JOURNAL OF THE

EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF

[BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHA PATBIKA]

(BEING VOL. X OF STUDIES IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHY)

VOLUME TEN : 1983

PUBLISHED BY TME HPICAPHICAl4 SOCIETY OF INDIA DHARWAR CONTENTS

Presidential Address ^ JAGANNATH AGRAWAL ...

Tembhurni Plates of ...H, S. THOSAR (Second Set) &ck

A. A. HINGMIRE... 10

of Accession 1303 and 1304 A.D., Two Jatavarman Sundara Pandyas 15 .. N. SETHURAMAN, KUMBAKQNAM...

Blrindhon Plates of Rashtrakuta Kakkaraja ..K. V.RAMESH, MYSORE.. 30

of Purnarakshita A Fragmentary Dedicatory inscription ...G. BHATTACHARYA, BERLIN .. 36

Notes on Sugrihita-Naman 41 / ...S. P, TEWARI, MYSORE...

A Note on Kandulavu or Crown Lands ..R. TIRUMALAI, MADRAS _ 55

Note on Tembhurni Plates of Vikramaditya ...K. G. KRISHNAN, MYSORE... 61

The First Inscription of the Chalukya Vikrarna Era From ...C. T. M. KOTRAIAH, MADRAS 63

Udvahanathasvami Temple Inscriptions-A Study ...S. SWAMINATHAIM, MYSORE,, 67

Mathnra Inscription of Huvishka, Year 50 ...S. SUBRAMONIA IYER, MYSORE.,. 71

Kasi and Karnatafca

...S. L, SHANTAKUMARI, DHARWAR .. 73

'Three Chalukya Inscriptions from Rachanapalle ...M. D. SAMPATH, MYSORE... 75

A Statistical of Analysis Pairs of Indus Signs with Jar or Lance _ABDUL HUQ, MADRAS AND GIFT SIROMONEY, MADRAS... 82

Hoard of Bagh Copper Plate Inscriptions

...S. K. BAJPAI, INDORE... 86

The Royal Seals of the Andhra Dynasties ..C, A. PADMANABHA SASTRY, PUTTAPARUTHY,- 90 EDITOHIAL

From Gorakhpur to Aurangabad aspects of the history of a single dynasty.

Only recently, towards the end of January From the ninth Congress at Gorakhpur this year, a similar seminar was organised (24 March, 1983) to the tenth Congress on the Vakatakas by the Department of at Aurangabad (9-11 March, 1984), the Ancient Indian History, Culture and Epigraphical Society of India takes one Archaeology of the Nagpur University, more step forward in its path of progress. Nagpur. Needless to say that such semi- With this Congress, the Society completes nars provide fresh scope for intensive ten years of its existence, usefully, we study of a particular period and bring believe. During these ten years, it has, in to light much new material useful for its own humble tried to build a way, up researchers. fraternity of Edigraphists, by bringing clo- In the 31st International Congress of ser senior scholars and younger researchers Human Science in Asia and North Africa in the .field, through its sessions held in held in Tokyo and Kyoto, Japan, between different parts of the country. 31st August and 7th September, 1983, one of the seminars was devoted The present session at Aurangabad has exclusively for south and South East Asian Epigraphy. its own significance. The whole of the There were three sessions of which one Marathawada region abounds in epigraphs dealt with Studies and the of different periods and different languages other two on South Asian and a Epigraphy providing wide scope for their stu'dy. We South East Asian Epigraphy, respectively. hope that this Congress will serve as an A Noticeable feature of this seminar was impetus for furthering epigraph ical studies the participation of Indian scholars in in this region. The proposed symposium fairly big numbers and presentation of on the inscriptions of Marathawada region papers on Indian Epigraphy. We note as a part of the Congress and holding a with pleasure that the privilege of presenting session at Eliora itself, are indeed an added the keynote address in one of the sessions attraction of the Congress. fell on our former Secretary, Dr. K. V. We heartily welcome our accredticd Ramesh. members to this tenth Congress. We hear that in the middle of 1983, Seminars Bearing on Epigraphy a seminar on Indus script was held at

Last year we drew the attention of the Tamil University, Tanjore. We also our members through these columns to learn that the Department of

the National Seminar on Kadambas which University is organising a seminar

was held at , the erstwhile capi- on 'India in inscriptions/ towards the

tal of those rulers. It was a seminar end of next month. The subject is indeed

exclusively devoted for the study of all fascinating and, we hope, the outcome of here on record our sense of the seminar also will be equally fascinating deep and to the autho- and fruitful. We refer here to yet another appretiation graditude seminar on Buddhism in South India rities of the Council. organised by the Mythic Society, Bangalore, Our Condolences in December 1983. The seminar covered We deeply regret the sudden and sac a wide of and Epigraphy range topics demise of one of our seniormost scholars naturally figured largely therein. in the field of Indian History, Epigraphj and We congratulate the organisers and Archaeology, Dr. T. V. Mahal ingam which have participants in these seminars, former Professor and Head of th( contributed considerably for Epigraphical Department of Ancient History anc studies. Archaeology of the Madras University Dr, Mahalingam was an Honorary Fullov Our Members of the Society and he presided over tin We are to that there happy report third Congress of the Society held a a rise in the enrolment has been steady Udipi in 1976. Dr. Mahalingam wa of the and this society year particularly, associated with the Society ever sine a few scholars and institutions have quite its inception and, in him, the society ha enrolled themselves as life members. We lost one of its well-wishers and benc their gesture and thank appreciate generous factors. We pay homage to this savan them for their and encourage- support who has enriched our knowledge of Sout ment. Indian History and Culture through hi

The Journal numerous contributions.

This is the 10th volume of the Our thanks

Journal of the Society that we are As usual, the responsibility of prinlin publishing now. We are happy that we this volume, has been shouldered willingl are able to maintain regularity in bringing by our friends at Mysore, Dr. K.V. Ramcsl out these issues every year at the time Chief Epigraphist and his able associate of the inaugural of the Congress. This Dr. Subramonia Iyer, who as Editor lit has been made possible by the coopera- borne the brunt of the burden, Shri M. Jay; tion of the learned scholars who present ramaSharma and Dr. Venkaiesh. We off* their papers at the annual sessions, and our sincere thanks to them We are hapji the enlightened members who renew their to congratulate Dr. Venkatesh who is all- memberships regularly. We offer our the Assistant Secretary of the Sociel heart-felt thanks to all of them. on his getting the Ph.D. degree of tl Mysore University. We would specially mention here that Our sincere thanks arc due to Sh the publication of the Journal has been S. K. Lakshminarayan of the Vidyasag; rendered possible, by the munificent grant Printing and Publishing House, Mysore an of the Indian Council of Historical his enthusiastic assistant, Shri R. Vcnkalci Research, New Delhi. This august body for their neat printing of the volume, has stood by us all these years and we are confident that it will continue to Shrinivas Ritti us in this support endeavour. We place Secretary and Executive Editor IN MEMORY OF

Padmasri Dr, T. V. MAHALINGAM, M,A.,D.Litt

FORMER PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF

MADRAS, PRESIDENT OF THE III ANNUAL CONGRESS OF THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF

INDIA HELD AT UDUPl IN 1977 AND HONARARY FELLOW, EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

PRESIDENTIAL

Professor Jsgannath Agrawal

" f ' Fellow Ladies Delegates; and Gentle- Bhandarkar, the Government of India I men; 'am deeply beholden to the friends sanctioned in January 1935, the proposal $tfd have elevated me to the Presidential for a revised edition of the Gupta Ins- chair, more out of consideration and perhaps criptions entrusted its preparation to tf than for the my age any outstanding con- veteran archaeologist and historian tribution to the of I Professor D. R. subject Epigraphy, Bhandarkar, who took up have been a primarily teacher of the subject the work in right earnest. But he had f$r more than four decades and have collected got hardly the necessary material., a,, number of as Uni- viz, fresh distinguished pupils estampages of the inscriptions, notes versity professors, Archaeologists and even etc, when an- unexpected hurdle members of the Indian Administrative came in. the way. The second World War

Service, who are interested in Indological broke out in 1939, and even Calcutta was studies. Whatever might have prompted bombed in 1942. As a result all the to do material had to be you me this great honour, I feel removed to a place of overwhelmed by your affectionate generosity. safety. Dr. Bhandarkar could resume his work only after the end of the war. It is with a of that feeling pleasure he had Although reached the age of 70, I look back on the year that has passed he devoted himself to the 1 actively revision since the met last time. This Society of this volume and to the writing of a year has seen some outstanding publica-" historical introduction. By 1949 he had tions in Epigraphy, which .all of us must . prepared the first draft which he wanted have welcomed with great joy viz. The to revise and prepared the press-copy, publication of the Corpus Inscriptioaum but fate had willed otherwise .and to the Indicaram Volume III-The Inscriptions of great regret of us all, the great savant the Early Gupta Kings. It is not merely passed away in May 1950, without bring- a revised edition of J. F. Fleet's work, ing to completion his labours of 15 but a thoroughly recast, augmented and precious year of his life. much improved learned production. There had been many new discoveries of the After the sad demise of Dr. D. R.

Gupta inscriptions since 1888. These had Bhandarkar, the Government of India to be added to the new which volume, entrusted the task of preparing the press- even otherwise needed revision as shown copy to Dr. Bahadur Chand Chhabra, then the of by observations Sir Krishna Government Epigraphist. As there had been Dr. Gopal Bhandarkar and Franz Kielliorn. many discoveries of the inscriptions of the At the D. R. suggestion of Professor Gupta history, Dr. Chhabra considered it

* Delivered at the -IXth of Annual Congress the Epigraphical Society of India held at Gorafchpur on 2nd, 3rd and 4th March 1983, PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

(

of tfo as was Prof. Kiel-- season, ths fortnig'it season, reading hesilatingly adopted by in the of horn. back while the system followed inscriptions Fortynine years examining the Kushanas the the in the the Satavahanas, and original copper plates, preserved details of date in the Asiatic of Calcutta, on 29 lh' Maghas. The the Society Bengal, l2th in the seventh 1 had in mine!' both the Mandhal plates are, day -August 1934, points' of summer in the 2nd and of view of Prof. Kielhorn and Dr. Jayaswal. fortnight year; 5 first of I found that Prof, Kielhorn had the first day of the fortnight summer rightly out that the third letter in line' in the 10th year, respectively. pointed 27 of the Balaghat plates was ya, a'nd the' In the second of these, grants, which first letter was gu and not vi. So .the first. is dated in the 10th year of Prithvlshena, part had to be read as purv-adhigata-gui}-' there is the intriguing reading purv-adhigata-

i It further to me that' - - ati&ayad, appeared gui}avGddayadapdhrita va(vaih)&a iriya[fr*]. ' the engraver had left out the medial In the corresponding portion of the attached to the letter da inadvertantly, and' of Prithvishena this had Balaghat 'plates ' had to be supplied. The intended corre'ct' been read by Kie'lhorn as purv-adhigata- reading therefore was purv-adhigata-gun- guna-viMsad^apahrita-vaitiSa-triyah. This which has beeri Prof. ati!iayad-upabrita-van!ta-&riyafy, may, reading accepted by Mirashi, 1 be rendered as "to whom the family for- who has translated it as follows : ,1 tune was voluntarily offered on account of "V/ho from confidence in the exce- i the exuberance of his virtues". Thus there previously llent^qualities acquired by is absolutely no room for the' suggestion him,, took away the fortune (royal) that there was' a dispute regarding jjicr of ,(his) family". succession and Narendrasena had forcibly the throne. The Prof. Kielhorn was not quite sure about occupied expression' is a this reading, and had even noted that the upahfita-van&a-Sriyafr simply poetic way' of that virtue of the excess of third letter in the line 27 of the Balaghat saying by

still his qualities he was plates was ya ; but he missed the good eminently worthy of the throne after his father' true reading. The late Dr. Kashi Prasad occupying Pravarasena II, Jayaswal had occasion to examine the text We have such expressions- of the in the as BalSghat plates and on this parti- Gupta inscriptions Lakshmlfr or cular passage he made the following svayam yam varayaftchakara svayaihvaray* =eva observation : rajalakshmy=ddhigatah etc.

' "Kielhorn read with doubts vitvasat. The legend on the seal of this grant also I think what was intended was viieshdt, has interesting historical significance.

runs thus : An expression like gun.a-vi&vasfit will be It meaningless in Sanskrit Guna must be and present 'here it had already come from culture. No = question of "confidence Prithvisheiia-nripater jiglshor - jaya- arises". sasanam H

It was an entirely valid objection It is to be noted that Prithvishena which Dr. had Jayaswal raised regarding the has been called as 'having the desire for -PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

is 'a Nalanda in December 1981. conquest' and his charter charter According the label with the of victory -jaya&fr ana'. This is very well to put along inscription confirmed by the statement in line 33 of it was said to belong to Purijavarman,

is There is one of this name mentioned the Balaghat plates, whercPrithvishena king described as the rescuer of his dynasty fey Hiuen Tsang. However, the identity could be established after a of which had sunk low (nimagnavathlsa and only study the which has not been so not dvimagna as given in the original by text, published far*. mistake). It clearly shows that Prithvi- shena had defeated some of the powerful Apart from new discoveries, the work enemies of the Vakatakas who in all of re-examining the published the wh'o under inscriptions ^ probability were Nalas, is no less rewarding. Kindly permit me their ruler Bhayadattavarman had seized to request you to share with me some of ; a part of the Vakataka territory including my own experience in this field. In line Nandivardhana. It was these victories which 15 of the Bhitari Stone pillar inscription of in brought about the change wording of Dr. Fleet had read the last was , the Vakataka royal seal, which now pada of verse 7, as follows : gitai&~cha literally a jayatasana. stutibh:$=cha vandaka-jano yam prapayaty-

u aryyatam and had translated it as follsws : Two more inscriptions have been brou-

to Dr. Silk Ram of the Depart- ght light by "Whom the bards raise to distinction ment of History of the Maharshi Dayanand with (their) songs and praises". While these which University, Rohtak. One of teaching this inscription to my post-graduate in was noticed as early as 1970, is engraved class, I felt that there is some mistake mea- beautiful characters on a stone slab somewhere, as it does not sound proper

' 3'x2'. Unfortunately no details suring that it should be the panegyrics of the are known as it was about its contents raised to dis- bards which Skandagupta , Shri L K. Srinivasan of the taken away by tinction. Moreover, I felt that 'distinction' Survey of India, Dehradun Archaeological was not a happy and proper rendering of Dhar Dukhi of Circle, from Shri Lila In aryyala which means nobility. order with whom Dr. Silk Ram village Jodhkan, to find out the correct reading I had to Silk had left it. According to Dr. Ram, make three trips from Lahore to Biiitarj a record to the Pratihara it was belonging and it was at the third attempt that the i said to The second inscription is that period.* inscription yielded its secret, I found the belong to Gupta period. what had been read as pra was, really a and invite attention to an hre and the verb was hrSpayatl 1 may here, your this slab in the not hrapayati. With the new reading, inscription on a stone preserved "whom his nobleness causes Nalanda Museum of Archaeology. I have pada means, the an to blush, by means of i. e. on hearing not been able to get neither estampage, and of the royal bards". nor even an account of it from the Cura- songs panegyrics been I had It is the ideal Indian conduct, It has tor to whom I wrote a year ago.

well said ; occasion to notice it when I went to PURA'BHILEKHA PATRFK; 6

examine this ins stutau .lajj=aiva B. c. I had occasion to gwiSdhyasya satati pumsah til I Museum bhushanam cription in the Gajari MoJiil Gwalior and to f found in my surprise, "Of the nobleman who is ricli virtues, that there was not mention of any 'exce- an ornament during a modesty is indeed llent in this inscription. What has twice temple' recital of his praise". had been read M prasad=otta'na was really mentioned this admirable trait of character an of . Accor- canto, Purushotiama, epithet of his heroes, In Raghuvamla, dingly I re-edited the inscription and publi- sa jihraya XXII, 73, he says, &thuyamannh shed it so that ths historians of ancient "he who always stlwtyam=eva samacharan Indian architecture may not bs misled, what was worthy of prai- performed only he was ses felt bashful, while eulogished". Sometimes an important historical fact 17 fCalidasa A'niin in canto XVIII, remains unknown for the simple reason that -j the correct in an has writes : reading inscription

tali- been missed. Regarding the foundation of jit=nri-paksho=pi Mimukhair=yah the dynasty of the Hindu-Sard Icings of Udbhandapura, Alberuni who was a con- ranks of "Although he had conquered the temporary of the Sahi rulers has specifi- his enemies, he became bashful when cally stated in his famous book Tahquiq-i- by the royal bards". praised Hind, that the Hindu Sahi dynasty had this that the writer of It is in spirit b:en founded by Kalara who was the has mentioned a the Bhitari inscription, Prime Minister of the last Turlci Sahi of which was universally virtue Sk/iiidajupta ruler. The Kashmirian poet historian in ancient India as worthy of recognised however mentions in his Raja- We should therefore discard all praise. taranginl, V, 155, a powerful Sahi ruler based on the incorrect reading suggestions named Lalliya, who was capable of giving of the Bhitari inscription which postulate asylum to kings uprooted from their king- that mother did not come Skandagupta's doms. Sir Aurel Stein thought that he ever of royal blood. Can we imagine that was the founder of the Hindu Sahi dynasty ; court will dare to cast such an any poet and he was supported by the German on his own in an aspersion patron scholar Prof. Charles Seybold who went official record? I say, never, never. so far as to suggest that the name as given Let us take another instance, where by Al-Beruni should also be taken as Lalliya has led to Lalli an incorrect reading wrong because written in the Arabic script conclusions. In the Vidisha Stone inscrip- could be missed as Kalar. But all such the ruler tion of the reign of SuAga far fetched arguments can be finally dis- Dr. Venis read the Bhagavata words posed of and the truth arrived at, once bhagavaid prmad=ottamasya gamdadhvajah we have the correct reading of a Sahi

The Garuda Pillar of th.e excellent temple inscription. The very, first line of the of the Divine Lord', This has been cited Dewai Stone inscription of the reign of as evidence of the existence of the Sahi positive, 'ruler Bhimadeva, specifically de- the of temples Vishnu in the 2nd century signates him as a scion of the race of PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS K Kalara-pala .larapGla-van&odbhava. But Buddhism, till the date of the Mankuwar this fact remained unknown, bacause the inscription. Professor Pathak further first line had .been read as kalarapala- arrived at the conclusion that Buddhamitra while in \armm-odbhava, reality it is of the Mankuwar inscription was identical

Kalarapala-vahS-odbhava. with Buddhamitra the teacher of. Vasu-

bandhu, who therefore be said to have Sometimes a mistake in the translation may flourished leads to during the reign of Skandagupta very funny results. For example, in the Vikramaditya. Mankuwar Buddha Image inscription, the first Hue as given in Fleet's Gupta However this tall structure stands OR runs inscriptions, as follows Bhagavato the foundations of sand, as the compound samyak-sam has 'mddhasya sva-mat-aviruddhasya sva-mat-avirnddhasya an entirely diffe- Dr. iyam pratlmd pratishthapita This Fleet rent meaning than what have been put upon translated 'thus : "This image of the Divine it by Dr. Fleet. Ariruddha is a technical who one, thoroughly attained perfect know- expression and -for its explanation we have who was never to 'turn to ledge, (and) refuted in Mahaniddesa, where it is explai- of his respect tenets, has been installed by ned as "Yiruddho ti yo chittassa aghato bhikshu the Buddhamitra". patigha to anuvirodho kapo pakopo sampa- kopo dooO padoso sampadoso chittassa Here Dr. Fleet's rendering of the com- byapatti manopadoso chittassa kodho pound as one 'who was never refuted in lay liana kujjhana kujjiiitattam dussana respect of his tenets' has resulted in the do^o dussitattam byapatti formulation of theories which have no real byapajjana byapajji- tattarh ,,virodho pativirodho, chaijdikarii basis. It was inferred by competent scholars assuropa anattamanata chittassa ayam like Professor K. B. Pathak, that this ins- vuchchatir virodho ' yass'eso virodho pahino criplion had a very important baring on samuchcliinno vupasanto patipassaddho the date of the Buddhist philosophers, abhabbuppattiko naijaggina daddho, so . He argued as follows : vuchchati aviruddho" ' 1 ' * * } "According to Dr. Takakusu, the Japanese i savant, the Brahmanical ascetic Vindhya- From this passage it is clear that vasa was successful in a debate with avimddha is lie whose various vices of

Buddhamitra, the teacher of Vasubandhu. the mind have been destroyed by ihe 'fire Vindhyavasa is said to have lived in the of knowledge'. The compound -svamat. middle of the 10th century after the aviruddha is a karmadharaya, and. is $o be

Nirvana of the Buddha, i. e. c. A.. D. 450. ex-pounded as- sve/w mata^s^matafy

- = = if In the Gupta year 129=A..D. 448, a Buddhist svamatan = ch aviruddha^ cha Both bhikshu named Buddhamitra installed an svamata and laviruddha are adjectives quali-

' image of the Buddha who had not till fying the 'Buddha* The expressions svamata then, been refuted in respect of his tenets". and aviruddha&s adjectives, have been used

Professor Pathak concluded that this Bud- in inscriptions as two separate words. dhist bhikshu was so famous for his learning For exa'mple, in the Mathura Buddha Image Vasu- that no contemporary Brahmana scholar, Pedestal inscription of the reign of however eminent, could venture to attack dated in the year 93, .(Ep, tod,, yo). 8 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA " r \

the the in the XXXVII, p. 151), we have following able to trace Stone house of Miss 1 wording: Bina Filos, in Gwalior. A careful examina

tioii of the damaged partj revealed 'the real 1 Siddham [*n] Mafcraiijasya Deva- text. What Fleet had read as chi- wa's putrasya Vasudevasya sam 90 3 Hi? 4 di really vi and the next damaged syllable was v 20 5 asya'[ra] purvvayam bhaga [va*]topi- ghna. So that the word was Vighnan: 2 tamahasya sva-matasya avirudhasya Now the sense at once becomes clear. pratima chhatram cha pratishthapitath. That Abhayadatta, destroyed entirely the

So here the is to be translated fear of inscription t his subjects.

i as 'follows :

I have presented to you these facts 'Success. In the of (reign) Maharaja ' in order to impress' upon you the nece-' Devaputra in the year 93, 4th of Hemanta, ssity of a very close coordination between 20th day. On this date specified before Sanskrit studies and the study of Epigraphy; this statue and umbrella of -Venerable ,one, At the University of Calcutta, the 'Depart-- the grand sire, who is Aviruddha, who is ment of Ancient Indian History and Cul-

honoured have been installed', , by me, . ture and those of Sanskrit and Pali worked see that neither Ihus we , svatnata in close unison since the days of the great' means his 6wA 'tenets' nor Aviruddha, educationist Sir Ashutosh Mookerji. At- 'not-controverted'. It means means simply Lahore, Epigraphy, had been introduced ( ' "the 'Aviruddha who is honoured by me". by the late Dr. A. C. Woolner as one of all that the ' , about Therefore theory .supre- the optional papers for M. A. Examination of Budcthamitra, and his in since 1903 macy remaining Sanskrit, ; 'and one happy falls like a house of cards. ' unvanquish'ed result of this policy was that Panjab pro- I let us' take another Before close, interesting duced some eminent archaeologists and as to how the sense example" remains epigraphists-R. B. Daya Ram Salmi, Pandit 'bn account" of a" obscure faulty reading. In Madho Sarup Vatsa,i Dr. Bahdur Chand the Mandsore Stone Slab of inscription Chnabra, who rose to the position of YaiSbdharmiin Vishijuvardhana dated Malava Director General of Archaeology, 'and Dr. ye'at 58D; Fleet had read in lines 15-16 the Hiranand Shastri who became Government

sa nama'Chi alas- ward's bhayam=Abhayadatto Epigraphjst. But some of the present,, He it as scholars of [nva ?|n=prajinam. translated day Sanskrit regard Epigraphy. order to "Collecting (iri, expell it) the fear as alien, having nothing to do With Sans- his Pleet ,a of subjects ,(?)"' put -question krit. So far as an epigraphist is concerned

' mark 'afthe fend of this tendering showing. he "must be a deep scholar of Sanskrit s thai fre was -'riot, satisfied with the sense language, literature and even prosody, and

, evfen after it, at s the same time Pali explainra^ by saying that of language and he ctflle'cted the fear in to it. order, expell , literature. Iw^uld like to appeal to all ! with" even the , Hbwever, explanation -at 'th^ Indian, Universities through this Society, rerfains and cluimiy meaningless. I ,was to make .Epigraphy a part' of the M. A. kceH to see the stone original slab, and syllabus in Sanskrit and Pali, like the thanks to the late Mr. M, B. Garde, I was, of and University Calcutta, , make proper PRBIDLNTIAL ADDRESS

for 'its teachir, at tlic PoM- for tains to this provision1 W v' paticnllv* * pedestrian*

level 1 and I add graduate address and may address nay

, tlwt I am a confirmed , 4 M- t *i 1pedestrian, I thank YOU, ladies and gentlemen,

Notes ;

1 This has been lublished in HI, vol IX, p, fill [Ed,]

three sets of to II arid 2 Mandhal yielded C,P, Charters, two bslonging Pravarasena one loPfithvi.

are in shep II, The^ under publication ft, M,, vol. XL, [Ed,]

; 3 This to of the in A, D, this iii5cr ptioo belongs the reign Pratihira rulsr Vatsaraja, Written 795

recoid the latest as known date to It is under in Indica provider yet him, publication Epigraphia

Vol, XL, [Ed,]

4 This has inscription to edited by D, C, Sircar and included in vol. Wl FJJ, M,, (uodei

publicoticn) [Ed,] TEMBHURNI PLATES OF

(Second Set) H. S. Thosar A. A. Hingmire

The present plates were discovered A. D,, and are similar to those of the

1 2 3 tiie set above SuvaniJi Gadval and alons; with previous published , Tembhurni plates 4 at Tembhunii in Shohipur district in Malut- (first sei) of Vifcramaditya I of Badarni

lashlnt, They arc ;tl present in tlie posses- Chalukya house. The Linguae is Sanskrit sion of Shu M M. Hadge, a resident of and the rules of sanclhi have been gene-

Bar.si in Sholapui district rally observed There arc however a few

errors in the writing as well as in Uu* The set consists of three rectangular of the As in each 20 drafting present grant. Uie copper plates, measuring cms in Tembhurni plates (first sctj", the letters length and 10 cms in breidlh. They were ch and v look so similar that they can held together by a copper ring passing be deciphered only with reference to the through a circular hole which has a dia- context. meter of 1 cm. The weight of the set

is 1 kg, The object of the charter is to record

the royal grant of the village It is to be regretted that all the three Pipparigakhet-i to two brahmanas named plates and the ring were broken into Durggahrniim and VishnuSarman. Both of them Siveral pieces. As a result, the letters at belonged to ^andilya-gotra. Durggahrman is descri- the edges have been partially or comple- bed as well versed in Rigveda and Yajurvedu tely lost and the reading has become very (Rlgveda-Ynjurreda-vide). It is difficult in those places Otherwise, the interesting to observe here that 'armaii as writing in the rest of the plates is well figures the sole donee in the Tembhurni preserved. pktes also, (first set) The present grant like The of these edges plates have been the Tembhnrni charter (first set) was made thickened and raised in slightly order to at the request of yuvaraja the Vinayaditya. protect writing on the plates. The At the time of the first and the third plates have been ins- present charter, cribed on the King Yikramaditya was on a only inner sides, while the campaign second against his Pallava plate contains writing on both the adversaries at Kanchi. Like the sides. The first has nine Tembhurni plates plate lines ; the (first set), this second grant was also plate has nine on the obverse and issued from his victorious eleven lines on camp at the reverse side and the Da&pka-grama which was situa- ted to third contains the north of 8 plate ten lines. Thus there Virajamaiigala i are While the altogether thirty nine lines. Chola-Vishaya, Tembhtirni plates (first were The set) issued in the month of Characters belong to the Southern Ashaciha at the conclusion, class of Brahrai of of about the 7th summer century solstice, the present charter was issued in TEMBHURNI PLATES OF VIKRAMADHYA I 11 the month of Jyeshtlia thereby showing less similar to other grants of the same that the latter is earlier in point of time king. As already stated above, this charter to the former. That Vikramaditya I con- was issued from his victorious camp at tinued io stay at Daanulca-grama at least Dadanuka-grarna lying in the Ch6ja-

TEXT15

: Verses 1-7 Anushtubh ; verses 2-5 6 [Metres Arya ; verse Vasantatilaka] FIRST PLATE 16 = 1 0m SvastiH*] Jayaty avishkritam Vishnor= vvaraham kshobhit = arnnavaiii [i*] - - - - dakshin. Snnata damshtr agra vUranta - bhu -

2 var,am safcala- vaput liil*i]grimatam bhuvaua-sarhstuyamaaa-Manavya-sagotranarh Hariti -

3 - - putranarn sagta loka matriblnr = - - abhivarddhitanM KSrttikeya parirakshaija - prapta PURABHILEKHA PATRIK 12 - - - - varBba 1& = prasada samfisfidite 4 - Bhagavan NWyana kalyana paramparanam = - - atona - mahibhritarh] Chalikyanam kulam - - ksha*a vatikrit 5 [Schchhan ikshap

alamka- - , -m <-' - - - in - Pulakesi - - snana pavitrikf ita gatrasya 6 rishnor = Atamedh avabhritha - - vallabha mahara , - - - maudaUi - Vanavasy = adi para nripali 7 jasyaprapautratWparikram-Skrfnta. - pra^ibaddha - - = = - - Kirttivarmma prithivivallabha maharajasy Stmajas 8 viSuddha kirttih fei

samara-iJC4AJJ.l*J. w. ------eivara - iri Harshavarddhana parajay opalabdha 9 samsakta sakal Ottarapath

SIDE SECOND PLATE ; FIRST

- - - hi ra- - - Satyairaya hi Prithivivallabha maharajud 10 pararaeto apara namadheyasya - - - - = - tanaya^ = Chitrakaijth akhya pravara turamgamen il ja paramcivarasya priya aiken = aiva - - - ~ - - rudhi ra - asvadana um ami - - samara mukhe ripu nripati jal rasauay 12 pratit anika - - - = - dharanibhara - = - ni^ita nistrithSa dharay avadhrita bhujaga 13 jvalad amala - - bhoga sa ------= atma kavach avamagn aneka pra ] 14 drib [nija bhuja vijita vijiglshur - - - antaritam = atmasatkritya krit = 15 haras = sva guro^= 6riyam= avanipati tntay - aik ?= adhi ~ ~ = - - slia = tabmin rajya traye vinashtani devasva -brahma 16 shtb.it 5^ rajyabharas - deyani dha - - - = svamukhena Ratia ^irasi 17 rmma yao bhivriddhaye sthapitavan [*] ripu narindran =didi di~ - Anivarita- 18 i jitva sva vamkjarh lakshmim ['*] praptahparame^varaiam,=

SECOND PLATE ', SECOND SIDE

- - - - 19 Yikramadityah [n2*] Api cha [i*] Mridita Narasithha ya^asa vihita Mahendra - - pratapa vila - - in - - 20 yena [i*] naya[na*] vijit eivareija prabhuija Vallabhena jitam(tam) [3*5] Krita-Pallav - avamarddam dakship -

= atta~ 1 = = 21 dig-yuvatim Kancrukafy t *] yo bhri^am abhiramayami api sutararh ~ hi Vallabhena jitam(tam) [4*s3 22 Vahati svam = arthavantam ^nmad = urubala- Ra^arasika^ skandhah [i*] yo - - Rajamalla Sabdarn vihita

2S - - - - Mahamalla-kula-nyah [115*11] Durlamghya dushkara vibheda vi^ala ^ala - - durggadha dusta TEMBHURNI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I 13

" - - - - ~ - 24 ra brihal pariklia parita [i*] [agrahi yena jayat EiWara pota rajyam Kanch = Iva dakshi-]

------25 $a di&ih kshilipena Kaficlii [n6*] sa vikram akranta sakala mahi manual - adhirajyo Vikramadi

- - - - - = 26 tya Satyafoaya kl Prithivivallabha maharajadhiraja parame^varas sarvvan = evam a - - - 27 = = = = uttara jnapayati [n*j Viditam astu vo 'smabliilj chatur navaty pamcha - - eshu ^aka varsheshv = a

- - - - - 28 tlteshu pravarddhamana vijaya samvatsare sapta da^e varttamane Choja visha - - - - 29 ye prave^at oikata- vijaya- skandiiavare [Virajjamangal ottara par^v - - avaslhila Da

THIRD PLATE

\ - - - 30 ^anu]kagramam=adhivasati Jyeshtha paunjamasyam chamdra grahap vartta ' - mane Siithdilya sagotrasya

------31 g.ig veda Yajur veda vide Purgga ^arramane ^amdilya sagotrasya Vishiju ^armmane Vinayaditya~[vijnapanaya] - - - - 32 Parichaijda gramasy ottara -par^e Pipparigakhe|a grfimo dattafe ' Tad agami = - = = - [bhir*] asmad vaihfyair anyai^ cha ra - - - - = adinatn = acliiramfiu 33 jabhir ayur ar ogy ai^vary vilasitam diariichalath - - - - - avagachchhadbhir = achaitidr arka dhar aniava sthiti = = - - 34 samakalam ya^a^ chichishubhis sva datti nirvi^eshara .[pari]palaniya[m]

uktaa= cha bhagavata Vedavyase-

= bhukta 1 35 tiain*] Bahubhir vasudha rajabhis= Sagar- adibhi^l *] yasya yasya yada" bhu -

\ = - sumahach = 36 mis tasya lasya tada phalatn(lam) [n7*] Svam datum chhakyam - == danam va dufrkham anyasya palanaih [I*] pala

37 uaih v = eti danach = chlireyo = 'nupalanam[nam] [i8*] Sva -dattarii para,- dattatn va yo hareta vasimdharam[i*] shaslifim - 38 varsha sahasraiji vishthavam jayate krimih[9*n] Chalukya- variiia-jatasyaPallav-

- - ^asanam 39 sarw anivarit ajnasya SasanaA dvisham(sham) [80*] Mahasaudhivigra- - - hika kn Jayasenena lilchi

40 tarn = idaih PlIRABHILEKBA PATMA

totes ;-

1 1 Above, Vol, IK, p, ff.

2 t Vol 155 If, and Ef ki Mil, p, plate,

3 Vol, Ibid, X, p, 100 ff, and plate,

4 Mn Vol, IK, 1 ff, p,

5 fti,

6 The correct name of the place is AdKjamangala, [Ed,]

1 Ifi the Tambhutyi plates (I set), DaMa-grima is stated to be situated to the east of

in the Adhirajamafigala, Here, present it charter, is said to be situated to the north of

Adhiiijamailgala, [Ed,]

8 to R, Sewell a lunar According falls in the eclipss tea year 59! in month of (current) the

In that the Jyishpia (I), case, equivalent in terms of caleniar wit English to 672 A, 0,,

the week 17, day being Monday, of h Mm k %j Miti, p, XII, [EdJ

9 M/ Vol 2, () IX, p,

' Vol, tt IK, p, 2,

1 M,Al(1M9),p129,

2 Vol, fy hi, XXVII, p, 116 ff,

13 Wlt Vol 100 If, X, p,

14 Vol t If, W, IX, p,

From 15 impressions, 1 2 TWO JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYAS ' OF ACCESSION? 303 ASMD 1304 A. D., N. Sethuraman

INTRODUCTION They came to the throne in 1303 and

1304 A.D. respectively. Till date scholars are The extreme south of the Indian of the opinion that in this period there Peninsula was the Pandya Kingdom. was only one Jatavarman Sundara Paijdya, Madura was the traditional capital of the However records of this period bearing Pandyas, In the course of seven hundred the same name Jatavarman Suadara Pandya years i, e., from 1000 to 1700 A. D. scores indicate two accession dates either 1303 of Pandya kings existed. They had only or 1304 A.D. The problem is now solved six names-oflen repeated. The six names and it is found that there were two kings were Kulaiekhara, Srivallabha, Tira, of the same name Jatavarman Sundara Vikrama, Sundara and ParSlcraraa. They Pandya ,with accession dates 1303 and were either Jatavarmans or Maravarmans. 1304 A, D, respectively. Kings with the same or different names

and with same or different titles ruled TWO SUNDARA PANDYAS or of jointly concurrently. Overlapping Maravarman Knla^ekhara Pandya I the is common, The reigns phenomenon the great Pan.dyan monarch of the 13th is more in the 13th and 14th 1 prominent century came to the throne in June 1968 centuries. When one tries to the study A. D. His Tamil Praksti begins with the of these he is chronology Pan^yan kings introduction Terpopalgui Tirumagaf. He liable to confuse one with another. had the epithet ernmanfalamum kondarulina

(who was pleased to take every country), Kieihorn (1907) Jacobi (1911) Swamik- s His natal star was Mula , His records kannu Pillai (1913) and Robert Sewell 1 upto year 44 are available . Evidently his (1915) identified eighteen Pandya Kings rule came to an end in 1312 A. D. who existed between 1162 and 1357 A. D.

in their foot in books Following steps, my Kula^khara had two sons. The elder

"Medieval Pandyas" (edition 1980) and 6 was Jatavarman* Vira pandya of accession 1 ' "The Imperial Pandyas (edition 1978), I 1297 A. D. He was called Kaliyugaratna*. identified swenti iwo more Papdya' Kings The records assigned to Jatavarman Vira who existed between 1000 and 1400 A. D. Pandya are tabulated in Appendix I. Reverse

calculations reveal that Vira Pan'dya came The investigation of the Pan^yan .to the throne between the 16th May and records is not easy. There are many the 5th June 1297 A, D. His last record obstacles and hurdles. In the midst of is dated 1342 A. D. Probably his rule came many difficulties I am progressing slowly to an. end in the same year. and identify the kings. In this article I

identify two Pandya kings who had the A record' which comes from Nallur

same name Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. (near Vridhachalam) belongs to Kula^e. 16 PUfiABHILBKHA PATRIKA

fchara. It states that Prince Sutidra Pandya The fact remains that (here arc two sets of set up an linage of god VirapaijdyeiSvara records. The data of the first

in the name of his elder brother VIra set with the name Jatavaraiah Simdaia

Pandya. Sundara' also set up an image Pandya agree with the accession year 1303 A. D ofgoddess "DsSamikka Perumal Nachchiydr" b Certain records supply Saica

in the name of the queen of VIra Pandya. year, solar dates etc,, Certain records

It is evident that Sundara Pandya had contain the epithet cmma^ddumum konda- for his elder brother rulina great respect Vim (who was pleased to take every Pa^dya, country). The records assigned to Sundara

of accession 1303 A. D. are tabulated in

3 Swamikfcannu Filial identified the Appendix IT. Reverse calculations reveal as he younger brother JataYarman Suudara that came to the throne between the 1303 Pandya of accession A.D. A record* 17th Maich and the 27th April 1303 A.D. which comes from MalaiyadikurichcM His records running upto 1325 A. D. are confirms the date surmised by Pillai. Bat identified

later discoveries of inscriptions complicate i The data of the second set of records the matter, Certain records of Jatavarman bearing the same name Jatavarman Sundara Sundara Pandya point out the accession Panclya agree with the accession year in 1303 A. D., and some in 1304 A, D. In 1304 A. D. of them also the result, the reports suggest either $otne supply &ika years, solat dates etc,, Curiously 1303 A. D., or 1304 A. D,, as the initial year some of these records state that the sur- of the king. name of the king was Ko landaraman and

is .stubborn and firm in his natal star was Pushya. The records . Astronomy

dates. It indicate to this Sundara are - pointing two initial that assigned junior % lated in. III. Reverse calcula- two kings of the same name Jatavarman Appendix reveal that he came io the Sufldafa Pafldya could have existed-the tions thiono 1303 between the 18th March and the 13th senior comteg to the throne in A. D. 1304 A.D, His records and the junior in 1304 A. D. Astronomy April running up search for source materials to 1319 A. D. are identified. prompts us to for establishing .the existence of two kings It is evident trjat there of the same name coming to the throne in Ja^avarrnan Suodara Parjdyas, One of them the ?successive years, was the s'econd son of 'Maravarman

' Kvla&ekhara. We must identify this son Elsewhere we were confronted with and also the other Prince-, we such a phenomenon when discussed 1 " the is the case of two Jatavarman Vita Pandyas When chronology established 1254 A. D, and the is not of accession 1253 A. D., and when genealogy known, we have to turn to literature which There historicity helped us in identifying comes of the Jatavarman to our rescue. The Sanskrit poem the two kings. In the case Panclya solves our problem. It 11 Sundara Pandyas'of accession 1303 A. p Kulodaya states us. "that Swtdata Pandya and 1304 A D. the inscriptions do not help Two JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYAS 17

was the nephew (sou of the sister) of VJra of this valuable information the chronology Pandya alias Kaliyugaraman. On the basis are furnished below.

MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA PANDYA I

1268-1312 A, D.

Jatavarman Vira Jaj;avarman Sundara Daughter alias Kaliyugaraman (who was pleased to take 1297-1342 A. D. every country) Ja^ai/arman Sundara 1303-1325 A. D. alias Kodatjtfaramaj], His natal star was Pushya 1304-1319 A. D.

HISTORICAL EVENTS Sundara Pandya killed his father Kula^e-

khara, This is totally wrong. Inscriptions The Persian poet Wassaf 1312 A. D., that Kula^ekhara lived till 1312 A. D. 13 prove states that Vira Pandya was younger and A record14 which comes from Tirumal- Sundara was elder. He further states that UkandankSttai to the second son and belongs Vira Paudya was the illegitimate son Sundara corres- Wassaf Jatavarman Pandya, year 9, Sundara was the legitimate son. ponding to 1312 A. D. It states that Sundara was wrong. The Nallur record discussed arranged services to god for the welfare above states that Vira Paadya was elder of his father. The services were to be and Sundara was younger. Both were the conducted in the temple every month on legitimate sons of Kulaiekhara. the day of Mula, the natal star of his KulaSekhara. This Wassaf states that KulaSekhara crowned father (ayyan) evidently the claim of Sundara. that when .his father was sick, Vira Pandya rejecting proves the The dates of the two Sundara was praying to god for health This is also wrong. that were crowned during of his father. princes prove they time of their father KulaSekhara, the life Wassaf lived in Persia. He did not

to India. His writings were based The Persian poet states that the two come collected This is on rumours and oral statements brothers were on hostile terms. horse dealers and record discussed from his friends-the also wrong. The Nallur 13 His statement is unreliable, For above and the records which come from sailors. reader to Kuladefchara further studies I request the grivaikuntham prove that father Sundara refer to my book "The Imperial and the sons Vira Pandya and please There was I have dealt with this subject Pandya were on cordial terras, Panctyas". 16 in detail. no animosity in the royal family. 18 Malik Kafur plundered Madura in Wassaf states that at the close of the to Delhi in A. D. 1311 A. D., and returned i. the 1310 April Hijira year 709 e., in year IS PURABHILEKH/V PATRIKA

the month of October of the same year. The Muhammadan invasions and the

Kula^ikhara met natural death in 1312 A. D. subsequent historical events of this period brother are Vira Pandya and his younger turning points in the history of

Sundara Pandya continued their reigns. . The subject is outside the of this In the year 1313 A. D., the Kerala scope article. For further details I the reader to king Ravivarman KulaSekhara in-vadcd request please refer to boo.t "The the Tamil country and defeated the my Imperial Pandyas", 17 Piindyan brothers. He and his core- 18 Vira Pandya established gent Kerala MARAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYA their authority in the northern areas of Tamil Nadu. (1303-1322 A. D.)

The brothers Vira Pandya and Sandara During this psriod another Pandyan Pandya appealed to the Kakatiya king Prata- prince by name Maravarman Sundara did parudra for help. In the year 1316 A, D,, the Pandya exist. He came to the throne in 1303 A. D. Kakatiya geairal Muppidi Niyaka drove He had the epithet emmandala- 19 out the Kerala kings from Kanchtpuratn mum kon^rulina (who was pleased to take

In 13 17 A, D., the Kakatiya general Dava- every country). He was a contemporary

rinayaka drove out Kerala king Ravivarman of KulaSekhara, Vira Pandya and the two Kulaiekhara and Keraja Vira Pandya from latavarman Sundara Pandyas. The records

&n Rangam and established the younger assigned to Maravarman Sundara Pandya brother Sundara Pandya on the throne of accession 1303 A. D., are tabalated in 20 IV. at Viradhavalam near Tiruchchirappallt Appendix The table is self explanatory.

(while the elder brother Vira Paadya. Reverse calculations reveal that Maravar-

continued his reign from Madura). The man Sundara Pandya cam) to the throne

Kerala kings retired to Travancorc. The between the 3rd April and the 21st July 1303 A. D. His records Paiidyan brothers were grateful to the upto year 19 are 1 of idemided.' his rule generals the Kakatiyas. In the year Probably came to an end in 1322 A. D. 1317 A, D. Sundara Pandya arranged a service

in the Vridhachalam temple in ho:nour

of the Kakatiya general Muppidi Nayaka. The relationship between Maravarman elder brother Vira also The Paijdya made Siuidara and the other Pandyan princes is 81 contributions to the same service. Vira not known. I have to refer to this king celebrated Pandya the victory by instituting Maravarman Sundara PanJya because his called a service Miyukawmati sandhi in records and their dates are likely to confuse his name in the the researchers. Kanchipuram , Arujaja Maravarman Sundara 2 PerumaJ Temple.* The nephew, Sundara Pandya, of accession 1303 A. D, is to be

Pandya a/to Kodandaraman of accession treated as a separate identity." His records 20 1304 A, D., also instituted a similar service are many. Tins part played by this king in the same temple in his name as in the history of the Pandyas is not known. santihi' view of the Future discoveries Kiidnndnrtimn m victory may throw fresh light 23 of the Patjdyas ow the Kerala- kings. on the activities of this prince. Two JATAVARMAN SUNDAKA PANDYAS 19

APPENDIX I

JATAVARMAN VlRA PAl^YA ALI4S KALIYUGARAMAJf OF ACCESSION 1297 A. D.

Findspot-Refereace Year, data and other details English equivalent

fa 19th 1201 A.. 115/1940 Year 4, Mina, 9, Puforn and Sunday Mar.,

Tiruvattiyur

A. D. 430/1921 Year 5, Vri&hika, hi 7, Avittam and 8th Nov., 1301

Tiruvejjnainallur Wednesday.

A. D. 34/1920 Year 6, Karkataka, ba 12, Mriga^ira 22nd My, 1302

Tii iimal. avadi and Sunday.

A. D. 401/1908 Year 6, Kanni, ^u 6, Mula and Friday. 28th Sept., 1302

Tiruvilimilalai

A. D. 44/1937 Year 10, Kumbha, ba 13, Uttiradam 1st Feb., 1307

tfrirangam and Wednesday.

47/1937 Year 10, Kumbha, ba 13, Uttiradam

'' Srirangam Wednesday (surname of the king is Kaliyugaramaji.)

48/1937 do- ~do- Srlrangam

50/1937 -do- do

1308 A. D. 43/1937 Year 12, Tula, balO, Makha and 9th Oct., Sriran^am Wednesday

A. D. 231/1939 Year 13, Simha, ki, Svati and llth Aug., 1309

Srivanjiyam Monday (Two individuals, Sirupunrur Kilavan Alagiya Nayan Tiruvambala Pcruma} and Sirupunrur Kilavan

Tiruvanchiyara Udaiyati figure).

127/1939 Year 13, Meslia, ball, Sadayam and 27th Mar,, 1310 A. D. Jrivanjiyam Friday (The two individuals of

231/1939 also figure here).

3rd 1310 A. D, 19/1940 Year 14, 3u 8, Aflilam and Monday. Aug., firuvattiyur i. _ PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Findspot-Reference Year, data and other details English equivalent

45/1906 Year 14, Dhanus, ba 10, Svati and 16th Dec., 1310. A. D.

Tirukfcactaiyur Wednesday (refers to the 31st year

of his predecessor, evidently his father

Kulas'ekhara of accession 1268) A, D.

47/1890 Year 21, Makara, ba3, Uttiram and' 20th Jan., 1318 A. D.

Madura Friday-

273/1942 -do- Madura

177/1940' fiaka 1239, year 21, Ma6i, Ju 13 mistake 5th Feb., 1318 A. D.

Virinchipuram for (Su 3, Revati and Sunday.

1318 A. D. 305/1923 Year 22, Simha 18, ba 2 mistake for 15th Aug., > Tirakkoshtiyur ba3, Uttirattati and Tuesday

38/1913 Year 22, Vritahika, 5u 5, Uttiradam and 30th Oct., 1318 A. D.

Kargutfi Monday (refers to an earlier settle- ment made by Perumal KulaSekhara

Deva and Vijyalaya Deva)

Year and 2nd 1319 A. D. 67/1911 22, ^ishabha, iu!3, Chitra May., of Srivanjiyam Wednesday (The two individuals

231/1939 also figure here).

'

73/1911 -do- -do-'

SrivaSjiyam

Year 23, MIna, fa 5 mistake for ba 4, 27th Feb. ,1320 A. D. 232/1939 Svati and Wednesday (The two

individuals of 231/1939 also figure

here).

253/1939 Year 23, MIna, 3u6, mistake for ba6, 29th Feb., 1320 A. D.

Siivaiijiyain Anusham and Friday (the two

individuals of 231/1939 also figure

here).

29th 1323 A. D. 546/1911 Year 26, Rishabha 4, 9, Sadayam and Apr., Sermadevi Friday. Two JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYAS 21

Findspot-Reference data Year, and other details English equivalent

Year 52/1945 30, Tula, u 1, Arjilam and Monday 27th Oct., 1326 A. D. Sengani

gu A. D. 87/1940 Year 38, Mesha, 2, Bharani and Sunday 26th Mar. ,1335 Tiruvattiyur (surname Kaliyugaraman)

120/1908 Year 46, Mithuna 21, fo 12, Anuradha 16th June, 1342 A. D. Tiruppaitur and Sunday (The Muhammadans who occupied the Tiruppattur temple were

driven out. The Regnal year is 46. See

Indian Antiquary 1913, p, 228}

On the basis of 546/1911 the star Sadayam in iishaba of 1297 A. D. Ms in the

Oth year. The star was current on 15th May. On the basis of 120/1908 the star Amiradha in Mithuna of 1297 A. D. falls in the first year. The star was current on 5th June.

Jatavarman Vim Paqdya alias Kaliyugaraman came to the throne between the 16th May and the 5th June 1297 A. D. His rule extended upto 1342 A. D.

APPENDIX II

JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PA^YA OF ACCESSION' 1303 A. D. PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

data and other details Findspot-Reference Year, English equivalent

ba 10 mistake for u 1314 A. D. 571/1920 Year 11, Kumbha, 10, 26th Jan., Kattumannar Koyil Mrigasira and Saturday, (refers to the reigns of the earlier kings who

ruled from 1133 to 1314 A, D,).

Year Su Uttiram and 391/1940 11, Karkataka, 5, 29th June, 1313 A, D. Perungudi Friday,

Year Kan 6u 13 mistake for in D. 90/1897 12, n.i, 3, 13th Sept., 1314 A, Mannargudi Svati arid Friday (Tax on Pepper-Sec

89/1897 of Appendix III).

608,1915 Year 12, Saka 1236 1314-15 A. D.

Malaiyadikurichchi

125 '1903 Year 14, Mina, 6u 7, Punarpuiam and 20th March, 1317 A. D. Tinichuiiai Sunday (who was pleased to Jake every

country).

16th 1317 A. D. 23/1900 Year 15 Rishabha, &\i, Pu^am, Monday May, Taramangalam (Nalludai Appar is forming a new brahmana colony called Sri Lakshmana- Chaturvedimangalam in the name

of his father. Lands irrigated by the

tank Seyya PerumaJ Eri are gifted to

the brahmanas of the village. There

are six signatories. See 24/1900 of

Appendix III).

29th 1317 A. D. 252/1901 Year 15, Kaflfli, ba 7, Rohim' and Monday- Aug., Achcharappakkam (mentions the hamlet Kodandarama-

cheri evidently called after Jata Sundara A. D. of accession 1304 of Appendix III),

5th 1318 A. D. 69/1908 Year 16, Karkataka, ifo 7, Hasta and July,

Vedal Wednesday (mentions Vikrama Panciya

Valanadu, evidently called after Mara - A. "Vikrama 1250-66 D,),

Year 27th 1318 A. D. 147/1933 16, Siifaha, Su I, Sunday. Aug., Tirukkaluknnram Two JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYAS 23

Findspot-Reference Year, data and other details English equivalent

308/1909 Year 17, Simha, iu, Uttiram and Monday. 30th My, 1319 A. D. Tirukkachchur

185/1916 Year 17, Mma, ba 13, Sadayam and Satur- 8th March 1320 A. D. Tiruppukkuli day (mentions Svami Santosha Chatur- vedimangalam).

69/1933 Year 18, Siihha, iSu, Makha and Tuesday. 5th August, 1320 A. D. Tirukkachchiir

284/1929 Year ba - A. D. 19, Simha, 1, Avittam and 8th August, 1321 Idyar Saturday.

220/1944 Year 22, Rishabha, ilu 3, Punarpus'am. and 26th May, 1324 A. D.

Tiruppangali Saturday (grants for the welfare of the

king).

231/1944 , do (connected to 220/1944). -do- Singajantapuram

I

A. D. 74/1911 Year 23, Rishabha, & 7, Sunday (Two 20th May 1325 Srlvanjiyam individuals of 231/1939 of Appendix I

of Jata VIra Pan^ya also figure here).

On the basis of 185/1916 the star Sadayam in Mina of 1303 A. D. falls in the Oth year. The star was current on 16th March.

No, 23 20th 1325 A. D. On that the star Puram 73/1911 year is, dated in May day A. D. was current. Accordingly Puram in Rishabha of 1303 falls in the first year.

The star was current on 27th April. Jajavarman Stmdara Pandya came to the throne between the 17th March and the A. 27th April 1303 A. D. His rule extended upto 1325 D.

APPENDIX III JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PA^PYA ALIAS KODAtfpARAMAN OF ACCESSION 1304 A. D. 24. PURABHILEKHA

data and other details Findspot-Heference Year, English equivalent

' ' 1228 to the 1307 A. D. 183/1940 aka Kumbha (gift temple by February, alias Virinchipurara VIrachampan Edirili^oja- &imbuvarayarj).

ba 19th 1310 A. D. 62/1916 Year 7, Tula, 11, Monday and Utti- Oct., Tirukkajakkudi radam-mistake for Uttiram. (Gift of lands for festival to the image of goddess).

2nd 1316 A. D. 297/1939 Year 12, Makara, u 7, Friday and Revati. Jan., Poonamalle

2nd 1316 A. D. 89/1897 Year 12, Makara, ^u 7, Friday and Revati. Jan., Mannargudi (Tax on arecanut. The name of the king is lost. The wordings of this record

are identical with that, of 90/1897 of Appendix H-hence assigned to Sundara

of accession 1304).

2nd 1316 A. D. 24/1900 Year 13, Simha, s"u 13, Monday and Utti- Aug., Taramaiigalam radam. (Nalludai Appar is forming a new brahmana colony Sri Lakshmana- Chaturvedimangalam in the name

of his father. Lands irrigated by the

tank Karaikujam are gifted to the. brah-

manas. Six signatories, of 23/1900 of

Appendix II also figure here).

293/1944 Year 13+ 1, Mithuna, ^u, Sunday and 19th June, 1317 A. D,

Illuppur Svati,

84/1918 Year 13+1, Kuitbha, ^u 13, Pushya and 13th Feb., 1318 A. D, Yriddhachalam Monday. (A service called Kodaij^a- ramaj] sandhi in the surname of the king was instituted on the day of his natal

' star Pushya. An officer by name

Nettur Udaiyan Kaliaga-r5yan figures). Two JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYAS 25

Findspot- Reference Year, data and other details English equivalent

Year 13+3, Mesha, &U9, Friday and Puam. 123/1904 30th March, 1319 A, D. A service called Kodaudaramai} sandhi Tirthanagari was instituted in the surname of the

Icing. The officer Nettur

K alingarayai} figures.

Record 189/1940 year 2 is dated in 25th February 1306 A. D. On that day the star Pushya was current in the month Mina Accordingly Pushya in Mina of 1304 A. D falls in the Oth

year. The star was current on 17th March. On the basis of 123/1904 Pushya in Mesha A. D. 13th of 1304 faiis i n the first year. The star was current on April.

Jutavarman Sundara Pandya alias Kodandaranwn came to the throne between the A. D, 18th March and the 13th April 1304 A. D, His rule extended upto 1319

APPENDIX IV

MARAVARMAN SUNDARA PAiypYA OF ACCESSION 1303 AJX

Findspot-Reference Year, data and other details English equivalent

1314 A. D. 1 K 6u and Mula- February, 76/1911 Year 1, umbha, 4, Monday individuals who Srivanjiyam irregular (The two I of Jata figure in 231/1939 of Appendix

Vira Pandya also figure here).

13 14 A. D. Hasta and Sunday. 3rd March, 98;' 1940 Year II, Mina, ba 1, Tiruvaltiyur

1314 A. D. ba Makha and 28th Nov., Pd 343 Year 12, Dhanus, 6, Palankarai Thursday.

24th Feb., 1315 A. D. u mistake for ba, 5 75/1911 Year 12, Mina, 5, two individuals grrvanjiyam Svati and Monday. (The also of 76/1911 above figure here).

25th Mar., 1315 A. D. 30th solar day, ba 4, 462/1941 Year 12, Mina Giriammapuram Anuradha and Tuesday (who was pleased to take every country).

27th Aug., 13 15 A. D, 29th solar ba 12, Ayil- 264/1941 Year 13, Avani day, was Singikujam yam and Wednesdy (who pleased to take every country). PATRIKA 26 PURABHILEKHA

data and other details Fhidspot-Reference Year, English equivalent

Year 12 alias gambuva- 1315 A. D. 97/1900 (Vira Champan in Tiruvallam Tiruvottur rayan figures. He figures record 3/1890 dated Saka 1236 corres- ponding to 1314 A. D. He figures in

189 and 183 of 1940 of Appendix III).

Utliradam mistake 14th 1317 A. D. 344/1911 Year 14, Ku&bha, Su, Feb., Kajattwr for Uttirattati and Monday.

s"u and 14th 1317 A. D. 343/1911 Year 14, Mina, 1, Revati Monday. Mar., Kajattur

1317 A. D. 342/1911 Year 14, Mesha, 6u 13, Chittirai and 24th April, Kalattur Sunday, (Three donors who figure in

344, 343 and 342 of 1911 are brothers).

616/1902 Year 17, Karkataka, k 7, Svati and Mon- 23rd July, 1319 A. D. to take Tiruppuflavaial day (who was pleased every country).

On the basis of 342/1911 the star Chittirai in Mesha of 1303 A. D. falls in the Oth star current on 2nd the basis of the /ear. The was April. On 616/1902 star Svati in

Maravarman Stmdara Pandya came to the throne, between the 3rd April and 21st

1303 A. D. His rule extended 1322 A. as is evidenced TirukkSchchur 'ily upto D., by 1909 - 19. >cord 309 j year

APPENDIX V-

Two ifldividuals-&rapupur Kijavau Alagiya Nayan Tiruvambala Perumal and &ru-

piiflnjr Kilavan Tiruvanchiyam Udaiyag figure 'in the following Srivafijiyam records.

- 231/1939 of Appendix I Jatavarman Vira Pandya dated 1309 A. D. 227/1939 -do- -do~ 1310 A. D.

67/1911 -do- -do- 1319 A. D.

73/1911 -do- -do- 1319 A. D.

232/1939 -do- -do- 1320 A. D. ' 233/1939 -do- -do- 1320 A. D. 74/191) of Appendix II Jatavarman Sundara Paridya 1325 A. D, 76/1911 of Appendix IV - Maravarraan Sundara Pa^ya 1314 A. D. : 75/1911 of Appendix IV do- 1315 A. D. Two JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYAS 27

The chief alias 2) Vira Champaa Sambuvarayan figures in the following records R. S. I (A, E. 1939-43, Part II, paras 56 and 57).

189/1940 of Appendix IH-Jatavarman Pandya dated 1306 A. D. 183/1940 -do- -do- 1307 A.D. 97/1900 of Appendix IV Maravarman Sundara Pandya dated 1315 A. D.

3/1890 (E. I, III, p. 70)-ika 1236 dated 1314 A.D.

51/1893 (E. I, III, p. 71)~3aka 1236 dated 1314 A. D.

The internal evidence of the above record, proves that Jatavarman VIra Pandya alias Kaliyugaraman of accession 1297 A. D., Jatavarman Sundara Pandya of accession

1303, A. D., Maravarman Sundara Pandya of accession 1303 A, D., and Jatavarman Sundara Pandya alias Kodandaraman of accession 1304 A. D,, were contemporaries. In view of the internal evidence the errors in the astronomical data of 232 and 233

of 1939 and 76 and 75 of 1911 are to be ignored,

3) The following records belong to Jatavai'rnan Sundara' Pandya alias Kodandaraman They mention either his surname Kodandaraman or his natal star Pushy a or both. An Officer by name Nettur Udaiyan Kalingarayan figures in most of these records. PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

The regnal years above 13 are quoted as 13 plus. This is a peculiar feature of the records of Sundara Pandya alias Kodandaraman.

Notes :-

1 Indian Ephemeris., Volume I, part II, p. 27

2 S.I.I. Vol. IV; 254/1328 ; 465/1930.

3 247/1925; 254/1923; A. R. I. E. 1959-60, p. 25.

4 106/1316, year 44; 646/1902, year 44.

5 306/1950 ; A. R. S. I. E., 1938-39, p. 83.

6 A. B.S.I. E. 1936-37, part II, para 42; Ibid., 1939-43, p. 251.

7 156/1941; A, R. SvJ.E., 1939-43, p. 249.

8 Indian Antiquary, 1913, p. 228.

9 608/1915, Jajavarman Sundara Paijtfya, year 12, Saka 1236.

10 "Two Jatavarman Vlra PIij4yas of accession 1253 and 1254" Paper presented by me in the Seventh Annual Congress of the Epigraphicaf Society of India held at Calcutta in January 1981,

Also see p. 184 of Medieval Paitfyas (1980 edition) published by me.

11 Pai^tya Kulsdaya,, (1981 edition); p. 212, Published by Vishveshvaranand Vishva Bandhu

Institute of Sanskrit and Indological Studies, Punjab University, Hoshiarpur, Please see the introduc-

" tion, The editor Dr. K. V. Sarma has has made a very useful surmise about Sundara

afias Kodaij4arlma the nephew of V!ra Pagtfya aliyas Kaiiyugarama.

Part 12 History of India As Told By The Muhammadan Historians, |||, Elliot and Dowson, 1871.

25 see the records in the 84 85 of 13 A. R, S, I.E., 1959-60, p. ; Also p. and the same report,

14 51/1931-32, Jatavarman Sundara (of -accession ,.3303 A, "D.), year 9, Two JATAVARMAN SUNDARA PANDYAS 29

15 There was a name Sundara prince by Raja Rajan Pantfya (1313-1335 A, D,) possibly another

son of Kulaiekhara by a second wife HB turnsd traitor and pined the Mutommajdan invaders.

He too did not kill Kulaiekara, Wassaf should have confused Raja Rajan Sundara with Jatavarman

Sundara of accession 1303 A. D. Ses 175 to 192 p, of Tne Imperial Panth/as.

16 Elliot and of India As Told The Muhammadan Part and Dowson, History by Historians, III, p, 69 555

- 17 Kielhorn, E. Vol. 145 152; Vol. I., IV, p, Hultzscli, E, !,, VIII, p, 8,

18 Pe^agaram year 5; Perunagar year S; T, A. Vol. Part 47/1898, 344/1923, S., IV, I, p. 89-91,

Vira Kumbha 21 l(eraja Pasjdya, year 4, Kollam491, corresponding to 16th February 1316 A, D.

19 Vol. 128 - KaSchlpuram 43/1893; Hulfzsch E. I., VII, p. 130

20 Jambukeivaram S. I, Vol. IV, 430 ; $n I., p. Rangam ; A. R, I. 73 79/1938-39 S, E,, 1938-39, p, ; The suimises report that the Kakatiyas defeated the Paijdyan Prince Vira Paijdya. E, I,, Vol. XXVII;

No, 48 surmises that Vira was a different Parj$ya king, Actualy it was Kerala Vira Paijdya who - was defeated the See 139 of The by Kakatiyas, p. 145 Imperial Pandyas.

21 Vfiddhachalam Jatavarman Sundara accession 72/1913 (of 1303 A, D,}, year 14 corresponding to 1317 A. D.; A.R.S. I, E, 1918, p. 156.

22 S. I, Vol. I., IV. No, 855, year 21, Margaji corresponding to December 1317 A, D,

23 S.I.I,, Vol., IV, No, 853, year 13 corresponding to 1317 A. D.

24 Tirukkachchiir 309/1909, Miravarman Sundara, year 19,

25 See - p, 228 of my The Imperial Pa^yas 1 surmised that Maravarman Sundara came to

the throne in 1344A.D, I mads further research which necessitated revision in favour of

1303 A, D, only

26 272/1902 and 197/1335, year 10; 97/1900 and 92/1940, year 12; 89/1918 and 141/1902,

year 12. Piranmalai record 226/1924 of Maravarman Sundara. Bhuvanekavira Vikrama Paijdya

who ruled between 1250 and 1266 A.O, names the gopura built by him as BhuvanSkaviran Tiruvaial. 3 BHINDHQN PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA KAKKARAJA

K. V. Ramesh

This important set of copper plates was The ring with the seal weighs 130 grams.

discovered in a field belonging to Shri The rims on both the sides of the middle

Trimbak Dada Patil at Bhindhon, Auranga- plate are raised in order to ensure pre-

bad Tahsil and District, Maharashtra. The servation of the writing.

set is now deposited in the Department of The engraving is most indifferently History and Ancient Indian Culture, executed necessitating the identification of Marathwada University, Aurangabad, many letters purely on the strength of

A very tentative and extremely defec- the context in which they occur. There has tive lext of the charter been publi- are in all 30 lines of writing which are shed in the 1978 issue of July-August distributed as follows: I, 8 lines; Ila,

Marathi bulletin of Marath- 8 Pratishthan, the lines; lib, 7 lines and III, 7 lines. wada Sahitya Parishad along with an The characters employed in the charter introductory article and plates in pp, 27-32. belong to what is known as In view of the extreme importance of commonly the Kutila or Siddhamatrika In this charter for the early history of the script. view of the developed nature of some of Kashtrakiitas of Manyakheta, it is being the the here re-edited here. Attention will bs drawn letters, script employed may also b3 considered as in the sequel only to mistakes of a justifiably proto- Nagari. The plates are not dated but serious nature in the text as published in be on of Pratishthan. may assigned, grounds palaeo- graphy as 'well as the internal evidence of The set consists three plates the furnished by the text, to the end of the bears on both second of which writing 7th or the beginning of the 8th century first and third A. D. the sides while the contain In spite of careless engraving, the writings only on the inner sides. Each letters in the charter under study may bo sheet measures 17x8. 5 cm and the three generally compared with those in the 852 At the Deobarnark 1 of plates together weigh grams, inscription Jivitagupta of

of each is a the late 7th A. D. and top centre plate ring-hole, century the Nalanda 3 1 cm in diametre, for the ring of the stone inscription of Yaiovarman of the

8th A. D. seal to pass through. The ends of the early century and more profi-

3 circular ring, which is 4cm in diametre, tably with the Tiwarkheda plates of are soldered into a seal which has a Rashtrakuta Nannaraja, issued in 631 A. D. and 4 Nagari legend reading Sr'rPratdpa&ilasya the Samangada plates of Rashtra- in two lines. On top of the legend is kuta Dantidurga, issued in 753 A. D. An

a symbol which is probably a nandi-p'ada. interesting transitional feature noticed in BHINDHON PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA KAKKARAJA 31

our charter is that, while the letters in common variety used is the Kutila type

the Tiwarldieda plates have short line with a marked loop at the left bottom head-marks and those in the Samangada as in the Tiwarldieda and Samangada be plates have head-marks covering the entire plates, another variety, with what may of breadth of the letters, the Bliindhon plates described as a tail-mark in the place have a mixture of both these forms, the loop, is also employed as \\isvamina

though the incomplete head-marks are (line 21) and matlna (line 23). At least the more commonly used. three varieties of the letter to, each with its own minor variations, can be identified Of the initial a occurs twice vowels, as in kivafli (line 3), tilth (line 11) and in While api (line 4) and anya (line 28). in (line 11), the former is the curved type in which The language employed in the charter the lower hook is turned to the left, is Sanskrit and, but for one invocatory the latter, which roughly resembles the and two imprecatory verses, the entire form of the letter a in the Jhalrapatan text is in prose. In marked contrast to 11 inscription of Durgagana of the end of the indifferent manner of engraving, the A. the 7th century D., may bs described language is surprisingly frcj from errors, as the letter la, with a prominent hori- the four glaring departures being the zontal headmark, with a vertical line to spelling of n=a!ka (in line 4) as naika, its right connected by a horizontal stroke of iia&anka, as Manga (line 9), of trishu in the middle. Among palaeographical (in line 19) as trishu and of sandhivigraha peculiarities, which may be attributed to (in line 22) as sa'i[d!n]vfishabha. It is the prevalence of scriptal variety in the almost certain that, in the last instance, region and during the period in question the engraver had failed to follow the and not to the engraver's ineptness, the lines of the letters vigraha correctly and following deserve notice: Three varieties had thus mis-inscribed the word as vr- of the letter ka occur, viz., the one with shubha. Attention may also be drawn to a cursive left belly (as in sakala, line 2, the word pankajafy (line 11) which actu- naika, line 4, pankara, line 6, etc.), another ally reads as pajkajah b:cause of the with the left belly formed in the shape addition of an unwanted horizontal stroke of a triangle (as in kiita in line 7, Kola to the middle of the superscript n. Among in line 15 and kartta in line 25) and the noteworthy orthographical features the third, the archaic form of a horizontal may be mentioned the fact that the con- line cutting across a vertical line, but sonant following r is nowhere doubled. with a prominent horizontal head- mark The charter bears no date but, as has !as in kumbha in line 5); so also, while been pointed out above, may be assigned, ;m ploying k as superscript, the full form on grounds of palaeography and historical jf the letter is engraved in muktd (line 5), evidence, to the end of the 7th or the cshobha (line 14), etc., while only the beginning of the 8th century A.o. ;ross, with the head mark, is found used

n vipaksha (line 14), kshamena (line 14), The object of the charter is to regis-

1 5tc. As for the letter ma, while the more ter the grant of the village Chinchapal ! 32 PURABHILEKHA PATlUKA

is further (boundaries specified) to the brahmana summate followers. Svamiraja Bhanu-bhatta, the son of Ko|a-krma who described as the follower (anuchara) of

belonged to the Vatr.a-sagotra and was a Kakkaraja. Kapa, The donor was Svamiraja, the As has been stated earlier, the grant son of Durgaraja, and he is de;cribed as portion, in lines 14-22, registers the grant the follower of Pratapa^ila-Kakkaraja, the of the village Chinchapalli, in order to son of Govindaraja of the Maharashtra- augment the merit of the donor Svami- Kuta family. The grant was made for raja, to the brahmana Bhanu-bhatta, the the growth of the merit of the donor. son of Kola-Sauna of Vatsa-sagotra, a Kauva. The was made with the The engraving in the first two lines grant ceremonial of water. The is very shallow and many letters are pouring gift was bounded on the north totally worn out. However, it can be village by two aSvattha trees clearly made out that the first three lines while, on the three the contain a verse invoicing the blessings of remaining quarters, viz,, east, south

and it was bounded two rivers. the god Hari (i.e. Vishp). Lines 4 to 7 west, by

and a of line 8 introduce the illu- part The grant thus made by Svamiraja strious (ruler) Govindaraja describing him received the assent of his overlord as to the Maharashtrakuta belonging family (parama-svam!) Kakkaraja when the latter (or alternatively, as to the was belonging great encamped at Pingalika and the grant Rashtrakuta and as one who family) itself was made in the presence of the wears a garland of flowers jerked up by sandhivigraha and ptirohita. the fore-heads of rutting elephants felled The prose passage in lines 23-25 by him with his great sword in nume- that' none either rous battles. enjoins should, through

instigation or by one's own self, or Part of line 8 and lines 9 11 to as through rage or attachment, make bold also the first letter of line 12 introduce to appropriate the village thus gifted. This Govindaraja's first son is followed (prathama-sunuh) by two popular imprecatory Pratapa&la alias Kakkaraja and describe verses attributed to Mann, the author of him as one who was, like the moon the Dharma-taslra and the smritis. risen on the eastern a hill, source of The charter is of considerable impor- pleasure to the whole world and whose tance to the early history of the Rasli- feet were resplendent with the lustre of trakutas. The pta&asti portion introduces the precious stones embedded in the dia- two generations of early Rashtrakuta dems of (subdued) kings. rulers, viz. Govindaraja and his son The the donor, illustrious Svamiraja Pratapadila-Kakkaraja and two generations is introduced in lines 12-14 as one of their capa- subordinates, viz. Durgaraja and of ble routing his enemies and as the his son. Svamiraja. son of the illustrious Durgaiija whose Of the above four, Govindaraja is the fame was ever radiant because of his first of that name with whom many of to attract ability (the adherence of) con- the Rashtrakuta charters commence the BHINDHON PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA KAKKARAJA 33

dynastic eulogy of that family. The b:id District. The village is bounded on Rashtrakuta praSasti alludes to Govinda the each and west by two rivulets which in very general terms and proceeds to join the Godavari river flowing to the describe, also in very general terms, south, thus admirably conforming to the Kakkaraja, his son. From Kakkaraja's boundaries narrated in lines 19-20 of our reference in the charter under as the study charter, llngalika-tataka, where Kakkaraja first son (prathama-sitnu) of Govinduraja, was encamped at the time of endorsing

we understand for the first time that the the grant, may be identified with modem

latter had issues other than and younger Pingli, situated to the south-east of Par- to Kakkaraja. bliani, the headquarters of the District of

the s.une name, on the railway line A more important information furni- connecting Parbhani with Nandcd. It is obvious shed by our record pertains to the status thus that Kakkaraja was ruling enjoyed by Govinda and Kakka. On the over the Aurangabad-Parbhani region in Marathwada at the time the strength of the mere conventional praise Chinchapalli was showered upon these two figures by the grant made. later Rashtrakuta charters, Fleet had con- This is in with the histori- 8 keeping cluded that "it does not seem at all likely cal information we already possess accor- that either of them enjoyed any regal ding to which the early activities of even power". On the other hand, our charter Dantidurga, the grandson of Kakkaraja furnishes direct evidence to the attesting were confined to the areas on the banks rule of Kakkaraja in the Marathwada of the Mdhi, Nannada and Mahanadi region and clearly attests to the regal and thai, on'y towards the closing years status and stature of his father by describ- of his career, he succeeded in making in- ing him as samprapi-atesha-maha&abdal}, roads into the northern parts of Karna^aka. Also the usage of the word samprapta We should, therefore, assign the rule of implies that Govinda had, for the first Kakkaraja to the pre- phase of time, gained the privilege of u&esha-maha~ Rashtrakuta history. iaWfl, suggesting thereby that his two the charter states known predecessors, Dantivarrnan. and Though present that had the of (I), had not enjoyed that stature. Govindaraja gained privilege a&esha-maha^abda and also describes his It is this achievement of Govinda which as the must have induced his illustrious succes- son Kakkaraja parama-svamin (over- of the donor neither sors to consider him as the real founder lord) Svamiraja, father nor son is endowed with any royal of the . title. We have, therefore, no means of whether was an inde- The region over which Govindaraja knowing Kakkaraja and his son established their hegemony pendent ruler at the time of the issue charter. to for is of considerable importance. The gift of the We come know

the first time from the record village Chinchapalli may be identified* with present also as modern Chincholi (lat. 19 30', long, 76 that Kakkaraja was known Pra- And the fact that the seal 15') near the eastern border of Auranga- tapas'ila. 34 PURABHILEICHA PATRIKA

foais the legend ri-Pratapailasya proves aspirants in their early military exertions

thatKiklcaraja was either entitled or power- which finally fetched for them imperial

fill enoiyh to issue charters on his own. status,

The donor and his father Svamiraja The identification of the two place- are mentioned for the first Durgaraja nimes occurring in the record, viz. Chin- time in our charter. Their brief eulogies chapalll and Pin^ajika-tataka has been dis- can at best be stretched to imply that cussed above, they had actively assisted the Rashtrakuta

TEXT 7

. : 1 : : [ Meters Verse ; verses 2-3 Anushtubh Arya ]

FIRST PLATE

1

2 veda-smriti-puraija-sakala-rruikhena svarbharw

3 s-tuhin-anlu-vi(bi)mva(mba)--chak6ra[h*) kurutat=sa Harih divam [n*l]

4 dm |!!! api [ ir:fai(Nai)ka-malia-samar-asivinisha(,pa)tita-matta-dvira- 5 da-^ana-ghata-kumbha-sthal-schchhalita-mukta-phala-kara-ku- 6 suma-mala-parikarita-[cliihna]~lakshita-vapfi(pu)-kaijtha-ma[laK] 7 Me(Ma)harashtrakut-anvayalj samprapt-a^shamaha^a[bdah] 8 iri-Govindarajas=tasya cha prathama-sBnur-uda-

SECOND PLATE : FIRST SIDE

9 [yadry-u]dita-^a^anga(nka) iva sakala-jagad-ahlada-karalu

10 yugapan-n[ri]tyan-narapati-mukuta-maiji-mariclii~manjari-sa- 11 mudy5[ddyo)tita-pada-pajka(nka)jah Pratapa^ilaUri-Kakkara-

12 jah tasy-anucharena prakata-patu-bhat-akrishtay-opa- 13 ja(rji)t-avichchhmna-ya^a-praka^asya Sri-Durgarfijasya su-

14 nuna vipaksha-kshobha-kshameija Sri-Syfimirajena Va-

15 tsa-sajotr-anvayasya Kaijvasya Kolakrma-brahma[na]- 16 sya sutaya Bhanubhattay-atmanah pimy-abhivri[ddha]-

SECOND PLATE : SECOND SIDE

17 ye Chifichapalli-namadheyo gramo=daka-piJrvva[m] kritva 18 tasya cha sima-pariclichhitlir=uttarato=lvattha-yugala- 19 si(m-i)tarasu purva'-dakshi^a-pafcliimasu tri(tri)shv=api-di- BHINDHON PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA KAKKARAJA 35

20 kshu nadi-yuala--pariveshtitalj sa cha Pingalika-

21 tataka-stheua paramasvamina ^ri-Kakkaraien-a-J

II numodiiaft] saa[dhilvrishabha-pur5hita-samakshan dattapi] [i*] 23 na tasya keMchid=vidwj=jana-janya-matina v=a-

TH[RD PLATE

24 va kriddhena va iman[a] rag-avislitena va na kenachid-a-

25 sya gramasy-apaharapfee) buddhih karttavy=etitatha

26 ch=okta i Maaaka(va)-dliarma-l(rita smriii-kareija Va(Ba)ha(hujbhi-

27 r=vasudha bhukta j! rajabhih Sagar-adibliih[i' ] yasya ya-

28 tada sya yada bhiimis=tasya tasya p]ialam[i!*2! Anyasa(ye)-

29 na tu hri[ktya](ta) blumir=anyayena harita[i*] haranto harayata-

30 ^=cha n*3 ti bha[vaty-a]saplamain kulamifm i)

Notes ;-

1 Cll, Vol. Ill, pp, 215-17 and plate.

2 Above, Vol. XX, pp. 43-44 and plate,

3 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 279-80 and plate.

