High-skilled Migrants, Globalization, and the Emergence of Professional Hubs: Indian

Diaspora in Three Global Cities

Stephanie Peng

HNRS 490: Indian Diaspora

Professor Maina Chawla Singh

University Honors

Spring 2014

Peng 1

Abstract

The Indian diaspora today is over 20 million strong and spread over 110 countries. Several

Indians figure in the Forbes list of billionaires. Given their professional and entrepreneurial successes in the US they are widely referred to as the 'model minority'. With globalization, enhanced technology and related population flows, several cities have emerged as global hubs for high-skilled professionals. Several of these today have newly formed clusters of a new category of Indian diaspora - the highly-skilled Global Indians living and thriving in these global hubs.

This project examines the influx of Global Indians in Silicon Valley, Singapore, and Dubai in recent decades to analyze the growth of these diaspora communities. Conceptually, this challenges some existing definitions of Diaspora communities. Issues relating to 'pull factors, immigrant policies in the host societies, and subsequent community formations are key to this study.

Research revealed that migrants are drawn to these hubs for the entrepreneurship opportunities, regardless of prospects of attaining citizenship. Analyses of community centers and professional organizations were used to analyze the types of communities that formed in Silicon

Valley, Dubai, and Singapore. The findings indicate that while there are efforts to socially, culturally, and economically integrate into American and Singaporean society, Indian migrants in

Dubai are much more likely to only integrate economically into Dubai. Findings also reveal how globalization and increased facilities for transnational communications have been critical in sustaining deep and tangible ties between diaspora and 'homeland India.'

Peng 2

“We need a language that would encompass several categories of Indians who have been overlooked, even in recent histories of the Indian diasporas, and whose experiences reasonably stretch the perhaps already overextended reach of the word ‘diaspora’.”1

Introduction

After a failed attempt at a soy milk company in India, Vinod Khosla moved to the

United States to pursue other entrepreneurial opportunities. Now worth $1.5 billion, he is credited with co-founding SUN Microsystems and is the founder of Khosla Ventures.2 Entering the Forbes list of billionaires in 2008 and worth $5.4 billion dollars is Micky Jagtiani, founder of the Landmark Group.3 The retail conglomerate was started in Bahrain, but is now based in

Dubai. Sameer Sain, a British citizen, raised and educated in India and the US, is founder of

Everstone Capital. What do these individuals all have in common? They are all affluent, educated, and entrepreneurs who share a common origin – India. They belong to a unique group of Indians who have left India with at least a Bachelor’s Degree and founded companies in foreign countries. With 11.4 emigrants in 2010, India is the second largest source of migrants after Mexico. 4

This group of highly-skilled Indian migrants falls within the larger Indian Diaspora community that originated in the 19th century. Originating from a cause of exile and synonymous with the Jewish exile, the term diaspora was used for the dispersion of a people throughout many lands, as well as the “oppression and moral degradation” associated with that

*I would like to thank and express my gratitude to Professor Maina Chawla Singh for her invaluable guidance and advice for the duration of this project. This project would not be possible without her expertise and encouragement. 1 Lal, Vinay. The Other Indians: A Political and Cultural History of South Asians in America. Los Angeles: Asian American Studies Center Press, UCLA (2008). 127. 2 “Vinod Khosla” Khosla Ventures. Khosla Ventures (2013). 3 “The World’s Billionaires: Micky Jagtiani.” Forbes.com. Forbes.com LLC. (2014) 4 World Bank. Migration and remittances factbook 2011, 2nd edn. World Bank, Washington, DC (2011). Peng 3 dispersion.5 However, while the first generations of the Indian Diaspora were lured into believing they would find better opportunities in Africa and the Caribbean, they soon found that conditions in their new host society were no better than conditions in India. In addition to being discriminated against, many migrants were essentially indentured servants.

Members of the Indian Diaspora community today fit a much different profile. With an increase in globalization, there is also an increased migrant flow of highly-qualified Indians that are thriving and creating new communities in global hubs. They are spread out over 110 countries, including England, the United States, Canada, Uganda, Israel, Singapore, as well as in smaller countries such as Mauritius, Fiji, Martinique, and Suriname. Their entrepreneurial success and transnational movement mean they are becoming more prominent and creating positive stereotypes in their successful integration. Conceptually, this challenges traditional characteristics of Diaspora communities and the ways in which they integrate into their host societies.

Several countries are addressing the need for foreign labor and changing their immigration policies to accommodate more immigrants. However, there is a very specific focus on high-skilled labor, aimed specifically at those who are wealthy and can become entrepreneurs. For instance, in Canada, immigration policies are aimed at those “with one year of college and 75,000 Canadian dollars from an approved Canadian angel investor, or 200,000

Canadian dollars from an approved Canadian venture capitalist.”6 Australia has created their

5 William Safran. "Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 1.1 (1991): 83. 6 Somini Sengupta. “Countries Seek Entrepreneurs From Silicon Valley.” NYTimes.com. The New York Times. (2013, June 5). Peng 4 own version of a green card “to those who secure 1 million Australian dollars in financing from approved Australian venture capitalists.”7

These policies are only one in several reasons why certain “professional hubs” of entrepreneurs, businessmen, engineers, and scientists have emerged in the past twenty to thirty years. Silicon Valley, Singapore, and Dubai stand out as diverse and unique hubs where large populations of elite Indian immigrant have emerged. What makes these cities attractive destinations? Were these cities consciously created? How were these cities formed? This paper seeks to understand the qualities of the three selected cities that attract these specific immigrants and examines how globalization allows communities to facilitate integration and sustain with India, challenging William Safran’s original definition of Diaspora communities.

The first section examines the emergence of Singapore, Silicon Valley, and Dubai as global hubs for high-skilled workers. By looking at changes in immigration policy and the unique pull factors of each city, it is possible to see how these cities emerged and why they have become areas of entrepreneurship and wealth for Indian migrants. The next section paper distinguishes the populations of migrants in each city from each other. Although I have grouped all of these migrants as “high-skilled” migrants – migrants that have at least a

Bachelor’s Degree, and are skilled in the sciences, technology, engineering, medicine, or finance fields – each city has a different profile. Migrants are concentrated in different professions and have their own strategies for integrating into society. Finally, to gain a deeper perspective about the types of communities that are formed, I looked at the types of organizations that were formed in each city and the ways in which they facilitate integration.

With these three sections, I have examined each city from three different angles to understand

7 Ibid. Peng 5 how globalization is affecting Diaspora communities, integration, and sustaining connections with India.

Theoretical Framework

The recent phenomenon of globalization and its implications for the Indian Diaspora and immigration implies that research that does exist primarily addresses globalization and growth of cities or the assimilation and integration process. This paper seeks to build upon the existing literature by using the basic definitions of Diaspora communities and high-skilled immigrants to examine how globalization is changing the profile of Diaspora communities, as well as how three diverse cities are accommodating and adjusting to this new phenomenon. With my research, I hope to reveal the motivations of each state and the policies that have allowed each city to become an emerging professional hub and how it challenges the definitions of Diaspora communities. Additionally, I hope that by studying this global trend and communities that form, I will shed new light on how globalization has affected integration and links between the host society and “homeland India.”

William Safran was influential in his characterizations of diaspora in his work

“Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return.” He outlines the defining features of diaspora communities: retaining a collective memory or myth about their homeland, feeling alienated by their host society, regarding the ancestral homeland as their true ideal home, believing that they should be committed to the restoration of their homeland, and continuing relations with their homeland.8 Many communities have these features, including

“Cubans and Mexicans in the United States, Pakistanis in Britain, Maghrebis in France, Turks in Germany, Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, Greek and Polish minorities, Palestinian

8 William Safran. "Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return." 83. Peng 6

Arabs, blacks in North America and the Caribbean, Indians and Armenians in various countries;”9 however, he does recognize the uniqueness of the Indian diaspora, particularly because the Indian homeland has always existed. Safran’s work will be essential in placing the highly-skilled Indian migrant community within the larger context of the Indian diaspora, as well as ways in which the concepts of diaspora are evolving.

