Labour Movement, one of several titles that have appeared since the foundation in 1987 of the Trade Union History Project, is a welcome sign of a change in attitude. The book collects papers presented at a conference run by the project at Labour Day weekend, 1990. With academics comprising most of the 20 or so contributors, it seems that labour history has at last become respectable. As befits two countries historically connected by close and mutually beneficial labour ties, several essays are the work of Australians. One, Lenore Layman, brought over as a keynote conference speaker, gives a sketch of the current labour history scene across the Tasman spiced with instances of laconic Oz humour that make her information a delight to digest. A warning is sounded in the first paper delivered by another keynote speaker, Englishman Alun Howkins. One approach to labour history, celebratory and suffused with the rosy glow of belonging to a lost world, he sums up as the '"poverty, 'ardship but 'appiness" school of history'. The other, a theoretical approach, is concerned with questions that can be resolved only within an abstract realm. This kind of study, popular in his own country in the 1980s, he describes as 'not only intellectually "unavailable" to any notin the know but... even when hours [have] been spent trying to work out its meanings it [is] not clear how it relate [s] to any problem which could concern the real world'. In England, he says, 'the best of the current work in this area takes neither label but takes from both. It is not easy and there is a long way to go'. Culture and the Labour Movement takes its title from the conference theme, one that the editors admit was chosen 'somewhat optimistically'. It is also a somewhat optimistic name for the book. There is an uneven mix of the stimulating and the pedestrian, with 'culture' not an accurate umbrella description for the subject-matter chosen by a number of the contributors. Standing out for me was the clear-sighted overview of the Howkins paper, previously mentioned; the Jane Tolerton piece on Ettie Rout (a fascinating precursor to her recent biography of Labour's 'recording angel') Jock Phillips'study of the Harry Holland-Micky Savage memorials (who would imagine gravestones making an engrossing read?) ; and Rob Taylor's rescue from oblivion of the important artist, Dennis Knight Turner, a victim, he suggests, of 'McCarthyist' reactions to the labour themes of some of his early paintings. (Rob Taylor's hope that this 'negligently disregarded' artist would be invited to return to New Zealand is currently being realized, thanks to the initiative of the Sarjeant Gallery in Turner's birthplace, Wanganui.) Readers will have no difficulty in choosing other favourites. One game they can play is to identify early failure to guard against the twin perils lying in wait for labour historians that the English visitor warned of. Celebratory nostalgia rears its head in a biographical note on the Communist orator, Connie Birchfield. More empty drum than maestro of political symphonies, Comrade Connie had a demagogic street speaking style which is artlessly revealed in a memorable phrase: 'And heckling was inspiring really because it reminded you of something else to say...'. It is true that, for a Communist candidate, Connie Birchfield received a phenomenally high number of votes in Wellington's wartime and immediate post-war municipal elections. (To her quoted 1944 hospital board vote of 9,143 may be added the 10,000 polled by a fellow candi- date, Dr Harold Silverstone.) There is no doubt the party was highly regarded at this time for its anti-fascist role, but the 'rosy glow' might flicker if its sharp electoral tactics were recalled. How-to-vote lists were widely distributed by the party, with two names from Labour's full ticket removed and those of Birchfield and Silverstone inserted in their place. As to the other Howkins pitfall, the rarified theoretical approach, New Zealand academics have yet to dig deeply into this hole. The symptoms are there in a tendency by some contributors, unable to erase the thesis stamp from their writing, to present crashingly obvious conclusions as fresh and significant discoveries. The level of such dross, I must hasten to add, is nowhere high enough to detract from the wealth of material this pioneer collection of essays makes available to the student of labour history.

Dick Scott Auckland

John Hall-Jones. John Turnbull Thomson, First Surveyor-General of New Zealand. Dunedin: Mclndoe Publishers, 1992. 114pp, plus 16pp. colour plates. $59.95. ISBN 0-86868-146-6.