4 Ind.AnL Vol. XI, pp, 111-13 and plate,

5 G. H. Ojha: Bharatiya Praclfmti Lipimala, lipi-patm 21.

6 Dyn, Km. Dist., p. 389.

7 From the original plates and inked estampages.

8 Thero is an unnecessary vertical stroke, with a headmark, engraved below the letter TO, 4 A FRAGMENTARY DEDICATORY INSCRIPTION OF PURNARAKHSITA G. Bhattacharya

of In the collection of medieval stone spar&a-tmtdra perhaps points to the place sculptures from -Bengal at the Museum its origin, namely Bodligaya. All the of Indian Art, Berlin, thers is a fragment Buddhas sit in a niche made of two short of a votive chatty a most probably from pillars surmounted by a trefoil arch. In Bodligaya (Museum No, MIK I 579/. between the arches there is each an

The fragment is of smooth, greyisli black ornamental floral design. The upper part

basalt which is generally known as Raj- of most of the niches is damaged. On

mahal slate because the stone came from a different moulding three triangular 3 the quarry of the Rajmahal Hills at the elements, the element which is common

border of Bihar and Bengal, The frag- with the Buddhist art objects from Bihar,

ment is a part of the socle of a chaliya are shown each with an ornamental

and it measures 83 cm in length. foliage with a disc inside. Perhaps it

It shows on the upper part a row represents the chakra-ratna or the Jewel of triratha of nine seated figures of the Buddha, Wheel. The socle is of or

of which the face of the first, the head three-tiered shape.

of the eighth and the head and upper Below this moulding an inscription body of the ninth figures are damaged. is written on another moulding. It is All the Buddhas sit in the vajraparyan- written in three lines. The third line kasana attitude on a cushion marked with contains a few letters only and the text crossed lines. No lotus has been used ends at the left part of the moulding. Un- as the seat. Of the nine figures the third fortunately the commencing letters of the and the seventh show the dhyana or third line are badly damaged. The Siddham samadhi-mudia and the rest the bhtimi- at the and some of the 3 symbol beginning The in the sparka-tmidra. figures dhyana- letters at the beginning of the middle or samadhi-mudta hold a pot on the portion are also damaged. The size of 1 The of these two palms.' utlarascinga each letter is approximately 1 cm but of covers the while while figures upper body the third line they are smaller. The on the other figures it covers the left engraving of the letters is clear and side of the upper body together with the beautiful. But due to the carelessness of left' arm. The drapery of the Buddhas the scribe some of the text has 5 portion are in the Sarnith style and the navel been left out as we shall see later. mark is shown through it. All of them

have a pointed ushnisha and the hair is The characters of the record are All the nine a Eastern as D. C. Sircar styled in dakshtyavarta curls. Gaufi) (or Indian) Buddhas are no doubt the same Gautama will rightly call them following the state- on bhumi- ment of al-Biruni, The characters yamivni. The emphasis the belong A FRAGMENTARY, DEDICATORY INSCRIPTION OF PURNARAKSHITA 37

to the llth A. century D., Of special in- Verse three, which is a faulty composi- terest is the formation of the letter ha nevertheless tion, gives the sense cleaily in two different ; in in line ways gfiha* that the psrson concerned was a incut 1 it is written in the usual way but in conqueror, who filled the directions with 6 maki and ma/ia in line 2 it looks like his fame, like the autumnal moon, who da in line (see "khafett 1). The Slddham fills the directions with its rays, Finally, symbol at the looks like a note verse beginning four, the second part of which is of but interrogation open to the right. demaged, mentions the hero of the record Punctuation marks have been used with as Purnarakshita, the overlord of the and double vertical lines. The single short Samantas, who was responsible for the vowel i in iva in line 2 has an interest- religious gift, perhaps the votive chaitya form. ing in question. It is a pity that an impor- tant architectural term is perhaps missing As regards orthography it may bs in that damaged portion. Generally the pointed out that the letters cha, na, da art-historians use the term stupa (or and ma have been doubled in connection votive stupa) in connection with the with ra, but not ya. Final ma has been shown Buddhist architecture all over India with with anusvara at the end of a verse (v. 2). exception to the caves containing stupes The record is written in Sanskrit and in Western India, where the caves arc in four verses, of which' some portion of called chaitya-h&\\s. In the records from verse two lias been left out due to .the Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda the term carelessness of the scribe and some por- used in for such structure is tion of the second half of verse four 1 chetiya and not thuba . In the collection the of is damaged. Besides, beginning of the Museum of Indian Art, Bsrlin,

verse three is a which faulty composition, there is a fragmentary, votive chaitya for the reader to follow makes it difficult from Bodhgaya with an. inscription in the sense of the verse. Sanskrit verse and in Gaudlya characters * of about the llth century A. D., which The with the Slddham a epigraph op:ns describes the object of donation as Verse one does not mention the symbol. beautiful chaitya (MIK I No 783), chaityo= of the to whom it refers name person 'yam-ati-swdarah. It is, therefore, possible the valour of in high but praises hjm to think that during the Pala period in that he had many terms saying fought Bihar the socalled votive stiipas were the battles with his sword vanquishing really called chaityas, of the enemies. But mighty war elephants that in dona- have not been It is intfed a paradox unfortunately the enemies Verse a chaitya in honour of the peace- mentioned clearly by names. two, ting the donor mentions that non-violent Buddha which is partially left out, loving, with ele- Purnarakshita allows his military prowess his courtyard was filled rutting in high terms. It may not in a to say to be praised phants. We are position taste for us now, of others or sound to be a bad if these elephants were gifts a fashion in those this was quite a war. but days captured as booty during .the PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

no one took 1 and study any objection to RamapSIafc. 1072-1 126 A.D.) '- But Mariana

that. got his daughter Sankaradevi married to Devarafcshita. Their daughter was Kumara- The donor Purgaralcshita appears for devi." This fact of the subjugation of (lie fust time in the political history of Devarakshita by Mahana is also corro- Bihar and (hcrcfoie, needs some identifi- borated by the commentary on the cation. He is called, Samantadhipatilt., Ramacharita of Sandhyakaranandin, the overbid of the feudatories, the common contemporary of the Pala ruler Madana- term to bo found in the inscriptions being pala (c. The 6 1143-1161). commentary Mjltdsuinuntti'liilpati. So far as our know- explains the term Pithipati as 'lord 'of ledge goes this is the solitary case where Magadha', which shows that Vallabharaja the expression Samantiidhlpati occurs in a and his son 9 Devarakshita were rulers of record from Northern India. The terms Ma^adha with as Sam Bodhgaya their head- intaihipati, Mahds'amantadhipati, Maha- 16 quarters. Devarakshita as a contemporary m nunla- Maharaja etc. denote the subordinate of both Mahana and 10 Kampala, most portion of tiie person concerned, And did probably rule in the last quarter of in that case Purnaralcshita was a subordi- the llth A. century D. Unfortunately the nate official But who could be his master ? on commentary the Ramacharita or any The Sarnath of inscription Kumara- source does not mention the name 11 other^ devi, the queen of the Gahadavala ruler of Purnarakshita. From his namesake it Govindacliandra (1114-1155 A. that D.) informs appears he might have been either us that she was the daughter of Pithl- a brother or a son. As the characters pail Devarakshita, who was the son of our record of are earlier to those of the 2 Vallabharaja, 'the lord of broad PlthikaV Sarnath of inscription Kumaradevi it may Vallabharaja and his son, Devarakshita be assumed that Purnarakshila was per- were also called ChikfcSra-Sinda haps a brother of kings. Devarakshita and there- were local They rulers with the head- fore, an uncle of Kumaradevi. And as around 13 quarters Vajrasana, The second he Samantadhipati might have servgd his part of the record informs us that brother Deva- Devarakshita, the lord of Maoadha rakshita was defeated by Mahana,' the Hence like Devarakshita he was afso an maternal uncle of the Gaud a kin* early contemporary of Ramapala. .

TEXT17 43 "~* '^'^ai,""'" *:

Lill3 1

f ca A FRAGMENTARY, DEDICATORY INSCRIPTION OF PURNARAKSHITA 39 A "l)fl , y kr'taih ghanair=sya jan-aika-&ray-5[kii]laiWl*H] maliibhuuifo b]w=mmahati Jjya-sriyato* . yaiobhir^lndu-pru md^ddm^nah cliakara yai=ch3ndana-pankaj-archchita n'm tarannatha im m-dhamabhih\ [i3*] Samantadhi- pati(e)s-tasya Purnnarakshita-samljnljnah \\--

Notes :-

1 I am thankful to professor Dr. H. H aerial, Dlractor of the MUSJUT. of Indian Art, Bwlin, for his kind permission to publish the materials of the Museum,

2 Most of the sculptures of the madiavnl from period Bihar and Bengal are products of the slate, There are still Rajmahal remains of the old querries in these hills.

3 This shows that the, of most object cbmtijn, ptobably, originated in Bodhgaya where the Buddha' attained the Bodlii.

4 In that case the scsna rapiass.it the of the may offering honay by mankey or simply the Vai^ali scene,

5 In contrast to ths Gintl'iara or Mit'hura whsre ths of style drapery the Buddha is shown in

folds in the Sarnath style it is shown like wet-cloth, clinging to the body,

6 See Indlai aid in ths Journal of Ancient Indian Sircar, Epigraphy Pdaiograp'iy History, Vol. IV,

Parts 1-2, 1970-71, p. 120.

are etc. 7 Ths expressions used mriachstiya, chitlyx-ghara and chetiya-khaVia, See Vogel Ep. Ind.,

Vol. XX, p. 17, 18 and Luders, A List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Ep. Ind., Vol.X, Nos. 1207, 1210,

1229 etc.

8 For Mahiismntad'up.'tti Narayaijivjrman, see tha Khalimpur plate of Dharmapiladeva, Ep, Ind.,

Ibid Vol. IV, p. 250.

9 The term Samantadhipati is given wrongly in the index of Kid., Vol. XVI, p. 391. It is

Maliaslmentailkipan occuring in the inscription of Vikramaditya VI, see p. 32, 33.

subordiana'te 23. 10 See Sircar, The emperor and the rulers, Vim-Bharati, (1982), p. 19, 20, 21,

319ff. and 11 See Konow, Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. plate.

12 "See vfirses 3-6. Pithi or Pijhika as the Vajrasaw-plfha at Bodhgaya. Pithipati has been of Ramacharita as lord of Magadha or South explained in the commentary the Magadhadhipa,

Bihar, See Sircar, Ep. lid., Vol. XXXVI, p. 82.

Plla rulsr 13 The Arrna inscription of the regnal year 14 of [the Madanapila (c. 1143-1161) informs us that the Pirti/wrt- Davasena had his territory including Western Monghyr. So a of became the after Pithipatts Vallabharaja, Devarakshita and Bhimayaias family .Acriaryas 42. rulers of Magadha, For a detailed description see Sircar, Ibid., Vol. XXXVI, p.

The Pala reconsidered in H For thQ latest chronology of the Pala rulers, see Sircar, chronology 964-69. ZDMG, Supplement, Vol. Ill, 2, pp. 40 PtIRABHILEKHA PATRIU

15 liie flame Kumaiadevi lias been as Kumiradevi in Jk wrongly mentioned by HD.Eanerji

46 and carefi ?5te a/ Mid, p, by some of the other historians, But Sircar with his usual

ness uses the correct term, See t is Sircar, Ej.ki, Vol. XXXVI, p,83, really very interesting

to note that in both the cases where the name Kumaradevi occurs in the Sarnath inscription

the metre VmMlliM needs a short verses and 20, syllable for m in him, Soe 10

16 For the discussion on the Saranl also inscription, see Sircar, op, cit,

17 From In the article is in three impressions, plate accompanying this the record shown parts,

18 Expressed by a symbol,

19 The medial vowel a in is sk not clear in the photo of the impression,

20 This has been omited portion completely by the scribe, or might have been written on the othei

of side the sculpture which is missing,

21 The text is grammatically wrong,

22 The double is ^ put wrongly here,

23 Ths occurs portion in the fragment on top, 5 NOTES ON SUGRIHITA-NAMAN

S, P, Tewari

The curious term Sugrihlta-naman nny certainly not fo classified in the category which is related to the realm of ancient of knotty terms, tho particular application

Indian Official, dramatic and non-dramatic of this term and also its meaning to some far-fetched Levi are etiquette, figures for the first time as a rather conclusions by the facts demand our immediate mark of an official etiquette in the JunSgadh which attention here. inscription of Rudradaman, The relevant Before to the views of Levi lines of tho record where this term figures referring for more than once in connection with in this regard and the conclusions he has

it will not fo out of have the genealogy of Rudradaman, read as dra'wn, placjto a look at the offered follows : cursory rendering

" to the term sugrihita-naman by the scholars Tad-idafh rajno mahnkshairapasya before and after Levi. It is also necessary sugrihita-namnah Svami Chashtanasya pautra- for balancing in our conclusions. [sya rajMh kshitrapasya sugrihiia-namnah Sugnhlta-nama James Princep and his Svami Jayadamna]h putrasya rajno mctha- = asso'ciate Pandit Kamalakanta who have kshatrapasya gurubhir abhyasta namno rendered the term sugnhlta-naman into one Rudradamno "' 3 'who was named' so, were certainly not The of considerable inscription being keen to go deeper into the the subtleties interest, particularly for the fact that it of this term sines they were occupied with the of enjoys unsurpassed credit being the the matters of bigger issues. Later on, earliest lithic record in a chaste composed Wilson while revising the said translation the classical Sanskrit, diverted attention of Princep rendered the same term as 'of almost lover of Sanskrit litera- 1 of every well selected name' , Though in the subse- from of its 5 ture, right the day discovery. quent years of* 1862 and 1876 a great

Since 1838, vvheh it was first edited with advance in the reading and the interpre- a translation and small lithograph by James tation of the inscription was made by a Princep, continuosly for period of more Bhau Daji and Eggeling, since the term than seven decades, the attempts were on htgrihlta-naman did not pose much problem in improving upon its reading and also either on the part of its reading or the the in the translation of text general and interpretation, it was rendered into more the interpretations of some of its knotty or less the same way as above. Two years 2 in terms particular. Though the term later when Bhagvanlal Indraji's own text sugrihlta-naman its exact meaning and and translation was published under the

1 also the appropriate application of which editorship of Biihler, in Indian Antiquary' we plan to reconsider here, on account of he explained the term sugrihlta-naman as

1 its familiar and the respectful meaning one 'whose name is of auspicious import . 42 PURABHILEICHA PATRIKA

The same rendering of the term with epigraphical reference to the term sugrihita- ones a slight moderation, was aaain con- naman and its interpretations, now it is

firmed by Biihler in the year 1890, when occasion to proceed with the hypothesis he produced the text of the record and of Lsvi.

a translation of a part of it in his famous Levi in brilliant 8 Sugrihita-nama his essay written in German. What he ren- papsr on the theme presented in a most dered into German could be translated cogent, fluent and charming language, as the one 'the utterance of whose name first of all expresses his partial discord brings salvation". It was in this sequel with the interpretation of the term offered that Levi, dealt with not the inscription by others including Bshtling in general of Rudradaman as a whole, but the actual and that of Buhlcr in particular Accor- purport of the term sugrihiia-naman along ding to him, 'the exact sense of this ex- with some other terms referred into the pression too often rendered by rather inscriptions of the Kshatrapas." vajue formulae (of auspicious name, auspi-

Although as a matter of.chronolo^icat ciously named etc.) seems capable of be- 13 sequence, it would have been better to ing' more clearly expressed'. In order to

review the article of Levi right now, since demonstrate how clearly the phrase sugri- hita-naman the inscription has been re-edited with an can be expressed Levi makes a elaborate translation covering so many commendable effort to survey the major of terms at a greater length by Kielhorn who part Sanskrit literature and quote the coincidentally also adheres more to the references to sugrihita-naman from the various texts. views of previous scholars than that of Since, at many places, with

Levi in the matters such as the one under all regards to the learned Professor, he has not discussion, it will not bs improper to only quoted the extracts from the but in some cases he consider the opinion of Kielhorn as well, texts, has rather

in this regard. misquoted and in few cases even misre- presented the views of the original authors, Kielhorn, while to term referring ,the we deem it proper to review the whole c renders it into one the sugrihita-naman w issue one after the other. 11 taking of whose name is auspicious'. In the With ulterior motive of arriving order to substantiate his point, he also at his final remark that 'it must have been adds a note to his translation where, on in the time and the court of the Ksha- the of authority good number of literary trapas that the references to this term noticed in the text vocabulary,, the, technique and the first examples of the Sanskrit of Chariia (to which we will have drama and everything connected with it a recourse later) he demonstrates fully 1 '1 were established' he asserts that the term well the actual sense of the verb grahana 'sugrihita-naman like sv'amin and bhadramu- or sugrahana and its forms like grihita or kha, (all the terms which as an that of figure sugrihita being 'receiving, uttering honorific ia tittle in the inscriptions of the or talcing of etc., Kshatrapas) belong to the formulary of Having glanced, at the antiquity of the the theatre and 16 things relating to it ! NOTES ON SUGRIHITA NAMAN 51

learned professor is that India as tastra have ti.m regards taken lightly. But, we the care in the field archaeological of are sure, if the whole* issue ii reviewed and language literature, particularly the in it's entirety taking a'so the pints their words, etymology and the antiquity, that we have raised into account, the

fares far better it real force of (and did fare earlier Kane's remark will certainly also) than any other country of the world be realized. (and it's language) elsewhere, Otherwise, Kane ,while to the of how it was on the referring date possible part of the * the NatyaSMra in his introduction to successors of the early writers to '-preserve' the Sahitya-darpnna of VUvanStha review? the thing they got in succession 'with - the main burden of Levi's arguments as pious fiddly' a fact which Levi himself

follows : admits. 05

Having thus examined all the pros of the

and cons of LeVi's hypothesis in general brilliant manner in which the armaments and his views regarding -the honorific are advanced, and the vigour and confi- in title of Sugrihlta-naman particular, we dence with which they are set forth, the can sum up the whole issue, in full theory that the Sanskrit theatre came into agreement with Kane who had though existence at the court of the Kshatrapas chance enough to examine the views of and the supplanting of the by was led the Levi regarding the date of the Natya- classical Sanskrit by foreign Sastra but unfortunately had no time and Kshatrapas appears, to say the least, to elaborate to fo an structure built space enough at his disposal imposing slender foundations. An his remarks at length and sound Ms upon very Kane did obvious is that the inscription was disagreement with Levi. Since reply we have one who was thoroughly not elaborate his points (which, composed by some imbued with the dramatic terminology tried to dofhere to some extent) the .contained in the Natya-sastra",*' of the -later researchers on Nafya-

:- Notes ,

' Pfof " Kla!horn foot not6 !t s 8ditar '" 85 ' 4and P. . ^ E hi Vol. ,

th8 text - filled up the in 36-37 and the references cited tharein. Wd., introduction, PP. Vol. II 58. Md) by E, Thomas, Loader, 1858, p. EsSays on Mm M&**, rock H. H. Wilson. of the Sah inscription on the Glrnar by 68 Revised translation Ibid P '

S C ~ V "' " "* * * <* AsMe " P Journal Bo*to

Vol. II. p. 128 ff, Su^ey of ft*m Ma report B ArchaeoIogM

p. 261. 7 Vol. VII, 63, (Berlin) 1890, p, "

to show a preference for the (so Lo say) king Lalitadilya is reported by his

funeral meaning of the honorific tittle Prime-Minister as follows : sugfthiia-naman, we can visualize them in Sugrihlt-abhidho raja gatah sa sukfitl the following order. divam i, e. 'the king sugrihitabhidha,

1, Having remarked that 'the authentic the bsneficient has gone to heaven,'

1 works of Sana show a preference for Before taking up the icvicw of Levi's the (so to say) funeral meaning of the aim at citing the above references to the title he gathers following quotations term sugr'hlsa-tiaman (which all figure in in his support : the context of 'funeral meaning' and to a) From the Kadambari where uka which a few more can further be added) after the death of his father remarks it is woith noticing the references to that 'if I breath when my father the term in the contexts of non-funeral

sugrihitanainan is dead (evam uparate- meaning, he himself cites (to which we tale will a pi sugfiliita namnl yad-ahnm... have recourse later) far exceed in pranlmi}^ number than the one cited above.

b) Mahaivetfi, recall her dead hus- to Levi's aim at ing Coming citing the band, him above these . designates by words references with an added preference for the funeral of Demya sugrihita-namnah Pundarikasya meaning the title, we at notice (smamnii} d&vah sugrihlia-nam'a Pun- once, the point that he wants H darlkah.' to home. bring It is nothing but to remind us with stress that the In the original c) Harslwcharita, Rajyavaidhana sense of the title sugrihita-namf is the refers to his grand-father as under: same as the one expressed in the Taten=aiva inscrip- sugrihlta-namni tatra tion of Rudradaman in whose court bhavati for pammiam gate pitari kirn the time first everything of Sans- n=Sk&ri literary rajyari* i, e . did our father not krit was introduced and established** take the government in hand on the death of It is in the same his Mgrihito-tiMan father ? sequel and with the same purpose in mind that he ex- d) So, also, the king Harsha himself plains the significance of (he verb grab remembering Ins deceased brother-in- and says that this verb 'which in generally law, the same attaches way the signifies 'to take', signifies when associated epithet to his name: Tatra bhnatah with the words such as to use sugrlhttandmah naman, svargatasya Gralw- mention o, 3 " cite', Here, one have varmanafy balamitranr*. may no objection as for the meaning of the 2. In the Mahakuta verb grah in pillar inscription of association with naman A, D. 602 the genealogy O f being using, or Maiigalefo mentioning citing of allots the the title sugrlhito name is nSmadhSya to concerned, because it is in his grand father 5 ' perfect agreement with Rapraga. the interpretations of the scholars 3. In the we have cited Rdjatarangini the above, but demise of what Levi put3 forth as an a ^ NOTES ON SUGRIHITA NAMAN 45

illusttate his points, seems to fc certainly only taken it as a custom contrary to far from the mark. sugrahana but has al;>o gone further in his In order to illustrate his view of the substantiating views with the help of a 'mention of prescription from Manu. He believes the name' he quotes the that the idea attached to 'mention of following verse from the Uttara Ramacharita tlw where the name' is the same which is ordained Rama having just resolved to put by Mann who says that 'an iron nail, away Sita, invokes the Earth, Sugrlva and ten inches and red hot must be others and adds: Te hi mcmfe mshatmanah long driven into the mouth of him who men- krltaghnena duratmana. Alayagrihita nama- tions the mimes and of nah 1 insultingly c.iste spfi&yama iva papmana* "But, indeed

the twice- born' : iv-esham- I Nama-juiigraham think that those great ones are conta- abhidrdhsna kurvatah. Nikshepy-aydmayah minated by having their names mentioned &afikur-jvalann-asye dabangulaJf. Further by me (who is) so ungrateful and wicked," on, while stressing at the same issue he the Here, very association of the word also cites the examples forwarded by the fotm 85 grihtta (a of the verb ~gtah} with commentator (Medliatithi) on the above . Namanah as far we understand, docs not Need not to say that Levi finds both the

make any note-worthy difference unless expression may'a grilritanamdnah of Bhava- we think that by applying the word 'men- bhuti. and nama-jatigraham tvesham-abhi-

tion', Levi has something more subtle in drohena kurvztal) of Manu as analogous.

mind which might convey the sense con- But the analogy apart, the iiiterpreation of a trary to the honourable mention name. he gives to both the phrases, does not As far we could ascertain, there is no seem tenable. such instruction in the Sanskrit grammar In case of Rama's statement in the also which says that the verb grah when Uttara Ramacharita what is meant is not associated with the words like naman should that since Rama while recalling the above- signify the sense of jugitpsa (abhorrence) said personnels mentioned them with the or akro&a calummalion or dishon- (abuse, became con- phrase grihlta-namanah they our). What we understand is that, nama- taminated (the meaning which Levi wants grahaya was an act of addressing any one us to believe) but because of Rama himself whereas sugrihlta-nama was a particular who thinks that 'I am so sinful that if and phrase used only when the elders the I were to take their names, sin belonging ones were to be addressed. This 36 respectable itself to them. to me would, as if, attach is why the very fact that how one comes Likewise in the prescription of Manu of his name is described as to know bhuyah laid on the the emphasis is not actually bravanena nama-grahanam I e. by constan- which Levi wants phrase nama-jatisraham addressed same name tly bsing bythe (or abhidrohena to highlight, but on the phrase the one succeeds in receiving, appslation) This is also made (meaning insultingly). taking or grasping his name. Levi seems clear by the commentary which have half consulted or atleast he Regarding the usage of the term gfihita- to only the half of it. The namanah from Bhavabhuti, Levi has not has quoted only 46 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

be coinmeniary of Mediiatithi, on the above to the date of Rudradaman may assigned

\orsc from Mann reads as follows : refers to it's hero Charudatta more than

kutsa the honorific title of Nirupapadai'n nama-grihnaii prayogena once with Sugfihlta- ' krddhena i'a 'DdvadattukeiF Abhidtohena namd or Sugrilnta namadheyn. Herein,

na pranavencF , It says that the afore- first of all the courtesan Vasantasena mentioned punishment should be given to demands from her servant Madanika the the the person who mentions name or the name of a person whom she has met and

caste of (a twice-born) with insult or Madanika replies :

arrogance and not with honour and affec- sokkhtt ajjue sugahida-namaheyo tion, Had he mentioned the name with ajja tl Chamdatto nanm i. e, lady ! 'F, honour and affect i on (pranayena] there was My of auspicious name, is called the noble no need for the prescription as above. Charudatta'. We find it used a'ain s_J Thus, we find that the emphasis is in the same manner by [he mother of laid in both the cases only on tSte terms Vasantasena when the judge asks her like kritaglinena, durat/nana, maya papmana the name -of the friend of her daughter : and abhidiokena but not the least on the

or the so kkhu satthavtiha vinadattassa terms like gfihlta-fiamanah nama- tiattio, us Saaradattassa juti-graham which Levi wants to believe tatuw, sugahidtmatnaheyo ajja Charudatto and which also forms the bone of his ndma.^ i, e. "it is the grandson contention, of Sarthavaha Vinayadatta, the son of

Sagardatta, the noble Charudatta sugfilnta* Based on the above contentions, Levi namadheya". A point worthy of note here is lands at the following conclusion. He that the appellation siigrihltn-namun is used says that 'the stigrahana is the contrary only in case of Charudatta and not in case (contrary to grlhlta-nama and nfima-graha) of his ancestors. Whereas if it is we rely on the custom ; to mention the name of a of 38 hypothesis Levi, who says that 'all (he person, (and) more specially a dead person. early writers of dramas of the fictions must Apart from the fallacy of his argument have borrowed such terms from the records on which the above conclusion is based, of the Kshatrapas and sugrcthana is to the statement is also not borne out by the mention more specially the namo of a literary references to the term sugrihita- dead the naman person', title sugrihlta-ndman by (where the custom of sugrahana is Sudrafca must have been applied for the directly involved) a good number of which ancestors of 39 Charudatta first who were Levi himself has cited above, and also dead, which is not the case. Not from a few more which will follow in the 'only this but Sudraka, as if he in sequel. anticipated advance that a someday doubt regarding The of Mrlchchhakatikam Sudraka to his and* originality the real purport of the which, even on the of Levi analogy (because term sugnhlta-naman will be raised, has it refers to the terms like bhadra-mukhcr- taken care u every to substantiate the basic and raahfriyu a date etc,) falling nearer of the term. concept Therefore, at a later NOTES ON SUGRIHITA-NAMAN 47 stage when the servant of Vasantaseaa "Sugrihita-nama devaS -- Cha'ulra^uptah

ir> asks the name of the master of Samvahaka, i" 'His majesty Chanduyupia, he replies thus : desires it".

SldghanJya namudheya arya Charudatto Coming to the Harshacharita of Buna a rtama (i. e. He, of auspicious name and enquiring such references to this title is called the noble Charudatta) and as we have not referred to above, a with this, when Vasantasena gets number of instances are noticed, At the thrilled and asks her maid to give him a very outset, in the Harshacharita, Vikukshi seat immediately, Samvahaka starts won- the personal attendant of kins ^iryata, to his dering in himself and thinks : Kathcim introduces himself with due regard ' ' - as : Mam de arya Charudaliasya nama-safikirtanam-edri&o mas ler under <.tpi tasya vasya

me adarah ! the mere mention Saryaiasya 'ajMLCirimim (How by sitgriliita-namiuih m bhavnlt i, e. 'know of the noble Charudatta's nam; they arc bhrityam=avadha!'ayatu I am the humble servant of the showing me so much respect). Likewise, that follows even later also Sudraka, by referring to sugrihita-naman >aryata'. Then, context where Band comes to seethe Charudatta with such appellations as the Marsha for the first time. This tatra bhavanb-Chonidatta" (i e. his honour king dhanna reference to the term sugi-ihlta- Charudatta) : Sri Charudatta" and particular

1 on account the store naman, because of it's poignancy nidHti-Charudatta* (i. e. Charudatta, added to seems to of some extra phrases it, or righteousness) repeatedly, wants bring to be one of the most appropriate usages the same point home that a sngrilnta-namc,n of this term, we have witnessed so far. is one 'whose name is of auspicious import' of Moreover, it has also the credit being or 'the utterance of whose name brings Sana's 1 of couched with personal experience good luck as it virtually did in case which he renders thus : the Samvahaka of Charudatta.

iva Drishtva ch- atnigrihlta iva nigrihlta author of Mudrafak- sabhilasha iva iripta iva romahchcmucha shasa who, as Levi himself remarks, is mukhena m unchaim-ananda-vashpavari-bin- has by the Mrichchhakatikam, inspired duii'durad-eva vismaya smerah samachin- referred to the tittle of sugrihlta-naman tayat-so=yam sujunnia, sugrihita-mmc, the with the same import. Sarngarava devah iljasam I'Mih paramltvaro of here, who has been deciple Chanakya 1 seen Harshap i. e. 'having him, feeling of the master of the asked the name blessed the mere as it were, at once (by house : replies and checked the august appea- sight) (by and rance of the full of desire "asmakam upadhyayasya sugrifiita-n'amn- king), his face horripilatcd m is our master satisfied with arya CMnakyasya' i. e. 'it yet with and with tears of joy falling the noble Chanakya Sugfihlta-n8man'. On awe, stood at a distance from his eys, Bana another occasion, in the same drama, ' in wonder and pondered, "This, the Chamberlain, in proclaiming the royal smiling that is the Sri Harsha, thus : then emperor command, expresses himself 48 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

- union of separate glories noble in birth such a miscreant that in his case even ' well-chosen 1 52 and of auspicious name So the utterance of his name (nam-api

again, though not that elaborated, Bana grihriatd} may soil one's tongue with a

connects the same title with Harsha him- smirch' of sin, when his hearers at home him self, press After going through a good number to relate the history of that king : of literary references to the title sugrHnta-

naman it is time to recall the basic issues asya sugrihitanamnah piinyara&eh , , raised by Levi, maialy for the purpose ..... charitam khchhamah irdtum . . . of arriving at our conclusions. The i.e. -'we wish to hear the achievements major issue raised by Levi to which we have of this Sugrihlta-naman who is also referred to earlier but rich in merit,' only partialy is that 'before becoming fixed, with the Further, Baija again refers to the stiffness of dead forms, in the vocabulary same title and that too with reference of theatrical and literary conventions, to Harsha when king only RajyasYi is on these titles (like sugrilnta-naman and others) the of the point mounting funeral pile have, of necessity, done duty in actual and of her Kurangika (one maids) reports life. The first writers who transported the arrival of unexpected Harsha, Rajyafiri them into the domain of fiction, did not says: invent them, thanks to the miracle of a

chance coincidence; nor did they go and Kwahgike kena sugrlhitanamnd nama exhume them out of H the past, with an gfihitam~amrllamayam-aryasy& - '0 Kuran- f archaeological care which India has never gika! who is that who has uttered the known; they borrowed them from current ambrosial name of our lord, sugrifuta- language and bequeathed them to their naman T successors who have preserved them with

pious fidelity, whilst political events were Having referred to the name, taking transforming the official protocol around of which brings good luck and merit, them.' 66 Bana tries to focus on the same, this time As a supplement to this by showing the negative side of it. major issue, Levi has, in This figures with reference to the news particularly regard with the title of the sad demise of Grahavarman which sugrihita-naman also raised two minor issues. One is that the messengar wants to break without 'the verb grah signi- to utter fies when associated with the willing the name of the miscreant : words such as naman, of (the sense) using, mentioning Nam-api or the name' grihnato=syapapakariyah papama- citing (which is) the custom lena lipyata iva me jihva i.e. 'as I take contrary to that of sugrahana!" the name of this merely miscreant The other issue is my that 'the real import tongue seems soiled with a smirch of of sugrahana is to mention the name of sin'. Indirectly, it means that a though person, more specially a dead person, generally there is no harm in merely Regarding the first issue, we have some uttering one's name, this fellow is shown already (partialy) the fallacy of NOTES ON SUGRIHITA NAMAN 49

Levi's hypothesis which gets fully disap- will ap(provc) the amendment beyond proved once we go the references through doubt,' is also not proved bejond doubt. from the Harsha we Charita, have cited Il will be an evercise in vain to count above. Bana has very clearly, though the number of examples Lcvi has cited figuratively demonstrated the fact that the either in support of his interrelation of association of the verb gmh with words the title sttgrihUa-nanian with it's funeial such as naman is not to the custom contrary meaning or for the sake of his prefe- of sugrahana. It is, as if to convince that rence 'sitgidhaija is to mention spe- those, who have he any doubt, makes cially the name of a dead person', because a full of the swing various usages and in both the cases examples do not suffice the associations of the verb grah. This to bring the point home. Even if the is once before why coming to stigrihlta examples were gathered at random a fact lie exhausts all other such words as which may not be denied, the examples

anugrihila and nigrihitu^va.)*' and the next where the appellation sugrihita-ncimcm is

time, having tittered the title sugnhita- used in case of living dignitaries, far

nainnd he adds as nama-grihltain am pit a- exceed in number than that of the dead the mayam aryasya This demonstrates fully personnels. However, from observa-

well, that Bana was cautious enough (in tion of all the examples cited, what comes it's use) and conversant well with 'the out as a fact is not that what Lcvi has

meaning and other subtleties of the verb tried to emphasize, but what Kielhorn

grah, certainly more than us, and if we and others have explained without making

are permitted to say, even more than the much of the reference. In the opinion sugfihlta-nama Professor Levi. of Kielhorn 'sugrihita-naman is an honou-

rable title, applied to royal or noble to the second issue raised Coming personages, both living and deceased'" by Lcvi, the only thing we have discus- By all means and in all the cases no sed so far, is the impropriety of his enigma such as that 'the title sngrihita-naman correction of the term pratah smaryateas is meant specially for the dead persona- pretah smaryate which to the best of our to this ges' was ever attached title. At understanding, he has done without any least this is true in case of all the works rhym or reason. In fact, if we adhere Levi himself has referred to. Had there to the suggestion of Levi, all those who been any such enigma attached with the have been referred to as Sugrihlta-naman term sugrihlta-naman the maid of Vasanta- above, will fall in the category of pretas, seua would have never dared to apply it which is not true. The meaning of the with the name of Charudatta the beloved term preta as it is construed in the texts of her own mistress, nor the favourite of the dhanna-s astral will not suit even disciple of Chanakya would have ever to those whom Levi himself has (and deemed it proper to address his own rightly so) held in high esteem. teacher as sugrihlta-naman and made him Levi's other statement that 'the exa- dead 1 The same argument with even an j ofBana also. mination of the examples \he will cite added force applies in case PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 50

bs deemed impossible, nor strange, it is certainly Could it, under any logic the users the himself as strange to believe that of proper that Biina who styles oil their inherited the one who came to see Harsha for current language part 3 will be the same out of a miraculous chance seeking favour (kalyan-abhinivetil)" title coincidence. In our opinion, the theory as ignorant as to use the sugrilnta- 'miracle of a coincidence' as naman for his master when, it was meant of change the dead ? regards a language which originates, grows specially for addressing persons further and attains a developed stage, may the issue Finally, regarding major hardly get an universal approval, more have raised by Levi (we quoted above) so in the context of Sanskrit which, as our humble submission may be construed agreed on all hands, was already having as follows : a well systematized grammer (that always follows once the language is grown) of that I) Taere is no denying the fact its much before the 'miracle' in the own a the titles like sugrihita-naman and others, form of Rudradaman's record took place before becoming fixed, in the vocabulary of theatrical and literary conventions, have, IV) The statement of Levi that having of necessity, dons their duty in ac.ual once borrowed such titles and the terms life. Oaly thing we may like to add hsre from the current language, the early wri- is that the span of the actual life did ters 'bequjathsd them to their successors in not begin with the record engraved who have preserved them with pious fide-

150 A. D. nor did it remain confined to lity', suffers with more than one lacuna. also the the life span (and domain) of The first is that if the early writers ? its issuer (early in the sense that their works are

known to us) could borrow things from II) There can also not be two opinions the current 'language and bequeath the about the fact that 'the first writers who same to their successors, how it is not transported them into the domain of fiction possible that the predecessors of the early did not invent them' but to presume that writers also would have not done the the occurance of such titles on the body same? The second lacuna closely linked of the record is only due 'to the miracle with the first one is that the early wri- of a chance coincidence' will certainly be- ters did not borrow it from the past too much of a chance, particularly in case because of their lacking on the part of of language and literature. 'archaeological care' which according to said that the 61 III) Having early writers Levi India has never known'. We, on who have referred the above mentioned our part, consider the above remark of did not invent to title(s) them, say again, Levi more as a mark of the fashion that 'they also did not go and exhume which was very much in vogue at the them out of the self con- past' becomes time the learned professor wrote and less tradictory. Further even if we believe on, as a part of argument which lacks even that 'they (the early writers) borrowed such a slender base for it's support, However, words from current language' which is not our humble submission to the charge of 51 NOTES ON SUGRIHITA NAMAN

But, we learned professor is that India as regards have taken him lightly. issue is reviewed the archaeological care in the field of are sure, if the whole in also the points language and literature, particularly the it's eatirety taking the that we have raised into account, words, their etymology and the antiquity, real force of Kane's remark wilt certainly fares far better (and it did fare earlier be realized, also) than any other country of the world

(and it's 'language) elsewhere. Otherwise, the date of Kane while referring to how it was possible on the part of the to the Nafyatoitra in his introduction successors of the early writers to 'preserve' the Sahitya-darpaw of ViSvanatha reviews the thing they got in succession 'with the main burden of Levi's arguments as pious fiddly' -a fact which Levi himself : 3 follows admits."

