Crazy for Wisdom Brill’S Tibetan Studies Library

Crazy for Wisdom Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library

Edited by Henk Blezer Alex McKay Charles Ramble

VOLUME 30

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/btsl Crazy for Wisdom

The Making of a Mad Yogin in Fifteenth-Century Tibet

By Stefan Larsson

Leiden • boston 2012 Cover illustration: A statue of Tsangnyön Heruka from the 16th century. (c) Reproduced with permission, Portraits of the Masters, 2003, Serindia Publications and Oliver Hoare Ltd.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Larsson, Stefan, 1968– Crazy for wisdom : the making of a mad yogin in fifteenth-century Tibet / by Stefan Larsson, University of California, Berkeley. pages cm — (Brill’s Tibetan studies library ; v. 30) Revision of the author’s thesis (doctoral—University of Stockholm, 2009) under the title: Birth of a Heruka : How Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan became gTsang smyon Heruka : A Study of a Mad Yogin. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20393-8 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-23287-7 (e-book) 1. Gtsan-smyon He-ru-ka, 1452-1507. 2. Bka’-brgyud-pa lamas—China—Tibet Region—Biography. I. Title.

BQ960.T757L37 2012 294.3’923092—dc23 [B] 2012021562

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ISSN 1568–6183 ISBN 978 90 04 20393 8 (hardback) ISBN 978 90 04 23287 7 (e-book)

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. Contents

List of Illustrations ...... ix Preface ...... xi Acknowledgements ...... xv Abbreviations ...... xix

Part One Introduction and Sources

1 introduction ...... 3 Milarepa Meets Padampa Sangyé ...... 3 Why Mad? ...... 4 Who is Mad? ...... 6 The Mad Yogins of Tibet ...... 10 Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Tibet and the Mad Yogins .... 22

2 Sources ...... 31 Life Stories and Songs ...... 31 Life Stories ...... 31 Songs ...... 38 The Biographies of Tsangnyön ...... 40 The Earliest Biography and the Songs of Tsangnyön ...... 42 Lion of Faith ...... 44 Heart of the Sun ...... 47 Making the Body-Hairs of the Faithful Flutter ...... 49 The Brief Life Stories ...... 51

Part Two Tsangnyön Heruka

3 Birth and Childhood ...... 55 Prophecies ...... 55 Previous Incarnations ...... 57 vi contents

The Birth ...... 60 Before Birth ...... 62 Birth ...... 65 Childhood ...... 67

4 The Exceptional Monk ...... 73 Ordination ...... 73 Meeting His Main Teacher ...... 80 Tantric Instructions and Practice ...... 83 The Aural Transmission ...... 83 Instructions and Practice ...... 90 The Young Monk Seems to be Mad ...... 94 Sharawa’s Final Instructions ...... 94 Tsari ...... 96 Tantric Studies in Palkhor Chödé Monastery ...... 97

5 The Birth of a Heruka ...... 105 Leaving the Monastery ...... 106 Embarking on the Path of a Wandering Yogin ...... 108 Patronage and Madness ...... 114 Meditation Practice ...... 120 The Heruka is Born ...... 126

6 The Mad Yogin ...... 133 Madman of Tsang ...... 133 Action ...... 135 Miraculous Powers ...... 137 The Meeting with Gyalwang Chöjé ...... 140 Establishing Connections with Powerful Leaders ...... 141 A Mad Yogin under Attack ...... 142 Traveling On ...... 144 Lhasa ...... 145 The Meeting with Tangtong Gyalpo ...... 149 Encountering the Dead ...... 151 Chuwar and Nepal ...... 153 Back in Tibet ...... 156

7 A Mad Yogin Turns the Wheel of Dharma ...... 159 Tsangnyön Begins to Compose Texts and Songs ...... 159 Political Involvement ...... 162 contents vii

Traveling to Lo, Tisé, Gungtang, and Tsa ...... 165 A Mad Yogin Called into Question ...... 167 Composing the Life and Songs of Milarepa ...... 171 Wanderings and Retreats ...... 172 The Renovation of Svayambhū Stūpa ...... 178 The Last Tour ...... 182 Final Nirvana ...... 184

8 Tsangnyön Heruka and Tantric Buddhism ...... 189 Precursors and Parallels to Tantric Buddhism ...... 191 Buddhist Lifestyles ...... 194 Mahāyāna Buddhism ...... 196 Tantric Practice ...... 198 The Heruka ...... 205 The Siddha ...... 206 Madness as a Practice in Tantric Buddhism ...... 210 Caryā ...... 212 Vratacaryā ...... 213 Tibetan Explanations of Disciplined Conduct ...... 216 Tsangnyön’s Opinion of Disciplined Conduct ...... 224

Part Three The School of Tsangnyön Heruka

9 Tsangnyön’s Own Works ...... 229 The School of Tsangnyön ...... 229 The Life and Songs of Milarepa ...... 231 The Life of Marpa ...... 242 The Aural Transmission Compilation ...... 243 Miscellaneous Works ...... 250

10 Some Key Figures and Texts ...... 255 The Life and Works of Götsangrepa ...... 255 The Life and Works of Lhatsün ...... 262 The Life and Works of Ngödrub Pembar ...... 269 The Life of Sönam Lodrö ...... 270 The Life of Sharawa ...... 271 viii contents

Conclusions ...... 277 Epilogue ...... 289

Glossary ...... 305 Tibetan Spelling Key ...... 309 Appendix 1 Tentative Chronology of the Life of Tsangnyön ...... 321 Appendix 2 A Summary of the Life of Tsangnyön Heruka ...... 324 Bibliography ...... 327 Index ...... 343 List of Illustrations

Figures

1. Kharkha, the birthplace of Tsangnyön Heruka, north of Gyantsé (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 61 2. Tsangnyön’s younger brother, Könchok Gyaltsen (block-print illustration from the Collected Songs of Tsangnyön Heruka) .... 64 3. Milarepa, Marpa, and Rechung (right), the first three lineage lamas of the Aural Transmission of Rechung (block-print illustration from the Life and Songs of Lhatsün) ...... 90 4. Palkhor Chödé, the monastic complex of Gyantsé where Tsangnyön spent about three years as a young monk, before becoming a wandering yogin (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 98 5. Gurpa Dratsang, the monastic department of Palkhor Chödé, where Tsangnyön studied the tantras while he was a monk (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 100 6. The famous Kumbum or Tashi Gomang Stūpa of Palkhor Chödé in Gyantsé (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 103 7. Hevajra, Tsangnyön’s chosen deity, Gongkar Chödé (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 130 8. The Four-Armed Mahākāla, the main protector of the aural transmission (block-print illustration from Heart of the Sun) .... 136 9. Bötang Gönpo Mahākāla statue in Kathmandu (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 156 10. Tsangnyön’s female companion, Küntu Zangmo (block-print illustration from the Collected Songs of Tsangnyön Heruka) ..... 173 11. The Svayambhū Stūpa in Kathmandu, Nepal. The photo was taken in 2010 during the final stages of the latest renovation (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 181 12. Rechung Puk 2006 (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 186 13. A statue of Tsangnyön Heruka from the sixteenth century. Copper alloy with applications of silver and polychrony, height 20 cm. Inscription: Mkhas grub gtsang smyon sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan la na mo, “Homage to the scholar-adept Tsangnyön Sangyé Gyaltsen.” (c) Reproduced with permission, Portraits of the Masters, Dinwiddie (ed.), 2003, Serindia Publications and Oliver Hoare Ltd...... 190 x list of illustrations

14 nāropa, Indian siddha and lineage holder of the Kagyü tradition, Kumbum Stūpa, Gyantsé (photo: Stefan Larsson) .... 208 15. Tsangnyön (block-print illustration from Lion of Faith) ...... 215 16. A statue of Tsangnyön Heruka from the seventeenth century. Copper alloy with gilding, height 16,5 cm. Inscription: Rtsang ba snyon pa [gtsang pa smyon pa] la na mo, “Homage to the Madman of Tsang.” (c) Reproduced with permission, Portraits of the Masters, Dinwiddie (ed.), 2003, Serindia Publications and Oliver Hoare Ltd...... 225 17. Tsangnyön’s great source of inspiration, Milarepa, Kumbum Stūpa, Gyantsé (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 233 18. Marpa, Milarepa and Rechungpa, the first three Tibetan lineage lamas of the Aural Transmission of Rechung, Rechung Puk (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 244 19. Götsangrepa, one of Tsangnyön’s main disciples (block-print illustration from Heart of the Sun) ...... 257 20. Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal, one of Tsangnyön’s main disciples (block-print illustration from Life and Songs of Lhatsün) ...... 263 21. Tsangnyön’s main teacher, Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé (block-print illustration from Sharawa’s biography) ...... 272 22. A recently made statue of Tsangnyön Heruka, Rechung Puk (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 289 23. The well in Tagtsé from which Tsangnyön is believed to have revealed a ritual dagger (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 297 24. The entrance to the cave in Yu Ganden Chöling (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 299 25. The ruins of the monastery of Rechung Puk, where Tsangnyön’s lineage was upheld until recently (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 300 26. Tsangnyön Heruka’s shoe, kept in a small village near his birthplace in Kharkha (photo: Stefan Larsson) ...... 302

Map

1. Places and districts that were of importance to Tsangnyön ..... 54 Preface

According to his life stories Tsangnyön Heruka (1452–1507) was known neither as the Madman of Tsang (Tsangnyön) nor as Heruka until his early twenties. Before that he had other names, the most common being the name he received when he was ordained, Sangyé Gyaltsen.1 The main aim of the present study is to describe how Sangyé Gyaltsen was transformed into a mad yogin, and to investigate and depict his subsequent activities as a mad yogin. Since the focus is on how Tsangnyön became a mad yogin and how he practiced ‘disciplined conduct,’ his first thirty years are emphasized. His last twenty-five years are not entirely neglected, however, although I restrict myself to summarizing this period. The central sources of this study are life stories of Tsangnyön in Tibetan, many of which have not previously been studied in the West or translated into English or any other language. My contribution to Tibetan, Buddhist, and religious studies is to present, analyze, and contextualize this unique body of material. I have chosen to focus on the religious and Buddhist contexts and particularly on the tantric Buddhist context. Besides this I have attempted to situate the mad yogin historically and geographically. Although it would be possible to investigate how the ‘madness’ of Tsang- nyön relates to indigenous medical ideas about madness, or to stipulate psychological reasons behind his unusual behavior, I have refrained from using pathological and psychological models when analyzing and concep- tualizing the biographical material. Tsangnyön’s contemporaries did not view him and the other famous Tibetan mad yogins as being pathologically mad, and religious, mainly Buddhist, explanations of their ‘madness’ seem most apt and useful when trying to understand them. It was likely not a mere coincidence that the famous mad yogins all lived during the same period of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and I have made an effort to place Tsangnyön in his historical context. The first chapter includes a brief overview of the time when Tsangnyön and his biographers lived, while the later chapters dealing with Tsangnyön’s life identify and present some of the historical figures that he encountered in his wanderings. However, these attempts at situating Tsangnyön

1 For the sake of convenience, I have used his sobriquet—Tsangnyön—throughout this book, when referring to all periods of his life. xii preface historically could be carried out much more exhaustively than I have been able to do in this book. Very few Western studies have covered this particular period of Tibetan history, and a historically oriented study would require extensive study of a large number of Tibetan texts, as well as a detailed examination of the latter part of Tsangnyön’s life, during which his actions were of more historical significance. This book consists of ten chapters and is divided into three parts. Part One provides an introduction to the study and its sources, including an overview of the mad yogins of Tibet and the historical period in which they lived; a general discussion of the genre to which the major sources belong; and a description of the sources upon which this study is based. Part Two, the central section of the book, focuses upon Tsangnyön with special emphasis on how he became a mad yogin and his subsequent activities as a mad yogin. His life as presented by his disciples in their biographies is explored in this part, which is divided into six chapters. The last of these (chapter 8) explores the claims of Tsangnyön and his disciples that the master’s shocking and transgressive ways of practicing Buddhism were in fact rooted in and justified by authoritative Buddhist scripture, specifically the highest yoga tantras. Part Three provides a wider perspective by outlining the literature and tradition associated with Tsangnyön and his disciples. This part includes an overview of Tsangnyön’s own literary works, and a discussion of works about and by his main disciples, as well as a description of a few other people directly associated with him. The study ends with some conclusions and an epilogue. The latter explores what happened to Tsangnyön’s tradition after he and his disciples passed away. This book is a revised version of my doctoral dissertation in the His- tory of Religions, “The Birth of a Heruka: How Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan became gTsang smyon Heruka: A Study of a Mad Yogin” (Stockholm Uni- versity 2009). Although the basic content is similar, several errors have been corrected, the bibliography and footnotes have been updated, some sections of text have been added, and other sections have been changed or removed. The first chapter has been rewritten and the epilogue added, for example. Most of the quotations have been retranslated. I have also made some new discoveries—the most important being a biography of Tsangnyön’s biographer Ngödrub Pembar—which have enabled me to improve this revised version in meaningful ways. Several relevant new studies and translations that were published after the completion of the dissertation have also been incorporated into the book. preface xiii

Some of the changes made in this revised version are intended to make the book more accessible to non-specialists. Here, for example, I have rendered all Tibetan proper names phonetically and not in Wylie transliteration, so that readers who do not know Tibetan may more easily pronounce and remember them. Rendering Tibetan phonetically is somewhat problematic, since pronunciation varies widely in different areas where Tibetan is spoken. There is also no consensus among scholars about how to render Tibetan phonetically. Although I have attempted to be consistent and logical, certain irregularities are unavoidable. For those who need to know how a word is spelled, a Tibetan spelling key is provided at the end of the book. I have also added a glossary which includes some of the more specific and/or technical terms and their Tibetan (and occasionally Sanskrit) parallels. Large sections of Wylie Tibetan have also been removed from the footnotes and appendices. Many of the rare texts that were difficult to obtain when I wrote my dissertation are quite accessible today, thanks to the efforts of the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center (TBRC), the Nepal- German Manuscript Preservation Project (NGMPP), and others. These sections are therefore no longer necessary. I retained Wylie in the footnotes only when I have considered it to be of particular importance, or when the text is still difficult to find or hard to read. Throughout the book when I have included key Tibetan words and concepts in the text and especially in parentheses, I have rendered the Tibetan in Wylie. Tibetan authors and Tibetan titles are also written in Wylie in the bibliography, and in the footnotes when referring to these titles or their authors.

Acknowledgements

Original Acknowledgements

Many people contributed in a great variety of ways to the completion of this study.1 Some provided it with inspiration, heart, and soul; others gave more concrete help, such as checking my translations, pointing out shortcomings, or giving me specific advice that directly affected the dissertation.2 Still others gave me the financial and practical support that enabled me to continue both research and writing until the dissertation was complete. The inspiration, heart, and soul of this study mainly came from Lama Ngawang, an old Tibetan lama who lived in Sweden.3 If I had not met this humorous, enigmatic, wise and compassionate person more than twenty- five years ago I would never have written this dissertation. Lama Ngawang enjoyed telling stories about Drukpa Künlé and Akhu Tönpa, and he often watched videos and dvds about the mad Chinese monk Jigong. Lama Ngawang introduced me to the mad yogins of Tibet, and his own unpredictable and spontaneous behavior gave me a vague hint of what the ‘disciplined conduct’ of Tsangnyön might have been like. When it comes to the more concrete activity of writing the dissertation I would first of all like to acknowledge my supervisor, Per-Arne Berglie, who patiently guided me along the way. Without his knowledge, support, and assistance I would never have managed to complete this study. My assistant supervisor, Erik af Edholm, also provided me with invaluable help and guidance. His great learning and kind advice were especially crucial when revising chapter 8. Countless thanks are due to Kurtis R. Schaeffer, who has helped me more than I can possibly thank him for. During the semester I spent as a visiting scholar at the University of Virginia he gave me much important