John Turnbull Thomson (1821-1884) was born into a prosperous farm- ing family at the eastern end of the Border Country between Scoüand and England. When he was nine years old his father was killed by falling from a horse while hunting, and his mother bravely managed her limited means to ensure that her eight children were well-educated. Thomson was entranced, as a boy, by paintings of an estate in Penang owned by a relative, and he determined to go there. At the age of 14 he entered Marischal College at Aberdeen to study mathematics for a year, and then spent ayear at the School of Engineering in Newcasde-upon-Tyne. At the age of 16 he said a last farewell to his mother outside the gate to her farm, and set forth to seek his fortune. Many years later he painted a touching picture of that scene shewing himself wearing a top hat and carrying all his worldly goods, glancing sadly back towards his mother who is preparing to climb over a stile beside the farm gate. The author's photograph of that gate shews that the stile has now been replaced by a small gateway. Young Thomson made a fine map of Penang, and then he adventur- ously surveyed and charted the adjacent mainland of Malaya. At the age of 20 he moved to Singapore, where he became the Government Surveyor, Architect and Engineer. The most impressive list of public works which he accomplished there culminated in his design and construction of Horsburgh Lighthouse on Pedra Branca Rock, 51km east of Singapore. He designed the lighthouse to withstand not only hurricanes, but also pirates! So well did he build that Horsburgh Lighthouse, completed in 1851, continues in use today as one of the triumphs of lighthouse construction. Singapore had been founded by Stamford Raffles in 1819, and when Thomson arrived in 1841 it was inhabited by 30,000 people, including 200 Europeans. In that extreme colonial society, Thomson was notable for his sympathetic relations with non-European people, gaining the respect of his assistants and workmen. He became fluent in Malay, and many years later in New Zealand he translated the autobiography of his Malayan teacher into English, and got it published in London. Thomson's two books about his experiences in Penang and Singapore, and his 100 paintings of life there, are now much esteemed in Malaysia and Singa- pore. But Thomson's health collapsed under the strain of working for two years on Pedra Branca Rock, and in 1853 he returned to Great Britain. He took with him a splendidly rococo tribute presented by citizens of Singapore: an ornate silver epergne depicting Pedra Branca Rock, Horsburgh Lighthouse, and Malay, Indian and Chinese workmen who had worked for him there. After recuperating in Scodand for two years Thomson decided to become a farmer in New Zealand, and he arrived in Auckland on 6 February 1856. The coast of Otago had been charted byJ.L. Stokes on the Acheron survey of 1850-51, but the interior was a blank on the map. Pioneers were already driving sheep to create sheep-runs in inland areas, but there was no map on which to register these runs. Captain William Cargill, the Superintendent of Otago, offered Thomson the post of Chief Surveyor of Otago, and he accepted. Cargill assured Thomson that, in view of his recent illnesses, he would not be expected to undertake any fieldwork himself. But when Thomson arrived in the little muddy village' of Dunedin, he found the need to map the interior so urgent that he must survey the land himself. For the next 20 years he carried out an astonishing series of explora- tions, producing the first maps (and hundreds of pictures) of the interior of the southern half of the South Island, from Bluff to Mt Cook, from the Southern Alps to the Pacific Ocean. He gained the friendship of Maori and whalers, and many men were proud to be chosen by Thomson to assist him on his explorations and surveys, living in ex- tremely rigorous conditions. Thomson filled the map with names includ- ing Mt Earnslaw, Cardrona, Twizel, St Bathans, Dunstan, Lindis and other echoes of his Border Country homeland, together with many others, including Pigroot, Mt Pisa and Mt Aspiring. When he found that some places which he had named already had established Maori names, he retained these. He laid out the towns of Invercargill and Oamaru, he created the Port of Otago and many roads, he surveyed goldfields and he built scores of bridges, some of which are still in use. In 1858 he married Jane Williamson, and they had nine daughters. The entire family appears in an 1883 photograph on page 98. In 1870 the Victorian Minister of Lands visited Thomson in Dunedin to study his surveying system, and in 1874 the colony of Victoria adopted Thomson's system to survey its entire territory. When the