Domitian and Damnatio Memoriae in Rome
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Excessive Public Grief at the Death of Germanicus in AD 19
Excessive Public Grief at the Death of Germanicus in AD 19 The death in AD 19 of Tiberius’s adopted son, Germanicus Julius Caesar, threw the Roman Empire into a rarely seen and highly undignified grief, which our sources probably exaggerate in order to demonstrate the unpopularity of the emperor Tiberius. Tacitus and Suetonius document outpours of mass grief among the common people who had no close association or connection with Germanicus but regarded him as the last hope of honor, justice, and decency; the audience old enough to remember 1968 will see distinct parallels. Although Tacitus Ann. 2.73 likens Germanicus’s career, achievements, and charisma to Alexander the Great, the public reaction to his death more closely resembles that of his ancestor by triple adoption, the Divine Julius, including a brief civil war and also that of Clodius in 52 BC. Neither were normal by any stretch of the imagination. The hysteria that followed the news of the death of Germanicus, the joy at a false report of his survival, and the renewed frenzy upon his verified death cast aside all normal standards of grief, especially considering the Roman reputation for stoic perseverance in the face of hardship. Tiberius attempted to display a stoic response (Tacitus says to conceal his joy) and lead by example, but other Romans, wholly ignoring his role model, dropped any prospect of sang froid and behaved if the death of Germanicus equated the downfall of the state. Their reaction contrasts entirely with the composure and ritual at funerals of other beloved statesmen – including Augustus in AD 14, which included hired mourners and the show of grief. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Domitian and the Vestals As Emperor and High Priest of Rome
Domitian and the Vestals As emperor and high priest of Rome, Domitian involved himself with moral and religious matters. Unfortunately, at least one group paid the price for his religious zeal—the Vestal Virgins. During his reign Domitian convicted four priestesses of incestum (broken vows of chastity) along with numerous alleged male conspirators. Concentrated attacks on this priesthood had not happened since 114/113 BCE and a Vestal had not been condemned for many generations. Domitian’s first assault against the Vestal Virgins occurred shortly after his accession. The year of the trial is uncertain, but 81-82 BCE seems likely (Southern, Domitian, 79) although 83 BCE is also proposed (Bauman, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Rome, 93). On this occasion the Emperor found guilty three of the six priestesses, the Oculata sisters and Varronilla. Remarkably, Domitian did not rely on the traditional punishment of inhumation for Vestals convicted of incestum, but instead let them choose the manner of their deaths. Moreover, their lovers were merely exiled and not beaten to death which was the standard punishment for violating a Vestal Virgin. These events must be compared with the trial of the chief Vestal at the time, Cornelia. Although she was not part of the case mentioned above, we are told that Cornelia had been accused and acquitted of breaking her vows once before (Suetonius, Dom., 8). During her second trial in 91 BCE she was found guilty. However, this time Domitian reverted to the customary punishment and ordered that Cornelia be buried alive. Likewise, her alleged lovers were beaten to death with the exception of Valerius Licinianus who admitted his crime and was instead exiled. -
ROMAN ARCHITEXTURE: the IDEA of the MONUMENT in the ROMAN IMAGINATION of the AUGUSTAN AGE by Nicholas James Geller a Dissertatio
ROMAN ARCHITEXTURE: THE IDEA OF THE MONUMENT IN THE ROMAN IMAGINATION OF THE AUGUSTAN AGE by Nicholas James Geller A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in the University of Michigan 2015 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Basil J. Dufallo, Chair Associate Professor Ruth Rothaus Caston Professor Bruce W. Frier Associate Professor Achim Timmermann ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of many people both within and outside of academia. I would first of all like to thank all those on my committee for reading drafts of my work and providing constructive feedback, especially Basil Dufallo and Ruth R. Caston, both of who read my chapters at early stages and pushed me to find what I wanted to say – and say it well. I also cannot thank enough all the graduate students in the Department of Classical Studies at the University of Michigan for their support and friendship over the years, without either of which I would have never made it this far. Marin Turk in Slavic Languages and Literature deserves my gratitude, as well, for reading over drafts of my chapters and providing insightful commentary from a non-classicist perspective. And I of course must thank the Department of Classical Studies and Rackham Graduate School for all the financial support that I have received over the years which gave me time and the peace of mind to develop my ideas and write the dissertation that follows. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………ii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………………iv ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………....v CHAPTER I. -
Gods of Cultivation and Food Supply in the Imperial Iconography of Septimius Severus
Jussi Rantala a hundred years.1 The result of this was that a new emperor without any direct connection to the earlier dynasty had risen to the throne. This situation provided a tough challenge for Severus. He had to demonstrate that he was the true and legitimate emperor and he had to keep the empire and especially the capital calm Gods of Cultivation and Food after a period of crisis.2 The task was not made easier by the fact that Severus was not connected with the traditional elites of the capital; he can be considered an Supply in the Imperial Iconography outsider, for some scholars even an “alien”. of Septimius Severus Severus was a native of Lepcis Magna, North Africa. His “Africanness” has been a debated issue among modern researchers. Severus’ Punic roots are Jussi Rantala highlighted especially by Anthony Birley, and the emperor’s interest towards the cult of Serapis is also considered a sign of African identity.3 These ideas are University of Tampere nowadays somewhat disputed. Lepcis Magna was more or less Romanized long This article deals with the question of the role of gods involved with cultivation, grain before the birth of Severus, and the two families (the Fulvii and the Septimii) from and food supply in the Roman imperial iconography during the reign of Septimius which the family of Severus descended, were very much of Italian origin. Moreover, Severus. By evaluating numismatic and written evidence, as well as inscriptions, the the Severan interest in Serapis can hardly be considered an African feature: the article discusses which gods related to grain and cultivation received most attention same god was given attention already by Vespasian (who was definitely not an from Septimius Severus, and how their use helped the emperor to stabilize his rule. -
Damnation, Deification, Commemoration 3
/ 3 Damnation, Deification, Commemoration Ja n n e k e DE J o n g & Olivier H e k s t e r T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f m e m o r y or Romans, dynastic lines were of great importance. This was already Fthe case in the Roman Republic, in which aristocratic families who controlled politics took great care of their commemoration of the dead. Funerary occasions offered families the opportunity to publicly show famous ancestors, whose fame would radiate upon their next of kin through lineage which was made explicit1. On marked occasions, the masks of the deceased members of the family (imagines) were carried around in a procession, so that every spectator could be reminded of the family’s ancestors2. Commemoration started from the moment of some one’s death. At the funeral, it was customary for a member of the fam ily to give a speech in which the deceased was praised for deeds and virtues. This way of commemorating the deceased not only bestowed honour on the dead and his family, but also served as an example of good behaviour that should be imitated. The funeral and laudatio fune- bris could also have political implications3. Occasionally, persons who 1 See, for instance, H.I. Flower, Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture, Oxford, 1996 ;Ead., The Art of Forgetting. Disgrace and Oblivion in Roman Political Culture, Chapel Hill, 2006; T.P. Wiseman, « Domi Nobiles and the Roman cultural elite » in M. Cébeillac-Gervasoni (ed.), Les « Bourgeoisies » municipales italiennes aux i f et f r siècles av. -
Frontinus and Domitian: the Politics of the Strategemata