1 Most of these acknowledgements appeared in my doctoral dissertation and have remained basically unchanged. I have added new acknowledgements for this revised version below. 2 Although the dissertation has been revised and changed to read more like a book, I have chosen to let the term dissertation remain in these acknowledgements. However, in the rest of the text I use the terms ‘book’ or ‘study’ when referring to it. 3 Lama Ngawang sadly passed away on April 9, 2011. xvi acknowledgements advice and substantial help, providing me with Tibetan texts, unpublished articles, translation help, and so forth. Moreover, he kindly agreed to be an external reader of my dissertation, and his advice was absolutely crucial in finalizing the text. When it comes to the arduous task of reading and translating Tibetan texts I would first of all like to give my warmest and sincerest thanks to Kelsang Damchö, a Tibetan from Amdo who thanks to lucky coincidence happened to come to Sweden shortly before I started my research. With Kelsang’s help I translated the life stories that are the main sources of the dissertation. I also spent a week in Budapest studying the life stories together with Khenpo Acharya Chögyal Tenzin. While I was in Virginia, the Tibetan scholar Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé checked translations that are crucial for this dissertation, and Khenpo Tsering Samdrub gave me some translation help when he visited Sweden in 2004. I also benefited from reading some sections of the life stories with Lama Tsultrim Rinpoche, who moved to Sweden during the course of my studies. Many thanks are due to Alexandru Anton-Luca, Franz-Karl Ehrhard, and E. Gene Smith, who helped me to obtain some of the rare texts that constitute the main sources of the dissertation. Professor Ehrhard also sent me several of his articles before their publication. The Italian scholars Marta Sernesi and Michela Clemente, who both work with material related to Tsangnyön, generously shared their articles and learning with me. They also sent me their dissertations for which I am grateful. Many thanks are also due to Peter Alan Roberts for sending me his dissertation on Rechungpa before it was published, to Christian K. Wedemeyer for sending me a chapter of his book before it was published, and to Kristin Blancke for sending me her unpublished article on Tsangnyön. Mats Lindberg, Marta Sernesi, and Andrew Quintman read some sections of my dissertation and gave valuable suggestions that helped to improve them. Their comments also provided me with important general insights into Tsangnyön and his tradition. Karl Meinke read through large parts of the dissertation and helped me to improve the English. The final English proofreading was done by Everett Thiele. I would also like to take this opportunity to give warm thanks to the faculty, staff, and members of the higher seminar at the Department of History of Religions at Stockholm University. Extra thanks are due to Niklas Foxeus and Marja-Liisa Keinänen for providing me with important advice at the final stages of writing the dissertation; and to Urban Ham- mar and Pavel Volf for help at an earlier stage of the work. And I cannot acknowledgements xvii forget Hedvig Egerö and Rostam Zandi, who helped me with the map— thanks. The Swedish Foundation for International Cooperation in Research and Higher Education (STINT) gave me a generous scholarship that enabled me to spend one semester at the University of Virginia (Spring Semes- ter 2007). I benefited greatly from this stay, and I would like to take the opportunity to express my gratitude to the teachers, staff, faculty, librar- ians, and graduate students whom I met there. Besides the help that I received from Kurtis Schaeffer and Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé, which I have already mentioned, I would also like to express many heartfelt thanks to David Germano for his inspiring Tibetan classes and Tibetan Renaissance Seminars. A trip to Tibet in May 2006 was made possible due to a generous grant from Margot and Rune Johansson’s Foundation I also received three other liberal grants from this foundation for which I am grateful. During my three weeks in Tibet I received information and took photos that have been incorporated into the dissertation. Seeing some of the places that I have read so much about brought the dissertation to life. To the many helpful Tibetans in Tibet I would like to give my heartfelt thanks. I also received a grant from Knut and Alice Wallenberg’s Foundation that enabled me to visit the 11th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies conference in Bonn in 2006. I have saved for last those most deserving my gratitude. Without the support, patience, and love that I have received from my family over the years I would never have finished this project. During my time as a PhD candidate I traveled to several countries and was often far away, sometimes bodily and often in thoughts. Despite this I have always felt closeness, love, and support from my wife, Maria Kristensson; from my two sons, Joel and Love; from my sister Lena Engen; and from my mother and father, Birgitta and Lennart Larsson. My parents supported me both finan- cially (when I was in Tibet and Virginia) and practically (e.g. babysitting), and my wife took sole responsibility for our sons while I was in Tibet and Virginia. It amazes me to think about how lucky I have been to have met all these people who have generously assisted me and shared their knowledge. If this work contains any merits it is because of their kind assistance and contributions. Needless to say, the shortcomings are entirely mine. Finally, I would like to offer my apologies to anyone whom I have forgotten to mention. xviii acknowledgements

Acknowledgements to the Revised Version

I would like to express my gratitude to those who pointed out mistakes in my doctoral thesis, as well as those who provided me with constructive advice, texts, and other material which enabled me to improve this revised version: José Cabezón, Michela Clemente, Olaf Czaja, Jacob Dalton, David DiValerio, Cécile Ducher, Eric Forgeng, Franz-Karl Ehrhard, Hanna Havnevik, Dan Martin, Changling Rinpoche, Jann Ronis, Khenpo Choying Dorjee, Khenpo Shedup, Khenpo Yeshi, Marta Sernesi, Per K. Sørensen, Cyrus Stearns, Kristian K. Wedemeyer, and others. I am especially grateful to Per K. Sørensen for his many important suggestions on how to revise the text. I completed this book when I was a postdoctoral fellow at the Center for Buddhist Studies, University of California, Berkeley. My two years in Berkeley were made possible thanks to a generous postdoctoral fellowship from the Swedish Research Council (Vetenskapsrådet). Many thanks are due to Jacob Dalton, Jann Ronis, Alexander von Rospatt, Robert Sharf, and everyone else at the Center and Group for Buddhist Studies at UC Berkeley. I deeply appreciate their kind support, important advice, and last but not least, the inspiration they have given me. Jacob Dalton deserves special thanks for providing me with much important advice and translation help in the process of turning my dissertation into a book. Thanks to him I was able to improve many of the translations which constitute the basis for this book, and this naturally strengthened the book as a whole. I would also like to acknowledge the grants that I received from Mar- got and Rune Johansson’s Foundation and from Ax:son Johnsson’s Foun- dation, respectively. These grants enabled me to visit Nepal and also to attend conferences in Finland and Canada. The people I met and the materials I gathered during these trips enabled me to make significant improvements in the book. An additional grant from Margot and Rune Johansson’s Foundation allowed me to have the entire manuscript copy- edited before I submitted it to the publisher. Finally, I am grateful to Brill Academic Publishers for helping me transform my doctoral dissertation into a book. Special thanks go to Patricia Radder at Brill for her patience and skillful assistance, and to the anony- mous reader at Brill for his/her valuable commentaries. Many thanks are also due to Zara Wallace for copyediting the book with such care. Needless to say I take full responsibility for any mistakes that remain in this book. Abbreviations

G Rgod tshang ras pa. 1969 [1512]. Gtsang smyon he ru ka phyogs thams cad las rnam par rgyal ba’i rnam thar rdo rje theg pa’i gsal byed nyi ma’i snying po. L Lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal. 1971 [1543]. Grub thob gtsang pa smyon pa’i rnam thar dad pa’i spu slong g.yo ba. The Life and Dpal ldan bla ma dam pa mkhas grub lha btsun chos Songs of Lhatsün gyi rgyal po’i rnam mgur blo ’das chos sku’i rang gdangs. 1976. N Dngos grub dpal ’bar. 1508. Rje btsun gtsang pa he ru ka’i thun mong gi rnam thar yon tan gyi gangs ri la dad pa’i seng ge rnam par rtse ba. NGMPP Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project T Thu’u bkwan blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma. 1989. Khyab bdag rdo rje sems dpa’i ngo bo dpal ldan bla ma dam pa ye shes bstan pa’i sgron me dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa mdo tsam brjod pa dge ldan bstan pa’i mdzes rgyan. TBRC Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center

Part One

Introduction and Sources

Chapter One

Introduction

Milarepa Meets Padampa Sangyé

Once upon a time the Tibetan yogin Milarepa (1040–1123) met the Indian siddha Padampa Sangyé (d. 1117?). When two great masters such as these happened to meet it was customary for them to test one another in various ways, and their interchanges often included the singing of tantric songs. Upon meeting Milarepa, Padampa Sangyé sang a song in which he explained the ‘pacification of suffering-doctrine,’ of which he was a lineage-holder. The Venerable One (Milarepa) was delighted. As [Milarepa] sat there without clothes, Dampa (Padampa Sangyé) remarked, “Exposing the part of the body that ought to be hidden seems like the behavior of a madman. Don’t act like that!” In reply the Venerable One sang “the song of this mad way” (smyon lugs ’di mgur). I prostrate to all Venerable lamas. I take refuge in the Benevolent Ones. Remove obstacles and unfavorable circumstances, and lead me to the favorable path of dharma! Again and again, other people also say to the yogin Milarepa, “Are you mad?” I also wonder, “Am I mad?” Listen now to the explanation of the mad nature of my madness! The father is mad, the son is mad, the lineage is mad. The (source of the) lineage, the great Vajradhara, is mad. Also the great-grandfather, Tilopa, the wise and good one, is mad. The grandfather, Nāropa, the great learned one, is mad. The old father, Marpa the translator, is mad. I myself, Milarepa, am mad. The demon of the spontaneously present four bodies has driven the lineage of the great Vajradhara mad. The demon of mahāmudrā has driven the great-grandfather Tilopa mad. The demon of the disciplined conduct of pure awareness has driven the grandfather Nāropa mad. 4 part one

The demon of the four classes of tantra has driven the old father, Marpa the translator, mad. The demon of the two, mind and wind, has driven me, Milarepa, mad. The view, which is limitless and impartial, is mad. The meditation, which is boundless and inherently clear, is mad. The conduct, which is self-liberating and without clinging, is mad. The fruition, which is without hope and fear, is mad. The tantric commitments, which are free of hypocrisy, are mad. [. . .] After hearing the song, Dampa felt very satisfied, and said, “Yogin, your type of madness is excellent.”1

Why Mad?

This song by Milarepa takes us to the very core of the present study.2 The song was compiled and printed in the late fifteenth century by one of Tibet’s most famous mad yogins, Tsangnyön Heruka (1452–1507). Milarepa was one of the main sources of inspiration for Tsangnyön, who also belonged to the same lineage of transmission as the Cotton Clad One (Milarepa), namely the Kagyü tradition.3 The first lineage gurus mentioned in the song—Tilopa, Nāropa, Marpa, and Milarepa—are the spiritual forefathers of all the four ‘greater’ and eight ‘lesser’ Kagyü traditions.4

1 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1991: 757–759. This passage is also translated in Chang 1989: 610–613. 2 There is also another version of this song. This alternate version is included in another collection compiled by Tsangnyön’s disciple Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal (1473–1557), and it is similar but shorter. An English translation of this version is included in Kunga and Cutillo 1978: 85–89, and also in Stearns 1980: 154–156. For the Tibetan text, see Lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal 1985: 211–216. A somewhat similar song, ascribed to Kodrakpa Sönam Gyaltsen (Kodrakpa, 1170–1249), is found in Kodrakpa’s song collection, which Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal also compiled. For an English translation of this song (as well as the Tibetan text), see Stearns 2000: 46–51. 3 Bka’ brgyud could be translated as ‘command lineage’ or ‘oral transmission.’ The alternate spelling dkar brgyud (white lineage) is sometimes encountered in the sources. This name refers to the white cotton clothes (ras) worn by some of the Kagyü yogins. Several of the early Drukpa Kagyü masters were ras pas, for example, Lingrepa (Gling ras pa), Lorepa (Lo ras pa), and Tsangpa Gyaré (Gtsang pa rgya ras). Moreover, Milarepa (Mi la ras pa), Rechungpa (Ras chung pa), and Götsangrepa (Rgod tshang ras pa) were ras pas. 4 Shangpa Kagyü is an additional Kagyü tradition that is not counted among the four greater and eight lesser Kagyü schools; it was founded by Khyungpo Naljor (978?–1127?). The four greater and eight lesser Kagyü traditions are enumerated in, for example, Smith 2001: 41–46. introduction and sources 5

The song introduces not only Tsangnyön’s lineage of transmission, but also the so-called “mad way” of Buddhist practice that was characteristic of some yogins in the Kagyü tradition,5 and for which Tsangnyön is known. According to the life stories written about him by his disciples, in acting in unconventional and seemingly mad ways, he claimed to be practicing Tantric Buddhism and following in the footsteps of the Indian Buddhist siddhas. This claim will be examined in this study, which investigates how the ‘madness’ of Tsangnyön relates to Indian Buddhist tantric practice, and how and why the young monk Sangyé Gyaltsen became the Madman of Tsang (Tsangnyön). It was after this transformation that he received his sobriquet Tsangnyön Heruka (Madman of Tsang: the Heruka). Buddhism is often viewed as a rational and logical religion, and the Buddhist monk is generally presented as the Buddhist ideal, the one who is best suited to progress along the path toward enlightenment. According to the rules of monastic discipline, a monk must wear certain clothes, shave his head, live in celibacy, abstain from alcohol and so forth; many rules govern the lives of ordained and lay practitioners alike. Self- discipline, peaceful behavior, and calm deportment in general are often said to characterize the Buddhist path to awakening. Tsangnyön and the other mad yogins of Tibet challenge this picture of Buddhism, for their looks and behavior are in sharp contrast to those of Buddhist monks. It would, however, be a mistake to see the mad yogins’ behavior as uncontrolled or undisciplined; their conduct is better understood as another type of discipline. In their quest for enlightenment the mad yogins followed a specific discipline, often called ‘disciplined conduct’ (brtul zhugs, vrata), that is radically different from the discipline of the monk.6 Rather than living and practicing in monasteries, the mad yogins preferred to wander around as homeless beggars and meditate in isolated mountain retreats. They often had long hair, he (or occasionally she) generally did not live in celibacy, sometimes drank alcohol, and as we will see, repeatedly behaved in provocative and seemingly crazy ways. The reason for their unusual behavior is explained in the highest yoga tantras. According to these texts, a practitioner of disciplined conduct who has reached an advanced stage of

5 As we will see, mad yogins exist in other traditions of Tibetan Buddhism as well. 6 ‘Disciplined conduct,’ a key concept in this study, is explained in detail in chapter 8. Tibetan and Sanskrit words for this and other terms are sometimes included in parentheses. When both Tibetan and Sanskrit terms are provided, the Tibetan term generally comes first. 6 part one realization could “publicly pretend to be a crazy person, a fool or another type of despised individual,” and engage in “various kinds of unpredictable acts, such as singing, dancing, babbling, scolding, playing, laughing, run- ning and leaping about in public, and participating in prohibited sexual activities.”7 While undertaking all these outrageous and seemingly crazy activities the practitioner must keep his mind focused in meditation at all times, since the sole purpose of the conduct is to further meditative concentration. This kind of practice, while considered very dangerous for a person who lacks the required preparations, is said to enhance progress toward awakening for qualified individuals. Antinomian and transgressive conduct separated the mad yogins from, and at times even upset, other Buddhists, not least the monk-scholars. Their highly unorthodox and often bizarre manners seemed ‘crazy’ (smyo ba) to other yogins as well, and the yogins who practiced them were therefore sometimes called ‘mad yogins’ (rnal ’byor smyon pa) or simply ‘madmen’ (smyon pa). Despite being relatively few in number, these colorful vagabonds with outrageous manners became influential and important in several ways, and their legacy remains intact today. The mad yogins represent a side of Buddhism that is not very well known, although it seems to have existed long before the Buddhist teachings came to Tibet. Since similar figures exist in many religions, the mad yogins of Tibet exemplify a wider religious phenomenon, and studying them can therefore broaden our understanding, not only of Buddhism, but also of religion in general.8

Who is Mad?

The Tibetan polymath Gendün Chöpel (1905–1951) gives a very telling explanation of how relative the concept of madness is in his polemic work An Adornment for Nāgārjuna’s Thought.9 In the text Gendün Chöpel cites Āryadeva’s Catuḥśataka (Four Hundred) where it is explained that

7 Stearns 2007: 61. Cf. ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas 2002: 944; Kongtrul 2011: 190–191. 8 For some examples of similar figures in other religions, see, for instance, Dahlén 2002; Feuerstein 2006; Thompson 1987. 9 Klu grub dgongs rgyan. The full title of the work is Dbu ma’i zab gnad snying por dril ba’i legs bshad klu sgrub dgongs rgyan (Eloquent Distillation of the Profound Points of the Madhyamaka: An Adornment for Nāgārjuna’s Thought) and it is available in English translation in Lopez 2006. Gendün Chöpel was an unorthodox figure and is sometimes regarded as a mad yogin in his own right. introduction and sources 7 one cannot dismiss the minority as being at fault on the basis that they are fewer in number. According to Gendün Chöpel, Āryadeva concludes his argument with the following rhetorical question: “Therefore, why is it incorrect to say that the whole world is insane?”10 Gendün Chöpel then paraphrases a story from Candrakīrti’s commentary to the Catuḥśataka, which illustrates the problem of discerning who is mad and who is not.11 The story describes a country where an astrologer warns a king about an approaching rain saying, “Seven days from now a rain will fall. All those whose mouths the water enters will go insane.”12 The king protects himself from this fate by covering his well of drinking water. Unfortunately his subjects are unable to do the same, with the result that the king is the only person in the entire kingdom who remains sane. Everyone else holds the king to be insane when he is in fact the sole normal person in the whole kingdom. After a while the king can not stand it any longer, and decides to drink the water so that he becomes insane like everyone else. Gendün Chöpel concludes by saying that because we have all been drinking the “crazing waters [smyo chu] of ignorance from time immemo- rial, there is no confidence whatsoever in our decisions concerning what exists and does not exist, what is and is not.” Moreover, “even though a hundred, a thousand, ten thousand, or a hundred thousand of such insane people [smyon pa] agree, it in no way becomes more credible.”13 The story illustrates how relative a concept madness can be, depending upon one’s perspective. For example, if everyone else wears clothes, then a naked person is considered mad, but if the opposite is the case, a person wearing clothes is seen as mad. The way in which one defines madness depends on both cultural and historical factors; what was considered mad in Tibet during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is perhaps normal to us, and vice versa. The common word that is used for a mad/crazy person in Tibetan is smyon pa (pronounced: nyönpa). Khong smyon pa red means: ‘He is mad’; smyon pa is here used as a verbal adjective or participle. Smyon pa is also used as an adjective proper in such phrases as khyi smyon pa: ‘mad dog.’