" Having thus examined alt the pros ------^, Inspiie of the and cons of Levi's hypothesis in general brilliant manner in which the arguments and his views regarding the honorific are advanced, and the vigour and confi- in the title of Sugrihita-naman particular, we dence with which they are set forth, can sum up the whole issue, in full theory that the Sanskrit theatre came into agreement with Kane who had though existence at the court of the Kshatrapas chancs enough to examine the views of and the supplanting of the Prakrits by Levi regarding the date of the Natya- classical Sanskrit was led by the foreign tWra but unfortunately had no time and Kshatrapas appears, to say the least, elaborate an built space enough at his disposal to to bj imposing structure his remarks at length and sound his upon very slender foundations. An

Kane did is disagreement with Levi. Since obvious reply that the inscription was not elaborate his points (which, we have composed by one who was thoroughly tried to do -here to some extent) some imbued with the dramatic terminology of the later researchers on the Ndtya- contained in the Natya-sastra"."

Notes :- ,

42. lines 4 and foot note 14 wliarain it's editor Prof. Kielhorn has 1 Ep. M., Vol. VIII, p. 3,

filled up the lacuna in the text,

therein. 2 Ibid., introduction, pp. 36-37 and the references cited

E. London Vol, II 3 Essays on Indian Antiquities, (edited) by Thomas, 1858, p. 58.

translation of the Sah on tha Girnar rock H. H. Wilson. 4 Ibid,, p. 68 Revised inscription by

5 Journal Bombay branch of Asiatic Sue., Vol. VII, p. 118 ff,

128 6 Archaeological Sumy of Western India report Vol. II, p. ff,

7 M, Ant., Vol. VII, p, 261,

8 Die Indischen Inschrlften und das Alter far Indischen Kunstpossie (Berlin) 1890, p. 63, PURABHMIBA PATRIKA 32

Vol. XXXI II, S3. 9 //>/

Vol. XXXIII 163-174, Though the original article of Levi was written in French 10 M '1'it. pp.

I, having^ no access which appeared first in the Joumal AnutHquc, 1902, part pp. 95-125, we, are to ths translation (done under to that language and the journal, referring only English the in direction of Burgess) of that paper tilled 95 'Sown terms ti\e K$l\(tti'(tpa in,icrwti(W\

Ind, Vol. VIII, p. 46. 11 />

12 ibid., note 1.

* 13 Ind. Ant, Vol. XXXIII, p. 167.

" 14 IhiiL, p. 169.

15 Ibid., p. 165.

' 63 defines the term : 16 DaiarOpa ii, sugjihitabhidhn as follows

Rathl suiena ch-flyushmiin pujyaify Mshy-atmaj-anujaft, Vats-ett tatah pujyo* pi sugfiliitabludhas-tu taih = Apt iabtlit pujyena tishy-atmaj-arwjiix-tat-ett vachyal} so=pi tais tat-eti sugfihita nama ch-etl.'

17 Sahitya-darpaiia 431, defines it as sugrtliit-abhidhah piijyah fashy-ddyair-rimgadyate.

18 Lcvi, op. (it. pp. 165-66.

19 77ie Trikandasesha by Purushottamadeva, with the commentary called Sai'Mha chandrika, Bombay Since 1916, II, 7. 27-28. we have not been able to check the entry in the Petersbsrg Dictio- we are not sure as to what edition of nary ourselves, the kota was followed by Bohtling and

Levi if ha referred subsequently by to the koh himself as he has not cited such details in

his paper.

20 Levi, op. tit. p. 166.

The of 21 commentary Trikatfatesha (op. cit) explains the term sugrihitanama as the address of

Mha-kamyaya priitah smaranlyasya piinya-kirtanasya janasya, which we doubt whether Lev! has

see or if he it cared to has seen he has certainly not taken note of it.

Monier Williams under the 22 See entry pratah(smamnu) and the select references cited theirin.

' The Kadambari of ed. 23 Bayabhatta by Parab. K. P. with the commentary of Bhanuchandra, N.S.P.

1921 69 I, 9. Bombay p. r cf. commentary which the word explains sugrihltanMni as sugfihitafo

ssnada grahana yogyaih nama i. e., whether alive or dead, it is an honorific term which always precedes the names of elders'.

24 Ibid. (Ed. by Perterson, Bombay), p. 308, lines 18 and 22. We regret that we could not locate reference in the above this quoted edition of the text,

25 Harslictcharita, (N.S.P, edition,) 1918, p. 179, lines 9-10.

26 Ibid., p. 233, lines 17-18,

Ind. Vol. 27 Ant., XIX p. 16, 1.3 of the text.

28 Mjatamngiyi, ed. by Stein A. Delhi 1860 (reprint) IV. 362.

29 Levi, op. cit. p. 169.

30 Ibid. NOTES ON SUGRIHITA NAMA.N , $

31 Uttara Ratniduirita ed. with notes and translation by Kans P. V., Delhi 1962, I. 48.

32 Translation of this verse as well as that of other passages quoted above belongs to Uvi only.

33 Yogasiit/a of PataHjali.

34 Manusmriti with the manu-bhashya of Medhatjthi, 2 Vois, ed, by Jha 6, N. Calcutta 103?., VIII. 271.

35 Levi, op, dt. p. 167.

36 Kane, op. cit., notes p. 49,

37 Manu. op. dt. commentary part.

38 Levi, op. cit p. 167, $& * 35 Ibid., pp. 165-1 67. For instance, in cotnparision to seven references showing preference, for

the funeral meaning of the title sugrihitanaman Levi has easily gathered more than twelve other

references to the same word where it is used in the honorific sense but otherwise,

Lavi that 40 Levi, op. cit, pp. 163-169'. where opines the works referring to the titles like

, and etc. which are noticad in the bhadramukha, rashtriya sugfili'itanMa records of the Kshatrapas,

must have borrowed them from the latter and hariM thay may fall nearer to them in date.

41 Mfichcha (N. S. ed.) Bombay 1310, II. p. 45,

42 Ibid., IX. 6. ff. p. 208,

43 Ibid., p. 59.

44 Ibid.

45 Ibid., IV 32 ff, p. 111 and VII, 3 ff. p. 159.

46 Ibid., VI. p. 137.

47 Ibid., VI. 14. cf. Dm-eva piijaniyav-iha nagaijaih tilaka-bhutau cka. Arya VasantasSna dharma

nldhid= charudatta$= cha.

43 Mudrarskslmsa ed. by ViiSakhadatta, by A, Hillebrandt, pt. 1, text. Brestau, 1912. Act. I. 17 ff.

p. 11. In one of ths manuscripts of the same text, as pointed out by Hillebrandt, the reading is found as 'cmugrihHa-namadheya.

49 Ibid., p. '15.

50 Harsha., (N. S. ed.) p. 27,

51 76k/., p. 77.

of Cowell and Thomas 52 Ibid, (Tr. (London 1897) p. 64.

53 Md.,\>. 91.

54 Ibid., p. 248.

55 Ibid., p. 188, See also, Ep. M,Vol. VIII, p, 46, fn, 1 where' Kielhorn remarks that the

meaning of sugriliita-naman Is well indicated by this passage of the Hanshacharita*

56 Levi, op. cit p. 169. PURAHHILEKHA PATRIKA

57 W, p, 167,

58 W,

59 u/, In, 51, ()/>,

ill 54, Oj> k

It to the sou! to the DkmsMts has a applies 61 The term /w/aj according special meaning,

of whose iwldk is vide fciiw,, of such dead persons and tojw; not duly performed, ft

Vol. IV, pp, 262 If,

1, SJ /.)), WJolJIII- M6in,

S3 flunk p, 62,

f4 169, 64 Uvl, Op, cit, p,

65 M

notes I, UXXIII-IV 66 r/k- tewkjng, tr, with by Ghosh, M, M, Calcutta I960, Vol. p,

67 The of VUwtfa ed, with & SMyti-ikwiM introduction notes by Kans, P,V, Bombay, 1923^

pp, VIII-IX (introduction), 6 A NOTE ON KANDULAVU OR CROWN LANDS

R. Tirumalai

The term Kandulavu occurs in Pandya is incomplete and can be assigned to early and Travancore to 6 Inscriptions describe 13th century A. D, the erstwhile tenure of some lands granted The second instance is more detailed. by the king. Sri T. N. Subrahmanyam has In the reign of Sundara Papaya he gran- described this term correctly as "king's ted lands for maintaining and feeding 11 1 own lands" (arasanam sonda nilam), biihmaijas who were to recite Sri Rudram This paper seeks to throw some more (3ri Rudradhyayanam) before the Tirunel- light on this term. The term ulavu means veli deity on the Mula asterisk, the native cultivation, and enjoyment, Kandu means star of the king. The llBrahma^aswere: here direct or personal supervision under Maclabo^ai Govinda Bhattaj] his very eye. Personal supervision of the Andan Bhatta gross yield at harvest time (obbtitfi) is Inmganti Somayaji even now termed kandu-mudal-kana. In Pagatur Ulagamundaj} Bhattan other words it denotes lands held by the Allur Yagnanarayana king for direct cultivation under or Sottai Arujljapperumal through his personal supervision. In Sibasai Sri Krishna Malayatam the equivalent term is kandu- krishi. Gomatam Bhupati Bhatta Brihaspati Savaiyajiyar In the nature of things, such lands would be comparatively limited in their Set^abosai ArulajapperumaJ Bhattar location could be occurrence and their PulJalur Yadava Bhat^ar close to the capital. Two such instances Irunganti Souripperumal Bhatta Soma- are noticed - one in inscriptions from

2 Tirunelveli which was a Pandyan head- Vangipuram Nambi Bhattar 3 and quarters of the medieval Pandyas lands were in Kunrattur a devadana another in an inscription from Tiruppa- The 4 of the of Tirunelveli. The rankunram close to , the capital. village deity were in the holding (kagi) The term also occurs in Travancore lands occupied 5 or Malavarayan Tangai-nachchhi, apparently inscriptions. a tenant at will, It was under personal In the 10th year of MSravarman 2 cultivation It can yield crops Sundara Pandya, two princes or chieftains, (nam-ulavu). both kar and and first rate lands Tirunelveli Perumaj and Pandya PerumaJ piswam The lands were located had endowed for a deity of Tirunelveli (tahivarisai-nilam). west of service to the south of RajarSjav&ykal, and the goddess for the mid-day channel and com- kandulavu land in the pathway or (vadi) (uchchhi sandhi) their : - the following Terkukuji in A^ur-nadu. The inscription prised PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

In could be appropriated by the Icing. the instant case the lands were, though Palace belonging to the king or chieftain as Estate or as Crown lands, still having

an holding-claimant Malavarayan Tangai Nachchhi, who had, perhaps, agreed to pay in lump a share of the yield (pat tarn}. But being a* kandulavu land such an holding-claimant could be teiminated, syn- of the chronising with the conversion, tenure from kandulavu to Sri Rudradhya-

yanaputam granted to the 11 brahmanas.

Thirdly the lands were scattered over

seven channels taking off from the main channel or tank-sluice. While the average

size of the individual parcel was 1 ma

(33 cents) some were even smaller. Also

for purposes of grant, it could be that select parcels were picked out or all par- cels under one tenant were granted in the

aggregate, but they were scattered though

in fairly close proximity,

But the lands were capable of growing two crops regularly and they were first- Total v2/ 3/4, 1 ma WHYS' rate in yield (talaivarisal).*

The cultivation was discontinued personal A second instancs of kandulavu lands from the month of The kada- Pura}(M. also comes from Tirunelveli. This is dated mal was payable together with antarayatn in the 8th year of Maravarman Kulas'i- to the temple as before, but karanmai 10 khara Pandya. In that year, the supe- and in cash or as distributed tax-yields rintendents of the cultivated lands of the fields were as among the allocated $ri sabha of Tirunelveli alias Kulas'ekhara- Rudradhyanapputam. Chaturvedimaagalam (Pannai veil beyvar) gave a single deed of conveyance (eka From this evidence the following in- pramana) in substitution of several earlier ferences can be made :- \ ones. The grantees were the brahmana

(i) The kaydulavu lands could ba loca- residents of Anavaradadana-Chaturvedi-

ted in dsvadana villages in. which case, mangalam, a brahmana settlement of 24 the land-dues allocated to the temple had bhattas having 24 shares besides 2 shares to be to paid the temple. The full yield each for the &va and Vishnu temples to with unallocated along land-dues share the west of the $iva temple. The agra- A NOTE ON KANDULAVU OR CROWN LANDS 57 ham (brahmana township or settlement) (Kula^ekhara-Chaturvedimanjalam) confir- was set up by one Kottaiyur Alavandan med such a grant and a share of the and Daivachchhilayar Bha|tan named after water-spread (kulum korvai) (i. e., water- a chieftain or prince Anavaradadiina- rights from the lank so granted). The pperumal. new settlers could rane two crops (/car-

pisanam) and a summer crop also (kuruvai) One of the hems of lands conveyed by direct cultivation or by causing the to the new bhattas had a history, Irl lands to be cultivated (payirse\dum t tie)- earlier there was a rain-fed tank times, duvittum), and could occupy the house- collecting and surface-drainage ayacut sites or cause them to be occupied (kudi- in Melvembu-nadu in (punakkulam} Ayar- yirundum kudiyinitthiyum). kujam included area. In that ayacut The also issued a command (command area) excluding the land-share king that the new settlers were to the (karai) enjoyed by one Jatavedan ..... pay immutable demand the ancestors of sabhaiyar or Kulas'ekh'ara- (proportionate) (vada- of achchu to the of Chaturvedimangalm had given the lands klaidamai] 4-5/8 deity Tirunelveli The sabha to the king as ulavo^i that -is they temple. represen- tatives endorsed this and direc- conveyed their cultivating rights to the obligation, ted 11 of other land dues to the king on a usufructary mortgage in return payment as by the The for cash payment. The king had then temple stipulated king. 6 facts set out are In the constructed a tank named Panditappereri self-explanatory. ' of betterment of irrigation facili- and the lands became a water-spread, and process undertaken the even the could not be cultivated. Hence in lieu ties by king, rights of the earlier grantees had apparen- of the yield-share the original Brahmana been overlooked, or ignored after an holders were given svamibhogam or a tly initial period of recompense paid for their title share for the ownership of the lands. title-dues (Svamibhogam} as diversion fee Subsequently this payment of svamibhogam for conversion of cultivable lands into a was discontinued. The lands under the tank-bed. tank newly constructed and the tank were Palace Estate or Crown lands in appropriated as the The parcels of (ka^dulavu} Kunnat- lands of the king (piflpm, svamibhogam- the ayacut of Yirapanditapereri in taramal peruma} kandu\avakki ponda tur had survived even upto the 16th Vira century. For the Tiruvadi chieftain, of Mailtan^avarman granted some lands Palace In. the lands so constituting the this tenure in the same ayacut to the a letter had granted Estate the king by in Kollam 721 temple in Tirunelveli temple the from the 7th year Chittirai, (/, *., year 12 (A.D. 1525). the date of this previous to inscription) The third instance come's from Tirup- ! 30 ma as dharmadana to l- /2 veil or 13 This is from the cave on the bhattas who had been newly settled parankunram. the south side of the hill from Umayan- in Anavaradadana-Chaturvedimangalam. dar It is dated in the 7th year, The sabhayar of the mother-township Temple. PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 58

Sundara Paudya the superintendening fee for lands and 325th day of Maravarman. harvests while the lands were under direct A. A new deity named I (circa 1224 D-), and a shrine cultivation. after the king was installed temple), The built. (The present Umayandar There was a similar case of change for a grant of land priests supplicated in tenure noticed in Suchmdrani. In temple construc- for the apparel expenses, A. D. 1489, the Tiruvacli chief, Ravivarman and other needs of the shrine. tion works alias Tiruppappur Mutha Tiruvadi granted endorsed this Majavaiiyan, the chieftain a land which was a kandulavu or crown and the grant of 6 ma request suggested land irrigated by the south channel of the and 6 ma of single of double crop lands, VIrakerala big tank in Tuppaykluidi in in all veli and 2 ma. The crop lands 1/2 NaSjil-nadu, released it from his persone] kandulavu lands of the lands were the cultivation and gav it to PerumaJ Rayar, to the east of king in Pujingimrur, daughter of Arumugappmima}, the first tank, alias (kilpuram) Viranarayana service-holder in Sucliindram temple, insti- The lands were to Sundarapaij^yapuram. tuting a bath and a special service on his Malaikudi rod or b3 measured by (L. 4, 10) birthday-/>8ra//&# asterisk in Ma&l 33-34 and were 14 Vasantavai .rod (Lines ; 48) month. to be localised in a contiguous block on The term is also used to denote the one side of the fields (orupakkamadaiya] land under the direct cultivation of the so that they need not be interspsrsed and /'. e labour under the deity , through hired the beneficial enjoyment of both the grant supervision of the temple authorities. One lands and of the residue might not be such parcel was released from direct culti- affected. vation in Saka 1489 (A. D. 1567J from among the temple lands of Tenkasi Vi^vanatha- "The 12 ma of lauds as king granted 16 svami in later Paijclya times. devadana iraiyili (lands endowed for the temple rendered free .from land-dues) Instances of kandulavu lands endowed with the land 16 accordingly together dues, by Pandya kings to temples or converted 11 kardnmai mlyaichi-jintarayam, marakkdam, into timvidalyattam pattam also vettippatiam, panjupVi, scmdivigrahappe^u, occur in the western hamlet of 3rivailcurj- and all other dues. The perumpacl'ikkaval tam, and in Kadayanallur. There were officers conveyed the royal duly grant. also some crown lands in the village Nallur

in Ki] Kala Kurram which were irrigated The effect of the grant was that the by the Ciiittar river. crown lands in which the king had abso-

lute rights (without any tenancy or occu- The corresponding term in pancy) were converted devadana lands. The is kandukrishi. This term has come to

temple could" either directly cultivate the be used later even to lands under the

lands through tenants at will or through temple's own direct cultivation (1795 A. D.)

creation of occupancy rights. The laud in the Patfali Copper Scroll of Kollam a dues include i. e. . its conveyed marakkalam t 971 But definitive use was to denote A NOTE ON KANDULAVU OR CROWN LANDS 59

the horn > farm lands of the king. It occurs and hire for cultivation used to be ad- as such in the Kaciukkarai-olai document vanced to the actual tenant and recovered of Kollam 898 A 19 (1722 D.)- It was an with interest out of the harvest out of of year acute distress and conflict between which the tenants got for their share gene- the landholders and the rulers of Travan- rally a little more than 1/2 of the uross core and the palac: servants. On account produce. If the lands were held under of the unbearable exactions of the lands direct cultivation they were tanatu in Nanjil-nadu and the deployment of the holdings. army for revenue exactions the lands were If they were leased on a fixed rental the left uncultivated and people retreated to lands were on pa}tam sub-tenure. Some the east of the mountains. The king him- lands aid even a or favourable self quitreut interceded and patched the dispute. assessment to the The sove- But the landholders were in a resolute mood government. could also and reign assign the lands at his demanded damages for their sufferings

pleasure free from all levy (itayili or , and those who transgressed their collective kamolivu}. Kandukrishi tenants, however, decisions were called to account, in strict legal theory, were only tenants- Among the lands of various tenures, at will and they do not and could not kandulavu lands also occur but these 50 have any property rights in the lands. lands were also leased (pat at a fixed {am} But in actual practice the /><3//am-holders rate of 30 panams as all other per md, of the kandukrishi lands freely bought brahmidanam lands of devadana, special and sold and bequeathed and inherited tenure, and waste lands. Even the small the lands and dealt in land otherwise. of kandulavu lands were held on parcels In the tranferred territory of JCanyakumari the same tarn terms. were pat Thoujh they District, there were 119 acres and 38 cents the lands in actual cultivation king's own of kanduki'hhi lands. They had earlier they should have been neglected to be rated been transferred to the Government of along with waste lands and other endowed Travanco re-Cochin by the ruler ofTravan- lands. core in his proclamation dated 27th May

The lands of this tenure have survi- 1949, and the ruler surrendered all his

the for- to the On the States ved right down to our times in rights government. mer Iravancore State. Dcwan A. Seshiah Reorganisation Act coming into force, it then Government of Sastri has described the kandukrishi lands was left to the to deal with lands as the homefarm lands of the sovereign. Madras appropriately in the Revenue Settlement The lands were theoretically speaking of this tenure cultivated by the sovereign himself. Seed of the transferred territory.

Notes :

1 S.I.TMple Inscriptions, Vol. Ill, Pt, 2 p. 412

2 S,l.I., VolV, Nos.408, 432 end 411 A PURABHILEKHA PA1RIKA 01)

had a palace at of the early 12th century p/J 3 Merman Wabha, a Pi,fra ruler I ml (wt. t 3-4; Iwnptionn oj Mi Tirunelvcli f7',.U, Vol. VII, Pt,1, pp. Kmyakwwi

of 1 1 19 Part 1, 308

4 A. H. S.I, Vol IV, pp. 43-4,

' 223H. 5 T.A.S., VolVI, parti, p, 93; ML Vol.V pt,3, p.

6 S. 1. 1, Vol V, No, 408,

to but does I 6 vili, 8 The total would tally on the basis of m each in fields 5 & roughly 3/4

not exactly tally.

9 S.I.!., Vol, V, No, 432, pp. 157-3,

10 M, No, 411, p, 138

11 S.I.L Vol.V, No, 411, p. 138, line 25

12 ARSJE., 1927, No. 59.

It the 13 A,S.SJ., Vol, IV, Burgess & Natesa Sastri, pp.434. should be noted that lexiographica!

memory of Tamilnadu in the 19th century has lost sight of the technical and denotative signi-

ficance of this term, Nelson in his Madura Manual while giving a fiee translation of this insciip-

tion takes Kanduim to be a field name. Even Burgess & Natesa Sasiri in editing and

translating this Inscription have not brought out the correct import of this term,

*

B I of India 14 ARIE., 1958-59, No, 458 am grateful to the Chief Epigraphist to the Government

a of for sparing transcript this unpublished inscription. (Tenksl kaydulavil ritfukkudutta nilattukku)

766 15 5,7,7., Vol.V, Tenkaft. (mm kaqdulamn lirmdu) Also please see ARS1E., 1927* No. 86

(A.'D. 1557-TiruneIveli)

16 AIOE., 1959-90, Nos. 379-76

17 ARSIE., 1917, No. 645

18 T.A.S., Vol. VI. parti, pp, 93-96

19 Mi, Vol.V partS, pp. 222-4

20 T.S.R. Manual, Vol, ill, part I pp, 15-16 7 NOTE ON TEMBHURNi PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA

K. G, Krishnan

These plates have been edited by rajamangalam which was the ancient name - short in Dr. H, S. Thosar in this journal, Vol. IX, of Tiruvadikai Ttruvadi for

1982, pp 1-5. They require to be reedited Cuddalore Taluk, South Arcot District,

i. 672 A. D. It is on account of several mistakes including in the same year e., well-known that sometime between this the only one pointed out as note 10 on

and c. 680 A. D. Pallavu ParameS- page 5. But we are concerned with the date I to success- most important point ignored on account varavarman managed engage at on of a mistake in the reading of lines fully the Chahikya Peruvajanallur one hand and a wing of his 26-27 of the text, which is of far-reaching the employ in the north to divert the enemy's importance to the history of a minor army attention. dynasty in Tamil Nadu.

8 of the 9th in issued from a An inscription century The plates were place wall of the ruler Sanskrit engraved on the in Tamil Nadu by the Chalukya central shrine in the triple-shrine complex Vikramaditya I. The passage giving this at Kodumbajur in Pudu- information is read as "Ch5la[na]du[m] (Miivarkoyil) Nadu the kkottai District, Tamil gives pravcA5[vify=o)lkataVirajamafigala-purwa- = of a line of Velir chiefs. dig-bhage vasthita Dakauka-gramam= genealogy Some of them are indicated by titles adhivasati". The correct reading is Ba- ar and a few only by names. They e praves"=otakate 'dhirajaman- Ui\a]d

at Kodumbsllur. We have Adhirajamatijalam obviously to engage his Irukkuvel house Pallava counterpart Parame^varavarman I fixed Bhuti Vikramakpsari, the son of

respectively. This is based on a presump- Samarabhirama as a subordinate of Pallava

tion that only one battle was ever foujht Nandivarman III in the first half of the by the Chalukya and the one referred to ninth century and a contemporary of

in the charter is the same as the one Aditya I (871-898 A D.) on the basis of Kilur of Nandivarman.'1 This mentioned in the Kodumbajur inscription. inscription raises a problem. If the synchronism of The Terabhurni plates give us the the camp of Adhirajamangalam with the additional information that Vikramaduya battle of the same name in the Tembhurni camped at Adhirajamaiigala, It is obvious Plates and the Kodumbajur inscription is that he must have proceeded notth from accepted the life-span of Samarabhirama Uragapura towards the Pallava capital and will have to cover too long a period Parame&varavarman, the then reigning i. e., 672 A, D. to 900 A, D, an impossible Pallava Icing managed to distract his atten- phenomenon ! Either we presume that tion by sending a wing of his army else- the identity cannot be correct or the where along the frontiers of the Chalukya dates of the Irukkuvel chiefs Samarabhi- dominions. The present charter indicates rama and his son Bhuti (Vikramakesari) the possibility of an engagement at Adhi- require revision by predating their acti- rajamangalam (Timvadi) between the Cha- vities. In the latter case all the consi- lukya and the Irukkuvel chief Samarabhi- rama derations arising out of strong evidence evidently a Pallava feudatory. The including the family connections of these CMJukya might have passed through the chiefs with the Cholas, the evaluation of northern bank of Kayeri taking a south their contributions in the field of archi- western deviation to avoid the Pallava. But the tecture, sculpture etc.," will have to be Pallava was shrewd enoujh to Since is march the revised. this equally, if not alonj flank and charge the much more, impossible we have to discount Chalukya at Peruvajanallur in Lalgudi Taluk him to the possibility of the identity of the forcing withdraw finally. probable encounter at that place with This reconstruction of these events the one mentioned in the Kodumbalur have a on the 8 baring history of the inscription.

Notes ;-

1, This place cannot be identified new.

2, !ml, Vol. Ep. XXVII, p. 115, Vol. X, p,

3, SII, Vol. XXIII, No. 129

4, Fg. hd., Vol. XXXII, pp, 99.J02

. 5, to ai tay of M Basln by ^ ; battle * wwch 8 THE FIRST INSCRIPTION OF THE CHALUKYA VIKRAMA ERA FROM HAMPI C, T. M. Kotraiah

1 eleventh cen- A inscription engraved on a Kannada assignable to the

black-chlorite slab was exposed during the tury A, D.

2 course of excavations undertaken by the It refers to one SomeSvara who was Mid-Southern Circle of the Archaeological and Bhattopa- Survey of India in the year 1975-76 in mahapradhana, dandunayaka as donor. It was issued the 'Hampi Ruins'. Since it is assignable dhyaya during of Vikrama to the year 1076 A. D. when king Vikra- the first year the Chalukya to 1076 The maditya VI of the dynasty of the Chalukyas era which corresponds A.^D. of donees were the teachers Kalyana was ruling, it has an important (upadhyayaru), were in the bearing on the history of Hampi, particu- who engaged expounding the name of which larly of the period prior to the founding pwanas in this mafha,

! either not mentioned or is not availa- of the and i s empire in was

about 1336 A. D, The same is discussed ble now, as the available inscription is was of 80 in the following lines. only a part. The donation bkki-gadyana or pon-gadyana (eighty gold This rectangular inscribed slab was coins), regularly for every year. found in front of an important monument

locally known as Mahanavami Dibba in In the first place, its importance is the citadel area of the metropolis Vijaya- the location where it has been found i. e, nagara, It appears to have been reused Hampi, This establishes that Himpi was here, as a floor-slab, probably during the already a place of importance and repute Vijayanagara period, fc indicated by the during the eleventh century A. D. i. e., structural context at the find-spot of this well before the founding of t'.ie Yijayanagara inscribed slab. It must have been done empire. Hampi must have had during this so after at least 250 years from the date period, not only reasonable habitation but of its issue, since it had lost its impor- also religious and educational institutions tance by that time due to the lapse of like temples and mafias. In these ma fhas such a long period. Resullantly the major botii teachers and the taujht were living part of the inscription is .worn out and and carrying on their professions. This damaged, particularly the beginning and tradition continued in the following cen- the end. Only four lines, from the seventh turies also when it became the seat of line to the tenth line, are clear and this activities of that great saint-poet portion contains important information as of Girija Kalyana fame and his associates detailed below. which combined with other political

the is led The language of inscription factors ultimately to the rising of

Kannada and the characters are also of the which is known 64 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

for its patronage to religions and culture, tions to familiar and .favourite instituions

particularly the Vedic. as in the present case.

it further confirms that in Secondly Of course, there is some difficulty in of his ambitious the beginning career, fixing up the place where the king was VI was his acti- Vikramaditya confining camping at the time of issuing this ins- vities to the banks of the river Tunga- cription, since major portions of it are in the southern of the bhadra, part not available at present. But basing on even when his father Chalukyan kingdom, the find-spot, it can be surmised that at SomeSvara I was ruling. Further more, the time of issuing this inscription, king this is almost one of the first inscrip- Vikramaditya Vf was in the vicinity of tions, seen near Tungabhadra, to confirm Hampi itself. And without any doubt the it again, the above point, He must have same formed part of his kingdom, been active in this southern part of the Chalukyan kingdom till he was crowned The most important point here is that this ill 1076 A. D. after setting aside his weak inscription once for all settles that

brother-king SomesSvara II. After this king Vikramaditya VI started the Chalukya Vikrama era event, he must have moved to Kalyana, during the cyclic year Nala and in A. the main capital of that empire and (Anala) D. 1076. The uncertainly whether it was Nala asserted his power. Here, it may be re- or Pinga^a is now over with this collected that theChoJa king Rajadhiraja I inscription coming to light. in about 1044 A, D. defeated the Chaluk- Further this is the first inscription

> of yan armies of this Vikramaditya and king Vikramaditya VI assignable to his first demolished their palace at Kampila, on regnal year so far noticed, 3 the southern bank of Tungabhadra which Next, we get the name of Somesvara place is at a distance of about 19 kms. who was not only mahapradhana and away from the present find-spot of' the dandanayaka but also bhafiopadhyaya. above inscription at Hampi. All these go That is, this Somesvara was an able to confirm that in the beginning of his administrator, an efficient and a career, the arena of activities of Vikra- general learned-scholar - all combined maditya VI was on the banks of the in one. In this river inscription he is the donor, Tungabhadra, that too in the vicinity naturally for the propagation of literature of Hampi. So far, this is the first ins- religious (pwanas), in which he had better taste cription to be issued by him immediately probably, himself being a after he overthrew the authority of his bhattopadhyaya. elder brother, Seme^vara II and assumed He was known as a subordinate under power. On such an eventful occasion it Somesvara II in 1075 A. p *, bearing is just logical to think of one of his epithets as Mahasamantadhipati, Danda- officers issuing such record from declaring nayaka, Mahapradhana, Herisandhi - a vigrahi place already familiar to him, i. e. and and manevergafe was eulogised as on the Hampi southern bank of the river 1 scholar-statesman in the Gadag and Tungabhadra and make grants or dona- Kudutam'6 inscriptions of the 23rd year THE FIRST INSCRIPTION OF THE CHALUKYA VIKRAMA ERA FROM HAMPI 65

1 VI. The titles Vikramaditya given to him slight change as Hulige, popular even now are abhinava-iakalyj, $ig;eda-ratnal kutala, goddess of the place, Huligemma, a form Tribhu vanamalladevai S'-adhya, Muhapra- of Durga. The mime Munirabad entered dhana Dandcwayuka, Stimudayyangalu etc., official records from the time of the Nizams The in Gadag inscription particular, of Hyderabad, As in the former case, describes him in about 20 verses both in seme shares of the grant were meant for Kannada and Sanskrit. It informs us a brahmana (bhatt /) reciting the pwanas. that he was appointed by t'ne kin* as The fact that there is not much, distance his dharmddhlkarin or chief superinten- between the two find spots (about 10 kms), dent of affairs and that he was religious not much time-gap (about 12 years) bet- a learned and eminent brahmana Rigvedi ween the issuing of these two inscriptions of and was the of Mauna-gotra grandson and similarity of names as well as simi- Vamana-bhatta. It further of his speaks larity of purposes in the donations makes his in the many virtue's, high tank royal the above surmise a reasonable one if not his of sacred and secular palace, mastery the accurate one. More inscriptions in this his and his learning, pious practices direction may throw further light in course princely benificence, especially in the of time. foundation of charity-houses, brahman ic The grant is of eighty lokki-gadyana endowments, and monasteries for Vedic ot pon-gadyana, regularly for every year. and other studies, Among such establish- This shows the popularity of the gold ments, Lokkiguijdi was one such suitable coins minted by the Chalukyan kings in town where he founded a school for the their provincial capital at Lokkigun^i which study of the Prabhakara doctrines of is at a distance of 80 kms. from the Purva-mmiamsa. The expression Tribhu- find-spot of this inscription. The number vanamallade var-aradhyarumappa explains of gold coins so gifted has been mentioned that the king Vikramaditya VI treated both in words and figures in order to him as a guru with utmost devotion and avoid confusion. reverence. It is possible that both the this is the earliest and his preceptor might have been Finally inscription king 9 of. the recorded evidences of the mediaeval staying on the banks of Tungabhadra in of the history of Hampi, when the grant was issued. period respect and the first inscription of the Chajukyas

Here it also bs remem- Il is also to be noted that SomeiSvara of Kalyaaa. may 10 of the architectural evidences which bhattopadhyaya of the present inscription bered to the Western might be the same Somesvara bhatta re- can be assigned decidedly 7 school and seen even now in ferred to in another inscription issued in Chalukyan seen at the of Bhuvaneivari, Pampamba, A. D, 1088, March 27th and temples car-street etc. 8 Raichur in Karnataka two storied mandapn in the Munirabad , district, which of the history of wherein he was the chief (Urotfeya) of of Hampi, speak of The anci- during the of the Chahikyas Puligc(also called Vyaghra-grturtct). Hampi ent name of this Munirabad continues with Kalyana. PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

The date of the inscription as recorded But without any ambiguity it is the

in the text is Chalukya Vikrama varshada first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era ondaneya Nala samvalsarada Bhadrapada started by the king Vikramaditya VI after

bahula Aditysvara. That is, in the cyclic ascending the throne in 1076 A, D. as already year of Nala, on a Sunday, (either panchami well-established.

or dvada&i) of second half of the BhSdra- paih month, this grant was- made. This All these go to establish that Hampi corresponds to Sunday, August 2 1st or 28th was already a place of considerable im- of 1076 A. D. Since the tithi is not men- portance and activities even during the tioned in the inscription and there are rule of the Chajukyas of Kalyanaand was two in the second half Sundays of the preparing to open a glorious chapter in the month it can be either 21st Bhadrapada, political, social and cultural history of or 28th of August. south India.

TEXT18 Lines 1-6 worn out.

7 raka . . . - mahapradhana dantfanayakam SSmeSvara-bhattopadhyayaru Cha 8 Jukya Vikrama varshada 1 neya saAvatsarada Naja Bhadrapada bahuja Mtyavara yl - 9 mathado! purfya maduv - vyakhyanamumarii upadhyayargge [pratijvarsha 10 kotta - yoj Lokki gadyana eijbattu affikadojaih 80

11 Worn out.

Notes :-

1 A R I E, 1975-76, B-95.

- 2 Mian Archneology A Review 1975-76 for (New Delhi), pp. 20 & 62. 3 K. A.M. A South Sastry, History of India, (Madras) (1976) pp. 185.