provinces were abolished in 1876, only Otago and Southland had been adequately mapped; and accordingly Thomson was appointed Surveyor-General of New Zealand in 1876. This book is subtitled 'New Zealand's First Surveyor-General', Chap- ter 14 is entitled 'First Surveyor-General', and the text repeatedly calls Thomson the first Surveyor-General of New Zealand. But Felton Mathew (cousin ofjohn Keats's friend George Felton Mathew, whose sister Sarah he married at Sydney in 1832) was appointed by Lieutenant-Governor Hobson as Surveyor-General of New Zealand in 1840. That temporary appointment (authorized by Governor Gipps) was confirmed by the British government but later disputes within that government led to Charles Whybrow Ligar being appointed Surveyor-General of New Zealand at the end of 1841 (cf. Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, 1940). When Thomson left Dunedin to take up his new post in Wellington, 30 of his former staff clubbed together to give him a silver vase of baroque extragance, surmounted by a figure of Thomson holding a sextant. Thomson quickly organized the Survey Department to map the entire country to the standards which he had established in Otago and Southland. He was President of the Otago Institute in 1874 and 1875, and President of the Southland Institute in 1880 and 1881. He published 16 papers in the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, some of which merit detailed discussion; they are barely listed in this book. The hundreds of paintings by Thomson are far more than skilled topographical records by a surveyor. Many are historically important, such as the very first painting of Mt Cook, some are gently humorous depictions of an explorer's life, and many are impressive works of art. In 1876-77 Thomson toured New Zealand extensively, and his published report of that journey is one of the most interesting accounts of the country at that time. His paintings on those tours, especially those of Rotorua, Tarawera, Rotomahana and the White and Pink Terraces, are particularly valuable records. With the Survey Department operating smoothly under the system which Thomson had established, he toured Scotland and England in 1877-78, and in 1879 he retired to Invercargill. He laid out the town in 1856, and now he built a splendid home in a large rural block to its north. He moved into 'Lennel' in 1881, and died there in 1884 at the age of 63. Dr Hall-Jones's fifth book about his great-grandfather (supported by the Hocken Library Endowment Fund) is very richly illustrated with paintings by Thomson (and others) and photographs contemporary and modern, including 16 colour plates of his paintings finely repro- duced on large pages (272mm χ 210mm). The author has traced Thomson's footsteps thoroughly in England, Scotland, Penang, Singa- pore, Pedra Branca Rock and New Zealand, comparing Thomson's paintings and sketches with what can be seen today. The author laments the lack of personal detail about Thomson, with very few personal letters surviving in the mass of family papers. And many government records have been destroyed by major fires in 1907 and 1954. Nonetheless, it is surprizing that the author does not report any searches for letters from Thomson, who was so eminent a public figure that some are likely to be preserved in various collections. For example, the Auckland Public Library holds (in the George Grey Collection) two very interesting letters from Thomson to Major Richardson (for Grey) in 1867, concerning his studies of the bronze Tamil bell which Colenso had found being used by Maori as a cooking pot in 1839. This book has been printed with great care - the only misprint which I noticed is on page 94, where the Astronomer Royal Sir George Airy is called 'Airey'. The hundreds of illustrations are reproduced to the high standard expected of John Mclndoe Ltd. However, the bibliography is inadequate, with items listed out of chronological order, abridged titles and only the first page number for articles. Thomson's major article on Original exploration in the Scottish settlement of Otago, and recent travel in other parts of New Zealand' is listed as a pamphlet published by the Society of Arts in Edinburgh, in 1878, without any indication that it was also published as an article (with different page numbering), in Transactions of the Royal Scottish Society of Arts, X (1883), pp.73-115. Thomson's descendants have recently presented many of his paint- ings to the Hocken Library, two paintings each to Singapore National Museum and Otago Early Settlers Museum, and one to Penang State Museum. This book makes plain the significance of John Turnbull Thomson, one of the most interesting and admirable citizens of nine- teenth-century New Zealand.