Michele Reis builds upon the core features specified by Safran and specifies different phases of Diaspora and the impacts of globalization in the essay “Theorizing Diaspora:

Perspectives on “Classical” and “Contemporary” Diaspora.” She highlights an important feature of the new contemporary Diaspora communities – many of them are now migrating to other countries voluntarily instead of through exile or slavery. Contemporary diaspora is also the comingling of the contemporary diaspora, transnationalism, and globalization.10 Although she specifically references Latin immigrants, Indian migrants belong to this group as well. With the onset of globalization and more flexible barriers between countries, the desire to leave one’s home country can be shaped by factors such as economic opportunities or seeking a higher quality of life. Real also highlights that “dispersal to overseas territories need not imply a decisive break with the homeland nor is the uprooting of the diasporic group considered permanent in relation to contemporary diaspora.”11 While this study focuses on and Latin immigrants in America, it still offers various aspects of the contemporary Diaspora communities that are applicable to the Indian Diaspora including the added role of globalization.

9 Ibid. 10 Michele Reis. “Theorizing Diaspora: Perspectives on “Classical” and “Contemporary” Diaspora.” International Migration. Vol. 42. (2004). 47. 11 Ibid. Peng 7

The subject of this paper falls within the larger context of the Indian diaspora community, the main focus is on high skilled immigrants is the main focus. However, what does it mean to be highly skilled? In “Highly Skilled Globetrotters: The International Migration of Human Capital,” Sami Mahroum attempts to clarify what defines a highly skilled immigrant by specifying the types of occupations highly-skilled migrants have, including managers and executives, engineers and technicians, academics and scientists, and entrepreneurs.12 She also addresses the push and pull factors of each group and the biggest differences to previous immigration trends, including that “research centers and firms all around the world are competing to maintain their attraction for highly skilled personnel” and the legislation that is making this possible. 13 This article is unique in that it addresses the differences in these immigration trends and includes some type of differentiation in needs among the different groups of highly-skilled immigrants. While this provides important background on the phenomenon of highly-skilled immigrants, it does not mention highly skilled migrants from

India specifically.

Introducing globalization into theories of diaspora requires merging concepts of transnationalism, creating new criteria for diaspora communities. Michel Bruneau expands on this topic in “Diaspora, Transnational Spaces and Communities,” defining a diaspora community as “integrated without being assimilated into the host countries” and including people who retain “rather strong identity awareness.”14 There is an emphasis on social networks and building a community life and Bruneau distinguishes among four different types of diasporas – entrepreneurship, religious, political, and racial or cultural diasporas.

12 Mahroum, Sami. “Highly Skilled Globetrotters: The International Migration of Human Capital.” R&D Management 30:1 (2000). 171. 13 Ibid, 179. 14 Michel Bruneau. “Diaspora and Transnationalism: concepts, theories and methods.” Amsterdam University Press. Published by R. Baubock (2010) 36. Peng 8

Entrepreneurial diaspora communities directly apply to the contemporary Indian Diaspora communities in professional hubs as their main reasons for migration are economic. Bruneau also details features of transnational communities, a fairly new phenomenon in which “the dominant activity is migration”15 Although the Indian diaspora community is not predominantly characterized by migration, many immigrants move among global cities for various education or business opportunities. This article clarifies the difference between diaspora and transnational communities, but does not mention the possibility of an overlap in which a community has features of diaspora and transnational communities.

Literature on each individual city is more than likely to focus on the overall phenomenon of immigration in the city and what types of policies have caused or have been influenced by the phenomenon. When speaking of highly skilled immigration, globalization and the growth of cities or issues of integration into the host society is found in the majority of the research. For instance, research on highly skilled immigrants in Silicon Valley is more readily available, research in Dubai tends to focus on the labor and working class or Western expatriates, and research on Singapore is more focused on Singapore’s overall growth as a country. Nonetheless the remaining research is beneficial in comparing situations and conditions in these three very cosmopolitan cities.

AnnaLee Saxenian’s study of transnational communities in the United States, particularly in Silicon Valley certainly is one of many studies focusing on globalization. Her study, titled “From Brain Drain to Brain Circulation: Transnational Communities and Regional

Upgrading in India and China,” examines the flow of high-skill migration from Asian countries, specifically China and India, to the United States and argues that the concept of “brain drain” is actually false. She argues that because of increasing communication and ease of transportation,

15 Ibid, 43. Peng 9 the “brain drain” is actually “brain circulation” because the migrants will return to their home countries “establish business relationships or to start new companies while maintaining their social and professional ties to the United States.”16 Additionally, the article also looks at effects of this “brain circulation” on China and India, comparing them to the cases of Taiwan and Israel as emerging venture capitalist countries. She looks at the social, ethnic, and economic network of the skilled immigrants and how labor shortages in India have contributed to the phenomenon of brain circulation. This article provides sound arguments about the connections between India and Silicon Valley, but provides very little information about how the city emerged to become an attractive location for Indian migrants.

The report published by Vivek Wadhwa, AnnaLee Saxenian, Ben Rissing, and Gary

Gereffi at the University of California, Berkeley, provides a plethora of data on immigration with a focus on identifying companies that immigrants have founded. The report, “America’s

New Immigrant Entrepreneurs” addresses the question of how globalization and immigration are affecting the American economy. Their goal “was to document the economic and intellectual contributions of immigrant technologists and engineers at the national level.”17

There are many statistics on technology and engineering companies as well as immigration data from the US Census. The statistic that stands out in particular is the proportion of engineering and technology start-ups started by Indians – 15.5% of companies from 1995-2005 – double the proportion from 1980-1998.18 Data on immigrants that have founded technology and engineering companies in other prominent states are available, but Indian migrants in Silicon

Valley are the focus of the study since it has the highest population of Indian migrants in the

16 AnnaLee Saxenian. “From Brain Drain to Brain Circulation: Transnational Communities and Regional Upgrading in India and China,” Studies in Comparative International Development. 40:2 (2005). 36. 17 Vivek Wadhwaet. al. ““America’s New Immigrant Entrepreneurs.” Master of Engineering Management Program, Duke University; School of Information, U.C. Berkeley. (2007). 3. 18 Ibid, 5. Peng 10

US. This will be valuable in allowing me to see the role that high-skill immigrants, particularly

Indian immigrants, play in the American economy. However, because of the statistical data this article provides, there is no data on the reasons Silicon Valley has developed into a city with so many immigrants and technical and engineering companies.

Singapore stands out because the government is very consciously creating an environment that attracts highly skilled immigrants rather than adjusting policies to accommodate the changing trends in their country. Chew Soon-Beng and Rosalind Chew touch on this difference in their study of Singapore and their politics and immigration policy. In their study, titled “Immigration and Foreign Labor in Singapore,” they address an important difference between Singaporean and other immigration – that it is strictly controlled by the government and that “every immigrant must be an asset to Singapore.”19 While this article talks very broadly about Singapore and its history of immigration, it provides a context so that it is possible to further explore highly-skilled Indian immigration.

An article by Went-Tat Hui studies the industrialization policies that Singapore has implemented since its independence in 1965, looking at both unskilled labor and skilled labor.

The article, “Regionalization, Economic Restructuring, and Labour Migration in Singapore,” on

Singapore’s economic development looks at how Singapore’s immigration policies have responded to its changing economic needs up until the 1990s and the impact it has had on

Singaporean society. It focuses on the economic competitiveness and economic restructuring that has helped enhance Singapore’s growth. Again, the central focus of this work touches on themes of globalization while providing a foundation for how the Indian community in

19 Chew-Soon Beng and Rosalind Chew. “Immigration and Foreign Labour in Singapore.” ASEAN Economic Bulletin Vol. 12 No.2. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. (1995). 195. Peng 11

Singapore has created a community and culture that falls within the parameters of the basic features of a diaspora community.