4 J, F. Fleet : Dynasties of Kan. Distr., p, 443.

5 Ep. M., Vol. XV, pp. 348 if.

6 SH., vol. IX, part I, No. 164.

7 ARIE., 1959-60, pp. 97, B-483.

8 it be noted may here thai Munirabad, the of fmd-spot this inscription is within a distance of 10 kms. from that of Hampi, as the crow flies.

9 The other ones of Hampi are already vide published S. 1. 1., Vol. IV, Nos. 280, pp. 64-57 ; A n 5 I E.I 1935, pp. 353.

10 Devakimjari ; Hampi- (New Delhi) (1970), pp.12, 65 etc.

11 S. K. Pillai : Indian Ephemeris, Madras (1922) Vol. Ill PP. 165.

12 l am very much thankful to Dr. K. V. Ramesh. Chief Epigraphist, Archaeolosbl - Survey of India Mysore for havmg permitted me to edit ha above and inscription publish h in thaTgnof journsl. 9 UDVAHANATHASVAMS TEMPI.E INSCRIPTIONS -A STUDY

S. Swaminathan

have held Temples always the utmost Most of the temples hud been rebuilt of rulers attention mighty and petty chief- during the peaceful, prosperous and effec-

tains who saw to it that they should be- tive reigns of Uitamachoju and Raiaraju I,

come the rendezvous of religious, spiritual One such temple was the present Udviiha-

and cultural activities of the people over nathasyami temple at Tirumanuujeri, at whom they ruled, The temple also Mayavaram Taluk, Tanjuvur District. This was converted into a stone held a pivotal position in the economy temple temple her 3 of national life. by one Aruran Kamban., royal agent and she also made liberal endowments to a great cementing Religion proved the temple. This ajent hence styled as between the ruler and the ruled and factor Tirumaqaftjeri Tirukkarruji Pichclwn [the the the temple served purpose. Royal person who converted the Tirumaijanjeri to the arts and 1 extended . patronage was temple into a stone temple} But it \us

crafts in the temple. not until the reign of Kulottuiya ill thy

reconstruction of the temple was completed, The UdvahanathaMmift temple at as an epigraph of his refers to the Tirunamananjeri on the northern bank of a Aruiur gift of night lamp by Katfaiyajj the river Kaveri is a typical Chola tem- Senrmiifl Tolan, who converted the temple As as 28 inscriptions were ple. many 5 Ara&iir into a stone [tirukka^rali &aida 19 14 and noticed in the Annual copied in were donated Kadaiyan], Several stones of South Indian Epigraphy of that report conversion as which suggest that the has a gifts year. The temple hoary antiquity and of the temple was a gradual process as the is by the of the past, deity sung extended over years. and Samban- Saivite hymnologists, Appar the 1 we do not know when dar. Though endow- The temple received liberal came into being, but from temple actually and rich made by merchants, on the walls of ments gifts the engraved epigraphs and officials which make out that the temple queen, royal agents the temple we can reveal that the temple commanded prestige was an ancient one. It was origianally and in the contemporary society. but from the early phase popularity built of bricks, bank of the 2 on the northern the Located I's reign onwards temple of Parantaka was fertile river Kaveri, the area been reconstructed with stone. might have because of con- and produced surplus grain Mahadevi, the pious queen The SemMyan of water for irrigation. into a stone the accessibility this brick temple "verted in an area of relati- domi- temple was situated The fervour that temple. religious density with agri- Parantaka I and vely high population since the time of nanted clustered closely together, and far cultural villages had a profound Gandaraditya cultivated fields,. surrounded by intensively on her building activities. reaching effect PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

of received the from the The table* reveals (he gifts by temple following types III in 1233 A. D. "l in A. D. to Rajaraja days of Parantakci 911,

gifts year king

of a I Gifts of a a trumpet bell, an image worship by 9,1 1 A, D. Parantaka plate, merchant.

a kitchcnmaid of Do 96 sheep to burn a perpetual lamp by Tanjavur.

of for various rituals 987 A. D. Rajaraja f Fixing the apportionment paddy and services by Se'mbiyai; Mahadevi.

rituals and 991 A. D. Ibid. The above donor ordered that various services should be performed out of 16 kalanjn of gold accrued from the temple fund itself.

rituals to n A. r>. Ibid. Gifts of land in various places for several be done by the wife of one Kaijnamarij;alamudaiyan.

Sembiyan Mahadevi makes provision by apportioning paddy for various rituals and services.

1001 A. D. Rajaraja I Gift of 96 sheep by Ambar udaiyaj) marantijtai to burn a lamp.

1021 A. D. Rajendra I Gift of gold diadem by Vajuvaraja Muvendave}an.

1045 A. D. Rajadhiraja I The sabha of Gangaikoaddsola - cliaturvedimangalarn sold 1488 kuli of land to the temple

1046 A.D. Ibid. Gift of 3 1/2 ma to feed 1000 devotees.

1128 A. D. Vikramachoja Records the gift of land by the members of the sabha exempting it from all the taxes.

1181 A. D. Ibid. Gift of 90 ka&u by Tiruvenkadu udaiyajj to burn a lamp.

1182 A, D. Kulotturiga III Gift of a lamb, by Tirumulakaijclart 6eramjit6Jafl who constructed the temple with stone.

i 1233 A. D. Rajaraja III Gift of 45 ka&u for a lamp and a lampsland by Tiru- kkarrali

*Abstract taken from ARSIE. t 1914. UDVAHANATHASVAMI TEMPLE - INSCRIPTIONS A STUDY 69

One significant aspect of the above for the person who performed worship table is that most of the gifts were made in the temple. . the by dignitories who possessed such Another 3 ma of land and high sounding titles like Udaiyan, Kilan and gift ^ the produce 700 kalum of paddy should Muvendavelan, who wanted to perpetuate he utilised for 1000 devotees in the Choja rule on the fertile Kaveri basin. feeding the 8 The temple as per the above table* was temple. endowed richly by the members of royal These evidences only reinforce the at family Tafijavur and landed aristocracy view that the temple became a chief land of the region who accounted for the owner and tlie yields were utilised for growth of the temple during the Cho{a the stipulated rituals. The surplus of the period. The temple received gold, kd&u yields were once again diverted to the

(coins), land, livestock and utensils. From 9 temple for the same purpose. An epigraph the above table it can bs said with of Seinbiyan Mahadevi refers to the insli- certainity that large agrarian tracts were tion of services and oifering, for 16 kalanju acquired by the temple in the form of of pan out of which 12 kalanju accrued royal endowments and private donations from the [investment] of the temple itself to the temple. Since the temple was a and the balance 4 kalanju accrued from big land owner it acquired a central place the paddy [from the lands possessed by in the agrarian economy. The centralisa- the temple by way of gifts], tion of agrarian activities under the institutional supervision of the temple Large sums of gold and ka&u also

resulted in the establishment of an flowed into the temple treasury, which

elaborate and complex' agrarian system. constituted a major source of wealth.

With its resources, the temple would have Although evidences are scanty regarding the conomic but as in the case of other played an important role in the gift of gold, basin activities of the region. It was a common temples- *in the Kaveri the temples land 'was donated have received of- practice that whenever must large quantities gold. these lands were Lands a-i effective form of invest- as gifts to the temple, provided who cultivated the ment for stock of* and ka given to the peasants, temples gold land and transferred the melvaram to the of this for various An interesting aspect transaction temple which could be utilised was that paddy, the produce of the land services and rituals to be conducted at a of the donor. An was used as standard measuring unit the temple in the name a with reference to other commodities. of this temple refers to number .epigraph 10 An elaborately discusses the land made for the following epigraph of gifts of the amount 7 numerous services and of purposes, paddy utilised for such services. The

for the early is as : Land gifted morning break-up follows Another of service ia the temple. gift and for the 16 kalam of paddy to a person who land for the construction Land worship in tie maintenance of a monastery. gifted performs temple. 70 PURABHILEKHA PATIIIKA

1 kiiruni of paddy p:r day for bur.iinj only in terms of paddy, produced by the

4 perpetual lamps, lands, owned by the temple, which were that obtained as gifts. It seems various 4 nali of rice for food to offerings items enumerated above like curd, ghee,

the deity during the mid-night. vegetables, betel leaves and such other items

required for worship were obtained in For ghee bath 1 kuruni of paddy, exchange of paddy. For curd bath 6 nali of paddy.

For 4 nali of vegetables paddy, Thus, the short study made above,

the economic and social For betel leaves 4 nail of paddy. reveals aspects of the environment the temple in the From the above record it is evident medieval period, They are useful for that the to be incurred for expenditure reconstructing the economic and social various services in the was measured temple history of the region.

Notes ;-

1. Appar: DMram, Tirummi 5, No. 11. Sambandar: Dwram Padigam. Tirumncinjeri,

2. ARSIE., 1914, No. 11 and 14 See also S. R. Balasubramamam Early Cho\ci Temples, p, 188

3. ARSIE., 1914, No. 10

4. ML No, 9

5. ML No. 27

6. Burton Stein: Integration of the Agrarian system of South Mia, ''Land Control and Social structure

in Indian History, University of Wisconsin press, Madison, 1969.

7. ARSIE., 1914, No. 28.

' 8. ML NO, 2

9. ML No. 9

10, Mi, No. 5, 10 MATHURA INSCRIPTION OF HUVISHKA, YEAR 50

S. Subramonia Syer

1 The edited here the inscription with evidently of the paksha, the name of Ihe kind permission of the Chief season Epigraph 1st, having been lost and the 5th day. of If the Archaeological Survey India, Mysore year 50 is assigned to the Suka was discovered in the course of excava- era, the date of the inscription will fall tions conducted by the Excavation branch in 127-28 A. D. of the Archaeological of India, at Survey The inscription refers itself to the Kankali Tila, Mathura Tahsil and District, reign of the Kushana king Huvishka men- Uttar Pradesh, It is on a stone engraved tioned as Huveshka who is given the titles slab and contains in all five lines of maharaja and devaputra. I then mentions writing. The inscribed area measures 3 PurohaSalaka the son of Inrabala (i. e. about 72 cm. in and 36,5. cm. in length Indrabala) who is described as a merchant breadth. Individual letters are about 2.1 cm. (sarthavaha] and the brother of Bhavadatta. or more in a few slightly height though Then follow the name Sihijla] and the letters and consonants endowed with vowel in letter [su], with the remaining letters marks are in size. The bigger inscription line 3 completely lost. The damaged por- has suffered due to the damage peeling tion might probably have contained the off of the stone at a number of places, names of some persons. It is not clear as a result of which quite a few letters in what way Sihila or others were connec- are either lost or damaged including a ted with the donation, It is difficult to

date and 3 part of the portion the purport conjecture what the rest of line would of the inscription. have contained. The -gift given probably

appears to be a stone slab on which the The characters belong to the Brahmi In the fourth present epigraph is engraved. alphabet as used in the inscriptions of line, after the Tetter na which may most the Kushap age. From the palaeogra- probably be the instrumental case ending phical point of view, it is noteworthy of one of the names of the donors figuring that the letters m> s and h belong to the in line 3 occur the verb nichalakarot whose so called Western variety which can be exact meaning is not clear. In this connec- with letters found compared corresponding of the tion, one is reminded expressions in the inscriptions of the Kushanas as achalam - ai&varyaih bhavaiu or achalam= 40a for instance that of Huvishka, year , aHswryatayam bhavatu occuringin some of 5 and etc. Of the numerical symbols, 50, 1 Mathura' . Then is the inscriptions from 4 occur. - mentioned Dhanyavarma vihara to which

' was The word The language of the inscription is the gift in question given. follows reads as and may be Sanskrit betraying Prakrit influence. The that acharyd The rest of the date of the record is given as year 50, 4 restored as acharyanath. PCJRABHILEKHA PATRIKA 72

their The was made for letters in line 4 compleily lost, the subse- by parents. gift fcen the welfare and happiness of all sentient quent word, may have Samitiyaimm

or Mahasahghiyanafti. when connected to beings.

at the - to have the following word parigrahe gin- Dhanyavanna vihara appears the sense of ning of line 5 it will yield been located somewhere in Kankali Tila Maha- 'for the acceptance of Samitiyaor from where the present epigraph was dis- the sanghika teachers'. In making gift, covered, This vihara is so far not known donees 'were the donee or the accompanied from any other epigraph,

TEXT5

50 . . 1 Maha(ha)raja(ja)sya Devaputrasya Huvish[k]asya sa(sarfi)vatsare

2 4 di 5 etasya(syam) (pu)rva(rva)yam(ym) sa(sa)rtthava(va)hasya(hena) hrabala-putrena

Bhavadatta[sya]

3 bhratrina Pur5ha$alSka(ke)na Sihipa] su [sa]'

7 nichalakarod - 4 [aa] Dhanyavarma vi[hare] [acha]rya

B 8 - - . saha mata sarva satvanarh 5 . . , parigrahe pitrib!iya[h*] [hi]

Notes :-

1 This is No. B 256 of A R1E., 1976-77.

2 Mathm Inscriptions (ed. by Janert), No, 137, pp. 173-74 and pfate. *

3 A similar name Paroha&lika occurs in an inscription from Mathura, Ibid, No, 26, pp, 60-61,

4 Ibid,; Nos. 60-62, pp. 91-94.

5 From impressions.

6 It is not certain how many letters, have been lost.

7 Restore achSryantith

8 This may conjecturally bs restored as Samitiyawfo or MahMnghiyanaih

9 Restore hitctsukhartlwAi bhmtis. 11 KASI AND KARNATAKA

S. L Shantakumari

6i or a sacred of , place coming from Kai to Sfmtigrama, the hallowed has been a glory centre of great present village of the same name in Hassan attraction for every orthodox Hindu, In district and installed the deity Varada

his life's fact, mission remains incomplete Narasimha, His disciple Acliala PrakaSa he until visits Kafii, takes a dip in the Svami purchased the village Hiriyur with

Ganga and has the dar&ana of iSri Visva- all its income and granted it to the deity. natha. This faith has been there abiding More interesting is the copper plate from time immemorial till today. For 1 grant from Belur dated in Saka 1200 those who can not afford a to journey Bahudhanya, Magha u. 14, vadcla-vfira this place, there is more holy nothing corresponding to 1279 A. D., January 20, than c;n- meritorious visiting nearby $aiva us all the details how the Its gives e tres and have the satisfaction of III the having Hoysaja king Narasimha came to the brah- visited Kasi. Among orthodox rescue of the Hindus residing in KiUi. of even mana families Karnataka today It states that 645 nishkas were given to a belief that on a there is particular day the people- of different regions staying in flowes in the month of Ma^ha, the Ganga KM to reimburse the tax they were pay- into the waters of the local rivers and to the Muslim rulers. ing compulsorily the devout to as on the a dip then would help This resembles the jizia tax levied much merit as for a bath in the real Hindus by the Muslim rulers.

Ganga. these It is interesting to note that

offered the reached not Kas"i has been identified with holiness benefits by king alone but all other in the the Karnataka people itself and thus many places south, and fame as southern such asGurjara, Telugas, have acquired the name people i, e. Maharash|rians" Dakshina Varanasi, In the early history Tulu, Malayala, Ariya of Tirabliukti. The king also made of Karnataka we come across scores Gaudia, the and offerings to the centres of grants for worship such places which being Viiveivara. The money allotted of Siva were called Dakshina the god temples such as for different groups of people Kaii and Dakshina Varanasi. the Karnataka, Teluja, Tulu, Malayala, have instances when kings and We the popula- etc., indicate proportionate to KaSi on and others went pilgrimage inKasi, for tion of these different groups made donations and the like in that place, example- Kasi also came down to the People from 30 of reasons. Karnatagaru were given gadyayas south for variety ^ Gurjararu 6 gadyanas A record from SSntigrSma, speaks 65 or Paramahamsa as Tigula %adyatias from -instance, a saint PURABfflLEKHA PATRIKA 74

dated Vibaffla 1121 3aka 35 and 5 Varanasi Tahsil, Teltiga folyaw ^ s to IKS A, 32 1577 Krodlrin corresponding D, Tu|u Malaya|a $d)m

Keladi chiefs 8 It states that the Sivappa- Ariya prfjwp

and his brother Tirabhukti IS yifm niyaka Venkatappa-niyaka

work of the silt Gauda 15 ptift^i undertooi the cleaning

. , , , * , , , in tlie tank m t i (KafUhM-tlrtk), This is indeed a rare instance ol a kin^

to the rescue of the coming people facing j 1]staiices O f T(iese are ^ stray ^ difficulties in an alien land, a coums teween the Kaillia ^ people and

A close of of Kannada the of Hi study An example later lulers holy place would of the 17th to the all the of Kanaka century contributing inscriptions

reveal facts in 'our welfare activities in Kaii comes from really very interesting a bilingual inscription from Kapila-dMra, cultural study,

Notes ;-

1 & Vol, XV, Bl 298, s

2 Ml, 1963-64, No, B 484. THREE 6HALUKYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM RACHANAPAlli

'>

M. D. Seimpath

of the first The three epigraphs under study, being The primary importance mohd- edited here with the kind permission of inscription lies in the fact that

is referred to as the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore were copied mandaMvm Raviyarasa son-in-law of Bhuvanai- from Rachanapalle in Anantapur Taluk the (fl//ya) king and District. kamalla.

- The first and the second records are This record is dated in the Chalukya engraved on one and the same slab set Vikrama era 45, Sarvvari, Jyeshtha, Ama- of the The up near a well by the roadside vasya, Sunday and solar eclipse. only a that occurred in village. The third epigraph containing solar eclipse the_Cyclic month of A^vina. damaged portion and slightly illegible year Sarvvari was in the in the letters is engraved on another slab set up While reporting this inscription the by the roadside. All the three inscriptions Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, the Annual SSrvvari has been taken as have been noticed in Report cyclic year 1941-42 era 45 on fndian Epigraphy for the year correct for the Chalukya-Vikrama

: 1120 A. D., October 24, as Nos : 69 to 71 of Appendix-B and suggested It is in as the equivalent date. These are written in Kannada language Sunday the ins- this connection that the da'te of and characters of the first half of the The is necessarily to be examined. 12th Century A. D. The palaeographical cription of the era has been taken to features of the records first year and orthographical 1 1077 A.D. Since fall between 1076 A.D. and do not call for any special remarks. - Vikrama the first year of the Chalukya 1 34 lines of The first contains March inscription era was current till about tne 19, 8 record commenc- while the second of the date of our writing 1077 A. D., the details of this line has 32 lines writing ing from record would roughly correspond to Sunday, of the letters of this are in all. A few 1122 A. D. But there was no solar- May 7, to There are alto- not clear due damage. this date. The cyclic year was eclipse on third lines of in the as stated in gether 24 writing 'gubhakrit and not Sarvvari 3 which this 8 . The stone on inscription the record. in is engraved is irregular shape. epigraph commences with across in a narrow The first inscription It is engraved vertically stanza Namas = tumga, etc., from line 16 onwards. Be- the invocatory strip of space that Tribhu- of 1-3. Lines 6-8. of writing almost in lines staje sides, a few lines e. VI) was ruling as the one above vanamalla (i. Vikramaditya the same characters of It has no from the capital city Jayantipura. can also be observed. It bearing of 15 efeyakeyimattar of this records the grant with the text at the centre damaged in the of landtooneMallikarjjuna-pandita slab, 76 PURABHILEKHA PAH'

service of the god Mallikarjjunadeva at his daughter in marriage to Raviyara^ - Kudiyalli, the headquarters of Kudiyame to retain the throne this king should !'

40 jointly by mahamandale&vara Raviyarasa, entered into matrimonial alliance with - mahamandaMvam Kelamallarasa and maha- Telugu Chola chief by giving his daujl ; mandaMvara Mummadichoiarasa. in marriage.

the three is Of donors, Raviyarasa The reference to this chief as a sulv also known from the third record wherein nate of Vikramaditya in his record i he is stated to have lands granted etc., indirect evidence in support of the suc. - one in the service to Singarasi pandita gained by VikramSditya VI in the con- of MulastMuadeva. He is introduced god dation of his power in the southern re;:- in this record in identical as in passages Since the record refer to Raviyarasa t the former record in which his relationship mahamandaleSvara as late as 1 122 A. i> .

is stated. He receives with Bhuvanaikamaila may. be surmised that he continued both the the subordinate in inscriptions owe his allegiance to his new master, - epithets of samadhigaia pamcha mahababda, - ' The Cholas have ct maMmandalUvam, vlramahelswa and Ayo- Telugu might to possess the Kudiyame territory. 1 dhyapuravaradhibvara. The epithet -

record does to his , borne this chief is not, however, refer puravaradhitsvara by over over this region. interesting. In the third epigraph - referred to as is yarasa Reviyarasa probably The third inscription which is ;; we are a mistake of the engraver. Though dated Chalukyn - Vikrama era 45 rcL aware of Bhuvanai- not to the rule i ofeny daughter of Tribuvanamalla (i. e., Vi! 6 - /. Somiiiswara kamalla mahaiija e., II, maditya VI). Though the cyclic year be inferred from the it may expression not given, the other details of date \ described in our that he had ollya record, YaiSakha, puijnanie, Sunday seems to su \ was in to a daughter who given marriage that this record is earlier in date t'.<

Thus the first Raviyarasa. inscription the first record. On April 23, 1122 A. . reveals the name of a hitherto unknown Sunday, we find Mahamandale&vara Re( R of the Somed- son-in-law Chajukya emperor viyarasa and mahamandale&vara Mummtiii,

II. It be from the ; wara may suggested Chojarasa making gifts of land and 01 of that he epithet Raviyarasa might have mill to one Sifigarasi -pandita of Kudr- ~ come fiom the Cliola It This is Telugu family. [Ji]. Reviyarasa undoubtedly i is that this must have as quite likely king same Raviyarasa of the first rec. .' sided with S ernes'vara II against Vilcra- wherein he is described as the son-in-l.

VI in the fratricidal wars of Bhuvanaikamalla. If maditya fought the term , ;,' between the two the of during period means 'nephew' then it is possible to inu- accession of latter to the t^e Chajukyan pret that Raviyarasa might have been throne. to have been the son of Raviyarasa appears nephew i.e., Suggaladevi,' \\ ; one of the feudatories of SomeSvara II is mentioned as a tamge or younger sH, assisted his who overlord. In recognition of Bhuvanaikamalla in a record of SOUL- his services Somes'vara have of must given vara II from Nidugundi dated in 1076 A - THREE CHALUKYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM RACHANAPALLE 77 Another chief who is referred to as i and iwhumanAiilebvara Milch arasa. mahamaqdaleivara is Ketumallarasa. It Except registers a grant of one pana from the the first inscription, wherein he in figures Vaddaravitlu income realised from Kudiyah the the feudatory capacity, other two sthaja by Anantade, one p,nni Horn the does inscriptions not refer to him at all and herjjuhka Inlkode taxes by Sovarasa The chiefs Ketamallarasa and Mummadi - and also a grant of land, garden, oil-mill Cholarasa to the belong Teliyu Ch'oja for the etc., purpose of a perpetual lamp as - family they bear the epithets dmagara to the deity Mallikarjjunadeva of - Kudiya- kulanamdana, Karikal anvaya, - KavSrlnathu, pcya sthaja. Anantadeva referred to in etc , characteristic of the Further family. our recoid maybe identified with Ananta- they arc described as Oreyur-pura-varadhU- pala, the famous general and minister of vara. The place Oreyur referred to here VI. Vikramadiiya This identification is is the same as the present Uraiyur near a supported by number of epigraphs more in TiruchchirappaJJi Tamil-nadu. The so from a record of 1118 A. D,, from pra&asti commencins with 8 Andurdharavara, Kommuru in Guntur District which states etc., which is found mentioned in one of the that he was ruling from - fourteen records is used in all the - generally Telu^u thousand. The identification of Macharasa Cliola inscriptions. with Machimayya-nayaka of the Appikoada 9 record is doubtful since the area over The records referring to these chiefs which Machimayya-nayaka ruled is mention their emblem, the peacock and entirely different and far away from the place their crest, the rampant lion (uttwhga - - - Kudiyapeya sthaja. The tract Kudiyape simha lanchhana). forty comprised the areas oftheDharma- The second record under review does varam and Anantapur Taluks. Kudiyape- the in not refer to the name of the reigning 4o, division which the village the - is stated to have been situated king. This record dated in Chalukya Togarikuijte - to a of 10 Vikrama era 47, Nandana, Chaitra, Ama- according record Vikramaditya VI - also is the Dharraa- vase, Sunday, solar eclipse belongs region aroundTogarakutjta'in The District. to the period of Vikramaditya VI. varam Taluk of Anantapur Kucli- of details of the date are irregular. This record yalli, the headquarters Kudiyame-40 J " chiefs be identified with Rr refers to three other subordinate may probably dandanayaka Ananthadeva, dandanayaka in Anantapur Taluk and District

TEXT.it

First Inscription

ch = churhbi chamdra cha - 1 Nama[s=tu]nga Sirah - = - 2 mara cha rave Trailokya nagar ararhbha mu

- - a- 3 la-starhbhaya Sambhave svasti samasta bhuvan 78 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

- - 4 iraya ki pri(pri)thvivallabha maharajadhiraja para

- - - 5 medvara paramabhattarakam Satyas($)raya Icuja tijakam Chaju = = - 6 ky abharaijarh Srimat Tribhuvanamalladevara vijayarajya - - - 7 m = uttar = ottar abhivriddhi pravarddhamanam = achamdr arkka tarambaram sa

- - 8 luttam = iralu Jayathtipurada nelavidino}u sukha samkatavino

- - mahaiabda mahama - 9 dadim lijyara geyyuttamire Svasti samadhigata pathcha

- - - - - = vira - mahelvara aha 10 Njajeivara AySdhya pura var adhls()vara Belva[na}a]

- samasta- 11 va sahasa paribajamalla jayad uttaramgaih baratara bavam

fciman - - mandaje^varam 12 rajyas(^)rayam samasta prasa(ia)sti sahitara ma(raa)ha - .... 13 Bhuvanaikamalla maharajar = aliyam Raviyarasarum

- dinakara - kula - 14 svasti vara bhujSsi bhasura prachanda pradyotita

- Karikal - 15 namdanarii sukadhi suka pajita namdanam Kafyapa gotra anvaya - - 16 satyaradhitaneyam Kaverinatha bandhujana pa-re ghosha

- - - - 17 nam prasarma gu^aratna bhushaijam mafcara dhvajam vividha vi

- - = - 18 dya virirhchanam = uttuthga simha larachanan Oreyurp -pura varadhi

~ - 19 ^varam kirttigadh i^vara iiatru para surekaram [ka]Jadamkakaj;ajn-arvva[le]Ju-

- - - 20 [Yu]m malevaraiikukm namadi samasta prase(ta)sti saliitam iriman maha

21 - - maijtiajeSvaram Ketamallarasarurh iriman mahamandaje^varam Muthmad. i

i - - 22 Choj^rasaruth svasti iri Chajukya vikrama varshada 45 neya Sarvvari

23 - samvatsarada Jai(Jye)shtad amavasya Adivaradamdu Somagrahana nimittavagi

24 Kudiya[me]nalavattara rajadhani Kudiyalliya ^ri Mallikarjunadevargge . .

- 25 [yarasara] Mallikarjuna paijditargge dharapurvvakam madi . .

26 .... bitta ereyakcyimattaru 15

27 dharmmavan a ... yum pratipali[si]da

28 . . Kurukshetra ^Prayageyalu

29 kayile. . .

- 30 durh kajagu ma kasidu na

- 31 tta phajada hodan ajida Varanasi

32 dvi - .ya bralimaijaru dosha . . THREE CHALUKYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM RACHANAPALLE 79

- 33 Svadattam paradattam va yo hareta vasumdhara shashtir = varisha

ia 34 sahasrayaA mishtayam jayate krimi Svasti

Second Inscription - - - 35 Srimacb = Chajukya vikrama variSa(sha)da 47 neya sraheya Naradana = - - - 36 samvatsarada Chaitrad amavasey Adivaradariidu suryya graha

- - - 37 na nimittavagi ^rimad = datjdanayakan = Anantadevam kl Mallikarjunadevara na

- 1 = 38 ndadivige Kudiyali stala[deya] vaddaravulada . , ga}e bitta paija Srimad danda -

- - - 39 nayakam S5varasaru Kudiyapeya stajada Mallikarjuna devara nanda

- 40 divigege herjju[m*]kadalli [guttage] bitta paija 1 mahamaijdaje

41 Svarath Macharasaru Ku-

- - 42 cliyapeya staja - 43 da Mallikarjjuna

44 matfadira nandadivi-

45 gege bitta

46

47 hajjada bada-

48 gada bayalu - 49 huvina gida

- 50 vimge bi||a to

51 ta mattaru 1

52 nandadivigege

53 bitta ga^a 1

54 gaijadamane

55 yofagagt bi-

4 . . 56 tta mane

' 57 rinalu bitta

58 ele 50

- 59 Bahubil? uva(r=vva) gO PURAQIIILL-KHA PAT RIKA

60 sudha datta ra -

- 61 jabhih Sagara

62 dibhil? [*i] yasya

63 yasya ya- - 64 da bhumis = ta

65 sya tasya ta-

66 daphatam(m) [*1

Third Inscription - 1 Saraasta in - - bhuvanasra(-araya) prithvivallabha ma. . .

- - 2 meSvara pararaabha^taraka Satyasra(ra)

3 kyabharanam irimat = Tribluivandmalla -

4 ttar = ottar = = abhivjiddhi pravarddhamanam [a] - 5 chatfadr arkkataram saluttam = ire lbha](ba)[rarfa] Svasli samadhigata pamclia- - mahasa(a)bda [mahama*]

6 viramahe^vara - - ijdaliSvara [A]yodliy3-pura-varadhiivara Belvanegaljal ira * - 7 . hatan ahava sahasa - - paribajamalla jayad uttaramga [ja]

8 ... [vamjsamasta namadi rajasra(^ra) yam samasta prasa(k)sti sahi - - 9 . . man ma[ha]mari^aje^vararh Reviyarasaru u svasti

10 , . . dinafcara pradyotita kulanarfidana Suka Vipula -

11 namdanam - Kaiyapa-gctrarix nri(n ri)pakuja - pavitraih Karikfil anvaya 12 taneyam Kaveri-nfithaih - bandhujana parijatam kam -

13 ...', goshaijaA prasanna - guntaratna bh^a(sha)tjarh sikhi - sikha - - 14 mafcara dhva[jam] vividha = vidyaviriAchanan uttum. .

15 - lamchana[n-0]reyura pura-varadhisvaram Kirttigadhi ... - 16 Sriman mahama^daje -

17 ivara [Mu*]mmadi-Ch5[larasaru] - 18 [Cha*]Jukya [Vikrama] varishada 45- 19 [neya] Vai^akhada putj^ame Adi-

20 [tyavaradali] Mulasthanada

21 [de*]varige [Kudiyaji] Simgarasi - patjditargge biJta nigara ffiatta [ru*] THREE CHALUKYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM RACHANAPALLE 81

1 saha 1 22 gaija tosojjahefim ye-

vii * 23 , vudu yi(ye) da(dha)rmma kavanu

24 ra kavileyam vadegada dosajkkef

Notes :-

1 ARSIE., 1941-42, Nos, B. 69.

2 ML No. 70.

3 Ibid., No. 71.

4 % M, Vol. XXXVIII, p,106,

5 B.R refers Vol. Gopal (Kamcituka Inscriptions, VI, p, 45] to an inscription from Nagavanda, Hire-

kerur Dharwar District to Taluk, belonging Ch|ukya Vikrama era 45, Sirwarl as the one falling of in thB reign period Vikramaditya VI, the of as Talcing date Ra'ibag inscription Vta'ditya

Vl's first the details of the date for yaar, given this record are irregular for that year and for the

previous years too,

6 B.R. Gopal, The Ch&lukyas of Kalfann, p. 245,

7 ARIE,, 1961-62, No, B. 566,

196. 8 S.U, Vol. IX, pt, I, No.

9 ARSIE,, 194142, No. B. 2,

10 U/., Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 221.

11 From impressions.

12 The second inscription commences from line 34 onwards,

13 The inscription abruptly stops here. 13 A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF PAIRS OF INDUS SIGNS WITH JAR OR LANCE

Abdul Huq and Gift Siromoney

1. Introduction ted as representing Ur and as an affix

or suffix and also as a determinative or One of the questions frequently asked case-ending'. about the Indus script is whether it re-

at all. Even The lance is presents any systematic writing another terminal sign those who that the of agree writings the, which seems to ta functionally similar Civilization are not a to Harappan haphazard the jar. We examine the pairs that of are at variance with each arrangement signs of these two signs form with sixty- one another the of the five regarding language other common signs, which occur 1 . Our in the area of script purpose more than fifty times.

Harappan studies is to analyse the script If a of occurs a in order to bring out the statistical struc- pair signs large 2 number of it is often concluded ture , of the texts. times,

that there is some association or affinity To understand the semantic connec- between the two signs. In this paper, we tion between words in modern languages, go a step further and measure the extent 3 it is the practice to examine the habitual of affinity. Our analysis is based on the collocation of items and to investigate fact that how large the frequency of a the level of gradation in collocability with pair is, depends on how otten each of the reference to a given word. two signs occurs in pairs in that position.

It enables one to develop an index, which In this paper, we make use of the measures the level of attraction or repul- tables of frequencies of pairs that Maha- sion (or the lack of either) between two devan has presented in his Concordance* signs occurring" next to each other.- and examine whether the proximity between the a could be attribu- 2, Measurement of signs forming pair affinity and antiaffimty 5 ted to chance or not . Mahadevan has Let us a consider specific example. studied seven terminal signs and interpre- Of the 9780 listed 6 pairs in the concor- ted them as ideograms , dance follows 44 jar fish times, 1332 pairs Here we are in the have on the mainly jar (B) jar left and 324 pairs have and the lance and (E) signs (Table 1) their fish on the right. Hence we sea that about association with the other signs. The choice of all the 14% pairs have jar on of the jar is due to the fact that it is their left and consequently we would expect, the most frequently in the in all the occurring sign pairs with fish (F) on. the right Indus texts. Another reason is that it the on the sign left must fo jar (B) has received more than its share of inter- 14% of times (i. e. 44 times], if there It has been pretations. variously interpre- is no ground for attraction or repulsion A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF PAIRS OF INDUS SIGNS WITH JAR OR LANCE 83

between the two signs. The number obtai- nal signs should .have a high value for ned in this under way the hypothesis of the index of affinity. This happens with

cjancs is referred to as the theoretical reference to certain pairs. For example,

frequency. BV, BV, BD whore D is the forked mortar,

have values ranging 'from 97 to 100 for

In this example we see that the obser- the index of affinity. On the other hand, ved frequency coincided with the theoreti- we do not expect B(y'ar) sign to occur

cal frequency, leading to the conclusion together with initial signs, the index must

that the occurrence of the pair BF(y'ar4- show antiaffiuity and that is exactly what in the fish) is purely due to chance. Usually there happens following pairs, BP, BQ,

P is is will be a discrepancy between the two and BR where the diamond, Q the

double stroke and R is the wheel frequencies, which provides a measure of sign For the have departure from the hypothesis of chance. respectively. index, they the value -100 each. Even the first On the basis of this discrepancy, we con- though occurs eleven it is far struct an index, Whose value varies from pair actually times, 100 to 100. The numerical value of the too low compared to the expected fre-

of if their occurrence is index specifies the confidence with which quency ,48, purely due to chance. we reject the hypothesis of chance and the direction of the index indicates the One would expect the jar to have hypothesis favoured by the empirical evi- affinity with most of the signs occurring dence. If the index is positive, it is in the medial position. 'However the favourable to the hypothesis of affinity following pairs formed with the fish signs, and if it is negative, it goes in favour namely G, H, I and J where G, H, I and J of the hypothesis of antiaflinity. are one-eyed fish, slashed fish, cappedfish,

and horned ft\h respectively, show an an- To consider another example, the pair tiaffinity with the index ranging from- 100 BV(jtor4 harrow] has an index value of to 95. This is surprising. The following 97, It means that there is a 97% chance pairs also have high antiaffinity : FB, HB, that there is affinity between jar and harrow IB and JB. However this can ba explained signs. On the other hand, the pair BA in a different manner. Such pairs occur an index value of -97. ( jar 1- mortar) has hardly two or three times in the text. It follows that there is. a 97% chance It is quite possible that the text ends that there is some sort of repulsion between (read from right to left) at the terminal the two signs forminj the pair. and a sign namely the iar sign, new text 3. The ;'0r sign begins with the fish sign

have art The jar(B), the lance(E) and the harrow The following pairs affinity

100 : and where K and (V) are some of the most common signs index of BK BM, crab and the that occur in the terminal position of a M are the fat open path These should be com- text, either alone or with one or two signs respectively. with the which have terminal signs. An analysis like this should pared following pairs, show that pairs made up of certain termi- a high index of antiaflinity : BLandBN PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

where L and N are the lean crab and the able. Any one who tries to give values,

dosed path respectively. This shows that phonetic or alphabetic, to the signs must

even though the fai crab and the lean crab be able to explain this and such differences, as well as the open path and the closed which are brought out by a study of this

path signs look alike, they are not mutually kind.

interchangeable. The pair BB which occurs 5. and left only once has an expected frequency of Right affinity 56 and hence has an index of -100 showing When two signs the jar(E) and the antiaffmity between members of the pair. forked jar(D] occur together forming the Either the right sign occurs there by error pair BD, given that the right sign is D, or the same sign is used in a different what are the chances that the left sign sense. i is B?. In other words, what is the left of the 1o 4. The lance sign affinity forked jar withfyespect the jar on its left ? The index of the As pointed out earlier, the lance sign left affinity is 97. That "is, given that D (E) is also a frequently occurring terminal is on the right, in 97% of cases, it . sign. It does not occur together at all will be followed by B. In contrast to with the jar(B) sign, which is another this, the right affinity index of the jar terminal sign. The pairs EB and BE have is only 8. i. e. given that the jar has a negative value for index, showing that occurred, there is only 8% change they have antiaffmity and in Mahadevan's that it is preceded by the forked jar, Concordance they have only zero frequency. Similarly, in the pair BV, the left affinity However the lance occurs together with index of the harrow is 26, while the right the harrow(V) sign. The pairs EV and VE affinity of the jar is only 1%. The have an index of affinity of 100. With following pairs have a high value for the common initial signs, it has antiaffi- the affinity index discussed earlier : BS, nity as one would expect : EP, EC and ER. BK, BT and BU, where S, K, T and U

This a terminal being sign, one would denote the deity, the fat crab, the crown

it to have with of and hill expect affinity most the signs respectively. In all the medial In the signs. fact, the lance(E) four pairs, the jar sign has a very low has with four of the affinity fish signs. value for the right affinity index, which The have a following pairs high positive ranges from 1 to 7. All the signs on the

value for the index : El and EJ. side EF, EH, right have much large values for their

its with the left However, occurring together affinity towards the jar sign. These fifth fish sign, namely capped fish, could values range from 30 to 93. The left be due to chance. the other mainly On index values for the deity, the fat crab, we wish to recall hand, the Fact that the the crown and hill signs are 93, 33, 51 and did not with jar sign have any affinity 30 respectively. Any one who interprets

the : I J. following fish signs G, H, and and gives values to the Indus signs will Therefore it is clear that the jar and the have to account for these and other lance are signs not mutually interchange- findings. A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF PAIRS OF INDUS SIGNS WITH JAR OR LANCE 85

6, Conclusion We wish to thank all our colleagues

In this paper, we have considered in the Department of Statistics, Madras S those pairs of signs which include either Christian College, especially Mr, Govinda-

or the lance u and Mr, L, for their the jar signs. A paper deal- raj Doiaipandian with the of assistance the of the ing analysis pairs containing during preparation of We aie to the a large set signs will be presented, paper. grateful Department of Science and for their elsewhere, We propose to computerize Technology many of the calculations and extend the financial support. from to study pairs triplets of signs, Acknowledgement

Notes >

1 Iravatham Mahadevan, Dravidian Parallels in Pfoto-lndian script, Journal oj Tamil Studies, Vol. 1,

No, 1, pp. 157-275. S. R. Rao, The the May 1970, Decipherment of Indus Script, Asia Publi- House, 1982, M. V. N, Krishna Rao, Indus shing Bombay, Script Dttiph&tid, Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 1982,

Gift Classification of 2 Siromoney, frequently occurring inscriptions of Indus civilization in relation

of STAT-45/80 metropolitan cities, (mimeo), Paper presenter! at the seventh annual Congress of of the Epigraph'ical Society India, Calcutta, January 1981. Gift Siromoney and Abdul ' Huq, Cluster of Indus . a analysis signs computer approach, Proceedings of the Fifth International

- Sjninar Tamil Studies, Conference of Madurai, 1981, Vol. 1, pp. 2.15-2,23, Gift Siromoney of and Abdul Huq, Segmentation unusually long texts of Indus writings: a mathematical Journal the approach, of Epigmphical Society of India, Vol. 9, pp, 68-77,

The computation of collocations 3 G.L, M. Berry-Rogghe, and their relevance to lexical studies,

The and Literal Studies, A. J, Aiten et Computer y a!, Ed,, Edinburgh University Press,

Edinburgh, 1973, pp. 103-112,

The Indus 4 Iravatham Mahadevan Script: ftxts, Coiwofdunw ml Tables, Memoirs of Arckeological

Sumy oj Mia, New Delhi, 1977.