10 Lopez 2006: 49. Lopez mentions that this verse does not appear in Āryadeva’s Catuḥśataka and suggests that Gendün Chöpel misread the source (Lopez 2006: 49, n. 2). 11 Lopez notes that this story is found in Candrakīrti’s text, but Gendün Chöpel provides a paraphrase of the story rather than a direct quotation of it (Lopez 2006: 49, n. 2). 12 Lopez 2006: 49; Dge ’dun chos ’phel 2001: 86–87. 13 Lopez 2006: 49; Dge ’dun chos ’phel 2001: 87. 8 part one

The word smyon pa is a nominalization of the verb smyo ba, which was used many times in the Milarepa song at the beginning of this chapter. Jäschke translates the verb as: “to be insane, mad,” and gives the alternative spelling: myo ba.14 However, smyon pa and its verbal form smyo ba do not imply that someone is a mad yogin. Quite the contrary, the word implies mad in the negative sense, just like the English ‘mad,’ ‘crazy,’ or ‘insane.’ So when smyon (pronounced: nyön) is used as a part of Tsang- nyön’s name, it is used as a metaphor. Tsangnyön resembles a mad person but he is not regarded as being pathologically mad. The present Dalai Lama once explained why one of his predecessors, the Second Dalai Lama Gendün Gyamtso (1476–1542), referred to himself as a “mad beggar” (sprang smyon).15 According to the Dalai Lama the implication of mad in this context is that “when a person gains experience of emptiness, the ultimate mode of existence of all phenomena, his perception is as different from that of ordinary people as a madman’s.”16 The Dalai Lama then goes on to explain that it is due to the realization of emptiness that “a practitioner completely transcends the conventional way of viewing the world.”17 This statement by the Dalai Lama clarifies how he and many other Tibetans look upon the mad yogins. The source of their mad behavior is believed to be totally different from that of a person who is mad in the ordinary sense of the word. Ardussi and Epstein put it this way: “When Tibetans are questioned about the motivation and meanings of these figures, they almost invariably say that they behave the way they do because they are really Buddhas.”18 Chögyam Trungpa (1939–1987) similarly refers to what he calls “crazy wisdom,” as in the following passages from one of his books: “It is madness beyond the conceptualized point of view of ego.”19 Trungpa illustrates this

14 Jäschke 1977: 428. 15 Dalai Lama 1994: II. The fact that Gendün Gyamtso was contemporary with Tsang- nyön and the other famous mad yogins indicates that smyon pa was a rather common epithet that was in use far beyond the confines of peripatetic Kagyü yogins in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. 16 Dalai Lama 1994: II. 17 Dalai Lama 1994: II. 18 Ardussi & Epstein 1978: 327. 19 Trungpa 1994: 22–23. Trungpa also describes crazy wisdom as “a crazy experience, but not exactly ego madness. It’s wisdom that has gone crazy.” Moreover, he says that “the element of wisdom here is its playfulness, humorousness, and its sybaritic quality. Even though you are irritated and naked and completely exposed without your skin, there is a sense of joy, or more likely, bliss” (Trungpa 1994: 120). introduction and sources 9 type of ‘enlightened madness’ or “crazy wisdom” as he prefers to call it, with the following poignant example: When you are in a state of hatred and try to relate to somebody as an object of your hatred, “if that person doesn’t communicate back to you in terms of hate, you might think he is a mad person.”20 He further states that “as far as you are concerned, that person is mad, because he has lost his perspective of aggression and passion . . .” The logical conclusion of his argument is that “from the point of view of samsara, Buddha is mad.”21 It should be noted that crazy wisdom is a controversial and con- tested term that once was called “new vocabulary” by the Dalai Lama.22 Trungpa stated that the term is a translation of ye shes ’chol ba, “wisdom gone wild.”23 Since I have not encountered that term in the sources of this study, the term crazy wisdom will not be used in this book; instead, some other terms that repeatedly come up in the sources upon which the study is based will be applied when trying to understand the transgressive and seemingly crazy behavior of Tsangnyön and the other mad yogins of Tibet. The key terms encountered in the sources are brtul zhugs (vrata) and spyod pa (caryā), often combined into brtul zhugs spyod pa (vratacaryā), and they refer to a kind of practice or conduct that sometimes resembles madness. This practice could be carried out by an advanced tantric practitioner such as Tsangnyön to enhance his progress upon the path toward awakening.24 These terms are, together with some other terms, of crucial importance for this study, and they will therefore be analyzed more thoroughly in chapter 8. I translate these terms, which are difficult to translate properly into English, as ‘disciplined conduct’ (brtul zhugs), ‘conduct’ (spyod pa), and ‘practicing disciplined conduct’ (brtul zhugs spyod pa). There are several different terms that may be used for mad yogins by the Tibetans. Some, such as ‘vagabond’ (bya bral ba), ‘yogin’ (rnal ’byor pa), ‘realized person’ (rtogs ldan), ‘hermit’ (ri khrod pa), and ‘mendicant’ (kun spangs pa) are more general. These terms are similar in meaning and are used for individuals who have left worldly concerns behind and devote their time to meditation rather than studies. These figures sometimes act and dress so differently from other people that they

20 trungpa 1994: 22–23. 21 trungpa 1994: 23. 22 dalai Lama, 1993, Western Buddhist Teachers’ Conference. 23 trungpa 2001: 196. 24 For a study of these terms, studied in their Indic context, see Wedemeyer forthcoming. 10 part one resemble crazy people. Besides these terms there are some others, such as ‘mad yogin’ (rnal ’byor smyon pa), ‘mad ascetic’ (zhig po), and ‘one who has realized emptiness’ (’khrul zhig), that are more specific and refer more unambiguously to the mad yogins.25 Finally we may add that the term ‘accomplished one’ ( grub thob, siddha) is often used for the mad yogins of Tibet. Sometimes one also encounters the term ‘mad accomplished one’ ( grub thob smyon pa). There are thus several different terms used for the mad Tibetan yogins, and there are also specific words used for the seemingly mad practices that they engaged in. We will encounter some of these terms in the biographies of Tsangnyön when they are presented in part two, and they will also be discussed and contextualized in chapter 8.

The Mad Yogins of Tibet

The mad yogins of Tibet occasionally come up in books and stories. Sometimes we encounter Buddhist masters who are called mad without any further information about the reason for this rather peculiar designation. At other times Buddhist masters who are not called mad are depicted as behaving in a way that seems odd and resembles a mad person’s behavior.26 Seemingly mad behavior is sometimes found where we least expect it. The historical work Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po) by Gö Lotsawa Zhönu Pal (1392–1481), for example, describes how the Indian monk-scholar Atiśa (982–1054)—a key figure in reintroducing Buddhism to Tibet in the eleventh century who serves as a role model for monks in Tibet—once behaved in a way that does not accord with the way in

25 Roerich translates zhig po in various ways, two examples being: “mad ascetic” (Roerich 1996: 132) and “one who had abandoned all worldly laws” (Roerich 1996: 181). Dan Martin explains that the term refers to “a person who has totally dissolved (zhig pa) ordinary clinging to the concept of self as well as the usual bonds of social life.” (Martin 2005: 57). 26 There are few general studies of the mad yogins of Tibet. Ardussi and Epstein’s article, “The Saintly madman in Tibet” from 1978 is often quoted. There are also sections in some books that deal with the mad yogins of Tibet. Samuel devotes a chapter of his book Civilized Shamans to “Folk Shamans, Tertön, and Crazy Siddhas” (Samuel 1993: 290–308). Stein provides a brief discussion of the mad yogins in his book Tibetan Civilization (Stein 1988: 275–276). The essays, pictures, and statues contained in the book Holy Madness: Portraits of Tantric Siddhas show the link between the Indian siddhas and the Tibetan mad yogins (Linrothe, Rob (ed.) 2006). In his article “Elements, Insanity and Subjectiv- ity” Germano describes how “craziness” could be used when practicing the ‘extraordinary preliminaries’ which lead to ‘direct transcendence’ (thod rgal) in the Nyingma tradition (Germano 1997). introduction and sources 11 which he is usually depicted.27 One day when his disciple Dromtönpa (1004?–1064) came into Atiśa’s room he saw that his beloved master had behaved in a childlike manner: “Inside his cell he discharged his bowels in small quantities all over the floor.”28 Dromtönpa cleaned the floor carefully and felt no disgust at his master’s behavior. The story about Atiśa is not commented upon by the author, and the famous master is not called mad. It does, however, show that the mad yogins were not alone in acting in odd and peculiar ways.29 At other times, we encounter stories of people who can be classified as mad yogins, both in name and behavior. Ronald Davidson cites an episode from the autobiography of the famous treasure revealer Nyangrel Nyima Öser (1136–1204) which portrays a meeting with a Buddhist master who both behaved like a madman and was called mad. When Nyangrel Nyima Öser turned twenty he heard of the fame of a certain lama named the Madman Dönden (Smyon pa don ldan) and he felt a strong faith toward the lama. When the young treasure revealer finally met the master, Madman Dönden took off all his clothes and when he was completely naked, grabbed Nyangrel by the hand and started to “wildly jump and dance about.”30 Zhönu Pal describes several other masters who act in crazy ways in the Blue Annals. One of them is Jadral Chenpo, whose behavior changed radically after he attained liberation. Before that he kept himself very clean, but after his emancipation he began to act like a madman (smyon spyod), eating his own excrement and applying it to his body.31 It is often difficult to determine whether a person is to be regarded as a mad yogin, a madman, or a yogin. The lines between the categories are blurred, and different people have different opinions. John Ardussi and Lawrence Epstein have listed the “principal attributes of the saintly madman” of Tibet. These attributes give us some idea of the common features.

27 atiśa came to Tibet in 1042 and stayed until he passed away. 28 roerich 1996: 259; Gzhon nu dpal 1984: 316–317. 29 It is of course possible that the incident does not depict deliberate transgressive behavior and is rendered merely to show how devoted Dromtönpa was. I do, however, find the incident quite odd and unusual, especially in the context of the monk-scholar Atiśa. 30 davidson 2005: 330; Nyang ral Nyi ma ’od zer 1978: 90–91. 31 roerich 1996: 1040; Gzhon nu dpal 1984: 1209. 12 part one

• A general rejection of the customary behavior which society at-large, and the monastic establishment in particular, regard as appropriate for the religious man . . . • An inclination towards bizarre modes of dress . . . • A disregard for the niceties of interpersonal behavior, particularly with regard to social status, modes of address, deferential behavior, and so forth . . . • A professed disdain for scholasticism, the study of religion through books alone . . . • The use of popular poetical forms, mimes, songs, epic tales, and so forth, during the course of their preaching . . . • The use of obscenity and vulgar parlance.32

Geoffrey Samuel adds two more attributes to the list: insight and magical power. Because of their great insight the “saintly madmen” can see through other people’s behavior and motivations; and their great attainment is sometimes demonstrated by their magical power.33 As we will see in part two of this book, these attributes fit in well with the way Tsangnyön is presented in the sources. I would suggest, however, that we might add one more attribute to the list, namely compassion. Tsangnyön and other mad yogins are depicted as being filled with love and compassion while acting solely for the sake of benefitting others. To connect their seemingly mad behavior with compassion might seem awkward, but Tsangnyön’s biographer emphasizes that it was after “having thought extensively about how to benefit the Buddhist doctrine and living beings” that Tsangnyön performed the highly provocative behavior that led people to call him the Madman of Tsang. The people who saw him were overpowered, not by his madness, but by his compassion.34 The majority of the mad yogins that we know anything about were men, but a few women who could be classified as mad yoginīs have appeared too. One example of a female mad master of this kind is encountered in the Blue Annals. When Atiśa visited Lhasa, he met a ḍākiṇī who was known as the Mad Woman of Lhasa (Lha sa’i smyon ma). She uttered a prediction, following which Atiśa was able to extract the history of Lhasa from inside a beam in the Jokhang temple.35 This is not the only place in

32 Ardussi and Epstein 1978: 332–333. 33 Samuel 1993: 303. 34 G: 37. 35 Roerich 1996: 258; Gzhon nu dpal 1984: 316. introduction and sources 13 the Blue Annals where mad yoginīs are depicted; we find that the mother of a certain Künzang had obtained instruction in the doctrine from a nun named Mad Samdrub (Bsam grub smyon ma), for example.36 Several examples of mad yoginīs are found in the ‘pacification’ (zhi byed) and ‘severance’ (gcod) traditions, including the female founder of the severance tradition, Machik Labdrön (1055–1149), who sometimes acted in a seemingly mad way according to her life stories.37 In his book Tibetan Renaissance: Tantric Buddhism in the Rebirth of Tibetan Culture, Ronald Davidson mentions that among the loosely associated actors who were instrumental in the Buddhist revival during the “renaissance” that occurred in Tibet from around 950 CE to 1250 CE were a number of “crazy yogins,” who constructed a Tibetan version of Indian siddha behavior. While some of these “crazies” were on a continuum with the popular preachers of Tibet, others were more closely related to the Indian or Nepalese siddhas such as Padampa Sangyé or Gayādhara.38 Like the Tibetans, Davidson thus connects the Tibetan phenomenon of mad yogins with the siddhas of India and Nepal, although the eccentrics of China may also have played a role, especially during earlier times.39 When Davidson investigates the mad yogins of Tibet, or “crazies,” as he prefers to call them, two figures stand out: the renowned Kagyü master, Lama Zhang (1123–1193) and the Indian siddha Padampa Sangyé (d. 1117?).40 These two masters appear to have been quite different from one another, and are perhaps better known as siddhas rather than mad siddhas (grub thob smyon pa). In a way they represent two kinds of siddha-type yogins: Lama Zhang was a religious and worldly leader who performed his siddha role and displayed outrageous behavior in ways that went hand in hand with his worldly interests, while Padampa Sangyé was an anchorite, living with his disciples in remote areas far away from worldly and political concerns. Lama Zhang, founder of the Tsalpa sub-branch of the Kagyü school, was a learned, innovative, and somewhat unconventional teacher who

36 Roerich 1996: 188. She is also mentioned in Dudjom Rinpoche 1991: 551. 37 See, for example, Edou 1996: 133; Harding 2003: 68–70. For more examples of females practitioners acting in mad ways, see for example, DiValerio 2011: 659–664. 38 Davidson 2004: 11. 39 For studies where some of the Chinese eccentrics are mentioned, see, for example, Faure 1991, 1998; Kieschnick 1997; Seung Sahn 1976; Shahar 1998; Shahar and Robert P. Weller (eds.) 1996; Silver: 1987. 40 Davidson 2004: 327–331. 14 part one emphasized a particular type of mahāmudrā teaching.41 He often signed his work with the pseudonym “this mad beggar-monk Zhang,”42 and like Tsangnyön he was a prolific composer of songs and biographies.43 Lama Zhang not only called himself mad, but also sometimes acted unconventionally. He eventually became a powerful ruler, and as such sometimes resorted to violent means in order to attain his goals. Davidson asserts that Lama Zhang exemplifies the problem that is embedded in the notion of holy madness and the tantric transgression of moral principles, namely the problem of justifying one’s aggression by means of the tantric doctrine.44 Carl Yamamoto throws a different light on some of Lama Zhang’s behavior, suggesting that he and the First Karmapa Düsum Khyenpa (1110–1193), who had a close relationship, “shared a rough sort of siddha humor, almost Chan-like in its physicality.”45 On one occasion, for example, when the First Karmapa intervened and asked him to stop his violent behavior, Lama Zhang grabbed the Karmapa’s finger and danced wildly before ceasing his behavior.46 On another occasion Lama Zhang arose in the middle of the night and gave the Karmapa three slaps. The Karmapa’s fierce attendants were stunned to see their distinguished lama treated in this way, but the Karmapa calmed them down, saying, “Lama Zhang has just extended my life by three years.”47 Padampa Sangyé is seldom counted as a mad yogin, and as we saw in his meeting with Milarepa above, he is portrayed as having questioned Milarepa’s seemingly mad ways of acting.48 However, many of the practitioners of the pacification and severance traditions that Padampa Sangyé and his disciples established acted unconventionally, and some of them were called mad.49 Although it is difficult to detect a direct link between Tsangnyön and the pacification and severance traditions founded by Pad-

41 For a study on Lama Zhang and his tradition, see Yamamoto 2009. See also Sørensen and Hazod’s comprehensive work, Rulers on the Celestial Plain (2007). For more on his mahāmudrā teaching, see for example Martin 1992, 2001. 42 Zhang gi sprang ban smyon pa ’di (Yamamoto 2009: 253). 43 Yamamoto 2009: 13–14, 44–46. 44 davidson 2005: 329. 45 Yamamoto 2009: 259. 46 davidson 2005: 329; Yamamoto 2009: 258. 47 Yamamoto 2009: 260. 48 For a biography of Padampa Sangyé in English, see Molk and Wangdu 2008. 49 See, for example, the chapters in the Blue Annals that deal with pacification and severance (Roerich 1996: 867–1005). Davidson suggests that “by midcentury, Padampa-lineage tantric feasts must have seemed as much a psychiatric outpatient support group as a gathering of awakened masters” (Davidson 2005: 331). introduction and sources 15 ampa Sangyé and Machik Labdrön, Tsangnyön is sometimes portrayed as carrying a thigh-bone trumpet, one of the most significant ritual objects of a severance practitioner, and it is mentioned that he “performed severance beneath a solitary tree.”50 Although masters who could be classified as mad yogins (or yoginīs) appeared during both the earlier dissemination of the [Buddhist] teaching period (bstan pa snga dar) to Tibet (ca. 600–850 CE) and the later dissemination period (phyi dar) (ca. 950–1250 CE), we know little about them compared to the most famous mad yogins of Tibet, who lived in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.51 It was at that time that Tsangnyön Heruka, Druknyön Künga Lekpa (Drukpa Künlé, 1455–1529), Ünyön Künga Zangpo (1458–1532), and Tangtong Gyalpo (1361–1485) roamed the Tibetan plateau, by turns shocking, provoking, amusing, and frightening those who encountered them.52 These four figures all became well known and even today are the most commonly referenced mad yogins. Life stories and songs are attributed to each of them. Tangtong Gyalpo and Drukpa Künlé are probably the two best known; one encounters statues of Tang- tong Gyalpo and stories of Drukpa Künlé in many places where Tibetan Buddhism has spread. Tangtong Gyalpo was older than the other famous mad yogins, but he is believed to have lived a very long life and may have been at least partly contemporary with them.53 Even if the famous mad yogins all lived during the same period and had close links to the Kagyü school,54 they should not be seen as a homog- enous group or tradition. Each had a different root lama55 different