As migration for economic reasons increases with globalization, changing perceptions of racial consciousness also challenges traditional concepts of Diaspora communities. Neha Vora writes about these issues specifically regarding Indian middle class migrants to Dubai. She notes the exclusion of Indian migrants in the UAE from traditional diaspora studies because

“economy as the foundation upon which diasporic populations and cultural formations exist” means they cannot formally settle.20 The focus of the study is about racial consciousness and the concept of consumer citizenship. Consumer citizenship makes Dubai a unique city because being able to afford commodities is a sign of belonging in society, even though the rigid immigration laws ensure that it is near impossible to gain citizenship as an outsider. She also distinguishes the middle-class Indian community in Dubai from other expatriate communities because despite the discrimination they face and the outsider status they face, the government has created an environment to accumulate wealth, creating an economically driven migration phenomenon. While economic migration and globalization as larger themes is the main focus of this paper, this study provides a more specific perspective about feelings of belonging and community that make it important as a source.

Syed Ali also discusses transnationalism and the idea of “permanent impermanence” in

“Going and Coming and Going Again: Second-Generation Migrants in Dubai,” which examines the implications of the UAE’s decision to limit citizenship. Since visas are only awarded for a three-year period, even second generation immigrants are bound to leave, contributing to Dubai

20 Neha Vora. “Producing Diasporas and Globalization: Indian Middle-Class Migrants in Dubai” Anthropological Quarterly. 81:2 (2008). 378. Peng 12 as a “pit stop” in the stages to gaining economic wealth and prosperity.21 Through studying second-generation immigrants, Ali emphasizes the unique conditions of Dubai as a destination for the Indian diaspora community and transnationalism as the effect of a more globalized world.

There is currently a gap in the literature about businessmen and highly skilled Indian immigrants to Dubai. Most of the literature focuses on middle-class or low-skilled immigrants, and the labor and human rights problems the Kafala law poses. While these are important issues, I hope to clarify and examine the situations of the highly skilled migrants and entrepreneurs to Dubai.

The literature described above provide necessary background on diaspora communities, as well as attempts to modify its meanings and ways in which Indian migration is evolving, but there is still little research connecting high-skilled migration and how it still fits in the context of diaspora. The concept is still relatively new, but by connecting diaspora, globalization, and high-skilled migration, I hope to provide a deeper understanding of the connections and impacts of globalization.

Phenomenon – the significance of Silicon Valley, Singapore, and Dubai

Since the 1980s, several cities around the world have become hubs for skilled professionals, particularly Indian skilled workers, including London, Toronto and Vancouver,

Melbourne, Silicon Valley, Dubai, and Singapore. Increased immigration, especially high skilled migration, is only another symptom of increasing globalization, but with this trend also comes a liberalization of many immigration policies, as these immigrants bring innovation and can benefit the new “host” societies. This is important as it increases each country’s labor

21 Ali, Syed. “Going and Coming and Going Again: Second Generation Migrants in Dubai.” Mobilities. 6:4 (October 14, 2011). 557. Peng 13 force, off-setting demographic changes and increasing economic competition in the global market. This has become increasingly important as globalization increases, and this is reflected in the liberalization of immigration policies within many countries. German Interior Minister

Otto Schily has described this by saying that “there’s competition among the industrialized countries for the best minds.”22 Although the numbers show an increased influx of migrants, the trends that explain these migration patterns tell a much more complex story as each country has their own reasons for encouraging immigration. Additionally, as these Indians migrate to new cities, they are forming new communities and creating separate identities.

Of the many emerging hubs for foreign migrant workers, Singapore, Silicon Valley, and

Dubai stand out. Chosen for their diversity and unique conditions, each area has accumulated a large professional Indian community. They are geographically diverse and represent varying policies on immigration, and immigrants are also shaping development and the economy in different ways. While the United States has historically been perceived as a land of opportunity and has had a long history of immigrants, Singapore has been a popular destination because of its desire to become a highly globalized country. Lastly, Dubai stands out, especially with their period of rapid growth in the past decade. Their rapid development and prominence as a new business hub makes them an attractive destination for all high skilled immigrants. Despite their differences, what all these cities have in common is that they have become prominent destinations for immigration, and each city has been influenced by different characters that have attracted Indian migrants.

With increasing migration as a sign of increasing globalization, many immigrants are not just migrating to one country and staying. A phenomenon of brain circulation indicates that many of the new immigrants have worked in multiple countries, emphasizing how globalization

22 Migration News. Germany: Schily Proposal. September. Vol 8, No 9 (2001). Peng 14 is increasing migration and overall travel to multiple regions. Migrants will oftentimes return to

India to manage or found more IT businesses, forming transnational networks, and creating communities that do not necessarily have to stay in one country. Other times, if they have been successful in America, they will subcontract the work to other Indian companies. According to the Migration Policy Institute, these types of interactions have helped rebrand India as a source of “well-educated and hard-working professionals,”23 and by creating organizations to link people between countries, more connections can form to morph a new identity for these diaspora communities.

The innovation and creativity, especially among its technology and IT sectors, that attracts people to Silicon Valley has been called the “Silicon Valley state of mind.” The reputation for “the creativity, productivity and pace of innovation in Silicon Valley relies on brilliant and foolish entrepreneurs being unreasonable enough to believe they can be the exception to the “rule.”24 In the United States, the Indian immigrants are a distinct group because they are wealthier and have higher education than many Americans. Between 1994 and

2006, 73% of Indian born had at least a bachelor’s degree, compared to 27% of the native-born population.25 Indian immigrants have become so prominent in American society is largely due to American immigration policy and the human capital that they bring. Their role in Silicon

Valley cannot be ignored and it seems that “every successful start-up in the Valley needs to have an Indian in a high position.”26

23 Daniel Naojoks. “Emigration, Immigration, and Diaspora Relations in India.” Migrationinformation.org. Migration Policy Institute (2009). 24 Khosla, Vinod. “Maintain the Silicon Valley Vision.” NYTimes.com. The New York Times (July 13, 2012). 25 M. A Desai. The Fiscal Impact of High Skilled Emigration: Flows of Indians to the US. 26 Sandhu Sabben. Asian Indian Professionals: The Culture of Success. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC (2012). 124. Peng 15

Several factors have shaped the increase in Indian immigrants in Silicon Valley, acting as “pull” factors to attract immigrants. In the 1970s, the sources for work shifted from Europe to Asia, and the wave of immigrants from Asia started after Immigration and Nationality Act of

1965 lifted the quota on the number of Asian immigrants allowed to enter the US. The

Immigration and Nationality Act also affected numbers of high skilled immigrants drastically because it established a multi-category visa system based on family reunification and specific skills, including those that would “substantially benefit prospectively the national economy, cultural interests, of welfare of the United States.”27 Prior to this law, 70% of all immigrants came from the UK, Ireland, and Germany due to national-origin quotas from the Immigration

Act of 1924 to retain the same ethnic composition of the US.28 This trend is evident when comparing the numbers of different groups of immigrants before and after the act was passed.

A study in 2000 showed that 29.4% of foreign-born who entered the United States before 1970 were from South and Northern Europe, and only 24.5% were from Asia. However, after the

1990s, 47% of foreign born were from Asia.29 In Silicon Valley alone, 87% of Indians in the high-tech industry came to the US after 1970, and 60% came after 1900.