5 Abdul Huq Mathematical Analysis of the Mus Script, M. Phil dissertation, Madras, 1983,

6 Iravatham Mahadevan, Terminal ideograms in the Indus Script, Harappan Ctvifaation, Gregory

L. Oxford and IBH Publishing Co,, New Delhi, 311-317. Possehl, 1982, pp. _

7 John E. Mitchinsr, Studies in the Indus Valhy Inscriptions, Oxford and IBH Publishing Co,,

New Delhi, 1978. 14 BAGH HOARD OF COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS

S, K. Bajpai

All are issued from Valkha, During the month of August, 1982 a the grants

is to record the assent hoard containing twenty seven copper plate Their main object of ruler on the of inscriptions was found in village Bagh- Parumabhat(5raka gift donees Resawala, situated in the Kukshi Tahsil a field termed as brahmndeya. The of Dhar district in Madhya Pradesh. While belong to various gotras. Besides geogra- the field and ploughing, the plates were unearthed by phically locating donated a refer to the two persons Kuwar Singh and Gulab Singh the village, few grants also who divided the hoard and tried to sell territorial division of Dat,ilakapalli rastra it at Kukshi and Indore. Getting infor- near the river Narmada, mation, the District Police of Dhar seized The records belonging to different all the with a copper plates along piece rulers may by classified as under. of container, and kept it deposited in the Thirteen plates mention the name of Police Station, Under Indian Treasure Maharaja Bhulundd. Ten plates are dated Trove Act of 1878, the Collector, infor- respectively in the years 47, 55, 56, 57, 59, med the matter to the Archeology and 104 and 107 and the date of remaining Museums, Govt. of Madhya Pradesh and three are not clear. Maharaja Svamidasa handed over the antiquities for preserva- is mentioned in five plates, four of them tion in the museum. belonging to years 63, 65 and 68 and the

The copper plates in question are year of the fifth plate is not clear. A special found badly effected on account of soil feature about the hoard is that it brings to deposition. Therefore these are being chemi- light two new rulers of the dynasty, Bhatta- cally treated in the departmental labora- raka and Nagabhata unknown to history till tory. Following is the brief report of now. The grants of the first one correspond examination and observation made by the to years 29 and 36 while the dates of author, the latter one are not readable, The rest of

the five plates belong to Rudradasa. Four of Out the twenty seven copper plates, of them have the years 66, 69, 7^ and only two are cut into two parts, the 108 and the date in the fifth is not clear. remaining well preserved, They measure Excepting one copperplate, the remaining to approximately 17 33 cm. in length, 10 'have signatures of rulers on the left hand to 14 cm. in breadth and 2.5 to 232mm. margin of the plates. A descriptive list in 'thickness. The inscriptions incised on of each copper plate is given below. different plates range from 7 to 12 lines. Before the discovery of the present The character are Brahmi of about hoard, only eight grants of this dynasty the 4-5 th A. D. The is 1 century language were known and their genealogy was Sanskrit. * constructed tentatively as under : BACH HOARD OF COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTIONS

1. Bhulunda I Year 38-47 also could not (77? f have been thing fie Gupn 2. I era. Rudradasa Year 67 But on the contrary, as argued b\ D.I .

it seems more reasonable 10 3. Svamidasa Year 67 Sircar, hchav tha the Maharajas of Valklui \u;re iVuda- 4. Bhutunda II Year 107 tories of the Guptas and die d.itc-, of 5. Rudradasa II Year 117 7 their grants weie recorded in the 6. Subandhu Year 167

As for the identification of geographi- In the light of the new discovery cal names, Valkha is undoubtedly the pre- the old theory will have to be revised. sent village Bagh from where all iliefe The of and grants Bhattaralca Nagabhata plates have been" found. The city was close are found for the first time, The date to the river Narmada, and this is symiied of Bhattaralca puts him as the predeces- by the statements made in most of the of sor of Bhulanda I. The ruling year grants. The Bagh caves and their paint- his Nagabhata is not yel dear. Therefore, ings are famous for line workmanship of the period still remains doubtful. On the Gupta period. It can bo picsunud the basis of these dates, the genealogy of that the feudatories of the Gupta unpjrer,.

rulers of Valk'ha may now be reconstruc- were ruling there assuming imperial ttiks ted as under :- such as Paramabhatfaraka and MalnrlthWn-

A. u. raja in 4-5th century Under their Year 29-36 1. Bhattaralca the art as a creati- patronage Bagh witnessed 1 Year 38-59 2. Bhulunda vity of the Golden Age.

3. Svamidasa Year 63-58 In support of the above theory, men- 66-70 4. Rudradasa I Year tion may be made of the discovery of II Year 104-107 from in 5. Bhulunda nine gold Gupta coins Pagara 108-117 Tahsil of Dhar, which is very 6. Rudradasa II Year Manawar of the hoard 167 close to the find-spot present 7. Subandhu Year One is con- of copper plate inscriptions. Year not readable. 8. under Nagabhata vinced that the whole reigion was

1 3 and The adoption of the G. S. Gal , the soverignity. R. C. Majumdar , Gupta a natural 6 dales to the era was thus corollaiy. D. C. Sircar refer these Gupta Gupta 8 V. Mirashi refers them to era, while V. Other historical places mentioned in Abhira era of A. D. 249. His argument rs^i-"E ? V -??*??S2iS me.moncd. and identify the places toe ten subordinate to to (tap*

LIST OF COPPER PLATES 1 Xfoina bad! 3, ; Year 59 Maharaja Bhulundasya' I Ten lined inscription; Margin-' 88 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

2 Nine lined inscription ; Margin-'Mfl/wq/a Svamidasasya : Year 63 Kartlika badi.

3 Nine lined inscription ; M&ri\&- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 55 Sravana Su 2.

4 lined ; Eight inscription ; Margin-Blank inscription mentions 'Maharaja Bhatta-

1 36 1. raka : Year Jyeshtha ki

: 5 Eight lined inscription ; Ua^gm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' Year 104 Magha Su 6.

6 Eight lined inscription ; Margin-' Maharaja Rudradasasya' : Year 66 Ashadha su 2. D

7 Nine lined inscription ; Mat^n- Maharaja Bhattarakasya' : Year 29 Siivana k

8 Nine lined inscription ; Uwgm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 55 Jyesjha ihi 7.

9 Seven lined inscription ; Margin-'Bhattarakasya Sasanah' : Year 29 Karttika 611 7

(cut in to two parts).

10 Nine lined inscription ; Margin- Maharaja Rudradasasya' : Year 69 Chaitra

lined ; 11 Eight inscription Margin-Svanii Narayanadasasya-Maharaja Bhulundasya' :

Year 47 Pausha ba. (cut into two parts)

: 12 Nine, lined inscription ; Margin-' Maharaja Nagabhatasya' Year not clear : month

Yaifiakha ^u 2.

13 Eight lined inscription ; M.axgiR- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 56.

14 Eight lined inscription ; M&rgm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 104.

15 lined ; : Nine inscription Margin-' Maharaja Bhulundasya' Year 57 Phalguna ba 3.

16 Nine lined inscription ; MW%M~ Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year not clear.

17 lined : Year 70 Eight inscription ; Margin-'Ma/iora/a Rudradasasya* Jyeshtha k5.

18 Nine lined : : 65 inscription Margin~'Mo/wfl/a Svamidasasya' Year Bhadrapada ba.2.

J

19 lined ; Eight inscription ; M.^n- Maharaja Bhului;clasya Year 107 Chaitra k.2

20 Seven lined : inscription ; Margin-' Afa/iflrffjo Rudradasasya' Year not clear.

21 Eight lined inscription; M^gm- Maharaja Svamidasasya' : Year 68 Asadha.,.,

22 Ten lined : 65. inscription ; Mztgin-'Maharaja Svaraidasasya' Year

21 lined : Eight inscription ; Usugm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' Year 104 Vais'akha 5u.3.

1

24 Seven lined : : inscription ; Margin-' Mahmja Bhulundasya Year not clear.

25 lined Eight inscription ; Mnjim- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year : not clear.

26 Nine lined inscription ; Mwgm- Maharaja Rudradasasya' : Year 108 Jyeshtha 4u.5.

27 Nine lined inscription. ; Max^m- Maharaja Svamidasasya' : Year : not clear. Pun

i 2v Vol. fflll Dec, 1978, 3!, XIIif '"I)!(2) 'iipp,

toii

I/K 231, ^{ffl, p,

(lie office ol itoM by EpijrapW These copper plates pied m 15 THE ROYAL SEALS OF THE ANDHfiA DYNASTIES

C. A. Padmanabha Sastry

The vast area of the Andhra Country Kdsal-A vamt'i-nath'abhyaih

was ruled by more than half a dozen Siihha!ad= api namakam

Each has its own emblem dynaties. dynasty Tatath bhagavatim khyataih seal, The be seen on the and emblem can i Dharmad- Vaftigala bhiimipat seals which are generally found attached Ittahaw elany a thanyani Chihnany to the copper-plate charters. Incase the = a daya bhu bhujam i set contains more than one plate they are Gamd-nmko jagaituihgo vvadhatta strung together to a ring which passes sakolam jagut li through a hole. The seal is then soldered

to the ring. The seals are usually round In the following pages it is proposed in shape though we have other shapes too. to discuss the various seals of different

kings and their officials who ruled the In a number of cases the figures on the Andhra -Country from the earliest times seals have bearing on the religious leanings to the fifteenth century. of the concerned royal dynasty. Some of the seals of the various have dynasties We do not have direct evidence re-

the of bull, bear, fish, which image etc., garding the seals of the Satavahanas and indicate different religious leanings. In a the Ilcshvakus, the early dynasties of the- seals few cases the have the figure's of the Andhra Country. In case of the formers, animals like elephant, cow, etc. In tiger it is stated that they had lion for their case of seals we also find 2 many legends emblem. This was deduced from the fact along with symbols referred to above more that the Satavahanas had lion symbol on often than not the seals have the titles their coins. However, it must be remem- of the kings on them. the vict- Generally bered that apart from lion the coins of orious kings wrest the royal emblems of the Satavahanas had on them the repre- the defeated The Nesarika of kings. grant sentation of hill, ship, svastika etc. The Govinda III of the 1 Rashtrakuta dynasty same is the case with the Ikshvakus also. is the best to know the various example Hovdt/er, the seals discovered in the excuva-. lanchdhanas of the different kings, It reads: tions at 3 Vardhamanapuram (Wararigal Dis-

1 6 trict), Peddabankur , Dhujikatta (Karim- Pnn$ya-dc~'ddhipan~ matsya in nagar District) and some other sites in vrlshabham Pallave&varat ! Andhra Pradesh reveal the existence of the Cholad-vvaghraih gajam Gcfoga seals, probably issued by rulers. The seal ch= chapa yashtlm cha Keraltit li discovered at Vardhamanapuram contains * Aihdkra*Chalnkya= Mauryebhyo a horse symbol with a legend arrouud $Y VMham Pallw&varat I the seal. The T / } legends reads Mahatala- THE ROYAL SEALS OF THE ANDHRA DYNASTIES 91 varasa viyasamikasa sava sadhu The coin that they belong to powerful royal members also reads the same on legend the obverse who propubly attained independent status and the reverse contains three arches with after the downfall of tho Ikshvakus. The dots in between them. Another terracotta ttident shows their religious leanings to- seal discovered at Peddabinkur contains wards iSaivism. a legend in brahml characters of tlw The Ananda Icings had two types Ikshvaku period. It reads vijayapura-hara of seals on their charters. The kasa rathasa, A beautiful ivory button copper-plate seal of the of Damochua- seal discovered at Dhulikatta shows a Mattrpathi plates 8 varman bjars the figure of vrishubha as legend A\iini Sitiya Game Kumariya in seen in the Pallava while the the same characters as the one mentioned Early charters, seal of Gorantla of Attivarman has above. plates the figure of a seated or cross legged saint."

Among the copper plate charters of However, this figure is not quite distnict on the Andlira dynasties the Maidavolu charter the seal. There is no legend in either of 8 of Pallava Sivaskandavarman is the earliest, the two seals. The occurrence of the figure as yet discovered, copper-plate grant, The of a saint on the seal of the Ananda seal of this set is important as it is earliest charter is interesting in that the kings of one which contains a legend apart from this family claim their descent from a sage the ball (Vrishabha} representation. The called Anaiida.. Hence it may not be im- that the king Attivarman might legend Sivaska .... which is undoubtedly proboble have choson the figure of the sage Ananda the name of the king. The lanchchana as a to be represented on his seal token and the dhvaja of the early Pallavas of respect. were vrishabha and khatvanga respectively which attest to the fact that the Pallavas While the Salankayanas, who had vm/w- had towards 3aivism. leanings the bha as their symbol on their seals, ruled of the Andhra the The Bhrihatphalayanas, the contem- southern pait country, Mathara ruled the Kalinga on the porary of the Early Pallavas, have a lone kings northern side of the Andhra. We find copper-plate charter viz, the Kondamudi a a the different types of seals attached to plates. The seal contains trident, bow, charters of the Mathara kings of the crescent, and an. indistinct symbol in the used the The 'Brihat- In the first type, they irigangular in shape. legend Kalinga. Pitribhaktah, which is evidenced phalayana sagotraiya maharaja-Si'rJaya- legend of 1 of the the seal of the Komarli plates varmmanah runs along the pheriphery by 10 Chan^avarman. This legend is interest- seal'. It is an important seal in more as the of this dynasty describe it contains the ing kings than one aspect. Firstly, as hhak- on the seals of any themselves Bappa-bhatfarakd-pada longest legend fomid means that are devoted discovered so far in tah which they copper-plate charier It be to' the feet of their fathers. may the Andhra Country. Secondly, it contains and noted that the expression Pifnbhaktah more than one symbol, Both the legend the same. In the second type, on the seal also means the symbols, depicted suggest 92 PURABIIILEKHA PATRIKA they used the donor's name on the seal. indicate their leaning towards For example in the Brihatproshtln grant u Coming to the seals of the Eastern of Umavarm.m and the Rajolu places a of 12 Chalukya grants they show variety we cm find the names of Saktivarman , legends and symbols. Most of the seals of the kings rcij-dmavarmunali and maha- of tftcir charters havj the fijure of varaha raja-Sjknvarmanah respectively. on them. It is worth noting in this The Vishniilcmitlin dynasty have more context that the Eastern Chalukya kings than half-a-dozen copper-plate charters. claim to have obtained the v sraha-lanch-

Tae ssals of the charters of these kings bear chhana as a boon from the god Narayana sam-usadita- figures of both lion and bull, The seal of the (bhagu van-.yarayana-prusadti

1 ' Ramatirtham plates of Indravarman bears vara-vcirahu-Jaftiluhhanatwm) as evidenced a fiant fyurc of a pouncing lion, faccing by the praiasti recorded in their copper- proper riyht, with its fore-paw raised, plate chaiters. However, the legends on

' neck mouth-wide and tail the seals of their charters differ in some erect, open *' raised above the back with a loop at the cases. While the seal of the Satara copper- end. This seal has no legend. The seal plate charter contains the legend $rl 17 of the tpuru plates of Madhavavarman II Blttarasa the Timmipuram copper plate 1 " a has 1 * (year 37) has lion with a lamp on charter the legend Vishamasiddhi. either side and sun and moon and legend This suggests that the earlier one was issued which reads : t) Sri MaJhava 1} Varmmd, by Vishauvardhana when he was yuvaraja Another set from the same place of the and the latter one was issued by him as same king (year 47) has a seal which is an independent king. This title and legend divided horizontally into the halves. The have also been used by Vishnu vardhana

1 upper ra f of the seal bears a damaged III. The successor of Viahijuvarddhana III, I a figure of a lion facing right and the lower namely Jayasimha bears different title,

1 " 20 ha!f has ih.3 legend, Sn Madhava In His Peddamaddah and I'eda-Vegi plates this context it is interesting to note that contain the legend Sri Sarvva-siddhi and usual the inscription of Madhavavarman from varaha symbol. Tyagadhenu is found 16 Velpuru bears two lions facing each other along with usual varaha, sun and moon on and resting on their forelegs. Their back the seal of the Kor^anaguru plates of the 81 portions are raised. Among the seals of Eastern Chalukya Indravarman. He the Vishnukuntfim, the Timtfi copper-plate is the only king bearing the title Ty&ga

111 charer of Vikramendravarman bears the dhenu. The legend Vijayasiddhi is engraved humpel bull (Vrishabha, on its seal. The for the first time along with usual varaha seal doss rot bear any legend. Some of on the seal of the Chandaluru plates of 32 the coins of the Vishnulcundins particularly Sarvvalolcas'raya who is identified with the coins of Vikramendravarman bear Mangiyuvaraja I. We know that this is the symbol of lion. This suggests that one of the titles of Maragi Yuvaraja as a whib the early kings of this dynasty used fragmentary copper-plate charter of the the lion on their seals, the seals of the reign of his grandson refers to Mangi later king;! had the figure of a bull, which Yuvaraja with the title Abhilashitakaryya THE ROYAL SEALS OF THE ANDI-IRA DYNASTIES 93

Vijayasiddhi" This titte Vijayasiddhi is valasa plates of Devendravamian show a used by the successors of Mangi Yuvaraja a legend Devemliavama. 1 1 must be noted namely Kokfcili, Mangi Yuvaraja II and in this context that is the lim Eastern Vilcramaditya, who ruled the 1 Madhyama sea! '" Ganga to have a legend. A charoc- Kalinga area, II used two terstic feature of the seals of the later titles namely Sarvvasiddhl and Vishama- Ganga copper-plates is [hat they have more siddhi in 31 26 his Nicluparru and Koneld symbols For the seal of Most example, the grants. interesting feature is that Narasapatmim plates of Vajrahasta III none of these contain grants the usual bears the figures of a bull, a conch, a varaha. goad, The legend Sri Fiibhuvanaihkuia a a battle trident, axes, a eresceat, a appears for the first time 29 in the seal of staff and a drum. A very mteiesting Pasubhan.u grant of the king Vishnuvar- feature of the seal of "the Parlakimidi plates dhana III, This legend continues to be of Vajrahasta III is that it contains a found on the seals of the copper-plate Sri legend reading Ddrapaiei}du in Nagari charters of the successive 3 " Icings of the characters. He is the ajfiapti of this

dynasty. who is grant, serving the king Vajialnutu in the capacity of minister. Usually (he As the fame of this dynasty grew, seal contains the kings name or the title, some of the kings of this dynasty used a but in this case a minister's name is a number of The seal auspicious symbols. found engraved. It shows that this parti- of the Sataluru grant of Gunaga Vijaya- cular plate must have been issued by this ditya III contains all "the like symbols minister. The second unit of the above Vat aha, anku&a, surya and chandra and the name rsndu is tadbliava of rdja (raju-redu- legend Tribhuvan-aihkuka. The anku&a is rendu). It shows that he must be depicted on the seals for the first time in a subordinate chief of the king Vajra- the history of the Eastern Chalukya in hasta HI and also holding the office of The of ahkuia on particular. significance the seals. The seal of the Andhavaram

the seal shows the of 31 sovereignly Gunaga plates of the same king have a seated YijayMitya over other lords They also con- bull, the birds carrying a stalk, a small tain the excellent and ornamental carvings of circular disc divided into eight sectors Lakshmi and in goddess god Vinayaka and a purnaghaia. The seal of his Can- poses. The legend Sn Tribhu- 3 " dancing jam plates has a counchant nandi, a vanaihkuSa is continued on the seals of the drum, a conch, the fly whisks (chamaras), later till the Eastern Chalukyan kings period the darts or lances and an umbrella. 2 ' of Rajaraja Chodaganga. The seals of the Kakatiyas contain

The Eastern Gangas had the figure of a boar either facing right Idnchchhana. The Tekkali, Chicacole and or left. The seal of the Kliaijd-avilU 33 the Siddhantam plates had bull on them, plates of Prataparudra is quite interesting Some of the seals of the kings of this as it has the legend Daya-gaja-kesari a cow dynasty depict the Sankha, the bull, the apart from varaha., facing proper an anku&a* lotus and the crescent The seal of the Chidi- left, a sun and moon and 94 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA,

The symbolic representation of a cow is country used their own symbol on their seen seals. of very interesting which is not in For example one the early

any of the copperplate charters of the kings nemely the Renaticholas have used both lion of the Andhra'" country. and tiger. Some feudatory chiefs enjoyed paramountcy though they The seals of the Reddy dynasty accepted the supramacy of the emperors. contains the figure of a bull in a kneeling An inscription from Motupalli dated rests on a pedestal. The posture plain 1231 A, D., informs that Siddhayadeva seals of the dynasty contain Vijayanagara maharaja of Pallava kula had his tradi- the varaka either or left, with sun facing right tional vrishabha lanchchhana and khaf-

and moon, t The seal of plates fojsaijain^ vangadhvaja. Another inscription from 34 Sangama Virupaksha ,(Saka\388-14?6 A.D.) Tripuranlakam dated 1263 A. D. states that has a seated Nandi with a short dagger a certains mha-samant-adhipati and baha- on its proper) The seal of the Penugon^a ttara-niyog-adhipati Vijayagandagopala had 35 of Tirumala I, dated 1571 A.D. is grant his own crests viz., fsrivatsa lanchchhana a a a circular one which contains sun, and also vrishabha lanchchhana. Thus the

crescent with a star on it and a running kings of the Andhra particularly in the boar with a in front of (varaha) dagger later period allowed their subordinates to a it. There is floral device at the bottom have their lanchchhanas. of varaka in addition to the symbols

above find in mentioned we two clubs The above study reveals firstly, the G the seal of Ammvili Mangalam plates of seals of the early kings were simple with Sri dated 1577 A.D. The Rangaraya I," just one or more symbols with or with-

copper plate seals of the later Vijayanagara out legend, while the later kings have

rulers only, contain legends. The seal of more symbols. Most of the seals represent of the time the Kuniyur' plates of the tittles of the issuing kings, and at

Venkata II" contains the figure of a certain times, the minister's names are

boar facing left, a legend reads $ri- also found. More often the chief

VmkatUa and also the moon and sun. emblem on the seal reflects the religious

leanings of the issuing donor kings. Some of the kings of the Andhra

Notes :-

1 El., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 125ff

2 T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian Polity, p 85

3 Mdu (.Telugu Daily), dated 17 October, 1982

4 IAR, 1968-69, p. 2

5 Ibid., 1976-77, p, 4; Andhrapradesh Annual Repon on Archaeology 1376-77, p. 14 THE ROYAL SEALS OF THE ANDHRA DYNASTIES 95

6 EI,, Vol. VI, pp84ff

7 Ibid,, pp. 315ff

8 Ibid.. Vol. XVII., pp327ff

9 Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 103

10 Ep.Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 142ff

11 Ibid, Vol. XII. pp. 4ff

12 /Wrf., Vol. pp. 1 ff

13 Ibid., pp I33ff

14 Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 334 ff

15 Ibid., Vol. PXXVI, pp.

16 Ibid., pp. 7ff

17 MA/tf., Vol. XIX, pp. 300 ff

18 /., Vol. IX, pp. 317ff

19 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 137 ff

20 E.J., Vol. XIX, pp. 236 ff

21 Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. Iff

22 Ibid., pp. 55 ff

23 AREP., 1914 No. A 12

24 EL Vol. XVIII, pp.55 ff

25 Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 71 ff,

ff 26 Sharati., Vol. I, pp. 8

27 EL Vol. IV, pp.345ff

28 Bharatht, Vol. II, EI., Vol. XXXII pp. 142 ff;

' 29 EL Vol. Xf/ pp. 147ff

30 /A/rf., Vol. Ill, f\>. 220ff

31 Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 202 ff

32 Ibid., Vol. XX 1 1 1, pp. 17 ff,

33 EA., Vol. IV

34 EL Vol. XI, pp,8

35 Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 241 ff

36 Ibid., Vol. XII, pp340ff

37 Iblda Vol. Ill, pp256ff 16 R1STHAL INSCRIPTION OF AULIKARA PRAKASADHARMMA, [VIKRAMA] YEAR 572 K. V. Ramesh and S. P. Tewari

The inscription, edited here for the While, palaeographically, all the letters first time, was discovered at Risthal, a conform to the known features of Gupta

village to the west of Sitamau, the head- Brahml, attention may be drawn to the

1 quarters of Sitamau Tahsil, Mandasor fact that in two instance ) (sud-uthyuih, in The line 7 and in line 13 a cursive District, Madhya Pradesh. discovery yena j type was brought to the notice of the present of y has been employed. As for the ortho- Dr. editors by Raglrubir Singh, Director, graphical features it may be pointed out Sodha Natna^ar Samsthana, Sitamau, who that the consonant following r is doubled also kindly sent an excellent photograph in almost all cases while at the end of

of the same. The slab is now preserved the padas and verses final consonants are in the premises of the above Samsthana, employed wherever warranted. It was copied Dr. S. P. Tewari in the The by object of the inscription is to of month December 1983, record the excavation of a tank and the

The in is en- text, twenty-Me lines, construction of a Siva temple by the graved on a slab rectangular! measuring Rajasihamya Bhagavaddosha during the about 53 cms. x 40 cms. While the writing reign of the Aulikara king Prakliadharmma is well the middle very preserved, portion when five hundred and seventytwo years of the top of the slab is broken the away (of Vikrama era) had lapsed. It is resulting in partial to a few letters to damage interesting note that the vestiges of the in the first line. A small piece of the slab tank referred to in this imcription are still has been chipped off at the end of the available in Risthal. second line and so also in a of couple The text commences with a verse places small pieces have off the shipped resulting invoking blessings of Lord diva and in to one or two damage letters which introduces, in verse the two, reigning king. be can, however, easily restored. 1 Bhagavatprakaia (i. e. PrakS&dharmma). The The of language of the inscription is chaste genealogy his family, given in Sanskrit and the verses 3 to is as text consists of twenty 13, fellows : nine verses In the in ten different metres. While Aulikara /fynasty the of Senapall completion each verse is indicated Drapaydrddhana,' his son a double by danfa the completion of each Jaj/varddhana, his son half verse is in most cases indicated by a small horizontal stroke. The /Ajitavarddhana, his son script employed / is what is popularly known as late or Vibhlshagavarddhana, his son Biihmi Gupta and the characters are / Rajyavarddhana, his son palaeographically assignable to the 5th-6th Afiiraja PrakSfedhaimma e . century A. D. f (j. Bhasa- vatprakafe) RISTHAL INSCRIPTION OF AULIKARA PRAKASADHARMMA 97

Of these rulers the descriptions of study belongs to the year 515-16 A. D. all the of predecessors PrakaSadharmma are One of Yas'odharmman's Mandasor inscrip-

merely conventional, including their victo- tions is dated in 532 A D. The other ries over unnamed adversaries. Verses 14 Mandasor inscription of this ruler, which fo which are 15, in praise of PrakasV is undated, was composed by Kakka's son

dharmma are also merely conventional. Vasula who is also the author of the verses 16 to are also However, 17, which Risthal pt abas ti.

in his praise, are of considerable histori- Since there is only a difference of cal significance for they refer to his victory 16 or 17 years between the Risthal prabasti over the famous Huna usurper Toramana under study and the dated inscription of for whom we have so far had no firm Yas"odharmma, belonging to 532 A. D., and, date thoujh his place in the history of in view of the fact that the present pra&asti north India is well-known. As will be as well as the undated pratastiof Yos"a- shown in the sequel the present inscription dharmma were composed by the same poet bears the date Vikrama year 572=515-16 A. D. Viisula, it may be safely presumed that and, since the inscription refers to Pra- Yo^odharmma was the son and successor kakdharmma's victory over Toramaija and of undated j Pralca^adharmma, The inscrip- appropriation of the latter s hegemony by tion of Ya^odharmma merely states that the former as accomplished facts in that his feet were worshipped by the Huna year, we may safely presume that Tora- ruler without actually stating mana's career as a successful adventurer whether the latter had been personally had ended by 515-16 A, D. vanquished by the former. On the other

The indirect contribution made by the hand, the expression a-Toramana nripatefy

present inscription to our knowledge of used by Vasula in his Risthal pra&asti, which

North Indian history of the post-Gupta literally means 'from Toramaija onwards',

period is indeed immeasurable. The career seems to imply that, besides Toramana, of Ya^odharmma as a great ruler is well Prakakdharmma himself had defeated 3 brought home by his famous inscription Mihirakula also, probably in one and the had from Mandasor which been composed same battle when Mihirakula had not yet by Vasula the son of Kakka, In the absence succeeded his father on the Huna throne. of any statement to that effect in that One more ground for the proximity inscription, YaSodharmman's antecedents in time of the reigns of Prakatadharmma were hitherto absolutely unknown to his- and YaSodharmma is furnished by the re- torians, though it was known that he be- ference to Bhagavaddosha, the Rajasthanlya to the Aulikara family. His two longed of PrakaSadharmma, m the Risthal Protest! 1 Mandasor inscriptions' when studied in and to Nirdosha as the nephew of Bhaga- combination with the Risthal record direc- vaddosha in the dated inscription ofYaSo- tly give the lie to Majumdar's statement dharmma. This more than clearly implies that Yas'odharmm.a rose and fell like a that, like and Nirdosha, 6 just Bhagavaddosha meteor, Praka^adharmma and Yas'odharmma also

As stated above, the inscription under belonged to successive generations. PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 98

the dated and Paramebvara indicative of The Ristlul pratasti and Rajadhiraja Yafledharmma paramountcy. Mandasor inscription of his a clear of the steady Like Bhagavaddosha, master Pra- together give picture stature. ka&dharmma also was a great builder. He growth of this family's political is credited with the excavation of a tank While the Aulikara progenitor Drapavar- - as a the called Vibhlshana saras, obviously so dhana is described Senapatl, reign- described as risen to the named after Praka^adharmma's grandfather ing king is having of in the Vibhisharavardhana for whom his grandson royal stature Adhhaja present the Mandasor seems to have entertained special affection. inscription. And inscription as the is stated to have tinder reference describes YaSodharmma Besides, same king

constructed a lofty temple for the lord Siva.

TEXT

1 : 2 : Verse 3-4 and 13-14 : Metres : Verse Upajati; Verse Upendravajia; Aupach-

chhandasika ; Verses 5-6 : Aryagitl ; Verses 7-8 : VaMasihavila ; Verses 9-10 :

: : Dnttavilambita ; Verses 11-12 GUI ; Verses 15-21 Vasantatilaka ; Verses

22-27 and 29 : Anushtubh ; Verse 28 : Malini.

- - - - 1 Varnena sandhya pranipata kopa prasangin arddhena vighattyamanam[i*] Pinu-

1 - - - arddham - etaraih vas - ~ kina^ iant[i vidheyfam vam ] 6ivam adadhatu [1*] Raneshu bhuyas = sa bhuvo mahimne bibhartti yah

- i - - 2 karmukam atatajyam Jayaty -asau svasya fculasya ketur llalaraa rajnam Bhaga- Bliuvana ------vatpraka^ah [2*] slhiti dhama dharmma setus sakalasy Aulikar

i - - anvayasya lakslima Drapavarddhana ity abhu[t-praj

3 - bal - - - bhava-kshapit-arati onnatir nnarendralj "[3*] Siras iva Pinakinas - - - - - 7 sruti III amala didhitii - - - Sasahkah[i*]Nija vanAa lalamni yatra Senu- - paii-^abdah sprihaniyatam jagamaii[4*] Anay avalambana - - 4 dri^hikritaya bala sampada prathitaya bhujayoh[i*] Udapadi tena hrita - kttru - - - jayo Jayavarddhana kshitipitis tanayah [5*jBahalena yasya sakatam parital.i

- i parivjinvata jalamuch eva viyat - - - 5 Bala repna karabha kaijtha rucha babhur - nna - sthagitS kiraijas savituh [6*] - ratna - - - - Kirita skhalit arkka diptislm pratishthit - ajnah pratiraja murddhasu[i ] Balena - - - tasy ajita patirusha'ti parair bbabhuva

6 - - raj Ajitavarddlmnas sutah - - - ii7*;Makheshu sCm Ssava pana lalasF sama

8 Subharohibhih I Sucharitaih - iva - kiraijair bhanutnaji kshata tamansi" jajanti cha- kara Bhuvana ------yahii[10*] sthiti goptribhir miripair dhuram adyair vvidhritam - babhara I Sva - kulochita - - yah rajya varddhanas tanayas tasya

9 sa Rajyavarddhanah mumoha i n[ll*| Vilalapa vivyathe viaii^vfisa visamjnalam yayau Upalaptamana bal-oshmana dvishatam yasya vilasinijanah n[l2*]Kshitipati tilakasya - - tasya balm dravip

- ~ - 10 nipila fotru Sucharita - - - - samagra diptih[i] ghatita prakaia dharmraa nripati lalama-sutah Praka&dharmma n[13*j Amalina-yaksamprabhava dhamnam sakala ------jagan mahaniya paunishaijam[i] Avitatha j'auat anuraga

11 sthiti - - - - - bhajara padavim anuyati yo guruijamii[14*] Yal^ sv anvaya krama ------paramparay opayatam aropitam gup rasam ahritena pittra[i*] Lok opakara - - vidhaye na sukh odayaya raja Sriyam

12 ------^ubha phal odayinim vibhartti [15*] A Toramaija nripater nripa mauli - - - - - ' - ratna jyotsna pratana Sabalikrita pada pltham HOij adhipasya blmvi yena - gatah pratishtham nito yudha = vitathatam- Adhiraja ^bdah [16*]

- - - 13 Samgrama murddhani vipatha nipatitanam tasy aiva yena mada- varimucham - - i - gajanam Ayami danta ghatitani taponidhibhyo bhadr asanani ruchimanti = - nivedilani u[17*] Tasy -aiva ch ahava raukhe tarasa

- ~ - - - - 14 avarodhana vara i jitasya yen pramadafc pramathya Loka praka^a bhuja vik- - - - rama chihna het5r vvi^ranita bhagavate Vrishabhadhvaj'aya n[18*] Rajiie pita- - - - - maha Vibliishanavarddhanaya ^laghy anubhaya guru

- - - - - 15 puaya phalaih nivedyaji] Vistari Bindu sarasati pratibimba bhutam etad Vibhi------i - shana saras samakhani tena [19*] Etach cha nritta rabliasa sklmlit endu - - 9 - - - - lekha vant aniu vichchhurita mediaka kaijtlia blia

------16 Sthaijos samagra bhuvana ttraya sfishti hetoh praleya ^aila tata kalpara - - - " - alcSri sadma n[2P*j Sa dvy abda saptati sama samudayavatsu pur^neshu pan-

chasu iateshu vivatsaranain i

= ------17 Grishme rkka tapa mridita pramada sanatha dhara grih odara vijjim- - ~ bhita Pushpakelau "[21*] Lakshma Bharatavarsbasya nideiat tasya bhukshitahi ' - - Akarayad DaSapure Praka^vara sadma yafci [22*]

- - - - - 18 Tasya aiva cha purasy antar Brahmana^ charu mandiram ' Unmapayad iva - = - - vybma ^ildmrair gghanarodhibhiti H[23*] A^rayaya yatinan cha sankhya yog abhi-

- 1 * - i = cha yoginam Vyadhatta Krish? avasatham Bujjuk avasathan yalj ii[24*] - - - - 19 Sabha kupa math ataman = sadmam cha divaukasam ' Yo = nyaiy = ch - - - - - anyaya vimukho deya dharmman achikarat n[25*] Ten aiva nripates tasya - "- - - - purvvaj amatya sununa i Rajasthaniya Bhagavaddoslieg, adosha sangina [26*] 100 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

- - - sarah i Idan = - 20 Etaj jalanidhi hrepi viSalam khanitath elm jalad ollekhi i&linas - - - sadma karitam "[27*] Kisalaya parivarttHIrudhara vati yavat surabhi kusuma - gandh amodavahi nabhasvan i - = - - 21 Sara i[da]m abhiramam sadma SambhoS cha tavad = vihita durita margge - - s tarn Iti - kirtti vistariijis "[28 "] tushtushaya tasya nripateh puijya karmmaijalj [i*l - = - Vasulen oparachita purvve yam Kalcka sununa [29*1

TRANSLATION

the half of the face (V. 1) May right of PinSkin (>iva), which exhudes peace and with -the left half of his which is conjoined face (i. e. 's face) which displays of submission to anger because diva's Sandhya (here personified as a female-rival),

bring you auspiciousness.

is (V. 2) Victorious Bhagavatprakak who was the very banner of his family and was the leader of the kings and who constantly keeps the string of his bow taut in battles for the glory of the earth.