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham ePrints Malloch, S.J.V. (2015) Frontinus and Domitian: the politics of the Strategemata. Chiron, 45 . pp. 77-100. ISSN 0069-3715 Access from the University of Nottingham repository: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/32812/1/Chiron45_003_Malloch_final.pdf Copyright and reuse: The Nottingham ePrints service makes this work by researchers of the University of Nottingham available open access under the following conditions. This article is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial No Derivatives licence and may be reused according to the conditions of the licence. For more details see: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the repository url above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact [email protected] CHIRON MITTEILUNGEN DER KOMMISSION FÜR ALTE GESCHICHTE UND EPIGRAPHIK DES DEUTSCHEN ARCHÄOLOGISCHEN INSTITUTS Sonderdruck aus Band 45 · 2015 DE GRUYTER INHALT DES 45. BANDES (2015) Rodney Ast – Roger S. Bagnall, The Receivers of Berenike. New Inscriptions from the 2015 Season Denis Feissel – Michael Wörrle, Eine Ehrung des Älteren Theodosius und ein spätantikes Edikt zur Steuererhebung in Limyra Christopher P. Jones, The Earthquake of 26 BCE in Decrees of Mytilene and Chios J. E. Lendon, Rhetoric and Nymphaea in the Roman Empire Andrew Lepke – Christof Schuler – Klaus Zimmermann, Neue Inschriften aus Patara III: Elitenrepräsentation und Politik in Hellenismus und Kaiserzeit Peter Londey, Making up Delphic history – the 1st Sacred War revisited S. -
Augustus' Memory Program
Augustus’ memory program: Augustus as director of history Freek Mommers, F.A.J. S4228421 Summary: Chapter 1: Introduction 2 Chapter 2: Augustus’ troubling past 7 Chapter 3: Commemoration through ceremonies and festivals 11 Chapter 4: Commemoration through literature and inscriptions 20 Chapter 5: Commemoration through monuments 29 Chapter 6: Conclusion 35 Bibliography 36 1 Introduction Augustus is one of the most studied Roman emperors in modern literature but a lot of the period is still unknown or debated.1 The image of Augustus is usually dominated by his most successful years as princeps of Rome.2 Augustus represented himself as an example and as a protector of order, morals and peace.3 The civil war between Augustus and Anthony however was a period filled with chaos and terror. In times of war it was close to impossible to proceed in a moral and peaceful way. Augustus’ claims as an example of order and good morals would obviously be damaged by his troubling past. Therefore the memory of the civil war against Anthony culminating in the battle of Actium in 31 B.C. needed some conscious adaptations for Augustus’ later representation. The now well known history and literature of the civil war are mostly written in an Augustan perspective, a history of the winner. This thesis will try to answer the following question: How did Augustus adapt the memory of his troubling past of his civil war against Anthony in his commemoration practices? The civil war and the decisive battle of Actium play important but controversial roles in Augustan commemoration. Details of the civil war often were deliberately camouflaged or concealed in Augustan sources. -
The Catalyst for Warfare: Dacia's Threat to the Roman Empire
The Catalyst for Warfare: Dacia’s Threat to the Roman Empire ______________________________________ ALEXANDRU MARTALOGU The Roman Republic and Empire survived for centuries despite imminent threats from the various peoples at the frontiers of their territory. Warfare, plundering, settlements and other diplomatic agreements were common throughout the Roman world. Contemporary scholars have given in-depth analyses of some wars and conflicts. Many, however, remain poorly analyzed given the scarce selection of period documents and subsequent inquiry. The Dacian conflicts are one such example. These emerged under the rule of Domitian1 and were ended by Trajan2. Several issues require clarification prior to discussing this topic. The few sources available on Domitian’s reign describe the emperor in hostile terms.3 They depict him as a negative figure. By contrast, the rule of Trajan, during which the Roman Empire reached its peak, is one of the least documented reigns of a major emperor. The primary sources necessary to analyze the Dacian wars include Cassius Dio’s Roman History, Jordanes’ Getica and a few other brief mentions by several ancient authors, including Pliny the Younger and Eutropius. Pliny is the only author contemporary to the wars. The others inherited an already existing opinion about the battles and emperors. It is no surprise that scholars continue to disagree on various issues concerning the Dacian conflicts, including the causes behind Domitian’s and Trajan’s individual decisions to attack Dacia. This study will explore various possible causes behind the Dacian Wars. A variety of reasons lead some to believe that the Romans felt threatened by the Dacians. -
Did Domitian Persecute Christians?