An additional amendment, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1990 allowed companies to grant visas based on specific occupational skills. Specifically, there has been more emphasis on easing immigration for those in STEM professions – Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. Looser immigration policies began in 1990, when the quota for employment and occupation visas was doubled.30 With this law, 140,000 visas were allocated

27 “The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965.” Pub. L. no. 89-236, 79 Stat 911 (1965). 28 "The Immigration Act of 1924 (The Johnson-Reed Act)." Office of the Historian, Bureau of sPublic Affairs, United States Department of State, (2014). Web. 29 Neeraj Kaushal and Fix, Michael. “The Contributions of High-Skilled Immigrants.” Migration Policy Institute. (2006). 2. 30 Ibid, 6. Peng 16 to “priority workers,” including those with skills in the sciences, business, researchers, executives, and managers or professionals with advanced degrees.31 An additional 40,000 visas are allocated for “skilled workers, professionals, and those holding bachelor’s degrees.”32

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1990 represents a shift in the “pull” factors that account for the changing needs of the US. Social needs as a result of the aging population increases demands for healthcare services. Technological changes and rapid innovations, as well as a production-based economy to an information-based economy also increased the demand for skilled labor.33 These changes in the pull factors combined with changes in immigration law have increased the numbers of Indian immigrants in the US. Accompanying these pull factors is India’s “culture of science” that makes Indian migration to Silicon Valley seem natural, since there is a large supply of medical professionals, scientists, and engineers.34

This is evident as 29% of firms started between 1995 and 1998 were run by Chinese or

Indians,35 and 26% of technology firms were founded by Indians, more than firms started by

Chinese, Taiwanese, Japanese, and British entrepreneurs combined.36 As we will see later in the essay, the immigrants’ prominence in Silicon Valley has led them to create their own communities and identities, as well as creating a new positive image of India as a source of highly qualified workers.

Unlike Silicon Valley, Singapore’s transformation as a professional hub was very much a conscious decision by the Singaporean government to develop Singapore into the “’talent

31 “The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965.” Pub. L. no. 101-649, 194 Stat 4978. (November 20, 1990). 18. 32 Ibid, 20. 33 Jagdish N Bhagwati and Gordon H. Hanson. Skilled Immigration Today: Prospects, Problems, and Policies. Oxford: Oxford UP. Print. (2009) 40. 34 Sabeen Sandhu. (2012) Asian Indian Professionals: The Culture of Success. (LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC: 2012) 52. 35 Ibid, 2. 36 Ibid, 4. Peng 17 capital’ of the global economy” by liberalizing its immigration policies for skilled immigrants and overcoming the “limitations of local human capital” while focusing on high export-led growth.37 Since their independence in 1965, conditions for entry into Singapore were liberalized, especially for those that could be integrated easily. In fact, the policies towards immigrants imply that high skilled immigrants are encouraged. Examples of policies that the government has created in order to make immigration easier have been to allow permanent residency if the immigrant has secondary education, earns over S$1500 a month, has had over five years of working experience, or has trade qualifications.38 Once an immigrant has been a permanent resident for at least two years, citizenship becomes a possibility. In 1990, conditions were liberalized once again - the costs of recruiting and relocating skilled labor received subsidies from the government. For any company wanting to relocate skilled labor, employers were given grants that would cover up to half the cost of relocating a skilled worker and their families.39 The conscious role that the government has played in Singapore’s industrialization is evident in their efforts to make Singapore an attractive country to work in. In the 1990s, they established industrial parks where businesses environments could be introduced or where foreign businesses could be transplanted. These industrial parks have played a big role in creating communities for foreign laborers, especially as they often include “residential, commercial, and social components” in addition to its industrial functions.40

Their strategy for becoming a talent capital included “restructuring of industries at the macro-level,” in which their economy shifted from a labor-intensive to a technology-intensive

37 Ibid, 6. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 Brenda S.A. Yeoh and Weiqiang Lin., “Rapid Growth in Singapore's Immigrant Population Brings Policy Challenges.” Migrationinformation.org. Migration Policy Institute. (April 2012). Peng 18 economy41. By liberalizing their economic policies and being “based on being home to a highly skilled workforce, “Singapore has been rebranded as an important business destination with company grants to make employing skilled foreigners cheaper, networking sessions, and housing programs to accommodate short term housing.42 The government relies on Indian immigrants as an “economic lift-up,” and its recent policies have reflected its aspirations.43

These conditions are in stark contrast to those in the United States or Dubai. Unlike the

US, there is still no quota on the number of immigrants allowed to enter, and unlike Dubai, citizenship is relatively easy to attain. In fact, in some aspects, the immigrants may be at an advantage in terms of receiving employment than the actual Singaporean citizens. Since immigrants and first-generation immigrants are not required to do military service, they are more likely to receive long-term positions or to be promoted. They are also more likely to receive housing supplements. These advantages reflect not only Singapore’s emphasis on foreign labor, but also strong pull factors to attract foreign high-skilled immigrants.

Unlike Singapore, Dubai rapidly developed by using free-market strategies, relying heavily on an immigrant workforce. It stands out as a hub because 83% of the population is foreign born, and 51% of the foreign born originate from India.44 Dubai also has a large immigrant population that makes up 90% of the workforce. It has been rapidly developed and has been described as a city “oozing with glamour and wealth, offering a seductive model of capital achievement.”45 Hardly twenty years ago, Dubai was still a rural town and it is now one of the most technologically advanced and developed cities in the world. Martin Hvidt argues

41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 Seeah Chiang Nee. “Indian immigrant wave offers Singapore hope.” Chinapost.com. The China Post (July 29 2013). 44 “Dubai Data Sheet.” MPI Data Hub. Migration Policy Institute (2005). 45 Sonali Kolhatkar. “Immigrant Views of Dubai, the ‘World’s Fastest Growing City.’” Truthdig.com. Truth Dig LLC (February 18, 2014). Peng 19 that Dubai’s rapid industrialization and development is due to their desire to “catch up” with the rest of the world after starting development so late.46 Since oil only accounts for 3% of Dubai’s

GDP, financial sectors, tourism, transport, and trade are the major industries, all of which rely heavily on foreign labor.47

Since the United Arab Emirates were formed in 1965, they have needed a large immigrant population to maintain their economic growth and high standard of living. While

Dubai has had a large population of Indian migrants since the 1960s, the majority of them have been low-skilled workers. This is in part due to a temporary guest worker program established in 1971.48 With this program, also known as the Kalafa Sponsorship Program, nationals and expatriates can hire migrant workers. Since there is such a small population of native Saudis,

Dubai relies on a supply of immigrants to maintain economic growth and their high standard of living.

However, ever since Dubai “boomed” in recent years, it has become a prominent destination for business opportunities and investments. Not only have they attracted highly skilled workers, they have also made efforts to attract students. Indian engineering students are choosing to study in Dubai because it is cheaper and has the promise of job opportunities. In

2010, 680 of 1,700 students of Birla’s Institute of Tech and Sciences were from Dubai, compared to 12 out of 60 in 2006.49 As attending university in India becomes more expensive and universities in Dubai gain legitimacy, Dubai has lured many students. Because of the

46 Martin Hvidt. The Dubai model: An outline of key development-process elements in Dubai. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 41(03), (2009) 397. 47 Neha Vora. Unofficial citizens: Indian entrepreneurs and the state-effect in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. International Labor and Working Class History, 79:1 (2011). 124. 48 Froilan T. Malit Jr., Ali Al Youha. “Labor Migration in the United Arab Emirates: Challenges and Responses.” Migrationinformation.org. Migration Policy Institute (September 2013). 49 Ramola Talwar Badam “Professional hopes and dreams lure Indian students to Dubai.” Thenational.ae. Abu Dhabi Media (July 13, 2010). Peng 20 culture and established Indian community in Dubai, it is often used a hub, or stopping point before migrating further West.50

Dubai is also unique in that the government does not allow immigrants to settle permanently, meaning that immigrants are transient and must always consider their next destination – either migrating back to India or to another country. This provides an interesting dynamic that reflects the increasingly globalized and interconnected society that further transforms the original concepts of a diaspora community. However, Dubai is attractive to foreigners and entrepreneurs because there is no income tax, and there are very low import and export duties. Neha Vora has called the Indian business elites of Dubai “unofficial citizens” because although they are not socially or politically integrated into the society, they are essential for legitimizing Dubai and are rewarded with “access to wealth accumulation.”51

Moreover, this unofficial citizenship is a unique quality that Dubai’s employees have as they define their belonging through what Vora says are neoliberal economic terms.52 However, as we will observe later, the consequences of knowing that migration to Dubai is never permanent has created interesting dynamics as no one can fully integrate into society.