50 G: 24. 51 One may argue that some of the siddha-type masters who were important during the ‘earlier dissemination’ period resembled the mad yogins. Mad yogin-type masters likely appeared also during the so-called ‘age of fragmentation’ (sil bu’i dus) that spanned the years from 842–986 CE. For a recent study of this important period, see Dalton 2011. 52 For short biographies of Tsangnyön, Druknyön, and Ünyön, see Thargay 2009. David DiValerio recently wrote a PhD dissertation centering on Tsangnyön, Druknyön, and Ünyön and the historical period during which they lived (DiValerio 2011). DiValerio also presents some other mad yogins who were contemporaries of Tsangnyön, Druknyön, and Ünyön. Especially relevant for this study are the accounts of the first Pawo incarnation, Chöwang Lhündrup (1440–1503), and the Kagyü yogin Drakpa Tayé (1469–1531) (DiValerio 2011: 368–389). 53 The dates of Tangtong Gyalpo’s life: 1361–1485, are disputed; other dates given by the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Centre (TBRC) are: 1385–1509 and 1385–1464. 54 Tangtong Gyalpo is primarily seen as a Nyingmapa, but he was also one of the central figures in the Shangpa Kagyü school. 55 Although all three of them are counted as disciples of the Seventh Karmapa in his biographies, and both Tsangnyön and Drukpa Künlé received teachings from Gyal- wang Chöjé, this does not mean that they had the same personal root teacher. Lamas 16 part one

disciples, and each was for the most part active in different geographical areas. Nonetheless there is some overlap between them.56 Though the biographies of Drukpa Künlé, Ünyön, and Tangtong Gyalpo are beyond the scope of this study, a few anecdotes taken from their life stories may serve to introduce the way of practice and behavior that we will later encounter when Tsangnyön’s biographies are presented. Let us start with the oldest of them, Tangtong Gyalpo, a versatile master whom Tibetans often refer to as a mahāsiddha.57 Among his many accomplishments, the numerous iron suspension bridges he constructed throughout Tibet and the important genre of Tibetan opera (a lce lha mo) that he is believed to have created are perhaps the most tangible.58 He was also a treasure revealer and his visionary Buddhist teachings are still practiced in Tibet and beyond.59 Tangtong Gyalpo’s many deeds sometimes overshadow his mad yogin identity, and some people might find it surprising to see him designated as a mad yogin along with Tsangnyön, Druknyön, and Ünyön. He was, however, also known as the Madman of the Empty Valley (Lung stong smyon pa), and there are some striking similarities between his biographies and those of Tsangnyön.60 Cyrus Stearns has written about Tangtong Gyalpo’s unconventional aspects, and in his translation of Tangtong Gyalpo’s main biography he recounts some episodes in which the great siddha acts in the unpredictable and incomprehensible manner of a mad yogin.61

in the Tibetan tradition receive teachings from a large number of teachers and if every single person who received teachings from, for example, the Karmapa is to be counted as his disciple there would be a large number of disciples indeed. The mad yogins had other teachers who were more important to them; Tsangnyön’s main teacher was Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé, for example. 56 tsangnyön and Ünyön often traveled to the same places, and they initially had some contact with one another. Eventually their disciples began to fight with each other and the relationship between the two mad yogins turned sour (DiValerio 2011: 364–365). Meetings between Tsangnyön and Drukpa Künlé are mentioned in Drukpa Künlé’s biographies, but not in Tsangnyön’s (’Brugs pa kun legs 2005: 367; Dowman and Paljor 1983: 110; Stein 1972: 13). 57 there are several studies of Tangtong Gyalpo. See, for example, Gyatso 1980; Gyatso 1981; Gyatso 1986; Kahlen 1993; Stearns 1980; Stearns 2007. 58 Gyatso 1986; Kahlen 1993. 59 Gyatso 1980; Gyatso 1981. The most widely practiced text of his is perhaps a short Avalokiteśvara sādhana (described in Gyatso 1997). 60 Janet Gyatso once stated that Tangtong Gyalpo is most aptly characterized as a “crazy tantric yogi” who, while being reverent of the contemplative Buddhist tradition and its teachings, also was an “iconoclast, disdainful of convention and distrustful of institutions.” (Gyatso 1986: 91). 61 Stearns 2007; ’Gyur med bde chen, Lo chen 1976. Concerning Tangtong Gyalpo as a mad yogin, see especially Stearns 2007: 58–80. introduction and sources 17

One such episode occurred when Tangtong Gyalpo, for the sake of dispelling a severe famine, robbed a woman carrying a sack of barley for which she had gone into debt. He took her barley and fled on his horse. He was later caught by some men who had heard the poor woman screaming for help, and was bound and beaten. “They dunked him in the water and threw him down on his back. They stuck their assholes in his face, and sprayed excrement on him, and so forth.”62 Tangtong Gyalpo was neither angry nor sad about having been beaten and abused; he was delighted and thought, “It’s a fine auspicious connection.”63 Eventually the local chief- tain thought that the beating had gone too far, so he ordered the men to stop and went to the badly beaten mahāsiddha. As he checked whether Tangtong Gyalpo was alive, the master happily declared, “From the day after tomorrow the famine among the common people will cease.”64 Drukpa Künlé was born in Tsang and his family had important ties to the Drukpa Kagyü tradition. Like Tangtong Gyalpo, he is particularly famous in Bhutan, a country which he also visited. Drukpa Künlé’s behavior is related in several biographies, some produced in Tibet, others in Bhutan and India.65 What stands out in many stories about Drukpa Künlé is their explicit sexual content. Elements of humor as well as social and religious critique are also noteworthy.66 These elements provide great material for storytelling, and indeed, Drukpa Künlé, more than the other mad yogins, figures in many oral histories.

62 Stearns 2007: 75. 63 Stearns 2007: 75. 64 Stearns 2007: 76. 65 There are several studies and translations of Drukpa Künlé’s biographies, see for example: Ardussi 1972; Dowman and Paljor 1983; Kretschmar 1981; Stein 1972. DiValerio provides us with much valuable information on Drukpa Künlé in his dissertation (DiVal- erio 2011: 397–473). For a review of Stein’s book, see Jamyang Namgyal (Gene E. Smith) 1973. An example of a Drukpa Künlé story is found in Das 1970: 92–94. Several different editions of Drukpa Künlé’s collected works, which consists of four different parts (ka, kha, ga and nga), have been published in Tibetan (’Brug pa kun legs 1972; ’Brug pa kun legs 1974; ’Brug pa kun legs 1978; ’Brug pa kun legs 2005). Only the first two parts (ka) and (kha) have been translated, and it is in these that most of the biographical material is found. The first volume (ka) is the most extensive (169 folios) and has been translated into French by Rolf Stein (1972); a section of the second part (kha) was translated by Ardussi (1972). The Tibetan text of the first volume (ka) that Stein translated has been published in Zentral- asiatische studien (8) 1974. A vocabulary with words and their meaning in French is found in Zentralasiatische studien (7) 1973, “Vocabulaire tibétain de la Biographie de ’Brug-pa Kun-legs,” pp. 129–178. Besides the collected works there are other later biographies in Tibetan, for example: ’Gro ba’i mgon po kun dga’ legs pa’i rnam thar mon spa gro sogs kyi mdzad spyod rnams 1981 and Brag phug dge bshes Dge ’dun rin chen 1971. 66 For an example of a song where he uses explicit sexual language in a humorous way, see Jinpa and Elsner 2000: 171–172. 18 part one

The following story gives us an idea of how he could display his disciplined conduct. Drukpa Künlé encountered an old man who was on his way to a lama in Ralung with a scroll painting depicting the lamas of the Kagyü lineage. The scroll painting was beautifully executed, and the old man wanted a lama at Ralung to bless it. Drukpa Künlé asked the old man if he might see the work, and the old man showed it to him. Drukpa Künlé said, “Not bad at all.”67 He then said that he could improve it, and urinated all over the painting. The old man began to weep, but when he later came to Ralung and opened the painting, the places where the urine had splashed were shining with gold. The lama at Ralung who was supposed to bless the painting said that no blessing was needed, since “it has already been blessed in the best possible way.”68 Among the four mad yogins, Ünyön Künga Zangpo is the least known nowadays. Previously he was quite famous however, and he is often referred to in older texts.69 Like Tsangnyön, Ünyön is known to have dressed and acted like a heruka.70 Cyrus Stearns recounts a story from Ünyön’s biography in which the mad yogin is portrayed acting very violently. When Ünyön visited the Kathmandu Valley he encountered the king of Bhaktapur. The king was sitting upon a jeweled throne, surrounded by silk parasols, musicians, and a large public audience. Ünyön approached the revered king and with fearless intensity “jumped on the king’s head, grabbed him by the hair, beat him with his fists, and urinated on his head.”71 While Ünyön’s violent behavior is surprising, the reaction of the terrified spectators is perhaps even more so. After the assault, we are told that they presented Ünyön with lavish offerings. The king naturally disliked being treated in this way and he assembled a large army and attacked the mad yogin. Ünyön could not be harmed, however, and he eventually managed to erect Buddhist statues in Bhaktapur, stop blood sacrifices, and carry out many other deeds to strengthen Buddhism in the Kathmandu Valley.72

67 dowman and Paljor 1983: 95. 68 dowman and Paljor 1983: 95. 69 Lhatong Lotsawa Shenyen Namgyal (1512–?) wrote a biography about him (Lha mthong lo tsa ba bshes gnyen rnam rgyal 1972), but very few studies have been done on this interesting figure. Franz-Karl Ehrhard has written an article that focuses on Ünyön’s relationships with the Tibetan rulers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Ehrhard 2010a). For a short Ünyön biography in English, see Lobsang Thargay (Thargay 2009: 44–47). For a summary of his life story, see DiValerio 2011: 69–88. 70 ehrhard 2010a: 227. For a description of the heruka implements, see chapter 8. 71 Stearns 2007: 74. 72 ehrhard 2010a: 228. introduction and sources 19

Although there are many similarities among the four mad yogins, there are also some notable differences. Drukpa Künlé, for example, is often depicted as having transgressed sexual taboos, both verbally and in practice. The most striking aspect of Tsangnyön’s disciplined conduct, on the other hand, is probably his frequent interactions with the dead, both the walking dead (ro langs) and especially corpses (ro). Even if meditation on charnel grounds and interaction with corpses is an ancient Buddhist practice, Tsangnyön’s way of dealing with dead bodies is dramatic and wild. He runs amok on charnel grounds, wears intestines, and smears his body with blood and ashes from corpses. While most of the above mentioned mad yogins were historical personages, there are also some trickster-like figures who are legendary rather than historical. The most famous among them is probably Akhu Tönpa, the legendary rascal, about whom many different stories are in circula- tion.73 These stories are often so obscene or offensive that it is hard to understand them within a traditional Buddhist framework. Some of the stories can, however, with a little good will, be interpreted as Buddhist teachings. Still others are clearly Buddhist in content, and do not differ much from stories about Drukpa Künlé. Although the heyday of the mad yogins seems to have been the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, since that time mad yogins have continued to appear in Tibet and other places where Tibetan Buddhism has spread.74 A few more recent examples of masters who are described as acting in crazy and unconventional ways are Do Khyentsé Yeshé Dorjé (1800–1859),75 Ngedön Drubpé Dorjé (1871–1917),76 and Khenpo Gangshar (d. 1980 or 1981).77 Khenpo Gangshar was a highly respected scholar who used to be a strict monk. After undergoing a radical transformation, he started to teach

73 For a book with Akhu Tönpa stories in English, see Rinjing Dorje 1997. The older edition of this book from 1975 contains a couple of stories that were excised in the 1997 reprint. The reason for this was probably that these stories were particularly offensive. An article by Kun mchog dge legs, Dpal ldan bkra shis, and Kevin Stewart (1999) explores Drukpa Künlé, Akhu Tönpa, and some other popular figures. 74 There are several examples of masters who might qualify as mad yogins. I have heard several accounts of present-day mad yogins, living both in Tibet and elsewhere. Namkhai Norbu (1938–) describes a meeting with a mad yogin in his book Crystal and the Way of Light, see Norbu 1986: 68–73. For more examples, see DiValerio, who devotes a chapter of his dissertation to a survey of Tibet’s mad yogins (DiValerio 2011: 610–685). 75 For a biography in Tibetan, see Ye shes rdo rje and ’Od zer mtha’ yas 1997. 76 For some examples of his ‘craziness,’ see Tobgyal 1988: 49–51. 77 For a compilation of Khenpo Gangshar’s instructions, see Thrangu Rinpoche 2011. 20 part one and behave in a highly unusual manner. He began to follow the tantras openly and literally, like a realized siddha. He encouraged hermits to end their retreats and monks and nuns to disrobe.78 People interpreted his strange teachings and behavior in different ways: while some thought he had prepared the monks and nuns for the approaching Chinese invasion and the difficult times that were around the corner, others were skeptical and strongly opposed his radical breaches of monastic rules that he also encouraged others to follow.79 “ ‘The Khenpo has gone mad!’ they muttered.”80 Among Khenpo Gangshar’s disciples, the Tibetan lama Chögyam Trungpa, who is famous for popularizing Buddhism in the West, is perhaps the best known. Besides propagating crazy wisdom, Trungpa acted in highly unconventional ways, and some have suggested that Trungpa was a mad yogin. After Trungpa passed away, several books describing his outrageous actions were published. These books enable us to compare Trungpa’s actions with the behavior of the mad yogins of former times.81 Trungpa’s wife Diana J. Mukpo recounts how Trungpa, while staying at a dharma center in Scotland before he moved to the United States, acted in a way which was extremely shocking to everyone present. Trungpa Rinpoche lived at the dharma center together with another rinpoche whom he knew well from Tibet. The two lamas had very different ideas about how to run the center, however, and eventually things between them deteriorated to the point that they were barely speaking to one another. One day some major donors were coming, and according to Mukpo, Trungpa was very turned off by how the other rinpoche was, in his view, “putting on a fake front for these wealthy people so that they would give money.”82 Accord- ing to his wife, Trungpa felt that the situation was corrupt because no genuine practice was carried out at the center. Before the donors arrived, while the other rinpoche was downstairs waiting to greet them, Trungpa went into the other rinpoche’s bedroom and destroyed his personal shrine with his walking stick. Then he urinated over the stairwell and passed out at the top of the stairs. Trungpa, who had been drinking all afternoon, “perhaps to work himself up to doing this,” didn’t explain his actions to

78 Jackson 2003: 211; Trungpa 1968: 121. 79 Jackson 2003: 211–214. 80 Jackson 2003: 211. 81 See, for example, Miles 1989; Midal 2004; Mukpo and Gimian 2006; Perks 2006. 82 Mukpo and Gimian 2006: 88. introduction and sources 21 his wife.83 The latter interprets the event as Trungpa’s attempt to send a message to the other rinpoche. “Looking back now, I think that [Trungpa] Rinpoche was willing to go to extreme ends to expose the hypocrisy he saw,” she writes.84 So, in the eyes of Trungpa’s wife, this incident was an attempt to wake up the other rinpoche. One may assume that the other rinpoche’s followers did not share this assumption and would interpret the incident quite differently. It is not surprising that actions such as those outlined above made the mad yogins controversial. Trungpa is a good example of a more recent Tibetan master about whom there are many different opinions. Some see him as a great siddha who paved the way for the spread of Buddhism in the Western world, while others see him as a person with many shortcomings who harmed Buddhism.85 We may assume that mad yogins who lived earlier inspired similar controversy. Negative accounts of the famous mad yogins of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries are nonetheless rare; it was, after all, their disciples and supporters who wrote their biographies. Our information about them is thus filtered through the eyes of people who believed them to be great and accomplished masters. It would be interesting to read more critical accounts, which disagree with, or at least moderate the panegyric voices of their devotees. It is possible that critical, or at least more neutral, accounts of Tsangnyön exist.86 Given his outrageous behavior and provocations, it would be reasonable to assume that there were persons who disliked and condemned him. Indeed, such characters appear in his biographies, but since it is Tsangnyön who is the ‘saint’ of the stories, his antagonists are inevitably proven wrong and portrayed in a negative light. Götsang repa mentions that a local lama of Lapchi once objected to Tsangnyön’s planned stay in the area. The lama thought that it would be a serious

83 Mukpo and Gimian 2006: 89. 84 Mukpo and Gimian 2006: 89. 85 Many of Trungpa’s disciples as well as several distinguished Tibetan lamas praise Trungpa as an accomplished master. For some examples, see The Chronicles of Chögyam Trungpa Rinpoche (http://www.chronicleproject.com/). However, there are also critical voices; see, for example, Sanders 1979; Steinbeck and Nancy 2001. 86 DiValerio has pointed out that Drukpa Kunlé voiced criticism against both Tsang- nyön and Ünyön in his “autobiography” (DiValerio 2011: 457–470). Drukpa Kunlé is, however, known for his critical attitude and for mocking everyone, including his teachers and himself. It is therefore not surprising that he also criticized his famous mad yogin col- leagues. Since Drukpa Kunlé also sometimes praised Tsangnyön and Ünyön (’Brug pa kun legs 2005: 473; DiValerio 2011: 462, 466), I think one should not read too much into his criticism. 22 part one obstacle if the mad yogin stayed in a cave above theirs.87 On another occasion, an abbot in Dingri Langkhor became very upset when he found a statue of Tsangnyön on the shrine of a local artist. The abbot warned the artist who had made it that he had committed a negative action greater than destroying a stūpa in creating the statue. He then abused and soiled the statue of Tsangnyön. The abbot kept saying that Tsangnyön was a fake who destroyed Buddhism and called him a deluder of beings. Tsangnyön’s disciples became very upset when they heard about this, and wanted to retaliate. When Tsangnyön heard about his disciples’ plans, he scolded them, saying that a Buddhist who avenges harm with harm breaks his vows. Then he said, “A person controlled by desire cannot hinder the activities of someone like me, the Madman of Tsang. If any one of you harms him you have transgressed my commands.”88 His disciples gave up their plans to retaliate, and Tsangnyön performed aspiration prayers of behalf of the abbot, wishing him good health and success. This did not help the abbot, however; two weeks later he started to vomit blood and died a gruesome death.89

Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Tibet and the Mad Yogins

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the period when Tsangnyön and the other famous mad yogins of Tibet lived, life in Tibet was characterized by religious systematization and political fragmentation. Several local kings and leaders struggled for dominion over different Tibetan regions; civil wars arose from time to time in many parts of the country. Never- theless, in spite of the many conflicts and difficulties, this was also a time of important cultural, religious, artistic, and architectural developments. Many texts of great significance were composed and printed, extraordinary buildings erected, and outstanding works of art produced. Hildegard Diemberger, who has highlighted the dynamic and creative aspects of this period, compares it with the Italian renaissance. Like Italy, Tibet was fragmented but intellectually productive.90 Many significant aspects of Tibetan Buddhism today, such as the reincarnation-system of spiritual transmission, the Gelukpa school, and the Dalai Lama lineage, emerged

87 G: 158. 88 G: 166. 89 G: 165–166. 90 Diemberger 2007: 33. introduction and sources 23 or were developed during this period. Yet despite its importance for both Tibetan political and religious history, this period is, as Matthew Kapstein has aptly noted, “a relatively neglected area of study.”91 Politically, the late fifteenth century was a time of transition. Tsang- nyön and the other famous mad yogins lived more than one hundred years after the Mongol-Sakyapa rule had ended in 1350, and long before the establishment of the Ganden Palace government of the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Lobzang Gyamtso (1617–1682) in 1642. Compared to earlier and later times, there was relatively little foreign influence in Tibet during this period. The Chinese Ming dynasty (1368–1644), which coincided almost exactly with the period between the rule of the Sakyapas and that of the Dalai lamas, never engaged directly in Tibetan affairs.92 In sharp contrast to the Sakyapas and the Fifth Dalai Lama, who came to power and ruled with Mongol military support, the series of rulers in the period between had to rely on Tibetan supporters to gain power and influence. Since no leader was powerful enough to govern the entire Tibetan area without foreign support, Tibet fell apart and various kings and rulers wielded power over different areas of the vast Tibetan kingdom. When Tsangnyön was born in 1452, the Pakmodrupa dynasty, which was based in Neudong in Ü and had ruled over Central Tibet for about a hundred years, started to lose their former prominence.93 The ambitious Rinpungpa of the noble house of Rinpung had taken over Samdrubtsé (Shigatsé) in Tsang, and by means of marriage alliances and military competence they gradually increased their power. Although the line of Pakmodrupa rulers continued, their power was limited and they became,

91 Kapstein 2006: 116. It is difficult to find good and detailed overviews of this period of Tibetan history. Many of the older studies are dated or biased (i.e. they rely upon the Fifth Dalai Lama’s history). Tucci’s work Tibetan Painted Scrolls from 1949 is largely a translation of the latter and it is still one of the most extensive studies. See also Ahmad’s translation of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s history (Ahmad 1995). Other studies worthy of mention are Ehrhard 2010a; Jackson, D. 1989; Kapstein 2006: 116–130; Komarovski 2011: 17–23; Shakabpa 1984: 73–99; Shakabpa 2010: 249–319; Tucci (trans.) 1971: 189–245. Recently two very detailed studies have been carried out which shed much-needed light upon crucial aspects of this neglected period of Tibetan history. A study by Sørensen and Hazod was published in 2007 (see especially pp. 494–526), while a study about the Pakmodrupa dynasty by Olaf Czaja is forthcoming. 92 Kapstein 2006: 123; Sperling 1995. 93 It should be noted that the term ‘Pakmodrupa’ can be used to refer either to the Lang clan and a political entity, i.e. the Pakmodru dynasty, or a Kagyü subschool founded by Pakmodrupa Dorjé Gyalpo (1110–1170), who belonged to this clan. It is to the former (political) meaning of the term that I am referring when using it. 24 part one as Shakabpa has expressed it, mere figureheads.94 Since the Pakmodrupa ruler (sde sri) Ngagi Wangpo’s (1439–1491) son and successor, Ngawang Tashi Drakpa (1488–1564), was still a minor when the ruler passed away in 1491, the Fourth Shamarpa, Chödrak Yeshé (1453–1524), was elected ‘spiritual head’—spyan snga—at the monastery of Densatil. Shamarpa, who belonged to the Karma Kagyü school, had a very close ‘patron-priest’ relationship with the Rinpungpa, but he was also close to the Pakmo drupa. Until the maturity of Ngawang Tashi Drakpa, the Rinpungpa leader Tsokyé Dorjé (1450–1510) took responsibility for issuing worldly orders. The Pakmodrupa regime was thus thoroughly under Rinpungpa control.95 By the end of Tsangnyön’s life, the Rinpungpa had gained the upper hand in the power struggle with the Pakmodrupa, and Tsangnyön’s patron, “the dharma king” Dönyö Dorjé of Rinpung (1462–1512), the nephew of Tsokyé Dorjé, was the most powerful leader in Tibet.96 Warfare continued, however, particularly after Tsangnyön’s death in 1507. In 1509 the next Pakmodrupa ruler, Ngawang Tashi Drakpa, came into personal conflict with the Rinpungpa, and around 1518, after the deaths of two of the most prominent Rinpungpa leaders—Dönyö Dorjé and Tsokyé Dorjé— the Pakmodrupa began to reassert themselves.97 The success of the Pak- modrupa was only temporary, however, as a powerful new enemy soon arose on the scene, the so-called Tsangpas. In 1565 the Tsangpa defeated the Rinpungpa and in 1618 “the moribund Pakmodrupa regime was delivered the coup de grace” by the leader of Tsang.98 Following this, the kings of Tsang ruled Central Tibet until they were defeated by the Mongols in 1642, and Güshri Khan offered the thirteen districts or myriarchies (khri skor) of Central Tibet to his master, the Fifth Dalai Lama. In order to understand the struggles—between the Pakmodrupa and the Rinpungpa, and later between the Pakmodrupa and the Tsangpa— that dominated the political scene in Central Tibet during the lifetimes of Tsangnyön and his disciples, not only political, but also regional, religious, and clan-based factors need to be taken into consideration. A complex mixture of these as well as many other factors makes it hard to grasp what was going on. Various types of loyalties, often stretching back hundreds of years in history, played an important role in the development

94 Shakabpa 1984: 88. 95 Ehrhard 2010a: 220; Czaja forthcoming. 96 Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 500. 97 Czaja forthcoming; Ehrhard 2010a: 220; Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 53. 98 Kapstein 2006: 134. introduction and sources 25 of Tibetan politics and religion. It is also important to bear in mind that Tibet is larger than Ü and Tsang (Central Tibet) and that not only the Pak- modrupa and the Rinpungpa participated in the struggle for hegemony. Struggles took place in other parts of Tibet as well, and the life stories of Tsangnyön shed light upon other actors and regions caught up in sometimes very bloody conflicts, including Jayul and Nyel in Southern Tibet; Northern Latö (La stod byang) and Southern Latö (La stod lho) in Western Tibet; Gugé and Lo (Mustang); Lo and Purang in far Western Tibet; and Rinpung and Gyantsé in Central Tibet. While the political climate was characterized by conflict and fragmentation, the religious climate was characterized by, among other things, creativity, competition, systematization, and institutionalization. Tibetan Buddhism had already taken firm root in Tibetan soil during the fifteenth century, and the previously close contact with Buddhist countries such as China, India, and Central Asia had almost ended. The major traditions of Tibetan Buddhism—Nyingma, Kagyü, Sakya, and Geluk—became increasingly institutionalized and clearly defined during this period. Besides these four major traditions several other schools that nowadays are less known were important and influential during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The Kadampa tradition had lost some of its former prominence, but remained incorporated in other schools, most notably Kagyü and Geluk. Other traditions that were important were the Jonangpa, Zhalupa, and Bodongpa.99 The Bon tradition also existed, but it is seldom mentioned in the materials on which this study is based. Besides these schools, all of which had their own monasteries and monks, other traditions, such as ‘pacification,’ the Aural Transmission lineage of Rechung, and ‘severance,’ centered on particular practices, and were transmitted by wandering yogins. These traditions, like the Kadampa, were gradually incorporated into the other traditions and eventually ceased to exist as separate schools. Political and religious interests were intimately intertwined, and the Buddhist traditions allied themselves with local rulers who thus became their patrons. This patron-priest relationship (mchod yon) was often crucial for both parties.100 Monks and yogins needed patronage to obtain

99 Zhalu is a school named after the Zhalu Monastery in Tsang which resembles the Sakya school. The alternative name Bupa, after the school’s founder Butön Rinchen Drub (1290–1364), is also sometimes encountered. For Butön’s biography in English, see Seyfort Ruegg 1966. For information about Jonang, see Stearns 2007. For information about the Bodong tradition, see Diemberger et al. 1997. 100 For more information about the mchod yon (mchod gnas dang yon bdag) relationship, see, for example, Seyfort Ruegg 1995; Shakabpa 2010: 205–242. 26 part one dwelling places, books, clothing, food, and places to congregate, while rulers could legitimize their position by acting as ‘dharma kings.’ Moreover, Buddhism could sometimes serve as a stabilizing factor during the trou- bled times, with the lamas acting as mediators in conflicts. However, the symbiotic relationship between religious and worldly leaders gave rise to a sectarian and competitive climate among the different Buddhist schools. The friction between the two most dominant and influential schools during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Gelukpa and Karma Kagyü schools, exemplifies this development. The Gelukpa, or Gandenpa school as it was originally called, was relatively new and steadily gained followers and influence during Tsangnyön’s and his disciples’ lifetimes. This school was not a separate religious tradition when it arose in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, but by the late fifteenth century it had developed into a separate tradition which was sometimes involved in polemics and competition with the other (older) traditions of Tibetan Buddhism.101 The school’s founder, Tsongkhapa (1357–1419), and his disciples had established three monasteries around Lhasa—Ganden (1409), Drepung (1416), and Sera (1419)—that became important centers of both scholastic learning and political power. Several of Tsongkhapa’s disciples skillfully carried on his teaching after his passing. The first two supreme heads of the order were Gendün Drub (1391–1474), who founded the monastery Tashi Lhünpo in Tsang in 1447, and Gendün Gyamtso (1476–1542). These two masters retrospectively became known as the First and Second Dalai Lama. The Karma Kagyü school was founded by Düsum Khyenpa (1110–1193), one of the foremost disciples of Gampopa. His successor, Karma Pakśi (1204–1283), was considered to be the first reincarnated lama in Tibet, and he became known as the Second Karmapa.102 His predecessor, Düsum Khyenpa, was retrospectively known as the First Karmapa. This system of lineages of reincarnated lamas was gradually developed, and during the lifetimes of Tsangnyön and his disciples the system was adopted by the other schools of Tibetan Buddhism as well. Two specifically important incarnation transmission lineages were (and still are) prominent within the Karma Kagyü school: the Black Hat (Zhva nag) Karmapa and the Red Hat (Zhva dmar) Karmapa. The latter became known as the ‘Wearer of

101 tsongkhapa probably never saw his group as separate from the Sakya tradition to which he and most of his followers belonged (Dreyfuss 2003: 26). 102 For an overview of the different Karmapas, see, Richardson 1998: 337–378. introduction and sources 27 the Red Hat’ (Shamarpa). Tsangnyön lived during the time of the Seventh Karmapa Chödrak Gyamtso (1454–1506), and the Fourth Shamarpa Chödrak Yeshé (1453–1524). These two lamas and their successive incarnations, the Eighth Karmapa Mikyö Dorjé (1507–1554) and the Fifth Shamarpa Kön- chok Yenlag (1525–1583), were very powerful and respected. Although the Drikung and the Drukpa Kagyü schools were also influential, it was the Karma Kagyü school that dominated the scene in most parts of Tibet at the time.103 While the Geluk school had an important ‘patron-priest’ relationship with the Pakmodrupa, the Karma Kagyü school, which was also close to the Pakmodrupa, had a closer ‘patron-priest’ relationship with the Rinpungpa. In terms of regions, the Gelukpa and the Pakmodrupa had their stronghold in Ü and the Karma Kagyü and the Rinpungpa in Tsang. When the Pakmodrupa and the Rinpungpa started to fight for hegemony, the schools they supported became involved in the conflict too. In their struggle to dominate the region of Lhasa, the Rinpungpa forbade the Gelukpa monks of Drepung and Sera to participate in the Great Prayer Festival that had been performed annually in Lhasa ever since Tsongkhapa started the tradition in 1409. This important festival had always been led by Gelukpa monks, but for a period of nineteen years, between 1498 and 1518, the festival was conducted under the guidance of Karma Kagyü and Sakya monks. This was the beginning of a long period of enmity between the Karma Kagyü and Gelukpa schools.104 The mad yogins participated in and constituted an important part of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Tibetan religious, political, cultural, and social landscape. Although mad yogins existed in all the Tibetan Buddhist traditions, most of them belonged to or were affiliated with traditions that focused on meditation rather than study. The famous mad yogins often belonged to or had affiliations with some of the Kagyü branches—the Drukpa Kagyü branch in particular.105 We also find many mad yogins in the pacification and severance traditions and in the Nyingma tradition, especially among the treasure revealers.106 Tsangnyön and some of the other mad yogins of the Kagyü school were involved in polemics against

103 The Drukpa Kagyü lama Pema Karpo (1527–1592) was very important and influential as well, but he never surpassed the Karmapa and the Shamarpa. 104 Kapstein 2006: 130. 105 As noted above, three of the four most famous mad yogins belonged to the Kagyü tradition, and the fourth, Tangtong Gyalpo, who is generally regarded as a Nyingmapa, is also counted as a lineage holder of the Shangpa Kagyü tradition. 106 See, for example, Stearns 2007: 62. 28 part one the newly founded Gelukpa tradition, which was on the rise and steadily gaining new followers. The Gelukpa adherents stressed the need for a thorough monastic background before applying tantric practices, and they were generally more inclined towards scholarly pursuits than the mad yogins. The mad yogins, on the other hand, criticized the learned monks and portrayed them as arrogant and greedy. Although it is not always explicitly stated, it is sometimes apparent that the target of the mad yogins’ polemics was the Gelukpa dge bshes.107 Instead of emphasizing monkhood, as Tsongkhapa and the Gelukpas had done, the mad yogins took the tantric siddha as their role model, and like the Indian siddhas they often acted in a transgressive and provocative fashion. The mad yogins of the Kagyü school were also involved in polemics directed against their own tradition, based on their dislike of the way in which the Kagyü tradition had developed.108 While the Kagyü school began as a yogin-oriented group of practitioners who did not care about worldly activities, it developed into a monastic institution with heredi- tary lineages.109 In some ways the Kagyüpas abandoned the lifestyle of the early founders of their tradition, and the mad yogins advocated a return to that original lifestyle. Milarepa, Marpa, and the Indian siddhas were the key symbols of the kind of lifestyle they advocated. In order to understand Tsangnyön we should bear in mind that he came from Tsang, was born into the Nyang clan, belonged to the Kagyü school, and had a patron-priest relationship with the Rinpungpa. However, he was also a paradoxical figure who defies simplified attempts at categorization. Tsangnyön lived the life of a homeless wanderer and often resided outside of the region where he was born. Moreover, he established a patron-priest relationship with a large number of important leaders besides Dönyö Dorjé of Rinpung. According to his life stories, he was also supported by Tashi Dargyé of Jayul; Paljor Gyalpo of Neu Dzong; Namkha Tobgyal of Tsanda; Namkha Dorjé of Northern Latö; the king of Kathmandu, Ratnamalla; the ruler of Lowo Möntang, Tashi Gön; the king of Gungtang, Tri Namgyal Dé; his two sons, prince Norbu Dé and prince Samdrub Dé; and others.

107 Dge bshes means ‘virtuous friend’ (kalyāṇamitra), which is a general designation for a Buddhist teacher, often a learned monk. In the Gelukpa tradition the term was used as an academic title for those who had done extensive studies and had passed certain exami- nations. However, it is important to keep in mind that the title dge bshes was also used for monk-scholars in other schools. 108 This is discussed by Smith, 2001: 60. 109 Kagyü institutional development happened early. For example, already by the thirteenth century Taklung was said to be the largest monastery in Central Tibet. introduction and sources 29

Politically he was thus linked with many of the most important and influential leaders in Tibet and beyond. It is, however, noteworthy that Tsang- nyön declined an invitation from the eleventh Pakmodru leader Ngawang Tashi Drakpa just before he passed away.110 The reason given in the biographies for Tsangnyön’s refusal was his bad health, but since Ngawang Tashi Drakpa, a former ally to the Rinpungpa, had started to assert himself as the legitimate leader of Central Tibet and thereby had came into conflict with the Rinpungpa, it is possible that there was a political motivation behind Tsangnyön’s decision not to meet him. Tsangnyön lived the life of a wandering yogin without any fixed affiliation to monasteries and Buddhist schools.111 He thus followed closely in the footsteps of the early Kagyü masters, whose life stories and teachings he both followed and propagated. However, locating him among the many Kagyü subschools is quite difficult. Eventually he often became counted as a Drukpa Kagyü, but there is no clear evidence of this claim in Tsangnyön’s biographies.112 Tsangnyön is also mentioned, along with Ünyön and Drukpa Künlé, in lists of the Seventh Karmapa’s disciples.113 However, besides a brief meeting, there is not much information given about the relationship between the Karmapa and Tsangnyön in the latter’s biographies.114 Tsangnyön had important ties to Milarepa’s disciple Rechungpa (1084–1161),115 whose aural transmission he practiced and disseminated, and he is therefore sometimes counted as a Rechung Kagyü.116 However, Tsangnyön also practiced and taught the aural transmissions of Ngendzong Tönpa (b. late eleventh century) and Dakpo Rinpoche (i.e. Gampopa, 1079–1153), and he sometimes said that he was a Dakpo Kagyü when asked about which school he belonged to.117 Despite his connections with Drukpa Kagyü, Karma Kagyü, and Rechung Kagyü, it seems

110 See below, p. 185. 111 For an article that investigates Tsangnyön’s affiliation with the different Kagyü branches and also his Sakya background, see Larsson 2011a. 112 tsangnyön, Ünyön, and Drukpa Künlé are counted as Drukpa Kagyüs in Stein 1972: 9; Thargay 2009; Thuken Losang Chökyi Nyima 2009: 131, for example. For more on this, see the epilogue. 113 See, for instance, Dpa’ bo gtsug lag phreng ba 2006: 568. 114 G: 214. Lhatsün does, however, mention that Tsangnyön received teaching from the Karmapa and this indicates that one may count Karmapa as one of his teachers (The Life and Songs of Lhatsün 1976: 20b). 115 For an abbreviated life story of Rechungpa in English, see Thrangu Rinpoche 2002. 116 See, for example, Smith 2001: 61; Ehrhard 2010b: 129. 117 L: 125; Larsson 2011a: 446. Sharawa, in a similar manner, said that he had faith in the Dakpo Kagyü when the same question was asked to him (Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 471). 30 part one inappropriate to count him as a member of any particular Kagyü subsect. Tsangnyön clearly considered himself to be a Buddhist and a Kagyü practitioner, but he seems to have been uninterested in further defining his sectarian affiliations. Although an outsider of sorts, Tsangnyön played a role in the larger political, cultural, and religious milieu that surrounded him. He seems to have been an important player in many different arenas, a player who left significant impressions upon his surroundings. The impressions he made in the minds of his disciples were later written down and printed in biographies; it is to these literary impressions that we will now turn. Chapter Two

Sources

Life Stories and Songs

Tsangnyön was an important figure in the history and formation of the genres of Buddhist biographies (rnam thar) and Buddhist songs of realization (mgur) in Tibet. He and his disciples collected, compiled, and printed many such biographies and songs. They were thus instrumental in the codification of these important genres of Tibetan literature. Biographies and songs were an important part of the system of practice that Tsangnyön propagated. In one of his works he states that “If the disciples do not listen and read about the qualities [in the] life stories of the lamas, they will neither enter into nor engage in the teachings, and therefore not obtain the stages of maturation and liberation.”1 Accord- ing to Tsangnyön’s system of practice, biographies and songs are thus important and necessary means for developing faith in the lineage and its instructions. This faith is seen as a prerequisite for practice, for without faith one could not obtain the blessing of the lamas and the lineage which was deemed necessary for the attainment of insight and liberation. Read- ing or hearing biographies and songs were thus of central importance for Tsangnyön and his disciples.