There was the banner of (V. 3) very all the Aulikara families, ticking Drapavard- like a between dhana who was bridge the established precepts of mankind and their

; who had attained righteous practice eminence by destroying the strength of his enemies through his greatness.

Just as the crescent moon on the (V. 4) head of Pinakin (Siva)., with its cool and like the of thin pure rays sprinkling shower, is covetable, so also, in the case of this of (king), who was tb burner his family, the designation Senapati had become covetable.

(V, 5} Having thus, through this, continued his strength and wealth by his arms, he sired 3 son, the king Jayavarddhana, who had appropriated victories from his enemies.

as dark clouds the (V. 6) Even the stopped rays of the sun (from brightening the earth), so 'did the dust raised by his army and its elephant qorps, spreading and covering all the atmosphere, indeed stop the rays of the Sun.

son was the who had earned his manliness from (V. 7) His king Ajitavarddhana his enemies through, his strength and who had established his hegemony over the heads of the enemy kings which were shining with the rays emerging out -of the gems of their crowns.

the earth (V. 8) The lord of the gods (Indra) having gone to repeatedly because of his ardent desire for imbibing the soma drink at the sacrifices (performed by the king Ajitavarddhana), Sachl (Imlrai}i) became worried about separation from her husband, with- her chin resting on her fore-arm.

(V 9.) His son who was famed in the world for his good qualities and who was like the banner of his family was Vibhishanavarddhana whose thoughts were profound RrsraAL INSCRIPTION OF AULIKARA PRAKASADHARMMA 101 because of he was and his fame learning ; possessed of firmness, and was powerf.il was full-blown like a newly flowered tree. He (V. 10) rendered the worlds devoid of darkness by his good qualities which were ever on the increase, resplendent, brilliant, all pervading and increasingly auspicious even as the sun the brightens worlds with his rays which are well-risen, resplendent, all and brilliant, pervading increasingly bright.

(V. 11) His son was Rajyavarddhana who expanded his kingdom in keeping with been his family's practice and who shouldered the burden (of the kingdom) wliich had borne by the earlier kings who were protectors of worldly stability.

(V. 12) The members of the harem of his enemy kings lamented, got bewildered,

suffered, sighed and fainted, their minds being tortured by the heat of his valour.

(V. 13) Of that leader of kings the son was PrakaSadharmma, the great king who had imbibed all the lustre of his adversaries by the strength of his arms, whose lustrous merit was built of good chaiacters.

unstained (V. 14) Who had come by the royal status of his elders who were of was considered fame, worthy abodes of greatness, were possessed of valour which

great by the entire world and enjoyed the unbroken love of their subjects.

the source of (V. 15) Who bore the noble royal grandeur, which was auspicious creation of results, for the sake of helping his subjects and not for the mere pleasure, successions in his own that royal grandeur which had come down through proper him from his family and which had been thrust upon him and not appropriated by father.

of the Huiia ruler (V. 16) By him, who had established himself in the kingdom of of the through his foot-stool being flooded with the brightness the gems kingly factual in the battle. crown of the king Toramana, the word adhiraja was rendered

to the asectics shining BhadrSsanas made (V. 17) He (i.e. Pralcatadharmma) presented which had of the long-ivory tusks of the rutting elephants of the vanquished king

been felled with large arrows on the battle-field.

had been beaten in the battle field, by (V. IS) From the same king who quickly were taken the choicest ladies of the harem and they him (i. e. by Prakalidharmma) as a of the world-illumina- were presented 'to the god Vrishabhadhvaja (Siva) symbol of his aims. ting valour ,

which looked like , (V, 19) By him was excavated this tank called Vibhiskana-saras, in a the replica of the extensive Bindusaras, after having apportioned praiseworthy thereof to his the Vibhlshanavarddhana. gesture the meritorious fruits grandfather, king 102 PURABHILEKHA PA1RIKA

(V. 20) Besides, he got constructed a temple almost equal to that of the foot of the Himalayan mountain for the god Sthaau (Siva) who is the cause of the creation

of the three worlds and whose dark-blue neck was shining because of being covered emitted the crescent which by the rays by moon had slipped during his forceful dancing,

(V. 21) When a total of five hundred and seventy and two [Vikrama] years had been completed, when the god of Love was manifested in the interiors of the fountain-

houses where were seen, along with their beloveds, damsels emaciated by the heat of the summer Sun

(V. 22-23) By the directions of that king who was like the very symbol of Bharata-

he e. varsha, (i, Bbagavaddosha whose name occurs in verse 26 below) got constructed, in the of PrakaMvara. Dafapura, temple And, inside the same township (he got constructed) the beautiful of temple Brahman, which, with its cloud-barring pinnacles, as was, if, measuring the very skies.

for the of {V. 24) Who, refuse ascetics and for those who were intent upon prac- established habitations tising sankhyayoga, named after Krishna and Bujjuka.

averse as he (V. 25) Who, was to injustice, got implemented many acts of philan- and such as thropy piety (the construction ofj halls, wells, monasteries (matha), pleasure gardens, and temples of the gods.

(V. 26-27) By him, Bhagavaddosha, the Rajasthamya, who shunned demerits and who was the son of the minister of the predecessor of this king, this extensive tank, which to shame the sea puts itself, and this temple of Sutin (Siva), which pierces through were the clouds, respectively excavated and got constructed.

For as as the (V. 28) along wind, which carries the pleasant fragrance of sweet flowers the tender smelling turning sprouts of the creepers, blows, this lovely tank the and temple of Sambhu may till then spread their fame devoid of all evil.

The of this (V. 29) euology king, who was a person of meritorious deeds, was composed by Vasula, the son of Kakka in the above words of praise.

Notes :-

1 As In the well-known of PolekeSi II Aihoje prtalasli (ElVlp. 4.) wherein, after the invocatory versa and before the commencement of the this famous dynastic genealogy, _Ghalukya emperor is introduced as Satyadraya the reigning king, so also in the Risthat inscription, after the invoca- verse and before the tory commencement of the family genealogy, the reigning king Prakaia- dharmma is introduced in verse two as Bhagavatprakaia.

2 The of reading the name Drapavarddhana on the stone as well as in the estampages is very clear the though nama itself is an extremely unusual one. The word drapa is not included in Sanskrit lexicons though drSpa occurs in such varied meanings as mud, mire, heaven, sky, RISTHAL INSCRIPTION OF AULIKARA PHAKASADHARMMA 103

a fool, block head, an idiot and also as a name of Siva, (Monier Williams : Skt.fog.

to be with p, 440, s,v.), However, the king's name does not appear connected

the other of the historical circumstances of the in On hand, in the light known period

Aulikara families was either of question, it may be suggested that the progenitor of the foreign

is extiaction or a tribal chieftain raised to the level of a ruling king, In this connection, it

that the well-known astronomer states ch. 86, interesting to note (ty/tarfiMfl,

the verse ha consulted the views, others, of 2) that among MiikmjatHiifaja Dravyavarddhana,

his on Mirashi has that this ruler of Avanti, while writing chapter whims. rightly suggested

of to the Mifaru he makes him the father Dravyavarddhana belonged family, though wrongly

Vol. it is that Dravya- YaSodharmma (Ve, Men in kMni I, pp, 207-209), very likely

is the same as of the Risthal inscription. varddhana, mentioned by Varahamihira, Drapavarddhana

in the of into it be that, As for the subsequent change

of the one or the other course of successively recopying the manuscript ty/taifi/iiffl, copyist

the earlier utilized him as the must have effected the change either because manusctipt-copy by

a name, have suffered or merely because he wanted meaningful oiiginal may damage

and 3 Fleet: CU, III, pp. 14248 plate.

4 ML and pp, 150.58 and plate.

40. 5 Tlie Classical ty> p.

6 From inked estampages.

7 Read

8 Read

9 Read 17 SRESTHIN IN EPIGRAPHS

Sheo Bahadur Singh

Indian contain to a Ancient epigraphs certain for performing many titles and designations which are religious rites by the local government of

also, sometimes, found in the literature. Kotivarslia Vishaya which constituted a cor- The study of these may throw valuable porate body of Kttmardmatya, Nagara Sresh- on the socio-cultural life of the light thin, SMhavaha, Prathama Kayastha In and contemporary society. this connection Prathama Kulika. The Damodarpur title which occurs the Sieshthin, in some Copper Plate inscription at the time of

1 and subsequent epigraphs, need 476-95 A. is Gupta Budhagupta (c. D.) interesting to bo investigated. Interestingly enough, as far as it records a grant of the land this also finds mention even in the to Sreshthin early Nagara Ribhupala for erecting term literature. The Sreshthin (Pali-Set thi) temples after paying the equal price of ctyraologically stands for best or chief, the land as commoners paid. It follows, which also means the a 'having best, thus, that the District Officer was asso- a distinguished man, person of rank or ciated with the Nagam Sreshthin, the authority, a warrior of rank, an high Sanhavaha, the Prathama Kulika and the eminent artisan, the head or chief of an Prathama Kayastha in some sort of land association following the same trade or transactions. These persons are occasio- industry or the President of a 1 guild. nally referred to as a Board of Advisors The word first occurs in the Altareya or Municipal Board. Moreover, it is not Bralmantf and the Taittlnya Btahmana.* possible to determine whether these four

persons were associated with the District The inscriptions of the Gupta period Officer in other affairs of government or refer to the Sreshthin as in the assisting this regularizing particular type of transac- local administration. The Damodarpur tions. In the there 1 city, might have been Plate Copper inscriptions, discovered in Swhthins but how many the Nagara Sieihthin the north Bengal, covering ninety years was we do chosen, not know. However, 443 534) of the (A.D. Gupta rule, recording it can be deduced that the state recogni- a peculiar kind of land transaction in sed one Nagara Sreshthin for each town which a, person pays some money in lieu who an played important role in the adminis- of the price of the land to be donated tration of the district. But in the villages for pious religious as a purposes, perpe- the of grant land was transacted by other tual grant, are important from this point such as officials, Mahnttara, Ashtakuladhi- of view. The two Damodarpur Copper karaya, Grqmika and 5 Kafumbin as is evident plate at inscriptions the time of KumSra- from another Damodarpur gupta I (124 G,E Copper plate =443-44 A. D. and 129 G.E,= 7 inscription at the time 448-49 of Budhagupta A.D.) record the grant of the land (G. E. 163=483 A. D.) SRESTHIN IN EPIGRAPHS 105 We have evidence about individual of mortgagee was registered with thepancha- Srsshthm having seals. An Ahichchhalra kula consisting of Sandhivigrahika, Kotta- bone seal has a in two lines- legend pala and a Sreshthin who was also the 'Sodikaye, Sethlputasa' (son of a Sreshthi). writer of deeds, these three constituting a A Sreshthi from Bhita has seal with legend of body dharmadhikarcna for the judge- 'Jayavasudcih'. A Kausambi seal copper ment of the disputes of merchants. It is has a legend 'Sreshfhiputra ~Go- pa'. Some a well known fact that the dharmadhi- 8 clay seals from Basarh are for karana noteworthy was a court of justice. the legends 'Sreshfhikulika-nigama' (corpora- 11 tion or The Gwalior the chamber of bankers and traders) and inscription during reign of D, records that the 'Sreshthisarthavaha Kuhkamgama' (corpora- (A. 876) administration of the of Gwalior was tion or chamber of bankers, traders and city conducted a board of industrialists). The names of two Sreshttiins by (vara) consisting the Kottapala Alia, Baladhikrita Tattaka Shashthidatta and Sridasa are stamped on Sthanadhikrita Steshthi and Sar- a seal of 'Sredifhi Sarthavaha kuhkanigama'. Vavviyaka thavahapramukha Ichchhuvaka. Evidently these corporate bodies were re- Apparently, Sthanadhikrita means the commander of a lated with the local government in some police or military outpost and it seems manner so far as a certain type land that Vavviyaka, though a Sreshthi was pro- transaction was concerned. Whether, they bably the chief of the police The were included in the Advisory Board due outpost. Anavada inscription during the time of to their importance as representative of Sarangadeva records that the pafichamukha the guilds or otherwise, is not correctly of met and im- known. nagara Palhanpur together posed certain taxes. It is known from the

The Mrichchhakatika* drama interestingly epigraph that the paftchatnukha nagara insti- records that the Adhikaranika (Judge) is tution included the paHchokula, the purohi- - to take the help of two Sabhyas one tas, the mahajanas (i.e., merchant includ-

Steslifhin and one Kayastha in the matters ing from all sections of the society, such

- of legal judgement. This shows how Sreshfhin as Sadhu Sahukar, Sreshthi, fhakura, was also sometimes holding an important Son! (goldsmith) Kamsara (brazier), the - Vitlakas position in the judiciary. Possibly he was Vanijyamkas (Vanjars) and Nan appointed by the king and authorised to (ship owners). The inclusion of the per- castes and pronounce judgement but the king had the sons belonging to the lower last word about the exact punishment. occupations in the city administration is This was This practice continues even in the medie- evident here. corporate body rai- val period as is evident from the Dhureti looking after the city administration, oath and was Copper Plate inscription at the time of sing funds, administering 10 of sale deeds of houses and Chanddlas . It records that a village had informed Another 12 bsen mortgaged by a '&iivite religious ins- female slaves. inscription

A. is rather as it titution, which transferred to the mortga- ( 1247 D.) noteworthy of collec records that Mallikeshthih has obtained gee the right ing taxes, presuma- cleared. The deed the of Beluvala bly till the dues were adhipatya (governorship) PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 106

we find that the SeffM had in a his father-in-law BJchi 3resh- bhavof , Raj\ from 13 their palaces with thin, while in a second in.cription , possession magnificient 24 is fine coaches, servants and herdsmen . huied a yeai later, MalluSreshthin repre- also rice sented as making a grant at the instance Occasionally they possessed 25 . were not trades- of his father-in-law Bichan (BIchi-Setthi), fields Thus, they only and the s.irmlhihdw. It, thus, appears that men, but also cattle rearing land 38 soil . the ,wnw/M win was very much power- cultivating owners of the There

ful and, probably, was a Chief Minister were also maha Setthi (chief official) and in the state. ami Setthi (subordinate officer) denoting 27 different categories among themselves . The reference of $ eshthin in the anci- Thus, the general inference can be dedu- ent literature is not wanting. It occurs ced from that Steshthin 14 the literature were for the first time in the Vedic literature . tradesmen, big land holders as well as In the Jtitakas, tins was a reputed class officials of the king. holding high rank in the king's court and

11 outside . The Sclthi term probably im- In ancient India Sreshthin seems to plied the headship or a representative have been influential due to their 18 persons over some soit of or industry trading , financial stability. Their financial position or an office (thana) held during the life them in the administrative field 17 helped time which was probably hereditary . It also. They held high positions of Nagara seems that he had to play a double role- Sreshthin, Sthan'adhikrita, Sabhya, Paiicha- that of an official as well as of a rich mukhanagara, Adhipatya and Sarvddhikarin, trader. In his official capacity, he attends thus the 16 variously helping administration to the king daily . He has to take for- of the government at different levels, mal permission of the king if he wants such as local 11* administration, Police, judi- to renounce the world or desires to give and 20 ciary high executive in the hi-> power wealth in charity . ancient India. It shows their significance In the Jatakas his role as a in the wealthy society ; even the administration and influential merchant is much more has had to take note of their prominence. defined than his part as an official. A The term Setthi or Setha is a corrupt Setthi residing in VaraijasI, in form of the engages Sreshfhin which is still vogue trade and leads a caravan of five hund- in modern times. Sethi is a gotta used 51 red . Even in waggons the villages and some by Panjabis in Panjab and Haryana. towns they a lot of possessed wealth and Besides this and 32 anybody everybody influence . If we leave aside the conven- who resorts to business profession, without tional statement of their wealth amount- concerning his caste and creed is known" ing to hundred millions eight as a Sefha even at present.

Notes :-

1 Monhr Williams, Sanskrit- English Dictionary, p 1102 2 ///, 30, 3. SRESTHI<|IN EPIGRAPHS 107

3 ///, 1, 4, 10,

4 /,,-Vol. XV, pp. 113.45.

5 Ibid, pp. 130 ff Sarthataha 'Nugawr'eshthi-Dhritipala Baml/miitfa Pratlmn Kuhkit Dhritimitra pm- thama Ka(ya)stha Sambapala.

6 El., Vol. XV, p, 138 ff.

7 El, XV, p. 135 ff. Mi/iattaf-iidyashtakuladhi(ku)(Ra)i)a Gramika Kutumbinai-clut.

8 144-16, cf. K, K, Studies in Ancient ASIAR, pp, Thaplyal, Indian Seals, pp, 229-30,

9 Chap. IX.

10 El., Vol. XXV, p. 1.

11 El., Vol. I, p. 159,

12 EL, Vol.'m/F, p. 34.

13 Annual Report of Epigraphy, 1 926, No. 426,

14 Br'ahnmna, 3 ; Ailmsya III, 30, Taittitiya Brahmana Iff, 1, 4, 10.

15 /, V, p. 382 (Raja, pujito nugara jawpujito).

16 The famous of the Sefihi Rajagaha Anathapi^slika, millionaire, lay supporter of the Buddha, had some over his fellow traders evidently authority Mahmgga. VIII, 1, 16 ff.) ; Richard Pick thinks that was a of the Sfrti/j/AiVi representative commercial community. The Social Organisation in North

East Mia in Buddha's time, pp. 259 ff.

17 /., /, pp. 122, 231, 248, 348.

18 J. L, pp, 120, 269, 349,

19 J., a, p. 64.

20 J.'V, p. 333.

21 J., I, p. 270.

22 J., I p. 451 ; 7K, pp. 37, 169.

23 J, I, pp. 349, 466 ; ///, pp. 128, 300, 444,

24 J,, I, p. 351,

25 /., II, p. 378.

26 Pick, op, cit., p, 263.

27 J., V, p. 384; cf. MahSiagga, 1.8. 18 MASQDA COPPER PLATE CHARTER OF

PRAVARASENA II, YEAR 29 Ajay Mitra Shastri and Ghandrashekar Gupta

were are 3 mm thick, and their total weight The plates under publication the field A circular hole, 1,2 cms. in found some forty years earlier in isl.5kgm. Shri Motilal Lad- diameter, is bored about the middle of the belonging to of the at a distance of about dada (now sold to Shri Ramachandra margin left, 4 cms- from the for the of Kashiram Kinekar), a resident of Kondha}i, left, passage the circular on which these at Masoda, a small village under Mauja copper ring

Raniathi and Kondhali Police Station in plates were strung together. The seal was the Katol Taluka of the Nagpur District, missing when the plates were discovered. one Shri Sitaram Maharashtra State, by The epigraph contains in all forty-nine Ladlce. One of us Chandra- Piiranaji (Dr. lines of writing. Of these the inner side when Officer shckhar Gupta), Registering of the first plate, both sides of the second of the Zone in (Antiquities) Nagpur 1976, and third plates and the second side of the had these plates acquired through good the fourth plate bear five lines each, whereas offices of the district and local authorities seven lines are engraved on the first side and in the Central Museum deposited of the fourth plate and six on both sides where are now The Curator they preserved. of the fifth plate. of the Museum placed these plates at his The characters, like those of practi- for and were disposal cleaning study. They 1 cally all the Vakataka records, belong to then cleaned and their estam pages were the box-headed variety of the Central prepared through the good offices of the India alphabets -with southern peculiarities Manager, Government Printing Press, Nag- and share the general character of those pur. And it is from these impressions as employed for the other records of the will as the original plates that the charter time of Pravarasena II. We may, how- is being edited in these pages. ever, note that the final consonant is

The inscription is incised on a set of similar to the ordinary letter but smaller five of The first is in plates copper. plate size and without a box on top, as inscribed the only on inner (or second] m in the opening word siddham in line while the rest of the side, plates bear 1. The letter / is written both writing with (e.g , on both sides. The measure 17,2 plates W, 1.2; vijayi*, 1,11; Va/a, 11. 16 cms. in length and 8. 5 cms. in breadth and and 18) without the top-box (e.g,, Some of the O (or height), plates are ra/u", 11. 6, 8 and 9 I 7 slightly ; jala, ; saiya- larger in the middle than at the corners. I rjja\ 10). The subscript y and v are The of the edges plates are neither raised written in a highly cursive fashion and into rims nor made thicker for the pro- are so similar in appearance as to be tection of ; but writing the writing is in distinguishable only by the contextual a fair state of preservation. The plates, considerations. The visarga is written in a COPPER MASODA PLATE CHARTER OF PRAVARASENA n, YEAR 29 109

of : two horizontal strokes variety ways diishti at the beginning of the record, one above the as in 11. placed other, 3, 28 while in sambtajafy in 1. 3 mra is trans- and 39 two vertical ; strokes one below formed into mbra. Some of these features the as in 11. 4 and 20 a dot other, ; above apparently have their origin in faulty a as in 1. a horizontal line, 14; somewhat pronunciation obtaining during the period curved stroke above a horizontal line, as in question,

1. vice versa in 2, and (1. 41) ; a semicircle We get some idea of the way in open in the lower part above a semi-cir- which omissions were and correc- cle on as in line 19 a supplied open right, ; couple tions made. In the expression da&-abvamedh~ of vertically pjaced curved strokes one avabhritha in line 7 the akshara bhri was as 1. 29 above the other, in ; two semi- originally left out by oversight but later circular strokes open to right one below added talow the line in question exactly the other (1.42), etc. The sign for jhva- between va and tha, which is its proper mullya is met with in lines 2 and 38 and place, without any mark (kdkapada, etc.) that for upadhmaniya in lines 14 and 17. indicating where it was meant to be in- We find a punctuation mark looking like serted. In line 20, the word traya is for- visarga in lined 41 and 43. med by correction. Originally nashya was The language is Sanskrit, and the incised and then, after the mistake was na record is composed throughout in prose realised, the letter was corrected to but for a couple pf imprecatory stanzas Ira by adding a small stroke to its left in lines 46-48. Like other Vakataka cop- limb and a curve open to left at the bottom

is with ortho- of the vertical line was per-plate charters, it replete ; similary shya are too numerous altered into and in this the graphical errors which )&, process to 'be enumerated. A few points may, subscribed ya was rubbed off only par-

still visible. however, be noted. Final letters and tially, its traces being anusvara are too often left out to need The charter refers itself to the reign enumeration. The consonants following of king Prevarasena.il of the Nandivar- repha are often reduplicated, as in saty- and its 6 dhana branch of the Vakatakas, 1. 12 Vvvfl- 1, 10; bhivarddha\ ; arjjava, of land in object is to register the grant 1. 13 1. 15. etc. katak'and", ; guy-arppaya, favour of a large number of Brahmana There are also instances of the redupli- donees. as cation of the consonants preceding r,

1. 1. most other in parakkrama\ 6; vikkrama, 10; Like completed copper- of the the *&=chakkra\ 1. 13, etc. Sometimes the plate charters dynasty, inscrip- with the word drishtam, letter preceding y is also found redupli- tion commences 6. A/ is incised in the which serves as an cated, e.g., Bhaglratty=amala, L margin,

1. and the auspicious employed in place of n in karunya, 10, authentication mark, siddham svasti, These are followed while the examples of the replacement of formula mention of the of issue, the former by the latter are fairly nume- by the place several of rous as will be obvious from a perusal Pravarapura, from which grants later with the fifteenth of the text. Ri is used instead of ri in the years (beginning 110 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

of regnal year) Pravarasena Hare known all into twenty-five house-sites (v'ataka) of to have been issued. Next follows the which two shares were given to one Malia-

genealogical account of the family, or purusha who is described as the non-accep- rather that branch of the family to which tor of donations (apratigrahin). The details Pravarasena belonged, from the beginning of thp remaining donees hrahmanas are to the time of the issuing chief himself. given below :- This account is of a conventional charac- Name Gotta <*nd other details ter common to other records of his time learned in Bopparyya Kaundiuya ; with only a couple of differences. In the four Vedas connection with the of Rudra- description Vishnuvarya sena II, the father of the issuing chief, (Vishijvarya) Bharadvaja find a we passage saying that he had Aratyaryya Bharadvaja obtained victories in many battles (aneka- Bhavaryya Parafora sangrama-vijayinak} and that he was an adornment Bhavaputraryya ParaSara of the Vakafaka lineage which had been rendered excellent by the proper Golaryya Bharadvaja 2 application of the six measures of policy Sriyaryya (Sryaryya) Bharadvaja - (sha4=guy-~arppana-pratosta-Vakajaka van Bopparyya Kasyapa (m}k-al(ihkaia~-bhutasya} which is not met Narayatjaryya Kadika with, in any other record. We next come to the grant portion which records the Achalaryya Kanaka of some gift land, by Pravarasena II, to Devaryya Kaundinya 3 the north-west of the Matsaka- village Damaryya Kaundinya draha in the low-lying &K&(gartta-sabha} Ketavfiryya Kaufiika of the river Rajafintinika situated in the Vatsa apara-marga of Padmapura in favour of a Kumararyya

number of brahmanas specified with their Damaryya Kasyapa, Three hundred respective goiras. 'lands' Golaryya Kanndinya (bhumi-Suta-traya} measured by the royal Golaryya Katyapa measurement (raja-manika-manertaf are said Kottaryya Gauiama to have been granted, though the exact Rudraryya Gautama 6 measurement is left unspecified. We can justifiably assume, however, that the in- It will be noticed that while the -dona- ted tended measurement was nivartuna which land was divided into twenty-five is known to have been mentioned in a num- house-sites, the details given above account records. for ber of Vakataka Thus, in all only twenty-one plots, viz., two for land measuring three hundred mvai tanas Mahapurusha and one each for the re-

was given away. It is said to have bsen maining nineteen brahmanas named above. given at the request of the chief queen It seems that either the names of some

(bhaiya-mahtidevi) whose name is, however, of the donees have fcen left out or the left The land was divided in number df shares in unspecified. case of the recipients 111 MASODA COPPER PLATE CHARTER OF PRAVAR \SENA n, YEAR 29 to more than have been the Pandhurna one plots dropped record of the king ; for, by oversight. It will follow from the plates of the same year were issued about 9 details that each plot consisted only of a couple months earlier. The date is twelve nwartanas and was thus of a very specified in season, viz., fifth day of the small size. The grant, which was accom- second fortnight of the rainy season. This panied by the usual exemptions and pri- would, thus, be one of the few season 10 vileges commonly enumerated in Vakataka dates of Pravarasena II's reign. grants, was made by the king by his own order (5 va-mukh~djna) and conveyed to go- Last as regards the localities mentioned vernment officials headed by Senapati in this charter, Matsakadraha, the village Katyayana. The charter concludes with a beside which the donated land was situated couple of imprecatory stanzas cited in the is undoubtedly identical with the modern name of Vyasa and the specification of the village of Masod, the provenance of the date. plates,' in the Katol Tahsil of the Nagptir Unfortunately three letters of the por- District. The village is stated ito have been tion of the text specifying the year have situated in the npara-marga of Padma- but There has been become too faint to b; deciphered ; pura, some uncertainty keeping in vie,w the known regnal years of regarding the connotation of the word marga in Pravarasena II, the first two letters (eku= some taking it the common sense of eko) and the concluding letter (d) and the 'road' and others holding it to refer to number of missing letters traces of which an administrative division. But the referecce to donation of are clearly discernible, it can bo restored the the village of Jama- as ekonavimiad or eoknatrim&ad and the lakhetaka situated in the Jamalakhetaka- regnal year specified in our record would marga in the Mahurjhari grant of Prithi- 11 accordingly be nineteenth or twenty-ninth. vishena II clinches., the issue by showing And no incongruity will fo involved in taat the word marga in the Vakataka this "reconstruction as both these years are records has to be taken in the sense of 8 12 already known from other records, How- an administrative unit. The mention of of in ever, if the name of the Senapati may the purva-marga Padmapura the be taken as an indication,' twenty-ninth unpublished Mandhal plates of Rudrasena to be the II indicates that the district was divi- would appear more likely year ;

at - for, Katyayana is referred to as Senapati ded into least two parts, viz., western in the Pattan plates of Pravarasena II's and eastern. The western division obviou- twenty-seventh year" which is only a cou- sly comprised the area round Matsakadraha ple of years earlier than the proposed date or Masod, while the purw-marga was of the present record, If .this suggestion situated to its east. Unfortunately, Padma- is found acceptable, it would follow that pura, the chief town of the district, cannot

Katyayana continued to hold the office of be satisfactorily identified. The same is Senapati till at least the twenty-ninth year true about the river Rajatintiuika, which ' of Pravarasena II's reign. Further, this may now be represented by one of the would then prove to be the latest known small streams in the vicinity of Masod. PURABHILEKHA 112

FIRST PLATE

- - 14 Siddhath Prawapurfd agnish|om aplByyij. ['*] svasti['*] 1 Dri{dri}sh|i(shiam) - - - - atiratrafc(tra) f nya 'm okthya shBdaiy ia - ~ - saadyakra(skra)tu chatur-aiva-ma(mejdha ? vajapeya bfihaspi(spa)tisava

1 " yajinah

1 ' - Vaka(lca)takanfim mahfl 3 vfchnuvfiddha sagstrasya sambra(mii tjal? 13 ~ - - sunoti atyanta svami mahabhai- 4 rajd sri(Sri) Pravarasenasya sun6[h*] ------sannive^ita ^iva ling odvahana ^iva 5 rava bkiktasya a(am)sa rabha(bha)ra

SECOND PLATE ', FIRST SIDE

- - - - 6 sufsulparitushta sanuitpadita raja vam^ana(nam) parakkram adhigi(ga)ta - bhagiratthy - - - da^ - a^va medh - 10 7 amala Jala m5rddhna(murddh-a)bhishiktan5(naA) avabjjritha - snala(ta)na(nlm) Bhara^'vana(narh)

- - - 8 maharaja lri(irl) Bhavanaga dauhitrasya Gautamipu[tra*]sya putrasya

9 V5ka(ka^aknarraa(nam=maharaja-iri-RudraseDasya sun6r=atyatta(nta)-,naahei5varasya

------10 sat) Srjjava karmiyafaya) fetiryya vikkran\a-naya vinaya ma(ma)hatmya - - dhimatva(ttva) patragata

SECOND PLATE | SECOND SIDE - - - - 1 1 bhakfitva dharmma mano nna - - = vijayitva j(nai)rmmaly adi guriais samnpetasya vursha - Sata

- - - 12 m abhivarddhamana - koia - - - 2 " - da^da sadhana satta(nta)na putra pautra - Yudhish|hira vjitte

13 r=vVSkBtakanarommafm=m)ahacaja-Sri-P|ithivishe9asya snobha(sunor = bha}- gavatas=Chakkra -

14 - ~ - pai?eh=pras5d oparjjita -'in - - samudayasy ana(ne)ka sangrama vijayinalj 15 sha - - - arppap prafesta - Vakataka - - van^a(vath^ a)lankarabhiitasya' ! Va( Va)-

THIRD PLATE ', HKST SIDE

- in - - jfidhirtja Dmgupta su

- - Whpjti(ta) kartatyu-

18 kanim=p - arania mahel^ - - Pravaraslnasya vachana[i*] MASODA COPPER PL WE CHARTER OF PRAVARASENA n YEAR 29 113

19 - - Matsakadrahan= cha - Padmapurasy apara margge namna(mna) gramalj[i '"} asya apar - - ottara parfve

- - - - SJ 20 raja manika manena bhu(bMi'mi 6ata traya(yam) bharyya(ryya) Mahadevi(vim) - vijnapy=apra(pra)tigrahi

SIDE . THIRD PLATE '> SECOND - 21 ?a:5=ch=atra maha(maha)pu[ru*]shasya(sy"am)5a dvaya(yath) brahmap(na)3=cha Kaundinya(nya)sagotra= chatu

2 '1 25 22 r=vveda |! Bo (?)pparyya[h'- ] Bliaradvaja-gautra Visli^uvaryya^*] Bharadvaj- Aratyaryya[h*]

- - 23 Parata Bliavaryyaflj.*] Para^ara Bhavaputraryya[h*] Bharadvaja Gollaryya^*]

- ~ - 24 Bharadvaja Sriyaryyafh*] K%apa sagotra Bopparyyaft*] Kau^ika Naiiyanaryya[ii*]

l! 25 Kau^ika Aclialaryya[ya^ ] Kaundigiya(nya) Devaryya[yali*] Kaundin.ya(nya) Damaryya[h*]

FOURTH PLATE J FIRST SIDE

- - - 26 Kauiika Ke$i(4a)varyya[fc*] Vatsa KumSraryyaft*] Vatsa Kumaraiyya[b*] K55- - - yapa Padamaryya[ti*] Kaun^i]jya(nya)

- - - 27 Golaryya[k*] Ka^yapa Gola(la)ryya[h.*] Gautama Kottaryya[lji*]Gautama Ru-

draryya[l?*]

29 - - - - 28 Rajatintin.ika nadi gartta sabhamadhye .vataka bhumili

j - - - 2 ' - 29 evam biihmanaija dev aesya ha Pancha vi(vin)^atya vva(va)takah gramasya - (sy a)para-par^ve = - = - - - 30 datta&['*] yato smat satta(nta)fcasa(kas sa)rvva addhyaksha niyoga niyukta - ajiia sanchSri(ri) - - = - 31 kula putr adhikrita bhata^ chha(chha)trai$=cha vri(vi)shi(^ri)ta purvya[rwa)tha - - (y-a)jiia(jna)y ajnapa

28 32 yitavya[l? i*]

FOURTH PLATE ; SECOND SIDE

- - - 89 33 yatlie(th-a)smabhir=atmano dharmm ayur bbalam ai^varyya vivjiddhaye ihe - (ih= a)iimtra-hita

- ~ 34 rttham atm anugrabaya Vau(Vai)jayike dharmastha^e(ne) abhajach=chha(chha)tra

------a char 35 a parampara gS balivardda[h*] a pushpa kshi(kshi)ra sandoha[h*] 114 PURABHILEKHA

- - - a - - - a - 36 charm aftgarath*] lavana klinna kletji kla(kha)naka[li*] sarvva ve(vi) - - sh|i parihara - - sa - - a - 37 parihfitafo*] parikli(klri)pt opankiKklrijptafh*] chandr aditya kaliya

ft*] putra-

F1FTH PLATE J FIRST SIDE - - 38 pautr aflugama[hi*]bliimjata(tam) im kenachi[d*j vya(vya)ghata&=kartavyas= sarvva - kriyahhi[h*] sa(san)rakshi

39 tavyah parivarddhyitavya5=clia ya^=ch=asmach=chhak(sa)n6'najm=agaijayamana - [jj*] svalpam apl = 40 paiibadha(dham) kuryyat=ka(t=ka)ri(ra)yita va lasya brahmana(ijai)r ava(ve)ditasya - sa danda(9daiii) - - - - 41 nigraham kuryyama ' Apu(pu)rwa datta udaka pu(pu)vva(rvva)m atisrishta(ta) = ch = [i*] uchita (tam)4 asya

= chatur - 42 pu(pu)rvva raj -'aniimata(tam)^ vvedya maryy(ryya)da pariharan vitara(ra) = - mah[i*] Tad yatha a-kara

- so 31 - 43 dayi(yi) da^^lo(ndaj nigraha(ham) kuryya(ryya)ma [ti*i] Api cha dharmm 82 - 33 - adhikarane atit aneka

FIFTH PLATE J SECOND SIDE

31 - - sakha - - - 44 rajatta senapato(ti) Katya^a(n a)dayo mukh ajnapte prabha - = 36 - 45 vishiju gauravad va bhavishya vijMpayitavya Vyasa gi(gi)tau ch=atra -^loko - (kau) pra - va 46 mani(9i)karttavya(vyau)[i*][svaldatta(ttaih) para datta(ttam) jo(yo) harete(ta) - saha - vansu(su)ndhara[mi*] Gava(vam)iata

a ' - 37 47 srasya hatu(ntu)fi=pibati dushkrita[m !*] Shashti varisha sahasraiji svargge

modati bhu[mi*]da[dali*] Achchhe

- = 38 48 tta ch aaumatta(nta) cha tany iva narake [va*]se[t 2u*] Varisha eku(ko)- ao - - (natrimia )d varsha(e) paksha(//!e) dviti(ti)ya(ye)

49 divasa(se) pa(pa)nchama(mi)[*J

Notes :-

1 The Poona of plates Prabhavatiguptl form the only known exceptibfi.

2 Th8 six measures of are smdht or policy (peace treaty), vigrahd (war), aa(!ndiflerencSj/ yana, (marching or increasing one's own power); sm^a;(submissiOh) and dmdhibhnm (dtiai MASODA COPPER PLATE CHARTER OF PRAVARASENA 11, YEAR 29 ' us r * ' ' * -?" i' into policy, *.,' entering psacs with one and war with another). See ArthdMm, vil 1; P. V. Kane, History of Dhannalastm, iii, pp. 222if.

this 3 Elsewhere in record (line the donated 29) land is said to have lain to the west of the village.

4 The reference to royal or standard measurement would show that different measurements were prevalent in different areas of the kingdom. We know from ancient Indian literalure that two standards of measuiement enjoyed great popularity in early times, viz., Magadha and Kalinga. See Ajay Mitra Shastri, India as seen in the Brihatsamkita of Varahamihira, Delhi, 1969 pp 341-42' Raja-mana is mentioned in some other records of Pravarasena II also. For references, see V. V. Mirashi, CII, Vol. V : Inscriptions of the V&kalakas, p. 58, note 2.

is 6 The word sa-gStra employed only in a few while in a cases, majority of the cases gStias without are named any such expression following them.