Working Professions

Vinod Khosla from Silicon Valley is a venture capitalist and has played an active role in several start-ups. Micky Jagtiani from Dubai owns a retail conglomerate, and Sameer Sain in

Singapore co-founded a private equity and investment group. All three individuals are indeed wealthy and successful, but their professions are reflective of the environments and business opportunities of each respective city. Singapore, and Dubai all stand out as unique cities and

50 Ibid. 51 Neha Vora. “Business Elites, Unofficial Citizenship, and Privatized Governance in Dubai.” Migration and the Gulf Viewpoints. The Middle East Institute (2010). 46-48. 52 Ibid, 48. Peng 21 destinations for highly-skilled Indian migrants, but the types of professions these migrants hold vary depending on the types of environments each country’s government has tried to create.

While the main sectors that are hiring high skilled immigrants are the health, engineering, and technology sectors, the variances among each city provide insight on government influences and the types of communities that form.

By examining the demographics of the Indian immigrants in each city, specifically looking at age, education, and occupation, it is possible to form a profile and connect it to the larger issues a country is facing, as well as the larger context of the trends of immigration in a changing society. Furthermore, a more coherent profile highlights the amount of economic integration the communities in each city have. Social integration and prospects for assimilation are discussed in the next section; however, a closer look at the types of occupations immigrants reveal that their ages, education, and occupations play a role in economic integration and the types of communities being formed.

Individuals such as Venod Khosla in Silicon Valley, Micky Jagtiani in Dubai, and

Sameer Sain in Singapore show the aspiring communities in each area and their contributions to their host societies. Moreover, the experiences of each of these people show the influence of globalization and capital movement. Although every individual is an Indian national, and in some cases, citizens of the US or Singapore, they have studied and worked in several countries, forming completely unique communities that challenge the traditional understandings of a diaspora community. They reside in different cities around the world, but they are all members of a global community of migrants that are united through their age, education background, and occupations despite their diverse experiences. Peng 22

The impact of policies which seek to attract educated high-skilled immigrants in the US with an increasing group of immigrants that are educated, of prime working age, and ready to fill jobs in sectors that are of high demand in the United States. In 2000, foreign-borns in general made up 17% of the workforce in the US with BA’s in science in engineering. Within that group, 29% of the immigrants had master’s degrees, and 29% had doctoral degrees.53 More specifically, 30% of foreign-born computer specialists were from South Asia,54 showing that they make up a significant portion of the most highly educated and qualified foreign born.

With Silicon Valley as an attractive hub because of its technology industry and reputation for high innovation and entrepreneurship, it is expected that many of the professions that Indian immigrants hold or start are in the engineering and technology industry. Companies in California have the most immigrant founded companies, but the two most prominent industries for Indians in California as a whole are innovation and manufacturing services and software. Of all firms started by Indians, making up 90% of all firms started by Indians, 90% are in those two industries, showing that Indian nationals are avid entrepreneurs and play a big role in start-ups. From 1995-2005, Indians were key founders of 15.5% of start-ups in Silicon

Valley.55 A number of prominent Indians are all in software – including Suhas Patil, founder of

Cirrus Logic, Prabhu Goel, founder of Gateway Design, and Kanwal Rekhi, who founded and rain Excelan. This may be because of Silicon Valley’s start-up and entrepreneurial culture, as well as the reputation for having businesses that “generate substantial wealth in the United

States.”56

53 Neeraj Kaushal. “The Contributions of High-Skilled Immigrants.” (2006) 6. 54 Ibid. 55 Wadhwa, Vivek et. al. “America’s New Immigrant Entrepreneurs.” 31. 56 AnnaLee Saxenian. “Local and Global Networks of Immigrant Professionals in Silicon Valley.” Public Policy Institute of California. (2002). 32. Peng 23

The Indian immigrants stand out from nationals and other immigrant groups, forming a new group of business elites in the US because of their education and wealth, allowing them to hold better positions and resist discrimination. Many of the immigrants migrating to the Silicon

Valley area hold at least a Bachelor’s Degree. While Indian immigrants in the US already have higher rates of education, this trend is even more prominent in Silicon Valley - 32% of Indians in Silicon Valley had advanced degrees, compared to 11% of whites in Silicon Valley.

Moreover, in the technology industry, 55% of Indians have graduate degrees.57 Among native- born Americans, only 27% of those in Silicon Valley hold a Bachelor’s degree, while a staggering 73% of Indian nationals hold a Bachelor’s Degree. As of the census in 2000, 80% of

Indians over the age of 25 had tertiary education compared to 45% of Jamaicans and 14% of

Mexicans.58 They now make up 10% of millionaires in the US, but even those that are not millionaires, the average earnings of Indian migrants is over $60,000 per year, and the median salary is $50,000.59 Moreover, according to Desai, the migrants are of “prime working age,” since 83% of Indian migrants were below the age of 34, and the median age was 23, which has important economic implications to accommodate for demographic shifts in age.60

Aditya Sahay exemplifies a young Indian entrepreneur who became successful as co- founder of several start-ups in Silicon Valley including Clipweave and Radbox61. He represents migration in the age of globalization, as he did not just move from India to Silicon Valley, but now travels between Silicon Valley and New Delhi. After being educated in India with a degree in civil engineering, he came to the US and co-founded several start-ups in Silicon Valley.

57 Wadhwa, Vivek et. al. “America’s New Immigrant Entrepreneurs.” 6. 58 M. A Desai. The fiscal impact of high skilled emigration: flows of Indians to the US (Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University) (2003). 59 Sabeen Sandhu. Asian Indian Professionals: The Culture of Success. 8 60 M. A. Desai, Kapur, D., & McHale, J. Sharing the spoils: taxing international human capital flows. International Tax and Public Finance, 11(5). (2004). 7. 61 Aditya Sahay. (n.d.) LinkedIn [Profile page]. Retrieved March 11, 2011. Peng 24

After co-founding several start-ups, he moved back to India, where he is now based, where he still plays a major role in the companies he was involved in62. Sahay embodies migration in the age of globalization – by using his education and Silicon Valley’s entrepreneurial environment, he is part of the brain circulation phenomenon.

This globalization of entrepreneurs reveals another aspect of maintaining ties with the homeland in a diaspora community.63 With the help of increased communication and technology, entrepreneurs bring their businesses back home, simultaneously maintaining ties and opening up other markets to the business community in California. Although data on the exact origins of the Indian in Silicon Valley were not available, the areas that they are starting and maintaining businesses may indicate at least where connections with future migrants are formed, if not actually indicating where the migrants are from originally. The top five areas where businesses are concentrated are Bangalore, Bombay, Chennai, Hyderabad, and Pune.64

Bringing businesses “back home” has increased 1990 and is especially common for Indians involved in start-ups, 80% of whom travel back to India at least five times per year for business.65 These types of connections alter traditional views of Diaspora communities by allowing migrants to maintain a much more direct connection with the “homeland,” emphasizing the effects of globalization on migration.

The effects of globalization and migration in Dubai are especially prominent since it is impossible for non-citizens to stay in the UAE for more than three years. Specific industries and employment opportunities draw Indian nationals to Dubai, and although they cannot form deeply established communities, it is still possible to observe some general characteristics about

62 "Radbox: "About Us"" Radbox. Radbox Inc, (2012). Web. 63 William Safran. "Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return." 83. 64 Ibid, 47. 65 Saxenian, AnnaLee. (2002). “Local and Global Networks of Immigrant Professionals in Silicon Valley.” 44. Peng 25 the types of people going to Dubai. An overall trend is that immigrants to Dubai are economically driven more than anything else since they will move on to other places; namely,

Australia, the UK, or the US. However, Dubai is still home to some of the most elite Indians, despite having a much more stratified community. Unlike Indians in Silicon Valley, who are mostly highly educated, middle or upper class, and highly skilled, Indians in Dubai are much more socio-economically diverse. Much of the media attention is focused on low skilled workers and illegal Indian immigrants. Although there are no national studies of employment and educational attainment by nationality available in Dubai, estimates show that the largest group of emigrants from India to Dubai are from Kerala. The proportion of emigrants from

Kerala living in Dubai has increased from 31% to 41.9% from 1998 to 2008.66 In contrast, wealthy elites that hold the top managerial positions are from the Sindhi and Punjab region.