Life Stories

The Tibetan word used for Buddhist life stories, or biographies if you will, is rnam thar.2 Rnam thar is a short form of rnam par thar pa and translates the Sanskrit vimokṣa.3 Its literal meaning—‘complete liberation’— reveals what this form of literature is generally about, namely outlining a certain individual’s path to liberation (thar pa, mokṣa). ‘Liberation’ in this

1 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971b: 19. This passage is also translated in Quintman 2006: 76; Sernesi 2010: 407. 2 For a general overview of the rnam thar-literature, see Tucci 1949: 139–150; Vostrikov 1970: 180–198. 3 Vimokṣa does not denote a literary genre, however, but the Buddhist ideal of liberation. 32 part one context means liberation from cyclic existence and its various kinds of suffering. Thar pa is synonymous with enlightenment, and the rnam thar literature thus usually describes the path to enlightenment. Although this is typically the case, the term is also sometimes used for a biography in a more general sense. Jäschke translates rnam par thar pa with “biography,” “legendary tale about a saint,” “tale,” “story,” and “description in general.”4 However, most of the rnam thars encountered in this study “share the presumption—or at least the suggestion—that the protagonist reached full liberation,” as Janet Gyatso has expressed it.5 The most obvious model for Buddhist ‘liberation accounts’ is the life story of the historical Buddha. The description of how Buddha Śākyamuni became enlightened—and thus reached complete liberation (rnam par thar pa)—is central in Buddhism; indeed, one might even say that the life of the Buddha forms the heart or foundation of Buddhism. After all Buddhism does concern and describe a path to enlightenment. Buddha is therefore both the source and goal of Buddhism, and a buddha teaches not only through his teaching but also through his personal example—his life. It is therefore not surprising that the followers of Buddha Śākyamuni wanted to preserve his memory and composed accounts of his life. Vari- ous biographical fragments are found in the canonical texts but a full life story was not completed until several centuries after his passing into final nirvana. The earliest extant biographical composition that depicts his whole life—from birth to death—was written in the first century CE by Aśvaghoṣa. Aśvaghoṣa’s life story of the Buddha—Buddhacarita6— was translated into Tibetan, and together with Lalitavistara7 and other accounts of the life of the Buddha it probably served as a prototype for the Tibetan rnam thar literature.8 Besides showing how amazing and fantastic the Buddha was, the life stories also serve as pedagogical devices. A Buddhist practitioner, as an aspirant to enlightenment, has much to learn from the life of the Buddha, for the Buddha was not only an exceptional individual worthy of praise but also a model to follow and emulate. John S. Strong has pointed out

4 Jäschke 1977: 314. 5 Gyatso 1998: 103. 6 Sangs rgyas kyi spyod pa zhes bya ba’i snyan dngags chen po. 7 ’Phags pa rgya cher rol pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo. 8 The latter is more embellished and became particularly influential within the Mahāyāna tradition. Both texts were translated into Tibetan at an early date and are found in the Tibetan canon. For an English translation of these texts, see Goswami 2001; The Lali- tavistara Sūtra, the Voice of the Buddha, the Beauty of Compassion 1983; Aśvaghoṣa 1992. introduction and sources 33 that Buddha’s life story reflects a biographical paradigm, a buddha-life blueprint which all buddhas follow.9 Consequently, his life should be emulated by anyone wishing to attain buddhahood. His life story also presents the Buddhist teachings in the form of a personal example, a way of teaching that is sometimes easier to understand than theoretical expositions of the dharma. Many basic Buddhist doctrines, such as renunciation, karma, samsara, nirvana, and reincarnation are revealed in his life story. The “buddha-life blueprint” became very important when biographical accounts of subsequent masters were written down. By incorporating elements and themes from the life of the Buddha into the description of the life of a specific individual, the charisma of the Buddha rubbed off onto the one who was being portrayed, and the effect of this was twofold. On the one hand, it proved the validity of the Buddhist teachings, and the individual became an example who proved that it was possible, even in later times, to reach liberation by practicing Buddhism. On the other hand, it also proved to others that the individual portrayed in the life story, his lineage, and disciples were genuine and worthy of support and devotion. Janet Gyatso has noted that “autobiography and biography reflect the competitive climate of Tibetan sectarian politics,” and this aspect of a biography is important to bear in mind.10 Sometimes a rnam thar was written primarily as a kind of propagandistic device that served to strengthen the position of a specific lineage, lama, and/or monastery. Strong describes how the bio-blueprint gradually became quite detailed and specific.11 The Tibetan tradition enumerates ‘Twelve Great Acts’ of a buddha,12 and since these acts directly influenced the way in which the life stories of Tibetan masters were written, I will enumerate them:

1. Descent from Tuṣita 2. entry into the womb 3. Birth 4. exhibition of skill as a youth 5. Delighting in his harem 6. Departure 7. practice of asceticism

9 Strong 2001: 12. 10 Gyatso 1998: 103. 11 Strong 2001: 12. 12 Mdzad pa bcu gnyis. There are some variations in this list depending on which sources are consulted. I have relied on the dictionary by Zhang Yisun et al. 1996: 2334. 34 part one

8. Going to the heart of enlightenment 9. Defeating Māra 10. Becoming a perfect buddha 11. turning the wheel of dharma 12. Final nirvana

That Tsangnyön and his disciples were influenced by the life of the Buddha and used it as a model is apparent in both the form and contents of the texts that they wrote. Tsangnyön composed a verse of praise to Milarepa in the form of the ‘twelve great acts,’13 and also reframed Milarepa’s life story in terms of the twelve acts, thereby elevating the famous yogin’s status even more by modeling his life on that of the Buddha.14 Götsangrepa compared Tsangnyön’s birth with the birth of the Buddha in the gardens of Lumbinī as the son of King Śuddhodana,15 and in his colophon to the biography of Rechungpa he called Rechung Puk “the second Kuśīnagara [because it was] the place where the human emanation of the Victorious One, the great Vajradhara—Tsangnyön Heruka—merged his rūpakāya with dharmadhātu.”16 It was not only the historical Buddha who served as a model for the Tibetan biographer, however; descriptions of other exceptional individuals who walked in the Buddha’s footsteps did so as well. Accounts of bodhisattvas and siddhas were particularly important. The bodhisattva became the ideal in the Mahāyāna tradition, and accounts of both the Buddha’s own previous lives as a bodhisattva and of some other important bodhisattvas became popular in Tibet. Lhatsün, for example, describes how Tsangnyön read the story of the Ever-Weeping Bodhisattva before he left his monastery, full of compassion towards beings.17 The theme of compassion is very important in the biographies, and Tsangnyön is often portrayed as a compassionate bodhisattva who has no concern for his own well-being but acts only for the sake of benefiting sentient beings.

13 G: 73. 14 Quintman 2006: 216. 15 G: 14. 16 Rgod tshang ras pa 1973: 672. Götsangrepa’s colophon is partly translated in Clem- ente 2007: 143–144; Roberts 2007: 40–41; Sernesi 2007b: 4. 17 L: 16. The story about Rtag tu ngu (Sadāprarudita) is found in the Eight-Thousand- Line version of the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra. English translation in Conze 1973: 277– 300; it is also rendered in Khenpo Konchog Gyaltsen Rinpoche 1998: 340–347, and Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 153–157. The Ever Weeping Bodhisattva also appears in Tsangnyön’s version of Milarepa’s life story (Lhalungpa 1979: 59; Tsangnyön 2010: 66–67). introduction and sources 35

Stories of the Indian siddhas (grub thob) were another important source of inspiration for the Tibetans who composed rnam thars, and several siddha-biographies were available in Tibetan. One of the most well-known examples is a compilation of eighty-four short siddha-stories claimed to have been created by the Indian master Abhayadatta in the late eleventh or early twelfth century.18 The siddhas sometimes appeared mad, acting strangely and provocatively. It is therefore logical that the Tibetans used siddha-stories as a model when writing about the mad yogins. Outrageous actions and strange ways of dressing that cannot be justified by using the historical Buddha or the bodhisattvas as a model may be justified with the help of the siddha-stories. Tsangnyön was often called grub thob and according to the biographies he dressed and acted like a siddha. Despite its Indian predecessors, the rnam thar literary genre is more characteristic of Tibetan than Indian Buddhism.19 Janet Gyatso points out that the large number of Tibetan autobiographies and biographies is “striking evidence of the popularity of the charismatic individual in Tibetan society.”20 The Tibetans developed their own ways of systematiz- ing the biographies, making the most fundamental distinction between a life account written by someone other than the individual depicted, and a life account written by the individual him- or herself. The Tibetan terms for these two categories are rnam thar and rang gi rnam thar (short: rang rnam) which could be translated as ‘biographies’ and ‘autobiographies’ respectively. Both kinds of rnam thars are very common, and as Gyatso points out, the categories often overlap. A rnam thar written by the subject—an autobiography (rang rnam)—is often actually dictated to a scribe, and thus in reality is written down by someone else. Also a proper biography (rnam thar)—even if it is done centuries after the subject lived—often contains passages that originate with the subject.21 Besides this twofold division between biographies by the subject and biographies by others, there are also other ways of categorizing biographies. A text may belong exclusively to one of these categories, but these categories may also overlap, and it is not unusual to find the different

18 *Caturaśītisiddhapravṛtti, Grub thob brgyad bcu rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus, (Stories of Eighty- four Siddhas). There are two English translations of the text (Dowman 1985; Robinson 1979). Schaeffer suggests that this work is not a Tibetan translation of an original Indian text but probably a “truly Indo-Tibetan work, an intercultural creative effort” (Schaeffer 2005: 13–14). 19 robinson 1996: 57. 20 Gyatso 1998: 102–103. 21 Gyatso 1998: 103. 36 part one categories within one and the same text. Sometimes the texts are divided into common or general (thun mong) and uncommon or private (thun mong ma yin pa) biographies. The common category focuses upon the general and visible aspects of the subject’s life (such as places visited and persons met), while the uncommon category focuses upon particular and individual mystical events (such as miraculous dreams and visions). A. I. Vostrikov notes that these two categories are also called outer (phyi) and secret (gsang) respectively, and he also mentions a third, inner (nang) category.22 While the secret (or uncommon) biography (gsang ba’i rnam thar) focuses on inner yogic experiences, visions, and dreams that have been transformative and significant for the subject of the text, the inner biography (nang gi rnam thar) contains lists of teachings and empowerments received, and sometimes lists of retreats that the subject of the rnam thar has carried out. The inner life story is closely related to the so- called ‘records of teachings received’ (thob yig or gsan yig), although the latter is also a separate genre.23 Some Tibetan masters explain that the so-called ‘secret biography’ can also be secret in another sense, namely in being an uncensored version of the subject’s life. Chögyal Gyamtso, for instance, points out that a secret biography is an “uncensored account of the Lama’s activity” that should be “kept hidden away from people who are following a pure Hinayana discipline or the path of Mahayana altruism.”24 Karma Chagmé (1613–1678) similarly characterizes a secret biography as “that which is difficult for those with small minds and perverted views to conceive.”25 The secret biography is thus not written for the general reader, but specifically for the select few who are able to read it without misunderstanding or developing wrong views (log lta). A secret biography may contain descriptions of actual events, meetings with actual people, concrete actions and so forth—just like the outer or general biography—but since this information is not intended for the general reader it would not be included in the outer or general biography. It should perhaps be mentioned that Chögyal Gyamtso’s remark is taken from the preface to a translation of a life story about the mad yogin Drukpa Künlé.26 This particular biography is full of sexual encounters, dirty and abusive language, and various other kinds of

22 Vostrikov 1970: 186–187. 23 Vostrikov 1970: 187. 24 Chögyal Gyamtso 1983: 22. Italics in the original. 25 Gyatso 1998: 281, n. 11. 26 Dowman, Keith and Sonam Paljor (trans.) 1983. introduction and sources 37 outrageous and transgressive behavior that could easily be misunderstood by a general reader.27 Janice D. Willis notes that a rnam thar is both inspirational and instructional, and in her analysis of the genre she mentions three different levels of a rnam thar: the historical, the inspirational, and the instructional. These three levels roughly correspond to the outer, inner, and secret categories that the Tibetans themselves use.28 The various layers or levels of a rnam thar—the outer, inner, and secret aspects, and so forth—all convey important aspects of a master’s spiritual career, and a particular text often contains more than one level. Some- times a rnam thar focuses on one particular aspect of the protagonist’s life and is therefore classified as, for instance, an outer rnam thar, but the secret and inner aspects are often included in such texts as well. Janet Gyatso aptly points out that “the proliferation of labels naming increasingly esoteric levels of discourse is often more a matter of rhetoric than genuinely descriptive of content.”29 The many shades of meaning of the term rnam thar make it a bit complicated to translate into English. Since the term is used for a specific kind of Tibetan Buddhist life story, I have occasionally retained the Tibetan term. However, for the sake of making the text more readable, I have often used the term ‘biography’ and sometimes other terms such as ‘life story.’30 Finally, it should be added that it is hard, or rather impossible, to dis- cern historical facts from mythology and fiction in a rnam thar. In his study of the historical Buddha, John Strong has pointed out that the “fictions” that have accrued around the Buddha are in many ways “truer,” or at least religiously more meaningful, than the “facts.”31 The same holds true for the life stories of Tsangnyön.