6 Riddhapur and Pandhurna plates were issued in the nineteenth and twenty-ninth years respec live. See Mirashi, op. cit., nos. 8 and 14.

7 It must be out that this is not a sure pointed indication as we find instances of some of the

Sendpatis being mentioned jn intermittent years.

8 Ibid., p. 61, text-line 44.

9 Ibid., p. 67, text-lines 52-53.

10 For another season date of Pravarasena II 's see reign, Ibid., p. 46, text-line 28 (Dudia pis.). The unpublished Yawatmal pfates of the same reign also bear season date.

11 Vidarbha SaModhana Mandala Yarsliika, 1971, p. 76, text-lines 27-28 and 33-34.

to to 12 The case appears be analogous Uttarapatha and Dakshiijipatha which originally denoted

northern and southern highways but in course of time came to be applied respectively to North

India and the Deccan, ths areas through which the highways passed.

13 From original plates and impressions.

14 It is engraved below siddham between the first and the second lines in the margin on the left.

15 In other records we have simply sadyaski-a

16 There is a superfious slanting stroke over }i.

17 Better read samrajo. Here as well as at many other places sandhi rules have not been observed.

18 Better read sunor,

shorter below 19 Shfi, which was left out by oversight, has been engraved, though in a form,

the line, exactly between the aksharas va and tha, where it is expected.

20 In other plates we generally have putra - pautiiiiah.

- this charter, 21 The phrase from aneka sangrama to Vakafakanam is met with only in

in some of the of 22 The title ParamamSheima is found employed for Pravarasina II only grants

his reign.

been corrected to subscript 23 First na was engraved and corrected to tra; similarly shya has ya,

y being partly rubbed off. 116 PURABHILEKHA PMRIKA

24 The reading of this letter is extremely doubtful and is bassd merely on the fact that the names

beginning with Boppa and Bappa are common in the Vab'taka records,

25 In keeping with the general practice, better read sagftn,

26 This line is boldly engraved as compared to other lines,

27 The correct restoration and meaning of this portion are uncertain,

28 These letters are below the last letters engraved but four ol the preceeding line,

29 Read-to vi/0; attwyyu.

30 This is an unnecessary repetition, of, 11.40-41,

31 In other plates we generally find the word miini= ck

32 dlmnm jdsrakmne, is the common expression in other charters.

33 Read otit -Mfa as in other plates,

34 Read and the sentence rUjs-Mm complete by . - adding sMinlw poriptiwh kritct puny

- "mkli'tlm-panksf Mtlm w m . mM - Mafma\ tfnapte ishyat kata prtihmhw Mshfit* ck

35 Read Vij

36 Normally we have Imtur-hmi

37 Read mhi.

38 Read wshl

t

39 This has become portion very faint, but the seems proposed reading to find support from the

fact mentioned above viz, reference to Sktyati Kttftyw, IS KELAOUNDLI INSCRIPTION F KADAMBA RAVIVARMA - A NOTE

H, R. Raghunath Bhat

It is needless to emphasise that fresh ascribed to the latter half of the fifth epigraphical discoveries made from time century. Many of the letters are compara- to time not serve to 3 only our ble to . improve those ofHalmidi The inscription of knowledge Karnataka's past, but do is not dated.

help us in the interpretation of certain The sodo-cultural issues like the popular use language of the lithic record is of old Kannada and Kannada as the language of the official the text is written in It contains record in the ancient period, Kelagundli prose. only six lines and two sentences. The has inscription of the time ofKadamba Ravi- inscription three parts :

The first varma is one of the recently discovered part (11. 1-2) indicates the rule epigraphs of absorbing interest for more of Ravivarma. The main purport of the

1 is recorded in the than one reason. inscription second part

(11,2-4). The iifeual imprecatory sentence The was discovered inscription during in is engraved the third part (11. 5-6). my field-work at Kelagundli in Chandragulti The interest of the hobli, Soraba taluk, Shlmoga district, primary inscription 2 lies in its textual Karnalaka. Engraved on a stone slab, interpretation. It may

be in two : the epigraph remains now as a fragmen- interpreted ways

tary lithic record Of course the major 1, This may be interpreted to mean part of the inscription is retained on the that the inscribed stone slab is the (unique) front surface of the some what irregular memorial (i'adugal) of Kalagujjeni, the slab which has been erected on an eleva- senior queen (piriya aiasi) of Mallige, set ted area, surrounded by laterite stone circle up while (Kadamba) Ravivarma was ruling amidst thick forest, locally called Srkan, (Banavasi) kingdom.

The extant six lines of the epigraph 2. Dr. K. V. Ramesh, prefers to un- occupy an area of about sixty centimeters derstand the Mallige, by about twenty centimeters. The letters particular passage, a arasara arasl as Mallige, the senior are boldly engraved, It is well preserved periya of that king, that king being none else except a few letters on the top as well queen than Ravivarma to whose the lithic as left hand side of the stone slab, The reign record refers itself at the very commence- size of the letters ranges from 3,5 cm. Thus about 10 cm. in ment of the extant text. according (eg.i, 1-5) to (a, 1-2) height. to Dr. Ramesh, 'the inscription states was set in me- The characters belong to an early that the inscribed slab up the senior of variety of Kannada alphabet. On palaeo- mory of Mallige, queen 4 be Ravivarma' graphical grounds the inscription may Kadamba PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Incidentally Kavadi inscription of Ravi- both of which are not far away from 6 varma may also be mentioned here . This Kelagimdli, the find spot of the epigraph.

deserves, however, a fresh study and proper Of all the terms pjdu[gal] in line four L. interpretation, According to B, Rice, of inscription is really of lexical interest. it appears to record the death of Mrigek- It may remind the similar usages in some varma's son Ravivarma, who had a name- ancient Tamil inscriptions like Pattankal and that of the ending in malla, queen, 1 or Panarkal. The term Padugal may be his wife, who probably became a sati and to mean a memorial stone or 6 interpreted was burnt with his body. In other words samadhi shildlekha of a deceased person of the lithic document records the death of some social status, particularly when he both Ravivarma and his queen ? In view or she died a natural death. It also re- of this interpretation of Kayadi record of minds of the Prakrit usage chhaapatharo the same king, Ravivarma, the above quoted (chayaprasthara) of the Banavasi inscrip- of Dr. K. V, Ramesh deserves interpretation 8 tion of Vasishtiputra Pujumavi. a fresh approach to or study of the whole The of issue once again. importance Kelagimdli stone slab inscription of the time of Kadamba Kelajundli inscription includes such Ravivarma may be summed up in the names as nadu, Mallige and Kalagujjeni conclusion as follows : which are of geographical interest as well. This be considered as the Though the name of the na^w, is not found may second earliest Kannada in the present inscription, on the basis of inscription of the Bana- vasi Kadambas and the first the vicinity of Banavasi, and the cultural Kannada record of the Kadamba context it may be taken as Banavasi nadu. king Ravivarma so far as we know at present. With the discovery Kalagujjeni appears to bs originally a of this inscription along with the name the Kampli personal (of queen) from which 8 inscription of Ajavarma, "the the place-name Kclagundli is derived as inscription no longer enjoys the prcvilege follows : of the being only Kannacla inscription of Kalagujjeni >Kal-igujjani > Kalagujjali > the Kadambas of Banavasi, though it con- Kalajunjali>Kalagundali >Kalagundali > tinues to the enjoy credit of being the Kelagunda]i> Kelagtmdli > - 1 " Kelagundli earliest one so far known." That Kannacla Telagundli. language was also popularly used in writing the exact the official records in the Banavasi Though identity of Mallige, Kadamba is difficult period is further now, it may be taken to have confirmed "by this as well been derived as probably from personal name Kampli inscription. Mallika (the senior of queen Ravivarma ?) Written in relatively pure Kannacla or name of the flower malltge (jasmine). language of the early Kadamba period, it reminds us However, of the present the lithic record gives us the technical term place-name Mallige Kuril in Kuppagadde- for the (probably first time ?) padu^al which hobli, Soraba taluk, or is not of only lexical interest but of cul- in Majige Mundagod taluk, and Sirsi taluk, tural significance. KELAGUNDLI INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBA RAVIVARMA 119

TEXT ll

1 svasti $ri Ravlvammfr]

2 nadale Mdlige "a

3 arasam periya amti

4 kala gujjeniyd padu[$>al] [u*j

5 inni (nti}dmalivdt'pa[nchapa]

6 daga samyuttarappd (ppo}[r] /I*/

Notes :

1 of with A detailed study this inscription along the antiquities of the Early Kadamba period is

bsing undertaken and wilt be published in Epigmphia Indica.

2 My thanks are due to my brother Sri M, R.Bhat and friends likeDoggana Keriya Naik, I, Basa-

Naik who rendered their in varaj Bommaigowda, Tabali Bangarappa Naik, Ganapati help the dis-

covery of this inscription.

3 See MAR, 1936, No. 6, pp. 72-3, plate.

4 QJMS, Vol. LXXIV4, pp. 324.

5 EC, Vol. VIII, Sb. 523.

6 Wd Intr. p. 3.

found in district mention these terms. 7 Some of the Vimgals of the Pallava period Dharmapuri

34 8 See, JESl, Vol. I, pp. ff, plate,

9 El, Vol. XXXIX, No 11pp.75ff.

10 QJMS, op. tit,

11 From ink impressions.

of Dr. B.B.Rajapuro. owe sincere thanks to Dr. K. V. Ramssh, Chief, Epigraphist India, [I my and Smt, Sri Silarama Jagirdar, Sri N, S, Taranath hit, Dr. T. V. Venkatachatashastri,

valuable in the of this inscription,] Raghunath for their suggestions study 20 NOTE ON KALABHRAS

M. J. Sharma

to the when the overran the The text portion pertaining plates s Kajabhras 1 after Muduku- Kajabhras in the Velvikudi grant of Nedun- Pandyan country sometime a jadaiyan reads thus : dumi's time and ended when powerful Pandyan, named Kadungoj} conquered 'A}av-ariya(idliir~djaraiugala mkki agal- the whole land from his enemies (Kala- idattai=k K.alabhra!}=entiuh=Kali~araisan the Pallava bhras). It was also known that kaikkond=adariai irakkiyapin\^]' at the king Simhavishp who stands begin- This was translated as : 'then a Kali king ning of an important line of Pallava rulers named Kajabhran took possession of the and whose accession has been placed CAD. extensive earth driving away numberless 575, claims to have had conquered the great kings (adhirajarai) and resumed the Kajabhras. Kadungon, like the above Pallava (village mentioned) above. king, stands at the beginning of the line of rulers who ruled after the Another reference to them given in Sangam age, - and he had been at the the same grants leads as, 'kadar ranaiy placed beginning = ava Kalabhraral' and was translated as of 7th century or even in the end of 6th

'ocean-like army of the Kajabhras'. century A. D. Both the above Pandya and Pallava kings were placed chronologically The above significant statement refer- roughly at the same time and since the ring to the Kajabhra occupation for some Kajabhra occupation was a danger which period had become an important issue in threatened the independence of both the the . Prof. K.A.N. Pandya and Pallava dynasties, it was pre- Sastri observes, 'A long historical night sumed that these Icings either independen- ensues after the close of Sangamage.^We or in tly co-operation with each other, know little of the period of more than managed to throw off this incubus before three centuries that followed When the they started on their long careers of ex-" curtain rises towards the close of again 4 pansion and success. the sixth century A. D,, we find that a Of the Kalabhras, scholars have not mysterious and ubiquitous enemy of civili- yet come to any definite knowledge. Several zation, the evil rulers called Kajabhras theories have been putforth in to have regard come and upset the established poli- their identity and their homeland before tical order which was restored only by they occupied the Pandyan kingdom. Some their defeat at the hands of the Pa$dyas have identified their 2 original settlement and the Pallavas' , with Kajabappunadu or Kalavappunadu, a This dark period which has been identi- region around SJravaaabeJagola and some fied with the above others Kajabhra occupation, with the region around Nandi hill ensued as we learn from the Vejvikudi (Karnataka) and Vengadam mountain. Of NOTE ON KALABHRAS 121

the recent theories two of them have to Yet, there still remains a lone refe- be mentioned here. K, G. Krishnan iden- rence found in an epigraph from Halmidi tified them with a tribe known as Kalava r (, Karnataka) belonging to or Kajvar the inhabiting Vengadam (Tiru- the first half of 5th century A, D., the malai-Tirupati) region and that of suggests significance which was underrated by sometime before about 4th A, so century D., historians far. This Halmidi inscrip- owing to the from Pallavas 7 pressure they tion which is in Kannada script and have drifted towards south and possibly language belongs to Early Kadamba king the adopted title Muttaraiyar (lords Kakusthavarma who ruled between C. 405

a of three territories i. e. Choja, Chera and to 430 A. D. He bears an appellation He Hn^ya). further thinks that after this 'Kalabhorana-ari' meaning the enemy of drift to south, the Kajvar (Ka]abhra) Kalabhora or the enemy of the ruler of tribe had sought the Kaveri region from Kalabhora. The word 'Kalabhora' has about the fifth to the ninth century. In been identified with 'Kalabhra' as it sounds this he identifies a process, certain Accuta more or less similar and its equation is a lord of Nandi hill who is mentioned more acceptable for its nearness than the in a Yapparungahvntti, work of tenth cen- other forms mentioned above by the with Accuta vikkanta tury (Achyuta-vifa-anta) scholars. Incidentally, Kakusthavarma's a Kalamba (Kalabhra) king ruling from rule which being C. 405-430 A. D. falls referred Kaveripattana, to in a Pali text contemporaneous and within the period Vmayaviniccaya by Buddhadatta Thera of Kalabhra occupation mentioned above, in about living the beginning of fifth and his bearing the appellation 'Kalabho- 5 A. D. 8 century Another view though do rana ari' which significantly means that not pertain to the identity of the home- he was a contemporary to the Kajabhras land of the and Kajabhras, identities them might have had battles fought for with the rulers of Kongu 9th-10th century being called as their enemy (an\ becomes by equating the title Kali-n?lpa borne by appropriate and attested. kings like Kokkandan Ravi, with Kali- In keeping the view of the above valuable arasan of Velvikudi plates. 10 contemporary epigraphical evidence, if whatever we assess the situation Thus, may be the views, political prevailing so far with the none of the scholars could succeed then, help of the inscriptions in a of Kakusthavarma and making definite identification of tlie other known facts, we be able Kajabhras and their homeland for want may to locate the homeland of direct of the Kajabhras and epigraphical evidence emerging probably the from the of direction of their invasion and period Kalabhra occupation occupation in South India. (identified with roughly three centuries before the close of 6th century A. D.) or Kakusthavarma who was compared other any literary evidences of that period with the lord of the gods (Suiindra) and referring to them exactly the same by described as the moon in the firmament name which occurs in the Velvikudi of the great lineage of the Kadamba plates. leaders of armies in the Talagunda inscrip- PURABHILEKHA PATR1KA 122

of the most the territories immediate to the Pallava lion," was one prominent Kadamba kingdom. Thus it is clear that the Palla- kinjs of the Early family. Kadamba vas were also a threat from the During his times, the kingdom facing rose to zenith this As founded by Mayuraiarma, Kajabhras during period. had seen have in both power and prosperity. He above, the Kajabhras might matrimonial had the fostered friendship through alieady occupied Pandyan kingdom and were This leads alliances with Guptas and Vakatakas in surging north. us to the North and Gangas in the South. believe that the Kajabhra invasion and

From his Halmidi inscription we learn occupation took place from the southward that his kingdom was extended in the west direction and further poses a question with the defeat of Kikeyas who ruled that before occupying the Pandyan king- aver the coastal North Kanara region and dom, from which place the Kajabhras in south east with the defeat of the have come. Since the Pandyan kingdom borders the Pallavus, and his subordinates were the Indian continent, naturally, of the Banas the powerful families Sendrakas, original home of the Kajabhras have 12 and the Bliataris, Thus the Kadamba to be located somewhere in the island of of kingdom which started expanding during Ceylon or in other nearby islands. 325-345 the time of Mayuraiarma (C. A.D ) In the Vejvikudi the not only stayed strong and growing but grant, following text also became powerful with the friend- portion immediately after the one referring to ships of Guptas, Vak^akas and Gangas Kajabhra occupation is worth in the and with the defeat of the powerful noticing context of above deduction, and its 13 translation reads thus ; Pallavas during Kakuslhayarma's rule. 'After that (the Kajabhra occupation), like the sun With the above political background, from the rising expansive ocean, the Paiidya- if some of the views the identifying dhiraja named Kadunjdfl the lord of 'the homeland of Kalabliras with some places South of sharp javelin who wore the in Karnataka (see above) are examined, of and was dignity the leader of the army, they may bs disproved easily. For, to - sprang forth, occupied (the throne) des- identify the homeland of Kajabhras who troyed 'kings of the exttnsive earth AU r- were the known enemies of Kadambas rouniied by the sea'togetHer with the (their) within their (Kadamba) own kingdom or strpngholds and their fame, wielded the within the domains of their friendly septre (of and justice) removed by his, is kings illogical. Henw, to locate their the strength evil destiny of the goddess homeland we have to turn to South, of Earth', The expressions 'the of From the kings Halmidi inscription it is already the extensive j earth surrounded by the sca known that some time during his rule and 'the evil destiny of the of Kakusthavarm:i had goddess defeated the Pallavas earth' may as well be connected with the and his - appellation art' 'Kajabhoraua Kajabhras. It may be interpreted that (the enemy of the Kalibharas) which after Katfungoa re-occupying his kingdom, points out that the next enemy who the destroyed Kajabhra kings whose were the must king- Kajabhras, have occupied doms and strongholds surrounded by the NOTE ON KALABHRAS 123

sea, which in other words mean an island, tres. The close resemblance of names 'Kalah-

and removed their evil hold on the god- bar, Kalah, Kak-bhumi with the 'Kajabhras'

dess of earth. naturally persuades us to identify the 'homeland of the Kajabhras with above The above points and discussion leading mentioned port- islands of Jaffna peninsula. to the identity of Kalabhras, force us to It is interesting to note in this context deduce that the Kalabhras were a foreign that the word 'Kahbha' means 'an young power. The proud appellation 'Kalabho- 17 - or ihe of an rana an' of Kakusthavarma sounds similar elephant' young elephant' and the in the Tamil to the title 'Sakari' held by Chandragupta again meaning given 11 lexicon to the word TCalam' is 'a boat II, the Gupta king and the former see- 13 or a ship'. These words denoting the med to have got inspired from the latter and trade of as in both the ca^es the enemies were the navigation possibly, young have formed the basis foreigners. elephants might for the words 'Kalabhra' and 'Kalabhumi', In his 'Ancient Jaffna', Rasanayagam or "Kalah-bar'. It is of further interest that

refers to an island port named 'Gala' or 18 Nagadipa orNagadiba, the island which has Kala, in the kingdom of Jaffna. Accord- been identified with the present peninsula ing to him, Gala, which was also known 20 of Jaffna was taken as a sepcrate country as Kalali and as Kalaii-bar, represented in the ancient times. And, Buddhism flou- Kalam, now called Kala Bhumi, a part of rished here as early as 3rd century B. c. the island of Karaitive opposite to the This point further supports the identifica- port of Kayts. Further he writes that the tion of the homeland of the Kajabhras as must have received its appellation place that anti- we know the . Kajabhras were "Kala Bhumi" (land of ships) after the brahinanical and they, after occupying the 1B advent of Kalinja Icings to Jaffna We Pandyan country, cancelled brakmadeyu further learn from his book that the rights and upset the political order. Accuta evidences from the accounts of Magasthanase Vikkanta, the Kalamba king who was ruling and Aelian, show that there was sea-borne from Kaveripattana was a Buddhist, trade between Ceylon and Kalinga earlier a than 300 u. c. and till the early part of The Kalabhras might have had power-

19 th century, elephants were shipped from ful naval fleet as they could conquer tlic the port of Kalali or Kayts and that the Pajjdyas from the sea and later Chojas and specially constructed crafts for the elephants Cheras. Recently a Tamil inscription was were known as 'elephant ships' which were discovered at a place called Pulankurichchi referred to as part of the trophies of Khara- in Ramanathpuram District (Tamilnadu) 18 vela in his Hathigumpha inscription. From and was placed palaeographically in C. 500 the above information, the port Kalah or A. D. N, Sethuraman identifies a certain

Kalah-bar and Kalabhumi identified with Chendan Kujrrar mentioned in the inscri- the part of an island together with other ption as a Kalabhra king and Dr. K, V. 21 islands forming the Jaffna peninsula, must Rameshj while supporting the above view, have been once upon a time, a clustre goes further in drawing the attention to - - of powerful trading and navigational cen- the expression 'kadal aga pperumpadai PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 124 have in the Pandyan country might to an officer pation - ttalatvan' referring obviously the Pa^dyas who might above resulted uprooting of the under the navy, probably in the coastal have possibly taken asylum Kajabhra king. enter- South Kanara (Karnataka), probably the existence by the sea, This explains The impact of the sufficiently long ing in South Kanara South India was of a Pandyan family Kajabhra occupation in both and to them probably the AJupas might such that the people were effected 23 later, this family social life The inter have belonged. Possibly in political and have a hand between Jaffna and in Karnataka might given helping migration of the people their territories have to the Paijdyas in regaining South India probably might begun 2 * this Their occu- from Kajabhras. right from early period.

Notes :-

1 >,/

2 K. A. N. Sastri: A History of South India, p. 144

3 Same author : Pandyan kingdom, p. 42

4 Ibid., p. 42 and T33-139. 5 K. G, Krishnan : Studies in South Indian History Epigraphy, pages

Indian Studies 180-85. 6 Natana Kasinathan : 'Ketkbhras Identified' in South II, pag^s

7 M. A. R. 1936, pages 72-81 and plate.

8 A . p. 79

9 M, A. R. 1936 pages 73-74.

10 See JESI, Vol. IX, pages 81-82.

11 EP. M, Vol. VIII, p. 34

12 JESI, Vol. IX, p. 81-82

13 Ep. Ind,, Vol. XVII, p. 306

14 C77, Vol. Ill, Revised, p. 67

15 Rasaniiyagam : Ancient Jaffna, p. 195

16 Ibid., p. 118

Monier Williams : M Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p, 260

18 Tamil Lexicon, p. 778

19 Ancient Jaffna, pages 118-119

20 The word 'Niga' afso means 'an efeprtant' Mctnfer Williams : Sanskrit- English Oic'fioridry-, p. S39 21 K.V.Ramesh: Keynote address delivered hi 31 at Internationa! Congress of Human Sciences, Tokyo, (Typescript )- pages 5-&

22 ARSIE,, 1927-28, No. 375, Inscription from Pafafiamrntiijaie, Manflalore Tafufc, South Ka Note District, the expression 'PaydyStiam - Ajupendraijam' . 23 Patfyan Kingdom, pages 42-43, Foot note No. 3, to a referring Karrvatafca feing in Madura, BOOK MEYIEWS

The Prehistoric : A source Afghanistan cover which hampered the students and book V. C. Srivasiava by (Indological Pub- workers in the prehistoric studies of Afghani- lications, Allahabad, 1982. 244 stan pp. XXV-f and neighbouring areas. This lacuna

with 135 ; figures 18 Maps and 8 Charts has been ; admirably filled up by Prof.

Price Rs. ff 250/- 30/- or 15/-} Srivastava who during his visiting Professor- The Prehistory, of Afghanistan was ship in Ancient History and Archaeology

terra- till at Kabul incognita recently ; the protohis- University during the years toric cultural 1976-79 has phase of the region was acquired a first-hand knowledge well of the known for the last six decades prehistoric antiquities of Afghani- due stan, to the work of savants like M. Aurel He has in a masterly style produced a Stein, N. G. Majumdar, C. Massoii, monograph which provides a complete H. H, Wilson etc. But very little or panorama of prehistoric of Stone Age no as work pertaining to prehistory Afghanistan known at present.

proper had been done till recently. But The first chapter on the Physical set- the region possessed great potentialities as ting provides the background of the early it should be evident to any careful inves- man in Afghanistan. He, as presently tigator since the surrounding areas like known, appeared during the lower palaeo- Punjab to the east and Iran and Iraq to lithic stage for which the evidence avai- the west and north-west had revealed rich lable is still very scanty and continued wealth of prehistoric remains. through the middle and upper palaeolithic The credit of focussing scholarly at- stages spilling over into the holocene, the tention on the of prehistory Afghanistan human activities like the mesolithic and should go to the French Archaeological neolithic times, also recorded by this Mission in in the twenties of Afghanistan monograph. the present century. W. A. Fairservis (jr) Thus this volume by Prof. Srivastava examined the causes for the sad neglect provides a well-presented account of the of prehistoric reasons in this region in 1961 stone-ages of Afghan man which is still but by that time Stuart Piggot, Dupree, Jn its infancy and the students have to F, R. Allchin and others from early 1950s await a comprehensive account of pre- had started the era of discoveries and by history of Afghanistan in the years to come. 1978, the picture became clear resulting in the of a volume on She 'Archaeo- publication B, K. Guniraja Rao logy of Afghanistan' with contributions by a number of field workers and edited Felici- by Svasti Sri (Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra Allchin and N. Hammond. F. R. tation Volume), published by Agam Kala

But all the prehistoric material known Prakashan, Delhi 1984, pp. I-XXVII and upto date was not available under one 376 (with 15 plates and 1 line drawing). 126 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra is one of the most reflects his colourful personality, the section his con- i ustrious Indologists of this century, As dealing with outstanding literary

hints at his scholastic i renowned Sanskritist, great cpigraphist tributions accomp-

a There is a and discerning historian, Dr. Chhabra has lishments of rare type.

useful list of at enriched Indological studies very signifi- contributors provided the of cantly and made lasting contributions in very commencement the volume.

t're field of Indian culture. It is a matter While the articles on epigraphy mainly of great delight that a befitting felicitation dwell on hitherto unknown political and volume has at last come out in honour cultural events, those on archaeology, his- of this great savant. The volume is very tory, numismatics, socio-economic and re- aptly entitled Svasti Sri, reflecting the abun- ligious aspects highlight certain new facets dance of auspiciousness and prosperity which which make our understanding of the sub- symbolise the very personality of the re- jects more thorough. As for the discussion vered Indologist honoured here. on scripts, the papers dwelling on greater

Consisting of forty eight research papers Indian, Tamil and Grantha scripts throw

by fifty-four authors, encompassing various welcome light on the influence of the scripts

aspects of Indological researches of recent of the adjoining regions or areas reflecting times, the volume is very neatly, decently the cultural contiguity. There are interest- and qualitatively printed. The papers dwell ing articles on the tribes of the Himala- on various aspects like epigraphy, history, yan region, theological factors, interpre- archaeology, numismatics,, seals, religion tation of terms occuring in the dance and and socio-economic studies, drama contexts, socio-economic facts con-

nected with the institution of temples, It is really a matter for satisfaction assessment of some factors pertaining to that the editors have laid significant em- ancient literature, iconographical data, in- phasis on the inclusion of sufficient number terpretation of the terms connected with of articles on epigraphy, the subject most the sculptural and architectural studies and dear to Dr. Chhabra's heart, while enough those occurring in inscriptions etc. While consideration is also shown towards other it is not possible, within the scope of subjects-thus reflecting a happy blend of this brief review, to place before the rea- the researches on different aspects of ders detailed observations on various as- Indology. There is also an article deal- p.cts of the new or re-assessed factors ing with greater Indian inscriptions, a brought to light through the articles in- subject in which Dr. Chhabra himself is cluded in the volume, it can be stated a poineering authority. While ensuring with confidence that the volume, has pro- variety, the papers included in the volume vided rich information on various aspects reflect a high standard. The contributors of Indological studies and thus enlarged include scholars of three generations start- our vista. ing with the early contemporaries of Dr.

Chhabra and including his latest students The volume is one of the best produ. and youngest admirers. While the article ced in recent years on the subject With on the biographical sketch of Dr. Chhabra very neat print LL,, qualitative binding, at- BOOK REVIEWS 127

the tractive and meaningful jacket and suitable val Pandyas, whose chronology forms

paper and plates, the volume is bound to theme of the book in part three,

earn the admiration of one and all. The A unique methodology is employed editors Dr. Ramesh, Dr. Agam Prasad and in this Book apart from Mathematics, Dr. Tewari deserve our very hearty congra- viz., the proc ;fs of knowing the unknown tulations for their best efforts in producing from known facts. As such, the whole the volume. The Agara Kala Prakashan book can he compared to a pentagon. must be congratulated for bringing out such The Nucleus is the Medieval Patjdyas a covetable volume in honour of this great and the five sides of the pentagon, on Indologist of our times. The person honou- which Sri N. Sethuraman has built his red is so noble and this volume presented theory, are :~ to him so auspeciously named that the

reviever would like to conclude his pleasent 1. The imperial Pandyas (1190-1372 A D.) the ancient task by quoting epigrapliical who are already known. ~ invocation 'svastyastit lekhaka-vachohaka 2. The established chronology of the Cholas of the 12th and 13th centuries. Madhav N. Katti 3. The inscriptional references of the AJu-

pas (1114-1155 A. D.). Medieval Pandyas (1000-1200 A. D.) by 4. The contemporary Kongu records, and N. Scthuraman, Published by the author, 5. The evidence of the Chronicle, Maha- Kumbakonam, 1980. Crown Quarto, pp 200 vaMa of with 5 Pla'es. Price not mentioned. ceylon.

The author has made good use of the The obscure chronology and the un- source materials and has built up his of intelligible genealogy the Medeival theories with admirable and reasonable Pandyas remain to be worked out tho- accuracy with conclusive proofs. roughly. The skeletal frame- work provided It is a well known fact that the Chojas by the pioneers needs to be improved has fulfilled this of this were at their zenith. They upon. Mr. Sethuraman period the fruit of his labour were at with the Pandyas. In- long-felt need and loggerheads dissensions were The is the outcome of the present book on ternal rampant. with civil wars Medieval Pandyas whose nomenclature is Pandyan country was beset The Madurai throne the PraSastisoi 68-71 ; generally made either by (pp. 79-82). Part III dates of accession. The methodology adop- had become a 'Musical Chair'.

is the essence of Sri. Sethuraman's ted in this book is the same as that of which with the discussions on Jata his earlier publications. This work con- book opens 1014 A, and ends with sists of three parts a) the Chola chrono- iSrivallabha (Ace D.)

- and the the of Ja|a Virapandya logy b) the Imperial Pandyas c) closing years In these the author Medieval Pandyas. The restricted and rele- (Ace, 1170 A, D.). pages vant discussions in the first two parts has discussed in detail the contemporary records and are solely meant for identifying the Medie- Chola and AJupa postulates 128 PURABHILEKIIA PA1RIKA

show the of the andlndo- that the Medieval Pandyas were subordina- antiquity place vis a vis the tes under the Chojas. The internal evidence Ceylon relationship Pandyas

of the contemporary inscriptions and the respectively. references that are found about the pre- The chronological events 1014 to decessors in the records of the later Pandyas 1219 A.D. is an important corollary. For ate examined by the author exhaustively has the first time, the author given all in the light of the Ceylon Chronicle. He the Tamil PraSastis of the Medieval Pandyas makes a clear and unambiguous distinction along with his critical comments in between the PandyasofMaduraiandTininei- appropriate places for the benefit of the vcli. He identifies the Pra&astis analyti- researchers. cally and has shown how the earlier authors With and has committed the fallacy of chronological permutations combinations ovcrlappings with irreconcilable dates. of various inscriptions of different dynas-

ties, this Mathematical wizard has deduced In addition to the exact bracketing precise conclusions, multiplied our interests of the reign-periods of each king on solid in chronology, added informative details the author to grounds, proceeds highlight to the very last digit and thus totally borne of his discoveries :- can be rated as one of the foremost epi- graphist who has simplified and solved the 1. Mara Srivallabha of the 15th century medieval Pandya chronology after was mistaken for a 12th century having gone to the very root of the book. ruler (page 112). problem

2. The wrong identification of Parantaka- The book is a must in the shelf of deva of the keen student of South Kanyakumari record as a any Indian History. Paijdya whereas in he was the reality C. R. Srinivasan first son of I Kulotturiga (page 97). 3. The identification of Mauabharana Three Grants from N. Mu- mentioned in the Ragohi by iSrirangam inscription hmda Row, published by the Government of the AJupa king, Vira Kavi AjupSndra of Andhra as the son of Jata Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1982,, pages iSrivallabha (1101- I to VIII and 1 to 1024 A. 32., plates ; D.) (page 90-93}. twenty price not indicated, 4. Incidentally he has disproved on valid Of the three epigraphical evidence the theory that copper plate grants, nil there was of which belong to a in enmity between Kulottunga Ragolu, village III and II Srikakulam Taluk and District of Rajadhiraja (p, 45) Andhra Pradesh, the first was issued by Maharaja Nan- The appendix-chapters on Jata Vira- daprabhanjanavarma in his 24th regnal year. throw patj^ya welcome light on the The second belongs to the reign of Ananta- dates of accession viz, 1253 and 1254 A.D. varma Vajrahasta III and the third to the of two Pandya Icings bearing identical reign of Auanga Bhima III, both of whom names. The on chapters 'Soiavandaii. belong to the Eastern Ganga dynasty. All Complex' (page 166] and Ceylon (page 154) the three are plates in Sanskrit language. BOOK REVIEWS 129

The first gram is in Southern Brahml (box- the dynasty of the ruler Nandaprabhan- in the case of the second headed variety) of the 5th-6th century A.D., janavarma, and while the second and third are in Nagari third plates, the political events fall within the known However the third and Kaliiiga characters respectively, the compass. furnishes some more and latter being classified by the author as a grant interesting details about the accession of the class of Proto-Bengali. new king

Ananga Bhima. It is of interest to epi- The contents of the grants are of graphists that in this record we come usual nature. The objects of the first across the officers like tiasanadhikari Ganga grant is to register the gift of a parivai'- dharyya and Tanradhikan Lokai (text line ttaka-vataka-nibandha situated in the village 123 and p. 17) figuring as some of the Ragolaka (i.e., Ragolu), free from taxes, donees. for the merit and glory of the king, The

of the is the himself. ajnapti grant king The has author tried to highlight Since no dynastic details are given in the every important detail as can be gleaned grant, the author, on the basis of other through the charters. However, some more evidences known, infer: the family to be discussion on the types of lands like the Pitfibhakta. parivarttaka- vataka, nakshatrikanka-bhumi and The second grant which belongs to masopavasa-kshetra, (Chapter 1, text lines 3-6 and 13 and reign of Vajrahasta III, is dated 3aka 981 p. 2) would have been (1059 A. D.) and it purports to roister very much welcome. He has dwelt on and other matters evidenced gifts of two villages (details given), along political the charters with the hunting right, to two persons by comprehensively. He deser- ves our (names mentioned), for the merit of his hearty congratulations for placing before the scholars the three parents and himself. The third grant be- Copper Plate which enrich the longs to the reign of Anatiga Blu'ma III, grants, definitely history of the to and is dated Saka 1129 (1207 A.D.). The ruling families which they be-

is to a and the from were are object of the grant register gift longed region they recovered. It is that of two vatis (plots) of land in three hoped Shri Mukunda Row will to more of such villages including the findspot of the record bring light grants for his and also volumes on different (i,e,, Ragolu) own wellbeing, that dynasties and advancement of of his parents and empire. help epigraphical and historical research. The get up and printing The grants, though of usual type, of the book are neat. The Government of enrich our knowledge about the history Andhra Pradesh should be congratulated of the dynasties to which the rulers, for bringing out this volume. referred to above, belonged. While in the

case of the first charter some more clin-

ching evidences are required to decide Madhav N. Katti

PLATE I

TEMBHURNI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA

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[iia] [iib] PLATE II

BHINDHON PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA KAKKARAJA w

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A FRAGMENTARY DEDICATORY INSCRIPTION OF PURNARAKHSITA

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CCD I H < s PLATE V

A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF PAIRS OF INDUS SIGNS WITH JAR OR LANCE PLATE VI

INSCRIPTIONS BMH HOARD OF COPPER PLATE CM !- 10

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[vb] PLATE IX

KELAGUNOL! INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBA RAVIVARMA

Court**; DIRECTOR, PRASARANGA, MYSORE al Inscription of Aulikara Prakasadharmma, [Vikrama] Year 572

...l(, V, RAMESH, MYSORE AND

S. P. TEWARI, MYSORE,.. 96 jrestM n in Epigraphs ..SHEO BAHADUR SINGH... 104

Miisodu Copper Plate Charier of Pravarasena H, Year 29

.. AJAY MITRA SHASTRI, NAGPUR AND CHANDRASHEKAR GUPTA, NAGPUR.- 108

Kohigundli Inscription of Kadamba Ravivanna-A Note

...H. R, RAGHUNATH BHAT, MYSORE,., 117

Note on Kalabhras 120 . M, J. SHARMA, MYSORE,

Book RcYciws 125

18 and 19 Plates for Articles Nos. 1, 3, 4, 10, 13, 14, 16,

HONORARY FELLOWS

6 Krishnadeva 1 Dr V, V. Mirashl Shri

S. Gai 2 Dr B. Ch, Chhabra 7 Dr G,

Tridevi 3 Dr D. 4J, Sircar 8 Dr H. V,

9 G, R, Sharrna 4 Prof. T. V, Malialingam Prof.

G. Krishnan 6 Prof. Jagannath Agrawal 10 Shri K.

and 11th MARCH 1984 INDIA CONFERENCE; AURANGABAD : 9th, 10th

PRESIDENT: SHRI K. v. SOUNDARARAJAN OFFICE BEARERS AM EXECOTIVE COMMITTEE

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D. Prof, K, Bajpai, Saga? Dr. K, V. Ramesh, Mysore

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Dr, Z. A, Desai, Nagpur Dr, V. S, Pathak, Gorakhapur

Dr, S, R, Rao, Bangalore Shri Madhav, N. Katti, Mysore

Dr, Ajay Mitra Shastry, Nagpur Mrs. Snigdha Tripathi, Bhubanesvar

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Secretary and Executive Editor : Dr. B. K. Kaul Deambi, Srinagar

Dr, S, H. Ritti, Dharwar Dr, T. V. Pathy, Aurangabad

Shri N, Sethuraman, Kumbhakonam

Treasurer ; Dr. S. P. Tewari, Mysore

Dr, A, Sundara, Dharwar Dr. Mrs. Devahuti, New Delhi

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Dr. S. Faruk Ali Zalali Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer, Mysore

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Dr. S. S. Ramachandra Murthy, Tirupati

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