Did Domitian Persecute Christians? An Investigation Arthur M. Ogden Ferrell Jenkins Internet Edition jointly published by Ogden’s Biblical Resources and BibleWorld by Ferrell Jenkins March, 1999 Did Domitian Persecute Christians? — An Investigation Preface Did the Roman emperor Domitian (A.D. 81 – 96) persecute Chris- tians? The answer has some bearing on the date of writing of the book of Revelation. This, in turn, has a direct bearing on the interpretation of the Apocalypse. To answer the question requires an investigation of many ancient sources. Arthur M. Ogden and Ferrell Jenkins have examined these materials, but have reached different conclusions. You now have the opportunity to study their findings and proceed with your own investigation. Arthur Ogden published a small tract, The Domitian Persecution,in which he stated that he had changed his mind about the persecution. Earlier he had thought that Domitian had persecuted Christians, but, on the basis of further study, had changed his mind. Connie W. Ad- ams, editor of Searching the Scriptures, suggested an exchange on the issue between Arthur Ogden and Ferrell Jenkins to be published in his paper. The articles appeared in the June and July, 1989 (Volume XXX, Numbers 6 and 7), issues of that journal. The articles are pub- lished in this form with the kind permission of the editor. Arthur Ogden and Ferrell Jenkins have been friends since college days at Florida Christian College (now Florida College) in the early 1950’s. Both men have devoted a considerable amount of time and study to the book of Revelation. Arthur M. Ogden preaches for the Southside Church of Christ, in Somerset, Kentucky. -
Enforcing and Eluding Censorship
Enforcing and Eluding Censorship Enforcing and Eluding Censorship: British and Anglo-Italian Perspectives Edited by Giuliana Iannaccaro and Giovanni Iamartino Enforcing and Eluding Censorship: British and Anglo-Italian Perspectives Edited by Giuliana Iannaccaro and Giovanni Iamartino This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Giuliana Iannaccaro, Giovanni Iamartino and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-6058-1, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-6058-1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................. viii The Ways of Censorship: New Trends, New Challenges Giuliana Iannaccaro Part I: Discourse Regulation Repression and Containment Chapter One ................................................................................................ 3 “Of Seditions and Troubles”: Censorship and the Late Elizabethan Crisis Janet Clare Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 17 Damnatio Memoriae and Surreptitious Printing: Niccolò Machiavelli in the British -
Reading Death in Ancient Rome
Reading Death in Ancient Rome Reading Death in Ancient Rome Mario Erasmo The Ohio State University Press • Columbus Copyright © 2008 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Erasmo, Mario. Reading death in ancient Rome / Mario Erasmo. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8142-1092-5 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8142-1092-9 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Death in literature. 2. Funeral rites and ceremonies—Rome. 3. Mourning cus- toms—Rome. 4. Latin literature—History and criticism. I. Title. PA6029.D43E73 2008 870.9'3548—dc22 2008002873 This book is available in the following editions: Cloth (ISBN 978-0-8142-1092-5) CD-ROM (978-0-8142-9172-6) Cover design by DesignSmith Type set in Adobe Garamond Pro by Juliet Williams Printed by Thomson-Shore, Inc. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI 39.48-1992. 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Contents List of Figures vii Preface and Acknowledgments ix INTRODUCTION Reading Death CHAPTER 1 Playing Dead CHAPTER 2 Staging Death CHAPTER 3 Disposing the Dead 5 CHAPTER 4 Disposing the Dead? CHAPTER 5 Animating the Dead 5 CONCLUSION 205 Notes 29 Works Cited 24 Index 25 List of Figures 1. Funerary altar of Cornelia Glyce. Vatican Museums. Rome. 2. Sarcophagus of Scipio Barbatus. Vatican Museums. Rome. 7 3. Sarcophagus of Scipio Barbatus (background). Vatican Museums. Rome. 68 4. Epitaph of Rufus.