There are many lower class, unskilled laborers in Dubai on temporary contracts, mostly hailing from Kerala and Malabar, as well as middle-class and upper class elites.67 However, with a larger emphasis on the diversification of the economy in Dubai, there are more Indians in managerial positions, senior executives, while those that are middle class are mainly in the advertising, aviation, IT, education, HR, and administration sectors.68 Together, they make up

35% of the Indian expat community in Dubai – but only 15% are professionals and businessmen.

Many studies that are focused on Indian migrants in Dubai are centered on the lower class laborers and the health violations, but it is evident that there is a thriving expatriate community made up of millionaires. The richest Indian man in Dubai is Feroz Allana, owner of

66 Rajan S. Irudaya and K.C. Zachariah. “Kerala Emigrants in the Gulf,” MEI.edu. Middle East Viewpoints. 22 67 Neha Vora. “Producing Diasporas and Globalization: Indian Middle-Class Migrants in Dubai.” 378. 68 Ibid. Peng 26

IFFCO International, a business house that manufactures and markets mass-market consumer products.69 Last year the richest man was Micky Jagtiani, who is the owner of Jagtiana

Landmark Group, a prominent retail empire in Dubai. He started Landmark Group in 1973 in

Bahrain, and has now expanded all over the Gulf, North Africa, India, and Pakistan.70 While information on each individual is scarce, they and other members of Dubai’s wealthiest Indians are credited for their business ethics as self-made men. They have taken advantage of Dubai’s entrepreneurial opportunities, combining the “Indian community’s entrepreneurial spirit” and the “opportunities afforded them by the region that they have chosen home.”71 This is similar to

Indian success in Silicon Valley, but the differences in types of entrepreneurship are evident with Dubai’s focus on manufacturing rather than technology or engineering services.

Finally, the majority of skilled foreign laborers in Singapore are supervisors, managers, or professionals that were meant to overcome Singapore’s “limited pool of local talent.”72

Compared to the wealthy elites of Dubai in production and manufacturing or those in Silicon

Valley involved in tech start-ups, Indian nationals in Singapore are more focused in the financial sector. Complimentary to the government’s active role in Singapore’s development is their emphasis on financial and other high tech services rather than trade in an effort to establish

Singapore as “Southeast Asia’s financial and high-tech hub.”73

The long history of colonialism in Singapore means that the majority of Indians in

Singapore today are descendants of those who arrived during the colonial period. The newest immigrants to Singapore are skilled professionals who started arriving in 1990, after strict

69 “IFFCO International – UAE.” Iffco.com. IFFCO. (2014). 70 Zaher Bitar. “'Dubai never let me down' — Landmark Group chairman Micky Jagtiani,” gulfnews.com. Al Nisr Publishing. (November 28, 2013). 71 “Feroz Allana tops 2014 Indian Rich List.” Arabianbusiness.com. Arabian Business Publishing Ltd. 16 February 2014. 72 “Rapid Growth in Singapore’s Immigrant Population Brings Policy Challenges” 73 “Country Brief: Singapore.” Moia.gov.in. The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs. (2014). 2. Peng 27 restrictions on immigration were lifted.74 The newer generation of Indian migrants has a drastically different profile than those from earlier generations – they are wealthier, more educated, more involved in Singaporean politics, and younger. This could be because of the immigration laws that are targeted towards attracting entrepreneurs and students.

The most current data on the demographic breakdown of Indians in Singapore is from

2002, during which 64% of the Indians in Singapore were from Tamil, followed by Punjabis and Malyalis, then Sindhis.75 Data on immigrants’ education is skewed by the lower classes’ more established community; however, records show that 8% of Singaporean Indian citizens have a college degree.76 The data also show that the median income $24,000, but it may also be skewed by those that are not highly skilled. It is important to note that nearly a quarter of the

Indians in Singapore are non-citizens. Instead, they are permanent residents who are mainly in in the financial service industry as computer engineers, or in construction and domestic services. With the influx of more recent immigrants, the proportion of professional and managerial workers has double from 22% to 43%, reflecting the government’s emphasis on high-skilled labor and broader global trends of high-skilled immigration.77

Indian-born from the newer generation of immigrants are increasingly prominent in areas such as politics, technology, and finance – from former president Sellapan Ramnathan, to

J.Y. Pillay, who built Singapore Airlines into a world renowned airline. Another example is

Gunit Chadha, a co-CEO of the Asia Pacific in the Deutsche Bank. He is an immigrant to

Singapore credited with building an investment banking franchise in India. 78 These figures

74 Ibid, 4. 75 “Southeast Asia.” Report of the High-Level Committee on the Indian Diaspora. Indiandiaspora.nic.in. (2000). 264. 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid. 78 “Executive Profile: Gunit Chadha.” Investing.businessweek.com. Bloomburg Businessweek. (2013). Peng 28 represent diverse and successful cases of members of the Indian diaspora in Singapore and their roles in Singaporean society. The changing profile is also reflected in a decreasing percentage of Indians in clerical, production, and labor jobs. The most obvious change is a decrease of those in cleaning and labor jobs from 15.2% to 8.0% between 1990 and 2000, but there was also a decrease from 24.1% to 15.0% of those in production jobs.79 The combined data of the older generation of Indian migrants and the newer high-skilled migrants is misleading, but it is apparent that these high-skilled migrants are rapidly changing the profile of the overall Indian population in Singapore.

Community Life

As each city becomes a larger hub, communities are created and constantly shifting as migrants integrate into society, and in turn, become networks for future immigrants.

Globalization plays a crucial role in this type of community building as it allow immigrants to integrate and become accommodate with the host society’s business culture, but it also is necessary for maintaining ties to India. The increasing numbers of immigrants increases the likelihood of more cohesive Indian communities in the “host” society through informal and formal structures. As part of a changing Diaspora community, Indians around the globe

“provide important links and contact points between home and host societies by building transnational networks which transact not only emotional and familial bonds, but also cultural, social and economic interests.”80

By maintaining ties, they “preserve and develop among themselves and with the society of origin…multiple exchange relations, organized through networks.”81 Moreover, they are

79 “Country Brief: Singapore.” 5. 80 “Annual Report 2012-2013” Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs. Government of India. 5. 81 Michel Bruneau. “Diaspora and Transnationalism: concepts, theories and methods.” 36. Peng 29 able to “retain a rather strong identity awareness,” which “implies the existence of a strong sense of community and community life.”82 In this way, organizations that exist in these communities play dual roles. The existence of a community life is evident in the communities studied, but the identities they form indicate a new identity – a merge of Indian culture and an adaptation to the culture they have migrated to. This is seen especially with the professional organizations that act as links between the home and host culture.

One of the most common ways to become involved in communities is by creating formal institutions such as professional or cultural organizations. Groups help create common identities and self-confidence by providing a means to connect the home and new societies.