27 Similarly, Stein has pointed out that the oldest Tibetan version of Drukpa Künlé’s biography was never widely disseminated. The reason for this is that it was only meant to be read by his closest disciples because others could easily misunderstand it (Stein 1972: 4). 28 Willis 1995: 5. 29 Gyatso 1998: 103. 30 The term hagiography could also be used for this type of text. Such texts are, however, a type of Buddhist hagiography and are thus somewhat different from hagiographies in other religions. 31 Strong 2001: 2. 38 part one

Songs

‘Songs of realization’ (mgur) are an important ingredient in many, although not all, biographies. Tibetan historians inform us that even before Bud- dhism spread to the Tibetan plateau, such songs were sung by religious specialists to transmit a religious message. Before the famous dharma king Songtsen Gampo’s time in the seventh century, Tibet was protected by singers of riddles (lde’u), storytellers (sgrung), and bon pos.32 All three traditions still exist in Tibet, though in a form different from ancient times. What mainly concern us here are the singers of riddles and storytellers. The latter were famous as singers of the epic of King Gesar of Ling, while the former were a type of specialist who sang question-and-answer songs dealing with the creation of the world and with human and divine gene- alogies.33 Both the storytellers and the singers of riddles likely influenced Tibetan Buddhist songs and biographies. The most common generic term used for songs—both before and after Buddhism was disseminated in Tibet—is glu. Mgur was originally a subcategory of glu but the term eventually came to be used primarily for religious songs with an experiential component.34 Mgur is the term used for Milarepa’s famous songs, and it is also used for the songs attributed to Tsangnyön. Roger R. Jackson states that it was after being applied to Milarepa’s songs that the term came to designate a primarily religious genre.35 As Buddhism spread to Tibet, new elements became incorporated into the indigenous Tibetan religious songs, including the tantric siddha songs brought to Tibet by visiting Indian masters as well as by Marpa and other Tibetans who traveled to Nepal and India mainly during the later dissemination period of Buddhism to Tibet. The siddhas of India used songs to transmit or express their realization to others, and songs are attributed to several of the most famous Indian siddhas such as Saraha, Kṛṣṇācārya/ Kāṇha, and Tilopa.36 Three categories of such siddha-songs are often

32 Stein 1988: 191–192. 33 Stein 1988: 195. 34 Jackson, R. 1996: 372. 35 Jackson, R. 1996: 372. 36 For a study of Saraha, see Schaeffer 2005. For an English translation of Kṛṣṇācārya/ Kāṇha’s life story, see Templeman 1989. For an English translation of Tilopa’s life story, see Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros 1995. introduction and sources 39 mentioned: dohā, vajrāgīti (rdo rje’i glu), and caryāgīti (spyod pa’i glu).37 These songs express the spiritual realizations of the siddha in an often spontaneous and symbolic manner.38 Although sometimes symbolic, like the Indian siddhas, the Tibetan yogins generally sang their songs in a direct and simple manner. The Tibetan yogin Kodrakpa (1170–1249) used colloquial expressions and a minimum of technical vocabulary in his songs, for example.39 The contents of a song depended on the listeners for whom the song was intended. Sometimes the yogins sang for ordinary uneducated people such as farmers, hunters, and nomads. On such occasions the songs popu- larized the Buddhist teachings and communicated them to the common people. At other times the songs were sung among tantric practitioners at ritual feasts (gaṇacakra) or as direct instructions to a specific disciple with much prior knowledge and experience of Buddhist practice. Songs sung under such circumstances contained profound yogic instructions that are difficult for the uninitiated to understand. Döndrub Gyal (1953–1985) lists seven major types of mgur, those that: (1) remember the guru’s kindness, (2) indicate the source of one’s realization, (3) inspire the practice of dharma, (4) give instructions on how to practice, (5) answer disciples’ questions, (6) admonish the listeners to uproot evil, and (7) serve as mis- sives to gurus or disciples.40 Although Döndrub Gyal’s list is very apt, it should be kept in mind that the seven types often overlap and may be combined in a single song. As noted above, songs are frequently included in biographies, and when this is the case, they constitute an important part of the life story. At other times songs are issued in collections called mgur ’bum, literally ‘hundred thousand songs.’ Although they resemble the life stories in certain ways, the song collections lack many of the biographical details of the latter. They do, however, generally place the songs within a narrative frame that may include biographical elements. The narrative frame surrounding a song is closely connected with, and difficult to separate from, the song itself. It provides needed background and often explains where, when, why, and for whom a song was sung. Parts of the meaning of the song thus

37 I will discuss these tantric songs in a general way without differentiating between the three categories. More details about the tantric siddha songs are found in Ardussi 1977; Guenther 1969; Jackson, R. 1996; Jackson, R. 2004; Kvaerne 1977; Sujata 2005; Templeman 1994. 38 Jackson, R. 1996: 373. 39 Stearns 2000: 14. 40 Döndrub Gyal cited in Jackson, R. 1996: 374. 40 part one derive from its surrounding narrative. The close relationship between the song and its narrative frame resembles the relationship between the pictures and the talk balloons in a cartoon. Without the balloons, the pictures in the cartoons become incomprehensible, and vice versa. In the songs, the master depicted in the narrative has the opportunity to communicate (sing) directly to the reader/listener and thereby transmit his or her message. Since the songs are believed to come directly from the master in question, this makes them autobiographical in a way.41 The songs included in a rnam thar are supposed to come from a realized and awakened master, and the person whose life is depicted therefore has to achieve liberation (thar pa) and realization (rtogs pa) before he or she has anything to sing about. There must also be some devoted disciples who remember and record their teacher’s songs. The songs are therefore usually found in the latter part of a rnam thar. Both songs and biographies are closely connected with the mad yogins. Stein notes that the literary creativity of the mad yogins originated in two main sources: “their rapture or ‘madman-like’ inspiration” and “their knowledge of the traditions, songs and poetry of the people, whose life they like to share.”42

The Biographies of Tsangnyön

Three of Tsangnyön’s direct disciples wrote life stories about their lama: Götsangrepa (1482–1559), Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal (1473–1557), and Ngödrub Pembar (1456–1527).43 The biographies were written in the sixteenth century after Tsangnyön’s passing, and were subsequently carved onto wooden blocks, printed, and disseminated. When reading the texts one finds that some details differ, but the chronology and general contents are the same. Each biography has its own merits and the three versions complement each other in various ways. Götsangrepa’s biography is the most extensive, while Lhatsün supplies more dates, for example. The three biographies are thus closely related to one another, and the disciples who wrote them seem to have met, both during and also after

41 we may assume that some songs actually originate with the subject, while others are composed by someone else and ascribed to the subject. 42 Stein 1988: 276. 43 There are biographies about all of them, and they also composed many texts. Chapter 10 includes a survey of their life stories and a brief overview of their works. introduction and sources 41

Tsangnyön’s lifetime.44 Although the above mentioned disciples are listed as authors of the texts in the colophons, the making of biographies was in many ways a collaborative effort in which several of Tsangnyön’s disciples participated.45 The fact that the biographies give a very similar picture of Tsangnyön indicates that the same sources were used by all three authors. Since they were all Tsangnyön’s direct disciples they also saw and heard things that they could incorporate into their texts.46 They also used accounts written or told by other disciples of Tsangnyön. Both Lhatsün and Ngödrub Pembar mention reading a text about Tsangnyön’s life written by Norbu Paldenpa, another one of Tsangnyön’s heart-sons.47 Another important common source regarded as authoritative was Tsangnyön’s female companion, Küntu Zangmo, who also sponsored the printing of one of the biographies. Küntu Zangmo was held in high regard by Tsang- nyön’s disciples and played an important role in promoting the teachings of her partner. Ngödrub Pembar states that he relied upon information that she had told him when he wrote his biography.48 Ngödrub Pembar also mentions that he used notes about the restoration of the Svayambhū Stūpa that were written by Götsangrepa, and since Götsangrepa wrote one of the biographies both he and Ngödrub Pembar probably used the same information regarding this important event.49 Ngödrub Pembar also mentions that he used notes written by Lopaṇpa (Lopaṇ Jampel Chölha) when he wrote about Tsangnyön’s death.50 Since the account of Tsangnyön’s death is very similar in Götsangrepa’s text, we may assume that Götsang repa either relied on Lopaṇpa’s text too, or that he relied on Ngödrub Pembar’s text and thus indirectly on Lopaṇpa’s text. Lhatsün only briefly describes Tsangnyön’s death, and he refers those who want to know more

44 According to the biographies they sometimes spent time together while receiving teachings from Tsangnyön or traveling with him. They also sometimes cooperated after Tsangnyön’s death. 45 For an investigation of colophons in Tibetan texts and what they can tell us about the different people involved in the making of a text, as well as the problem of defining the de facto author of a certain text, see Cabezón (2001). 46 Both Ngödrub Pembar and Lhatsün mention that they inserted things that they had heard directly from Tsangnyön into their biographies. N: 30b. Life and Songs of Lhatsün 1976: 304. This text is listed under its Tibetan title in the bibliography: Dpal ldan bla ma dam pa mkhas grub lha btsun chos gyi rgyal po’i rnam mgur blo ’das chos sku’i rang gdangs 1976. 47 N: 30b; Life and Songs of Lhatsün 1976: 169. 48 N: 30b. 49 N: 30b. Götsangrepa includes a catalogue (dkar chag) of the renovation in Heart of the Sun (G: 220–226). 50 N: 30b. 42 part one about it to texts written by former disciples.51 The fact that Ngödrub Pem- bar’s biography is the earliest, completed only one year after Tsangnyön’s death, makes it plausible to assume that the other two authors used it as one of their main sources. This is also supported by the many passages that are identical in all three biographies.

The Earliest Biography and the Songs of Tsangnyön It is stated in Götsangrepa’s biography of Tsangnyön that Küntu Zangmo printed a collection of Tsangnyön’s songs after the mad yogin had passed away as a “receptacle of his speech.” Götsangrepa asserts that these songs had been written down in notes by Tsangnyön’s disciples, and he also mentions that Küntu Zangmo printed a biography written by Ngödrub Pembar on that occasion.52 The biography and song collection she printed constitute the earliest biographical sources about Tsangnyön. The fact that the margins of the surviving printed copies of the two texts are marked with the Tibetan letters ga (the biography) and nga (the song collection) show that they belong to the same edition. Franz-Karl Ehrhard has suggested that the biography and song collection of Tsangnyön could have been printed together with the biography and song collection of Milarepa, which Tsangnyön completed about twenty years earlier.53 It would indeed have been suitable to have these four texts transmitted together, and since the biography and song collection of Tsangnyön are marked with ga and nga, two other works (Milare- pa’s biography and song collection?) marked with ka and kha must have been included in the edition. Such an edition would have emphasized the profound connection between the Milarepa texts and their compiler, Tsangnyön. Since Tsangnyön’s biography describes how and why he compiled and printed the two Milarepa texts, the problem of identifying the author of the two Milarepa texts would also have been solved by such an edition. Götsangrepa also compiled a short (one and a half folios long) catalogue of Tsangnyön’s song collection with the title Illuminating Sunbeams Catalogue.54 This catalogue, together with a relatively short text (ten folios

51 L: 127. Unfortunately Lhatsün does not mention the names of these disciples, but he probably means Götsangrepa and Ngödrub Pembar. 52 G: 282. A translation of this passage is rendered in Ehrhard 2010b: 154. The biography will be described in greater detail below. 53 ehrhard 2010b: 154. 54 Dkar chags nyi ’od snang ba. Rgod tshang ras pa, [16th century] b. introduction and sources 43 long) composed by Tsangnyön in 1503 about the history and literary genre of songs and called The Inventory of Spiritual Songs: Opening the Eyes of Faith Dispelling the Darkness of Ignorance, seem to have been included in the edition.55 The Illuminating Sunbeams Catalogue has a very short colophon which simply mentions that it was compiled by Götsangrepa. How- ever, by comparing the colophons of the three other texts, one notices that the same people were involved in their production. Tsangnyön’s female companion, Küntu Zangmo, financed the printing of all three texts and his disciple Lopaṇ Jampel Chölha edited them. The colophons of Tsang- nyön’s song collection, the biography written by Ngödrub Pembar, and Tsangnyön’s text on songs also reveal that the same scribe and engravers were involved in the making of all three texts. It is also stated that these people came from regions in Southern Latö. Unfortunately, only the biography by Ngödrub Pembar provides us with a date and place for the work. This colophon informs us that the biography was composed in 1508 at the monastery Samten Ling in Latö Gyal (Southern Latö) and printed in Néchen Gönsar in Tsibri.56 According to Ehrhard, Néchen Gönsar refers to Samten Ling, the very place where the text was composed.57 An historical chronicle describing the religious history (chos ’byung) of the area, including the history of Samten Ling, mentions that both Ngödrub Pembar and Lopaṇ Jampel Chölha were abbots at the monastery for a while.58 There are thus many indications that the collection of Tsangnyön’s songs, the biography of his life written by Ngödrub Pembar (Lion of Faith), the text on songs written by Tsangnyön, and the catalogue to Tsangnyön’s songs written by Götsangrepa, belonged to the same edition and were originally transmitted together. We may also assume that all four texts were printed at Samten Ling in 1508, one year after Tsangnyön’s passing.59 As mentioned, it is also possible that the biography of Milarepa and the

55 Mgur kyi dkar chags ma rig mun sel dad pa’i mig’byed. Both these texts are described in Ehrhard 2010b: 157–158; and in Schuh 1981: 126–127. Dkar chags nyi ’od snang ba is included at the end of Tsangnyön’s text. I will return to the latter when I describe Tsangnyön’s own works in chapter 9. 56 N: 30b; Smith 2001: 74. 57 Ehrhard 2010b: 155. A place called Samten Ling situated not far from Kyirong is described briefly in Gyurme Dorje 2004: 328, but this must be another place with the same name. 58 Ehrhard 2010b: 155; Everding and Dzongphugpa 2006: 191; Wangdu and Diemberger 1996: 53. 59 Thanks are due to Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Marta Serenesi for kindly sharing their knowledge regarding this with me. 44 part one song collection of Milarepa were printed together with these four texts, but this remains to be proven. The collection of Tsangnyön’s songs is called A Precious Collection of the Songs of the Master Heruka from Tsang that Shows the Path of the All-Know- ing One, the Powerful King and it is twenty-eight folios long.60 The colophon of the collection states that it was compiled (sbyar) by Götsangrepa and that Küntu Zangmo was responsible for the arrangement (bkod), and for sponsoring the printing (spar du bzhengs) of the collection.61 The songs were originally issued as a separate collection, but both Götsangrepa and Lhatsün later included the songs in their biographies, in the parts that describe the later period of Tsangnyön’s life. The songs were often sung to a certain disciple or benefactor, sometimes in response to specific questions or situations. The setting in which a song occurs is generally given, and this narrative frame makes it possible to determine that the songs originated in the last twenty-five or so years of Tsangnyön’s life. Since the focus of the present study is on Tsangnyön’s first thirty years, and the songs were sung in a succeeding period, I will not devote much attention to them. It should, however, be remembered that it is possible that Tsangnyön also sang songs during the first thirty years of his life. On a few occasions such songs are referred to in the biographies.62 But before his thirties Tsangnyön had not yet obtained the fame and support of later days, and without followers, disciples, and benefactors any songs he may have sung were probably not remembered or written down.63

Lion of Faith The biography that Ngödrub Pembar wrote bears the title: The Common Life Story of the Venerable One of Tsang—The Great Heruka: The Lion of Faith Playing on the Snowy Mountain of Good Qualities.64 The title indicates

60 Rje btsun gtsang pa he ru ka’i mgur ’bum rin po che dbang gi rgyal po thams cad mkhyen pa’i lam ston. 61 rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 27b. Ehrhard has studied and also reproduced this colophon, Ehrhard 2010b: 155–157. 62 Lhatsün also includes a couple of songs in his biography directly before mentioning that Tsangnyön was thirty. This indicates that Tsangnyön sang some of the songs in his late twenties, perhaps when he was twenty-nine (L: 50, 51, 53–54). 63 It is mentioned in Heart of the Sun that Tsangnyön sang songs in his early twenties that were not written down (G: 40). 64 Rje btsun gtsang pa he ru ka’i thun mong gi rnam thar yon tan gyi gangs ri la dad pa’i seng ge rnam par rtse ba. As mentioned, I refer to this book as Lion of Faith, an abbreviated form of the title. introduction and sources 45 that this life story is a ‘general’ or ‘common biography’ (thun mong gi rnam thar) but, as already mentioned, this kind of categorization is rather arbi- trary. Despite its name, in addition to the expected biographical information it deals with visions, dreams, and other things that are usually associated with the so-called ‘uncommon’ and ‘secret’ life stories. Copies of this life story are quite rare, and so far no detailed studies of it have appeared.65 The text is important not only because of its rarity but also because it is the oldest biography of Tsangnyön in existence. As said above, it was used as a major source by both Götsangrepa and Lhatsün. Ngödrub Pembar’s text is therefore a natural starting point for studying Tsangnyön’s life. The biography begins with the fifteen ‘root verses’ (rtsa tshig, 1b–2b), which are also found scattered throughout the text at appropriate places. The root verses consist of ten offerings of homage (’dud pa, 1b–2a) and five invocations (2a–2b). Each verse has four lines; each line has nine syllables. The root verses form the skeleton of the text; as Ngödrub Pembar explains below, the text itself is an explanation of or commentary on the root verses. At the end of the text, before the colophon, Ngödrub Pembar repeats the five invocations that are also found at the beginning of the text. After the root verses, Ngödrub Pembar explains why and how the life story came about. As for how this life story [came about]: When I was on the outskirts of Zalmo drak in Ü, and the Great Venerable One [Tsangnyön] was cutting through [our] conjectures about the oral instructions of the profound meaning, the heart-sons, the close disciples, exhorted me by saying: “You must compose a life story of the Lord.”66 Based upon [this urging], I offered [my] corrections in front of the Great Venerable One so that he could give me permission and clarify my doubts. Most of the root-verses [of the biography] were completed in the first fifteen-day period of the first month in the Female Fire-Rabbit year (1507). Then again, later on, the close disciples came and insistently ordered that [I] must compose an explanation [to the root-verses]. Based on that I compiled the main part of the life story from what I heard from the master

65 Some scholars have made brief references to it (Smith 2001: 74; Quintman 2006: 191–192, n. 8; Schaeffer 2011: 474). The text is available as a microfilm in the NGMPP archives and it was recently made available at TBRC. I am preparing a full translation of this biography. 66 This stay in Zalmodrak is described in the three biographies (N: 24b; G: 256; L: 126). Ngödrub Pembar also describes how he received profound instructions and how Tsang- nyön told his secret life story in Zalmodrak (p. 9a). 46 part one

himself, some originating from reliable sources, and other things from reasonable argument.67 After the root verses and the explanation of how and why the biography was composed, the general outline (sa bcad) of the text is given. The biography consists of three main sections, each of which has several subhead- ings. The introductory section (’jug pa’i yan lag, 2b–3a) is divided into an explanation of the name of the text (mtshan smos pa, 2b), and an expression of worship (mchod par brjod pa, 2b–3a). The expression of worship is subdivided into a general and a specific expression of worship. The main part of the text is the second major section that the author calls “the actual life story” (rnam par thar pa dngos, 3a–30a). This part is divided into two subsections: “the synopsis in sections” (lus mdor bstan pa, 3a) and “the extensive explanation in branches” ( yan lag rgyas par bshad pa, 3a–30a). It is in the second part that the actual life story is found. The second part is divided into two sections with several subsections. The two sections are: “How he took birth as an emanation in a distinguished family as had been prophesied, and became ordained” (3a–5b), and: “How he embodied the three deeds and caused the teaching to flourish” (5b–30a).68 As the titles of the sections make clear, the first describes prophecies, dreams, and signs that appeared in connection with Tsangnyön’s entering into the womb and the pregnancy of his mother. Ngödrub Pembar then explains why it is suitable to associate these prophecies and dreams with Tsangnyön. Following this, he describes Tsangnyön’s birth and childhood, and the section concludes with an account of his ordination. The second section, “How he embodied the three deeds and caused the teaching to flourish,” constitutes the major part of the biography (5b–30a). The first of the three deeds describes “how he planted the victory banner of accomplishment.” This deed concerns how Tsangnyön practiced and attained accomplishment (5b–9b). The second deed is “how he made connections by means of conduct,” and this describes how he spread the teachings and helped beings (9b–17b). The third and final deed is divided into two parts. The first part describes how he renovated the Svayambhū