Garry J. Tee University of Auckland Letter to the Editor

From Donald Phillips

I would like to enlist the assistance of your readership in a long-running search for the journal of Charles Creed, a Wesleyan Missionary in New Zealand from 1839 to 1855. He served successively at the Hokianga Mission Station (1839-40), New Plymouth (1841-3), Waikouaiti (1844- 53) and Wellington (1854-5) before moving to Australia. Since it was a 'peremptory requirement' of the Methodist Missionary Society that a missionary should keep ajournai, there is every reason to suppose that Creed did as he was told. In fact; from time to time, he sent extracts from his journal to the Society as part of the regular reporting process. It is these extracts only that are available from various sources in New Zealand. I regret that I cannot now provide an exact reference to the source, but I have seen a copy of a letter written, I believe, in the 1880s (maybe just after the time of Creed's death in Sydney in 1879) indicating that a Mr White had brought the journal to New Zealand. It is known that John White was an acquaintance of Creed. The logical place for it to have been deposited would have been the Methodist Connexional Office in Christchurch. The Church's General Secretary at that time was William Morley, an active Church historian and afar-sighted collector of archives. When I first began this search over 20 years ago there was a memory retained by a senior staff person in the Connexional Office that the Journal had been in their possession until the late 1940s at least. I was able personally to ascertain at that time that the document was no longer there. There were some more obvious candidates as borrowers of such a manuscript, A.H. McLintock and T.A. Pybus, but enquiries through family members, and among their deposited papers at Hocken and elsewhere have revealed no trace. One or two other writers of local Methodist histories have also been contacted. I have been in touch with some Creed descendants in Australia through the good offices of the Churchls archivist there. I have carefully searched the catalogue of the Mitchell Library, which has the original journal of James Watkin, Creed's predecessor at Waikouaiti, and too, like Creed, also settled in Sydney in 1855. All these without success. Creed's journal would be a significant document for a variety of reasons. As the first resident Pakeha missionary in New Plymouth he was part of the establishment of the new settlement. He was at Waikouaiti for Letter to Editor nearly ten years, and travelled widely throughout the southern half of the South Island. He was interested in Maori culture and pre-history and is recorded having begun to write a book on this subject. There is evidence that he had already begun to obtain from significant Maori leaders notes for such an enterprise (vide Matiaha Tiramorehu's cos- mology) . Altogether his journal's rediscovery would be a real find. I wonder whether any reader of this Journal has any light to throw on the matter.

Yours sincerely, Donald Phillips, Superintendent, Dunedin Methodist Mission, P.O. Box 5076, DUNEDIN Accessions

Alexander Turnbull Library

Note: The following list is a selection only of the 151 accessions received in the last half of 1992. Accessions of further papers to existing collections have not, usually, been listed. Music manuscript accessions are published separately in Crescendo.

AMALGAMATED WORKERS UNION OF NEW ZEALAND. Records of the New Zealand Workers Union and the New Zealand Labourers Union, 1912- 1991. 41m. Restricted. BEEBY, CLARENCE EDWARD. Papers, 1927-1991. 3.0 m. CHALMERS, BENEDICTA MARY. Midwifery papers, 1927-1935. 2v and 1 folder. CLAIRMONT, THELMA. Papers relating to Philip Clairmont, c. 1966-1991.1 folder. COLLYNS, ARTHUR. Papers relating to ARD Fairbum, c. 1943-1987.6folders. COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL ARCHIVES, MOSCOW. Papers relating to New Zealand. 6 microfilm reels. Restricted. CRAFTS COUNCIL OF NEW ZEALAND. Records, 1975-1992. 22 m. CURNOW, ALLEN. Further literary papers, 1980-1992. 20cm. Restricted. CURNOW, JENIFER. Letters from Allen Curnow, 1961 [photocopies]. 12 folders. Restricted. DRONKE, MARIA. And nothing but the truth, 1982.1 folder. [Autobiographi- cal account of Dronke's wartime escape from Germany, and subsequent emigration to and life in New Zealand]. DUGGAN, MAURICE. Further literary papers, 1942-1974. 5 folders. Restricted. EARLY SETTLERS AND HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF WELLINGTON. Records, 1912-1984. 50cm. EIBY, GEORGE ALLISON. Papers, 1856-1991. 5.6m. [Eiby was an expert on seismology, as well as being very active in the arts in Wellington] HAIGH, BERNARD. World War Two papers, 1939-1944. 4 v. and 4 folders. HAMILTON, WILLIAMJOHN WARBURTON. Correspondence, 1844-1871.2 folders. [Hamilton was private secretary to Governor FitzRoy]. HANSEN, A. Diary, 1879-1887. 1 v. [Describes Hansen's voyage to and subse- quent experiences in New Zealand]. HORNIBROOK, FREDERICK A. Scrapbook, 1907-1963. 1 v. INTERNATIONAL ORDER OF ODDFELLOWS, ZEALANDIA LODGE. Membership ledgers, 1908-1924. 2 v. JOHNSON, KATHLEEN. Papers relating to women's rights issues, 1970-1992. 8 folders. JULIA FONTENELLE, JEAN SEBASTIAN EUGENE. Notes on the head of an individual New Zealander presented to the French Academy of Sciences, 1827. 1 folder. LAKING, SIR GEORGE ROBERT. Papers, 1946-1986. 4.3 m. Restricted. LANSDOWNE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, MASTERTON. Records, ,1884- 1991. 1.2m. LONG, WINNIFREDJ. Diary of ajourney from London to New Zealand of child emigrants, 1949. lv. NEW ZEALAND FEDERATION OF HISTORICAL SOCIETIES. Records, 1963- 1991. 1.5m. NEW ZEALAND LOCOMOTIVE ENGINEERS ASSOCIATION. Records, 1908- 1991. 19m. Restricted. NEW ZEALAND WATERFRONT WORKERS UNION. Records, 1940-1988. 14m. Restricted. NGATI PONEKE TRIBAL COMMITTEE. Minute-book, 1947-1953. lv. O'CONNELL, THERESE. Further papers, 1970-1992. 2.6m. Restricted. RELIGIOUS SOCIETYOF FRIENDS. Further records, 1940-1990.3 m. Partially restricted. ROBINSON, GEORGE FRANCIS. History of the war in Taranaki (1860), 1933. lv. [Reminscences of Robinson's war experiences]. ROYAL FAMILY/TE WHANAU A ROERA HUKIKI TE AHUKARAMU. Papers, c. 1900-1990. 2m. Partially restricted. RUAPEHU SKI CLUB. Records, 1914-1957. lm. SMITH, JAMES. Shipboard diary, 1863. lv. STYLES, CATHERINE. Letters from Frank Sargeson, 1973-1976 [photocop- ies] . 1 folder. Restricted. TARARUA ELECTRIC POWER BOARD. Minute-books, 1921-1987. 1.5m. THOMPSON, SYDNEY LOUGH. Letters and certificates, 1896-1968. 2 folders. TIMMS, HILDA A. Journal kept while doing voluntary work in the New Hebrides, and related papers, 1971-1972. 1 folder. WADESTOWN COTTAGE GARDEN AND BEAUTIFYING SOCIETY. Minute- book, 1918-1922. 1 v. WELLINGTON HIGH SCHOOL CENTENARYCOMMITTEE. Records of and relating to Wellington Technical School and Wellington High School, 1919- 1974. 2m. WILLIAMS, OLO. Two letters from Katherine Mansfield, 1921-1922 (photo- copies). 1 folder.

