REMONSTRANCE in EASTERN ZHOU HISTORIOGRAPHY Author(S): David Schaberg Source: Early China, Vol
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Society for the Study of Early China REMONSTRANCE IN EASTERN ZHOU HISTORIOGRAPHY Author(s): David Schaberg Source: Early China, Vol. 22 (1997), pp. 133-179 Published by: Society for the Study of Early China Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23354245 Accessed: 29-03-2017 08:21 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23354245?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Society for the Study of Early China is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Early China This content downloaded from 218.106.182.161 on Wed, 29 Mar 2017 08:21:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms REMONSTRANCE IN EASTERN ZHOU HISTORIOGRAPHY* David Schaberg Despite the extraordinary care which went into their composition, the speeches of the Zuozhuan have generally attracted less schol arly attention and appreciation than the narrative passages which frame them. The terse, rugged language of Zuozhuan narration appealed to later stylists, particularly to those who entertained archaist sympathies. But the more expansive rhetoric of the longer speeches, a rhetoric which these speeches share to varying degrees with historiographical works like the Guoyu H g§ and the Zhanguoce PJ W., and with some of the Warring States philosophical writings, was not considered the work's distinctive strength.1 The Zuozhuan's immense importance as a source for the history of the Spring and Autumn period may also discourage scrutiny of speech rhet oric and of the relation of speeches to surrounding narrative. Because it is the earliest work to provide historical details for all of the years included in the Chwiqiu scholars have long treated it as a largely accurate record of events during that period; accounts which differ from the Zuozhuan version—like some in the Guoyu, the Shiji jfeSB, and such Han collections as the Shuoyuan —are regularly compared with it * This paper is a development of ideas first presented in my dissertation, "Foun dations of Chinese Historiography: Literary Representation in Zuozhuan and Guoyu" (Harvard University, 1996). I warmly thank Lothar von Falkenhausen, Donald Harper, and two anonymous reviewers for Early China for their very precise and helpful comments on the manuscript. 1. Zuozhuan references in this article are to Yang Bojun |§{0|lEfo Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu rev. ed. (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1990), in the form Zuozhuan, Xiang 14.3 (Yang, 1009), which indicates the third section of the Zuozhuan's entry for the four teenth year of Duke Xiang's ft i'; rule, the relevant passage appearing on p. 1009 of Yang's work. Guoyu references are numbered as in the Shanghai guji edition (Shang hai: Shanghai guji, 1978), which includes Wei Zhao's if:Hp commentary: Guoyu, Chu 1.7 (550), is the seventh entry in the first juan & of the three juan devoted to Chu and the passage in question appears on p. 550 of that edition. Early China 22, 1997 This content downloaded from 218.106.182.161 on Wed, 29 Mar 2017 08:21:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 134 REMONSTRANCE IN EASTERN ZHOU HISTORIOGRAPHY and judged to be inaccurate. Certainly there is much about the work that argues for its accuracy: it is generally correct in matters that can be confirmed scientifically like eclipses and other astronomical events;2 it contains a profusion of detailed information that would have been diffi cult or impossible to transmit without the help of writing; and in a number of cases archaeology has succeeded in corroborating its reports about early Eastern Zhou objects, practices, and places. It is possible that the Zuozhuan's accounts of both events and speeches, while marred in places by later interpolations, were composed for the most part on the basis of records made and preserved throughout the Spring and Autumn period. The Chunqiu itself and the Zhushu jinian Y\ U Id /rf- show that scribes in more than one state kept accurate annalistic records of important events.3 As for speeches, the Liji ijijifB mentions two officials who were responsible for keeping records, the "scribe of the right" (youshi tl <£) recording words (jiyan |HU) and the "scribe of the left" (zuoshi fr^l) recording events (jishi IB (I); the Hanshu Mlt mentions the same institution, though it reverses the duties of the two scribes.4 No pre-Han text mentions the youshi, and we never catch the zuoshi in the act of taking notes, but it is not impossible that during the Spring and Autumn period