They also facilitate integration by allowing “networking and information exchange” so that newcomers adapt to each country’s business practices and culture.83 Even in the diversity among Indians in each organization, they are united in that they share the same business culture, and often have similar educational backgrounds. In all three areas, there are a plethora of professional and cultural organizations, from the Silicon Valley Indian Professional Association to the India Social and Cultural Center in Dubai.8485

In Silicon Valley, organizations are integral for immigrants to integrate and have a sense of belonging. Because of the large business culture, different types of social networks can mean economic success and greater integration.86 The first main organization available for Indian migrants was the Silicon Valley Indian Professional Association. It was founded in 1987 with the intention of providing a place where professionals could share concerns and overcome the

82 Ibid. 83 AnnaLee Saxenian. (2002). “Local and Global Networks of Immigrant Professionals in Silicon Valley.” Vii. (2002). 84 "Welcome to SIPA." SIPA.org. Silicon Valley Indian Professionals Organization, (2014). 85 "The Club." Iscabudhabi.com. India Social and Cultural Center, (2014). 86 Sabeen Sandhu. Asian Indian Professionals: The Culture of Success. 79. Peng 30 limits on opportunities for professional advancement - their solution was to start their own businesses.87 It has since expanded to focus on individual professional advancement and to fill the gap between the US and India. It is the oldest organization for Indians in Silicon Valley, but it is a newer organization compared to organizations in Dubai or Singapore, reflecting the relatively new community of Indian nationals. Its main goals are the professional and technical advancement for expatriate Indians, as well as cooperation between the United States and India, combining immigrant culture with high-tech practices.88

In a study on immigration professionals in Silicon Valley, organizations such as these were especially important and influential in the larger context of globalization because they helped build ties between Silicon Valley and India. They allow entrepreneurs to maintain close ties with their homeland since they can advise companies and invest in more start-ups. Since

SVIPA was founded, it has become another point of contact for businesses still in India. It also acts as a link between India and the US by providing a network for those that are still in India but would like to emigrate to the US, using socializing networks and professional contacts to connect the two countries. A separate professional organization, the Indus Entrepreneur, was founded with the intent of “creating a forum for networking among themselves, as well as for assisting younger South Asians to start their own business.”89 This professional organization is aimed specifically to “foster entrepreneurship” and is dedicated towards “wealth creation.”90 In just over thirty years, the organization has expanded to have 60 chapters in 17 countries. This rapid expansion not only reflects the growing prominence of skilled Indian entrepreneurs, but also efforts to create a global network of communities with a common goal.

87 AnnaLee Saxenian. “Local and Global Networks of Immigrant Professionals in Silicon Valley.” 42. 88 Wadhwa, Vivek et. al. (2007). “America’s New Immigrant Entrepreneurs.” 89 AnnaLee Saxenian. “Local and Global Networks of Immigrant Professionals in Silicon Valley.” 47. 90 "About TiE." Tie.org. The Indus Entrepreneurs, (2014). Web. Peng 31

Among Asian elites in Silicon Valley, integration and assimilation into American society is less of an issue, because their knowledge of English makes it easier to accommodate to life in the US both economically and culturally; therefore, their integration process has much more to do with identity and feelings of belonging.91 Members of the Skilled Speakers

International organization specifically catered to Asian Indian professionals allow members to be exposed to and become accustomed to “philosophy, values, and behaviors associated with

American corporate culture.”92 It allows them to become more mainstream, which benefits them economically by allowing them to find jobs easier. Skilled Speakers International was originally founded in 1924 to provide professional development for the Southern California community through communication and leadership training.93 It has since expanded to a global organization with corporate sponsored clubs, and has two specialized clubs for Asian Indian in

Southern California and Silicon Valley. In Sandhu’s ethnography study, she found that those who felt more assimilated through these organizations experienced less discrimination by accepting an American way of life.94 However, it is important to take into account that the professionals in this case make up a very elite part of American society who distinguish themselves apart from the rest of the Asian Indian society in America. But it is this exact identity that makes them a unique aspect of the Indian diaspora community because they have formed communities and identities in different ways.

The Indian Communicators Skilled Speakers Club in Silicon Valley is also unique in that it has equal female and male membership. While the other organizations seem to be predominantly male, this organization includes women who are in professional occupations –

91 Sabeen Sandhu. Asian Indian Professionals: The Culture of Success. 60. 92 Ibid, 62. 93 Ibid, 16. 94 Ibid, 64. Peng 32 including homemakers, programmers, engineers, educators, medical professionals, television and radio personalities, executives, and entrepreneurs.95 Women benefit equally from the club since they view these skills as vital for success in one’s career and family life, regardless of gender.

Dubai, on the other hand, has more diversity in the types of organizations that exist because it already has a large immigrant population that outnumbers the population of Emiratis,

Indians still make up the largest expat community in the UAE, and are about 30% of the population. Because of this, there are many Indian associations ranging from cultural to professional associations that help foster an Indian community in Dubai.96 Compared to Silicon

Valley and Singapore, there are organizations for varying professions, from India

Pharmaceutical Forum to the India Business Professional Group.97

The first major Indian association in Dubai was the India Social Center, currently with

2,220 members and established in 1967. However, the largest and most prominent Indian association is the India Social and Cultural Center. It is the largest Indian Recreational Club in the Middle East that organizes socio-cultural activities, with the goal of providing “A link to cultural roots and memories of their homeland”98 When it began in the 1960s, it was the only venue for Indians to celebrate festivals, and their role within the Indian community in Dubai has only increased since then. They now have plans to establish a kindergarten for Indian nationals in Dubai, although it seems that they hold mostly sporting events such as badminton tournaments.

95 Ibid, 75. 96 “UAE Indian Community: Overview.” Uaeindian.org. Embassy of India, Abu Dhabi UAE. 97 Ibid. 98 “India Social & Cultural Centre.” (2009). Iscabudhabi.com. India Social and Cultural Centre. Peng 33

Outside of formal institutions and professional organizations, other efforts to form a cohesive and inclusive Indian community in Dubai has involved close partnership with the

UAE’s Ministry of Culture and the Abu Dhabi Authority for Culture and Heritage. They work closely to provide Indian cultural events – most recently with the Indian Film Festival in 2008 and the Indian Paintings Exhibition in 2009. The Indian Embassy also seems to play a bigger role in Dubai than in Singapore or Silicon Valley, as they have an Indian Cultural Center that was set up in 2009. Since then, they have held events with performing arts, seminars, festivals, and exhibitions. Additionally, efforts to increase publicity about Indian popular culture in Dubai were seen when the International Indian Film Academy Awards were held in Dubai in 2006.

The Indian government’s involvement in Dubai shows the active role they play in creating an

Indian culture in Dubai, giving the Indians there a definitive link to India.

However, despite these efforts to form communities and organizations to cultivate and celebrate Indian culture, immigrants in Dubai can never create a permanent home because of

Dubai’s immigration laws. Since they cannot permanently settle nor have access to long-term rights, motives for moving to Dubai are economically driven and feelings of belonging and citizenship take on a different meaning, especially because the government has created an environment suited to accumulate wealth rather than attain citizenship. Although Indians in

Dubai seem to have more cultural events and centers, economic migration and integration by itself produces a different concept of racial identity based on consumer citizenship, an idea introduced by Neha Vora, since the benefits of citizenship are strictly economic. She ties together concepts of diaspora and economic integration because the economy is the “foundation upon which diasporic populations and cultural formations exist,” but since economic integration is not considered central to identity or belonging, a different sense of belonging must be Peng 34 created.99 This could be exactly why the Indian government plays such an active role in creating an Indian society in Dubai – because retaining Indian culture becomes a way to compensate for the impossibility of being able to fully embrace life in Dubai.

The Indian diaspora community in Dubai is often excluded from diaspora studies because of their economic citizenship, which is considered short-term and fleeting, compared to belonging that is based on race and identity. This sense of belonging is achieved by gaining wealth and using consumption is an assertion of a new identity that is purely economically motivated.100 However, Indians in Dubai still fit into aspects of a traditional diaspora community, mainly with their self-identity as Indians and retaining Indian culture, and an alternate form of belonging is only another way in which globalization is changing traditional views of diaspora communities.