Canterbury Museum Archives

CHRISTCHURCH BEAUTIFYING ASSOCIATION. Minute-book, 1974-1988. lv. COY, FREDERICK (TIM) JAMES. Diaries kept during World War II. 10cm. ELLIOT, WILHELMINA SHERRTFF. Papers mainly relating to poetry and prose, 1889-1941. 10cm. EVANS, LESLEY. Oral history recordings of Christchurch residents. 23 tapes. GOLDSMITH, HORACE HENRY. Diaries of visits to New Zealand and USA, 1883-1884. 2v. HAMILTON, CHARLOTTE LAVTNIA. Reminiscences of Oxford, c.1860-1875. 1 folder. Archifacts HAYDON, MARY. Diary, 1902. lv. MUFF,DUDLEYROBERTS. 'Alison'sbook',accountofexperiencesasprisoner of war; ephemera. 1942-1945. 5cm. ORTON BRADLEY PARK. Records relating to the administration of the Park, 1943-1989. lm. THEATRE ARTS GUILD. Minute-book, 1949-1954. lv. WANDERERS TRAMPING CLUB, CHRISTCHURCH. Trip book, 1946-1954. lv. WILKINSON, JAMES REEVE. Reminiscences, 1866-C.1911. 1 folder.

Canterbury,Public Library

RICKETTS, F.W. Scrapbooks, c. 1920-1930. 3v. HALSWELL BATCHELOR BALL COMMITTEE. Minute-book, 1933-1947. HALSWELL LIBRARY. Records, 1897-1990. 10cm. HALSWELL FRIENDS OF THE LIBRARY. Records, 1983-1987. 3cm. HALSWELL IMPROVEMMENT SOCIETY. Records, 1968-1975. lv. HALSWELL INDOOR BOWLING CLUB. Minute-books, 1951-1982. 2v. HALSWELL REFUGEE SUPPORT GROUP. Records, 1979-1983. 5cm.