scribes attended court occasions and more private gatherings, writing down speeches and comments as they were made. Bernhard Karlgren's analyses showed that the Zuozhuan, while closest to the Guoyu among all early works, preserves some unique lin guistic features which indicate a relatively early date of composition.5 2. For a demonstration that the Chunqiu and corresponding passages in the Zuozhuan contain accurate records of eclipses, see William Hung WrM, "Introduction," Combined Concordances to Ch'un-ch'iu, Kung-yang, Ku-liang and Tso-chuan, Harvard Yenching Index no. 11 (1937; reprint, Taipei: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Service Center, 1966), vol. 1, i-v. 3. Edward Shaughnessy has advanced convincing arguments for the accuracy and authenticity of the received text of the Zhushu jinian. See his "On the Authenticity of the Bamboo Annals," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 46 (1986), 149-80. 4. See A Concordance to the Liji, ed. D.C. Lau and Chen Fong Ching (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992), "Yuzao" 3£iS, 80; and Hanshu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1970), 30.1715 ("Yiwenzhi" fS3t/i>). Youshi is not attested in either the Zuozhuan or the Guoyu. For references to zuoshi, see Zuozhuan, Xiang 14.3 (Yang, 1009), Zhao 12.11 (Yang, 1340), Ai 17.4 (Yang, 1709); Guoyu, Chu 1.7 (550). Other types of scribe include the Zhou neishi |?3 StJ, Guoyu, Zhou 1.12-14 (29-44); and the heroic taishi of Jin H and Qi ^ at Zuozhuan, Xuan 2.3 (Yang, 662) and Xiang 25.2 (Yang, 1099) respectively. 5. Bernhard Karlgren, "On the Authenticity and Nature of the Tso chuan," Geteborgs hogskolas drsskrift 32, no. 3 (1926), 3-65. William Boltz argues forcefully for derivation, at least of certain sections of the texts, from a shared third written source; see Boltz, "Notes on the Textual Relation between the Kuo yti and the Tso chuan," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53 (1990), 491-502. Comparison of the two texts This content downloaded from 218.106.182.161 on Wed, 29 Mar 2017 08:21:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms DAVID SCHABERG 135 Further, oracle bones, bronze inscriptions, and recently excavated examples of writings on bamboo slips and silk show that events and speeches (of several distinct types) were often recorded in some detail as early as the beginning of the Western Zhou.6 However, in an era when philologists have located the origins of the Homeric epics and of Biblical narratives in oral traditions, and theorists of diverse schools have emphasized the importance of literary elements such as narrative structuring in even the most self-consciously scientific historiography,7 it is important that we maintain some skepticism, if not about the narration of events, then about the notion that the Zuozhuan's speeches as we have them are word-for-word transcriptions of utter ances made during the Spring and Autumn period. The historiographers of the Zuozhuan, unlike Thucydides, never tell us that they have recon structed speeches to fit remembered circumstances (in fact they make no methodological remarks at all about their own work), but readers have long remarked that Zuozhuan speeches involving prediction always come true, and that they must therefore have been composed or revised in the light of later events.8 Further, the scribes depicted in the Zuozhuan and other early works write only brief Chunqiu-style notations of events;9 has suggested to me a fluid, not entirely literary transmission of the two proto-works in a single milieu before separate transcription and composition; see Schaberg, "Foun dations of Chinese Historiography," 262-77. 6. For a strong and erudite argument for early dating of the Zuozhuan speeches, see the work of Yuri Pines, including his article in this issue of Early China. 7. The works which introduced this view of historical writing are by now canonical. They include, among others: Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973); Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), especially "The Historical Text as Literary Artifact"; and Paul Ricoeur, Narrative and Time, vol. 3 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). 8. See the comments of the Siku quanshu OKIiirit editors in their entry on the Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhengyi "Predictions of disaster and blessings re corded in the Zuozhuan are without exception fulfilled; likely they could not avoid post facto joining and matching" (Wang Yunwu 3E.SS, chief ed., Heyin siku quanshu zongmu tiyaoji siku weishou shumu jinhui shumu (r @ @ [Taipei: Shangwu, 1971], 516).