Since Singapore has a longer history of Indian immigration, there are already heavy influences of Indian culture in Singaporean society. An entire section of Singapore, Little India, is the center of Indian culture, with roots in the late 1800s as a colony set up by Indians who came to Singapore. As a mecca for Indian culture, it has the highest density of Indian nationals in all of Singapore, and is the location for many festivals throughout the year. The oldest Indian association, the Singapore Indian Association, was set up by elites in 1923 to promote social, physical, intellectual, cultural, and general welfare of citizens. It has since evolved into a sports and recreation club.

Although Indian cultural activities are more deeply established in Singapore than in

Silicon Valley or Dubai simply because of timing, signs of networks and communities cultivated by more recent high-skilled Indian immigrants are more subtle. This could be partly

99 Neha Vora. “Producing Diasporas and Globalization: Indian Middle-Class Migrants in Dubai” 378. 100 Ibid, 390. Peng 35 explained by the Singaporean government’s involvement in nearly every aspect of Singaporean society to effectively plan Singapore’s growth and economy. As a result, there are no privately owned TV or radio channels in Singapore, although there are now nine Hindu channels on the

Singaporean cable TV station Starhub, showing a more public role of Indian culture in mainstream media, especially as Bollywood films have been receiving more endorsements.101

Cultural organizations are the main channels to organize Indian cultural events - the largest of which is the Singapore Fine Arts Society. It was founded in 1949 to teach “classical arts in a non-formal environment.”102 It now has over 1,500 members and has created an

“awareness and understanding of the Indian cultural heritage.” This statement indicates an

Indian identity within Singapore, but one that is conscious of its role in a larger multicultural context, especially as a newer group of migrants become incorporated in the society. It has goals of moving to a “multicultural platform” to redefine its identity. Its cultural events include dance performances, vocal concerts, and musical concerts, and it also launched the first Digital

Musical Library for Indian Classical Music in Singapore. It appears to have a prominent role in the Indian-Singaporean community as cultural association.

However, one of the most prominent professional organizations is the Singapore Indian

Development Organization, which deals with social and economic problems “to build a strong and vibrant Singaporean Indian community.”103 Like other organizations in Silicon Valley,

SINDA seems geared to combining elements of Indian culture with Singaporean society to contribute to Singapore’s multiculturalism. They provide Indians in Singapore with a network of communities, linking Indians to their new societies in Singapore.

101 Seeah Chiang Nee. “Indian immigrant wave offers Singapore hope.” Chinapost.com. The China Post. (July 29 2013). 102 “Brief History.” Sifas.org. Singapore Fine Arts Society. (2012). 103 “About - SINDA.” (2013). SINDA. Peng 36

Conclusion

While all the migrants described in this paper have been grouped under the umbrella term “high-skilled migrants,” a closer analysis of the populations in each city reveal that there are distinct communities of high-skilled Indian migrants. The conditions that each government has created and the presence of an existing Indian community influences the types of communities that form and the types of integration that are possible. Moreover, with globalization, increased communication, and the technology innovation, traditional ideas of

Diaspora communities are challenged as migrants are able to maintain tangible ties with India.

Instead of being alienated by their society, highly-skilled migrants today are leaving India voluntarily, to embrace the entrepreneurship opportunities that other countries provide. They also have the option of returning to India, which many of them do to utilize the skills and resources that have gained abroad. This also establishes a trend of transnationalism, especially when the migrants travel to multiple countries. For instance, it is possible to meet Indian migrants who were born in India, but were educated in the UK, and then have worked in

Singapore, Dubai, and Silicon Valley before finally moving back to India to start their own companies. Migrants like these typically do not stay in each country for more than a few years, suggesting that they do not have a chance to integrate into their host societies. While the implications of constantly needing to adjust to a new society and culture are not explore in this paper, its effects on feelings of self-identity and belonging are further issues to be addressed.

Through analyses of conditions of the three global hubs attracting high-skilled migrants and the professional and cultural organizations that formed, it is evident that globalization has played a crucial role in the way Indians are forming communities in their “host” societies. They Peng 37 serve dual functions, allowing Indians to maintain ties with the Indian homeland while simultaneously creating networks to allow immigrants to integrate. However, while there are efforts to socially, culturally, and economically integrate into American and Singaporean society, Indian migrants in Dubai are much more likely to only integrate economically into

Dubai. Findings also reveal how globalization and increased facilities for transnational communications have been critical in sustaining deep and tangible ties between diaspora and

'homeland India.' Nevertheless, entrepreneurship opportunities seem to be the biggest “pull” factor attracting high-skilled Indian migrants to the three cities.

However, rapidly increasing immigration, even with government support in Singapore’s case, has also increased tensions with nationals. In Singapore, recent rising tensions between foreign workers and Singaporeans culminated in a riot in Little India in December 2013. After a bus ran over an Indian national, people began attacking the bus and emergency response.

There were an estimated 400 rioters, resulting in 27 arrests and 56 deportations of Indian nationals. It was the worst outbreak of violence in over 40 years, and Prime Minister Lee Hsien

Loon called the violence “inexcusable” and plans on reducing the amount of foreign workers in favor of Singaporean nationals.104 Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loon said that immigration must be “sustainable over the long term for our society” and needs to meet Singapore’s economic and demographic needs.105 Despite these tensions, labor is still needed to meet demographic challenges and an aging population.

In Dubai, there has also been a renewed emphasis on hiring Emirati nationals. Recently, there has been an effort to promote Emirati employment in private sectors in high-skilled industries such as financial, technology, and business. New articles from Gulf New suggest this

104 “Riots in Little India Inexcusable: Singapore PM .” Thehindu.co.in. The Hindu. (January 1, 2014). 105 Sumiko Tan. “Policy on Foreigners Must Be Sustainable: PM Lee.” Straittimes.com. Singapore Press Holdings Ltd. Co. (October 29, 2013). Peng 38 trend, as organizations in the private sector “have a social responsibility to reduce unemployment among UAE citizen and support human resources,” which could mean a decrease in high-skilled employment from India in the future.106 However, even with this government response and the rhetoric to suggest a new emphasis on Emirati nationals, foreign workers are still likely to continue immigrating to Dubai because of the large economy in a relatively small city.

Even with these tensions, the large pools of migrants available in India suggest that migration will continue to increase. Structural factors from receiving countries such as demographic shifts and the need to remain economically competitive mean that states are

“likely to loosen the constraints on global migratory flows set by the current restrictive practices of developed countries.”107 The increase in migration also means many things for India, especially as brain drain turns into a process of brain gain. Remittances, investment, and bringing businesses back to India or bringing new businesses also improves India’s economy and has important implications for India’s future. Additional questions raised by this research are the implications of transnationalism on Indian society and Indian culture as migrants move back to India to implement their skills and create ties in India. The next phase of this research would include how India’s culture and internal structure are being changed by the influx of remittance and foreign influences. Additionally, more research on second generation immigrants and familial relationship in the host societies and their experiences with integration would provide more insight about the long-term effects of the conditions each country has created.

106 Jumana Khamis. “Emiratis in Private Sector ‘Must Rise’.” Gulfnews.com. Al Nisr Publishing LLC. (November 11, 2013). 107 M. A Desai., Kapur, D., & McHale, J. “Sharing the spoils: taxing international human capital flows” 685.

Peng 39

Among the communities in Silicon Valley, Dubai, and Singapore, integration and feelings of belonging and self-identification are varied. While efforts to socially, culturally, and economically integrate into American and Singaporean society are evident through the presence of professional and cultural organizations, Dubai is unique in that migrants can only economically integrate, practicing consumer citizenship.

Analyses of these communities indicate that globalization has created opportunities for high-skilled Indian migrants, but also calls for a shift in how we think of Diaspora communities.

Globalization allows for increased transnational flows, and increased technology also is critical in sustaining ties between the host society and “homeland India.” With these connections,

Diaspora no longer means persecution, exile, or the necessity of retaining a myth about the homeland. With these connections, members of the Indian diaspora reflect a merge of Indian culture and their host cultures, and they become examples of the possibility of identification and belonging with wherever they choose to go, creating a notion of global citizenship that is only possible with globalization.

Peng 40

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