Hocken Library

ARCHIVES & RECORDS ASSOCIATION OF NZ (INC). OTAGO/ SOUTHLAND BRANCH. Additional archives. 1976-1990. 20cm. ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSITY STAFF OF NZ. LIBRARY COMMITTEE, UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO. Archives (including minutes), c.1981-1991. 90cm. Restricted. CULLEN, HON DR M.J. Additional papers. 1940,1980-1990.15.5m. Restricted. DUNEDIN FRIENDS AT COURT. Archives. 1975-1991. 10cm. EAST OTAGO ANGLICAN PARISH. Archives (mainly St John's Church Waikouaiti). 1858-C.1983. lm. FIRST DUNEDIN ROSLYN SCOUT GROUP. Archives (minutes, logs, scrap- books, photographs, membership ec). 1908-1988. 2m. FORD, ALBERT J. World War I correspondence. 13 Feb. 1915-c.July 1917. 10cm. FORTUNE THEATRE MEMBERS' SOCIETY. Archives (includes minutes 1976-1986), 1974-1988. 60cm. GRAND LODGE OF ANCIENT FREE AND ACCEPTED MASONS OF NZ. DISTRICT GRAND LODGE NZ SOUTH, S.C. Archives. 1865-1891. 1.5m. KING EDWARD TECHNICAL COLLEGE 75TH JUBILEE COMMITTEE. Archives (includes registration lists). 1983-1986. 70cm. MACLACHLAN, DR D.G. Otago University medical notes. c.l930s. 30cm. MCQUEEN, CILIA. Personal and literary papers. 1970-1992. 1.8m. Restricted. MOA CREEK SCHOOL. Additional archives. 1891-1992. 30cm. Some restricted. NZ ENGINEERING UNION INC., SOUTH ISLAND DISR1CT. DUNEDIN BRANCH. Archives, c.1909-1979, 1984. 60cm. NZ FEDERATION OF UNIVERSITYWOMEN. OTAGO BRANCH. Additional archives, c.1922-1991. 10cm. NZ INSTITUTE OF ELECTRICIANS. CENTRAL OTAGO BRANCH. Archives (including minutes 1950-1972), 1950-1970s. 30cm. NZ LABOUR PARTY. OTAGO LABOUR REGIONAL COUNCIL. Archives (including NZLP Branches Alexandra, Palmerston, Waldronville). 1936- 1992. 2.4m. Restricted. NZ SOCIALIIST UNITY PARTY. DUNEDIN BRANCH. Minutes 1983-1990. 10cm. Restricted. NZ SOCIETY OF PERIODONTOLOGY. Archives (includes minutes 1951- 1988) 1951-1980. 90cm. Restricted. OTAGO AREA HEALTH BOARD. CHERRY FARM HOSPITAL. Patient and registered general files, etc. c.1863-1992. 126m. Restricted. OTAGO HARBOURBOARD. Additional archives. c.l890s-1980s. 75m. Restricted. OTAGO HOME ECONOMICS ASSOCIATION INC. Archives (includes minutes 1923-1975). 1923-1989. 60cm. THE OTAGO ROSE SOCIETY INC. Archives (includes minutes). 1949-1986. 30cm. PEARSON, J.L. Papers relating to employment with Otago Hospital Board. 1944-1988. 10cm. PHYSICAL EDUCATION SOCIETY OF NZ INC. Minute-book, 1937-1946. 1 item. RAVENSBOURNE BOATING CLUB INC. Additional archives. 1964-1991. 90cm. ROBINS, S. Notes on speech, etiquette and sermons, including texts for sermons preached in NZ c.1878-1898. lv. SAINT MARTIN ISLAND COMMUNITYINC. Minute-book. 1989-1992.10cm. SOUTHLAND CLERICAL WORKERS UNION. Archives, c.1937-1992. 20cm. Restricted. STEVENS, LILY A. Papers re teaching and performance of classical ballet and dance in Dunedin. c. 1919-1991. 3.5m. TAINUI CROQUET CLUB. Archives. 1931-1987. 10cm. THOMSON, EMMA (NEE ALLAN). Diaries. 1887-1889,1890-1891,1894. 10cm. TOKOMAIRIRO AGRICULTURAL & PASTORAL SOCIETY. Archives 1901- 1982. 30cm. TRIMBLE, DOROTHY HEYWOOD. Ephemera and correspondence of Dora and Mary de Beer and Kate Fels (school friends of Dorothy Trimble). c. 1908, 1934. 1cm. UNIVERSITYOF OTAGO. REGISTRAR'S OFFICE. Archives (correspondence subject files). 1950-1990. 27m. Restricted. WAGON WHEEL SQUARE AND ROUND DANCE CLUB. Archives. 1957- 1990. 30cm. WORKERS EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATION. OTAGO BRANCH. Archives (including minutes c. 1915-1958 and correspondence. Also includes Oamaru branch archives (c.1922-1947). c.l915-1970s. 90cm.

National Archives, Auckland

AUCKLAND CENTRAL BACKPACKERS LTD. Official assignee registers, record- books, ledgers and cash-books, 1910-1925. 10m. BAKER, MARGARET. Public Works Department, Auckland staff photographs, 1935-1949. 0.1m. CARRINGTON HOSPTAL. Patient files and casebooks, registers and photo- graphs, c.1900-1975. 270m. Restricted. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, HAMILTON HIGH COURT. High Court and Magistrates Courts, Hamilton and regions registers, case-books, record- books and files, c.l870s-1970s. 251m. Restricted. DEPARTMENT OF SCIENTIFIC AND INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH, MT ALBERT RESEARCH CENTRE, PLANT PROTECTION DIVISION. Subject files, reports and photographs, 1920-1974. 60m. HOUSING CORPORATION OF NEW ZEALAND, HAMILTON DISTRICT OFFICE. Subject files, newsletters and property field sheets, 1940-1985. 53m. LAND CORPORATION LTD PROPERTYCOMPANY, ROTORUAREGIONAL OFFICE. Ex Lands and Survey Lease and Land Tenure files, 1880-1989.63m. Restricted. MANGERE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. Mangere School Committee Minute- books, 1878-1908. MINISTRY OF COMMERCE, ENERGY AND RESOURCES DIVISION, MIN- ING INSPECTION HAMILTON. Inspector of Mines and Department of Mines, Waihi files and plans, 1884-1979. 10.7m. NATIONAL WOMENS HOSPITAL. St Helen's Hospital subject files, case- books, admission books, delivery registers, minute- books, staff records and photographs, 1906-1990. 15m. Restricted. STRATFORD BOOKS. Hotel licensing books, 1894-1943. .5m.

Victoria University of Wellington Library

NEW ZEALAND STUDENTS' ARTS COUNCIL. Records, 1975-1992. 16.5m. Access subject to sorting.

Wairarapa Archive

COUNTRYWOMEN'S INSTITUTE. KOPUARANGA BRANCH. Minutes, re- ports, correspondence, 1935-1970. .7m. Restricted. NEW ZEALAND DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION ACCOUNTS DIVISION. Accounts books, 1948-1959,1964-1975. Sigma code book, 1975-1979. .14m. MAURICEVILLE DAIRY CO. Photographs, minute-books, correspondence, registers, pay sheets, delivery books. 1889-1977. lm. OPAKI SCHOOL (near Masterton). Photographs, school log, daily attendance register, 1885-1982. Includes Kopuaranga School. .93m. RSA WOMEN'S SECTION. MASTERTON BRANCH. Minute-books, corre- spondence, account books, 1951-1990. :42m. WAIOHINE WOMEN'S INSTITUTE. Records, minute-books, 1945-1990.12m. Restricted. MEMBERSHIP

Membership of the Association is open to any individual or institution interested in fostering the objects of the Association. Subscription rates are:

Within New Zealand $32.00 (individuals) $50.00 (institutions)

(For two individuals living at the same address a joint membership is available at $38.00 which entitles both to full voting rights at meetings, but provides only one copy of Archifacts.)

Overseas $NZ 45.00 (individuals) $NZ50.00 (joint) $NZ 60.00 (institutions)

Applications to join the Association, membership renewals and correspon- dence on related matters should be addressed to:

The Membership Secretary, ARANZ, P.O. Box 11-553, Manners St., Wellington, New Zealand.

BRANCH CHAIRPERSONS

Auckland Narelle Scollay, c/-Auckland Regional Office, National Archives, Private Bag, Auckland. Canterbury/Westland Thérèse Angelo, (Co-ordinator) Royal NZ Airforce Museum, RNZAF Base Wigram, Private Bag, Christchurch. Central Districts Sheryl Morgan, Reference Department, Massey University Library, Palmerston North. Otago/Southland John Timmins, Otago Early Settlers' Museum, 220 Cumberland Street, Dunedin. Wellington Alan Smith, 38 Bloomfield Tee., Lower Hütt.