67 N: 2b. Compare with Jampa Lhatsün Drakpa’s rendering of the event in his biography of Ngödrub Pembar (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 9). 68 N: 3a. 1: lung bstan dang bcas te rigs khyad par can du sprul pa’i skye ba bzhes nas rab tu byung tshul, 2: mdzad pa gsum gyi lus ngos bzung ste bstan pa sprul tshul. introduction and sources 47

Stūpa (17b–23a), and the second part how he passed away in order to help those who cling to permanence (23a–30a). The biography ends with the third major section (30a) which, despite being called a major section actually consists of a repetition of the invocations found at the beginning of the biography. Finally, various colophons follow (30b–31a). Ngödrub Pembar’s learning is evident to anyone reading the biography. He uses accurate spelling and grammar and structures the text strictly according to formal rules. The many variant spellings and obscure words that make Götsangrepa’s biography difficult to read are seldom found in Ngödrub Pembar’s text. The introductory section of the text states, as seen above, that he was asked to compose the biography by Tsangnyön’s close disciples, and he was probably asked to do so because he was a great scholar and therefore suitable for the task.69

Heart of the Sun Götsangrepa’s biography is entitled: The Heart of the Sun, which Clarifies Vajrayāna: The Life Story of Tsangnyön Heruka, Completely Victorious in Every Direction.70 Although we are not informed what category of rnam thar this text belongs to, the title reveals that it is a life story that clarifies Vajrayāna, and since Vajrayāna is the Secret Mantra: Vajra Vehicle, the title, albeit vaguely, suggests that the life story belongs to the secret category. If one compares Götsangrepa’s biography with the other two texts, however, what distinguishes it is not that it contains more secret elements or visionary accounts, but the fact that it is the most comprehensive version. In 146 folios Götsangrepa appears to have included all the various sources that he had at his disposal, thereby providing a more detailed account of Tsangnyön’s life than either Ngödrub Pembar or Lhatsün. His biography includes the songs found in Tsangnyön’s song collection, most of the information found in Ngödrub Pembar’s text, some letters, lists, a travel document, and many stories and details that are lacking in the other two more abbreviated descriptions of Tsangnyön’s life. It has been noted that Götsangrepa’s text is historically the most interesting; many

69 an overview of Ngödrub Pembar’s life and works will be given in chapter 10. 70 Gtsang smyon he ru ka phyogs thams cad las rnam par rgyal ba’i rnam thar rdo rje theg pa’i gsal byed nyi ma’i snying po. I refer to this book as Heart of the Sun, an abbreviated form of the title. An overview of Götsangrepa’s life and works will be given in chapter 10. 48 part one names of places and persons and other significant details that are absent in the other biographies are noted in the text.71 Of the three biographies about Tsangnyön this particular text is the most well known and the most often cited. One of the reasons for this is that the text was published in 1969 with a very informative preface by Gene Smith which summarized the contents of the book’s fifteen chapters and thereby made this material more available to English readers.72 According to the colophon Götsangrepa’s text was completed on the fifteenth day of a Monkey year.73 Unfortunately it does not specify which Monkey year, so it could refer to 1512, 1524, or 1536.74 Roberts mentions that the life story written by Lhatsün in 1543 directs those interested in knowing more about what happened when Tsangnyön passed away to more comprehensive accounts written by Lhatsün’s great former dharma brothers.75 According to Roberts, the texts referred to are probably the biographies by Ngödrub Pembar and Götsangrepa.76 If this is the case, Götsangrepa must have written his life story before 1543 when Lhatsün wrote his version of the life story. Ehrhard suggests that Götsangrepa composed the text in 1512 while he was staying in Tsari.77 Due to its many peculiar spelling variations and its disdain for the con- ventions of literary Tibetan, Heart of the Sun is rather difficult to read. Smith once pointed out that “the orthographical substitutions found in the text are numerous enough to be the subject of a special study in itself.”78 The biography is divided into fifteen chapters (le’u) each of which is subdivided into sections or topics (skor) of varying length. The contents of each chapter and their in all forty-three sections have been accurately summarized by Smith and will therefore not be repeated here.79 It is the

71 Smith 2001: 67. 72 The Life of the Saint of Gtsang, New Delhi: Śata-piṭaka Series, vol. 69, ed. Lokesh Chandra. This preface was later reprinted together with other prefaces written by Gene Smith in Among Tibetan Texts (Smith 2001). Smith notes that the original xylograph that is reproduced in this book belongs to Togden Rinpoche of Ladakh (Smith 2001: 285, n. 144). Smith also mentions that he knows of the existence of two other copies of the text, one preserved in the library of Burmiok Athing in Gangtok, Sikkim, and the other in the Toyo Bunko in Tokyo (Smith 2001: 285, n. 144). I have seen two copies of this text in Nepal, both in the private collections of Tibetan lamas. The text is also available at the NGMPP and the TBRC. 73 G: 284. 74 This has been discussed in Roberts 2007: 42. 75 Roberts 2007: 41; L: 127. 76 Roberts 2007: 41. 77 Ehrhard 2010b: 145, n. 28. 78 Smith 2001: 67. 79 Smith’s summary is very useful when studying Götsangrepa’s text (Smith 2001: 63–67). introduction and sources 49 first eight chapters of the text that deal with the period of Tsangnyön’s life that this study focuses upon. Chapters six, seven, and eight describe how Tsangnyön became a mad yogin and his subsequent activities as a mad yogin. Many citations from, and references to, these three chapters are included in this book. Götsangrepa, just like the other authors, follows a chronological order that is quite straightforward when he describes the life of Tsangnyön. He provides us with few dates, but he does mention the passage of seasons and sometimes gives information about how many years and/or months Tsangnyön stayed at particular places.80 Smith writes that although no attempt to establish even the simplest chronological outline of Tsang- nyön’s life has been made, it would be possible to make such a compilation if the three biographies and the song collection were compared with one another and also with biographies of Tsangnyön’s contemporaries.81

Making the Body-Hairs of the Faithful Flutter Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal wrote a life story called The Life Story of the Siddha, the Madman from Tsang, which Causes the Body-Hairs of the Faith- ful to Flutter.82 The text is 65 folios long and was printed for the first time in Drakar Taso in 1543.83 According to the Life and Songs of Lhatsün, the life story was begun when Lhatsün and other disciples stayed with Tsangnyön in the Chuwar area.84 After having received instructions the disciples went to various places to practice; Lhatsün went to Dragmar Chonglung and was told to return after ten days.85 Lhatsün seems to have forgotten the days, and after fifteen days he received a letter from Tsangnyön in which it was

80 Götsangrepa provides us with Tsangnyön’s date of birth (1452), the year when he made a one-year meditation retreat in Chuwar (1483), and the date for the renovation of the Svayambhū Stūpa (1504). He erroneously provides the year 1543 as the year when Tsangnyön passed away (it should be 1507). I will return to this when describing Tsang- nyön’s death in chapter 7. 81 Smith 2001: 63. For a tentative chronological outline of Tsangnyön’s life, see appendix 1. 82 Grub thob gtsang pa smyon pa’i rnam thar dad pa’i spu slong g.yo ba. An overview of Lhatsün’s life and works is given in chapter 10. 83 L: 128. 84 In the bibliography this text is found under its full title: Dpal ldan bla ma dam pa mkhas grub lha btsun chos gyi rgyal po’i rnam mgur blo ’das chos sku’i rang gdangs 1976. 85 Dragmar Chonglung or Chonglung Khyungi Dzong was a place near Lapchi where Milarepa had meditated; see, for example, Gtsang smyon Heruka 1991: 196–203; Chang 1989: 1–10. 50 part one written that he should return.86 After he returned to Tsangnyön, Lhatsün was instructed how to draw mandalas. At that time he happened to see a draft of a biography written by another close disciple, and when looking at it, he felt strong devotion towards his lama. After this, Tsangnyön told Lhatsün about his experience of liberation in Taktsang. Lhatsün became very happy and limitless devotion arose. Full of tears, he offered many prostrations and asked Tsangnyön to continue his liberation story. Tsang- nyön agreed to do so, but told Lhatsün not to reveal his story in front of many people. Lhatsün wrote down Tsangnyön’s story in verses. In this way Lhatsün gradually wrote down a draft of a biography in verses based upon what Tsangnyön dictated to him.87 These forty-six verses of supplication were printed in 1522 and became the basis for the biography.88 Making the Body-Hairs of the Faithful Flutter has been published at the beginning of Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud (Ras chung snyan rgyud): Two manuscript collections of texts from the yig cha of Gtsang smyon He ru ka.89 The biography that is reproduced in this particular collection does not come from the original Drakar Taso edition, however, but from another print. Xylograph copies of the original Drakar Taso print were brought to the West by Giuseppe Tucci and are available in the Tucci Tibetan fund in the Library of IsIAO.90 Like Götsangrepa, Lhatsün included the songs in the biography.91 Despite this similarity, the structure of Lhatsün’s biography is more similar to Ngödrub Pembar’s text than Götsangrepa’s. It has no chapters or sections like Heart of the Sun, but instead organizes the narrative around verses like Lion of Faith. The verses are four lines in length, each line containing nine syllables. Like the verses in Lion of Faith, they end with the verb ’dud (bow down, pay homage). As seen above, it appears that Lhatsün first wrote the verses and later added the narrative parts and inserted the songs at appropriate places in the biography. Each verse

86 Life and Songs of Lhatsün 1976: 303. 87 Life and Songs of Lhatsün 1976: 304. 88 thanks are due to Changling Rinpoche for kindly lending me his block-print copy of these verses. 89 Lha btsun 1971. It is this edition of the text that I have used. The translation of this title comes from Stearns 2007: 600. 90 De Rossi Filibeck 1993, vol. 2: 341. Clemente remarks that Tucci made marks in the texts that he studied, and we therefore know that he studied this text (Clemente 2007: 124). Thanks to the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project, a microfilm made from the Drakar Taso edition is also available (NGMPP reel no. E2518/10). 91 the first song is presented on page 50 of the text. I stick to the western-style pagina- tion of the text, i.e.: 50 instead of 25b. introduction and sources 51 pays homage to a particular period of Tsangnyön’s life, and the verses are arranged in chronological order. With some minor variations, Lhatsün follows a similar chronology to the other two authors. Lhatsün’s biography differs insofar as he frequently mentions Tsangnyön’s age. Ngödrub Pembar and Götsangrepa give information about Tsangnyön’s age only when they describe his childhood and youth and give some dates on a few occasions.

The Brief Life Stories Besides the songs and the three extensive biographies written by his direct disciples, a few short life stories of Tsangnyön are available. I have found two short summaries of Heart of the Sun and there are probably more texts of this kind to be found. The most interesting example is a short biography written by the Gelukpa scholar Tuken Lobzang Chökyi Nyima (Tuken, 1737–1802).92 Tuken included this short biography of Tsangnyön at the beginning of a biography he wrote about his famous lama: Changkya Yeshé Tenpé Drönmé, alias Rölpé Dorjé (1717–1786). Tsangnyön’s biography is included in a section that describes Changkya Rölpé Dorjé’s previous lives.93 The reason for this is that Changkya Rölpe Dorjé stated that he was an incarnation of Tsangnyön.94 Tuken’s biography of Tsangnyön is helpful since he, unlike Götsangrepa, writes in a Tibetan that adheres to both grammatical and spelling rules. Therefore, some problematic passages of Götsangrepa’s text are more easily understood when Tuken’s text is consulted. It is also interesting to see how Tuken summarizes Götsangrepa’s extensive text. What he chose to mention and what he chose to omit tell us something about how he read Heart of the Sun and what he considered to be the most important events in Tsangnyön’s life.95

92 I refer to it in the footnotes with the letter “T,” and it is listed in the bibliography under Thu’u bkwan blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma 1989. 93 T: 39–45. 94 T: 39. For an English translation of this passage, see Illich 2006: 358–359. Illich does not translate the short life story itself. 95 Another short biography that also summarizes Heart of the Sun is found in the Bio- graphical Dictionary of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism (Khetsun Sangpo 1981, vol. 8: 366–368). The fact that both Tuken and Khetsun Sangpo have used Götsangrepa’s text indicates that this text was more widely available than the other two biographies, at least in more recent years.

Part Two

Tsangnyön Heruka Map of places and districts which were of importance to Tsangnyön Heruka Chapter Three

Birth and Childhood

Prophecies

I respectfully pay homage to the assemblage of lamas, deities and ḍākinīs. I bow down at the feet of the glorious lama, the Heruka! You are the unification of all the buddhas, the sixth, Vajradhara. The deeds of the Victorious Ones are endless and inconceivable. You clear away the disturbances of samsara and nirvana by merely having your name heard. I bow down to you, Protector! Just as prophesied by the Victorious Ones, You took birth as an emanation in these snowy mountains. Through virtuous actions from beginning to end, You spread the essential doctrine in the ten directions.1 Tsangnyön Heruka’s biographers all begin their accounts of their lama’s life story by quoting various Buddhist scriptures where the coming of the Lord is foretold.2 According to their way of seeing, there are prophecies about Tsangnyön in important Buddhist texts such as the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras3 and the Heap of Jewels Sūtra.4 How wonderful! This was said by the bhagavan (Buddha Śākyamuni) in the Heap of Jewels Sūtra: “Ananda, in the future, in the body of a vajra master, I will teach the dharma.” So [it was said], and in the Tantra which Completely Grasps the Qualities of the Lama5 it is said: “Displaying a body in accordance with the desire [of beings], I will teach the holy dharma [and], in this final cycle of five hundred years, [I will teach] in the form of a child.” And in the Vajra Tent of the Ḍākinī’s Tantra6 it is said: “Therefore a vajra holder will take the form of a master and then after focusing on the benefit of the beings he will dwell in the body of a low person.”7

1 N: 1b. 2 tsangnyön’s biographers often call Tsangnyön Rje (Lord). 3 Sher phyin mdo, Prajñāpāramitāsūtra. 4 Dkon mchog brtsegs pa mdo, Ratnakūṭasūtra. 5 Bla ma’i yon tan yongs bzung gi rgyud. 6 Mkha’ ’gro ma rdo rje gur gyi rgyud. 7 G: 6. 56 part two

All three biographers agree that Tsangnyön was predicted in the Perfec tion of Wisdom Sūtras and it is also often stated that he had a special connection with the teachings contained in those sūtras. This is not sur prising; several great masters of Tibetan Buddhism are described as hav ing a special relation to the Perfection of Wisdom teachings, which form the core teachings of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Lhatsün quotes a section of the Immaculate Goddess Sūtra where it is written that:8 Prajñāpāramitā will spread from the north to the north by myself, and fur thermore in the land of the red faced ones [a person] with the name Mad man will spread Prajñāpāramitā, and he will specifically not do so by means of monastic discipline (’dul ba, vinaya).9 Ngödrub Pembar quoted the same text, but without the last line that says that a person with the name Madman will spread the teaching.10 Without the last line it becomes much more difficult to connect this sūtra with Tsangnyön. Ngödrub Pembar seems aware of this and explains that the reason for letting these prophecies of the Perfection of Wisdom turn into prophecies about the Venerable One is that “he is one who passed his time bringing his own as well as others’ continuums to maturation and liberation by means of the view, meditation, conduct, and result which are explained in the profound Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras.”11 Tsangnyön thus proved to be the very person indicated in the sacred scripture through his activities. Ngödrub Pembar mentions that he asked Tsangnyön whether it was appropriate to regard him as the very individual mentioned in the prophecies. Not only did Tsangnyön reply that this was appropriate, he also quoted some sections of the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra where it is said that the Prajñāpāramitā teachings would be diffused not by a monk but by a yogin, and the main subject of those teachings would not be monastic discipline.12 According to Heart of the Sun, the Great Master from Uḍḍiyāna (Padma sambhava), whom Tibetan Buddhists consider to have been instrumental in bringing Buddhism to Tibet, had also foretold Tsangnyön’s appearance. Götsangrepa mentions that the treasure finder Jangchub Lingpa13 revealed

8 Lha mo dri med ma’i mdo. 9 l: 4. 10 n: 3a. 11 n: 3b. 12 n: 4a. 13 TBRC gives information about several Jangchub Lingpas. One of those, Śākya Yeshé, whose primary title was Śākya Yeshé Jangchub Lingpa, lived in the fourteenth century and tsangnyön heruka 57 a treasure text from the back of the great Namnang14 in Samyé, and he quotes from the treasure text in Heart of the Sun: In the future, when the life span of beings will be fifty years, my—Padma’s— emanation-body will be born in the Nyang family, in a Monkey year, and [due to] disciplined conduct he will be called madman. [By merely] seeing, hearing, thinking, or touching him, enlightenment will be attained.15 The examples above show how Tsangnyön’s disciples, in similar but not identical ways, try to demonstrate that their master was not an ordinary being, but an awakened emanation (sprul pa). He was foretold in many sūtras, and according to Götsangrepa, in treasure texts as well. Tsangnyön was Buddha Śākyamuni himself or perhaps Padmasambhava, who is seen as a second Buddha by the Tibetans. Ngödrub Pembar sees no contradic tion in the fact that his master is sometimes said to be an emanation of the Buddha and sometimes of Padmasambhava. It also does not contradict Urgyen’s (i.e. Padmasambhava’s) prophecy, because in general it is said that a single basis for emanation will emanate into one billion emanations, and in particular because it is prophesied that Urgyen himself is an emanation of the Buddha.16

Previous Incarnations

Tsangnyön is not only seen as an emanation (sprul pa) of a buddha, but he is also often held to be an incarnation (sprul sku) of a particular Buddhist master. The sprul sku-system of spiritual transmission was increasingly gaining popularity when Tsangnyön’s disciples wrote their biographies,

was a teacher of Sangyé Lingpa (1340–1396). I have not been able to determine if this might be the master referred to in the prophecy. 14 This seems to be a description about how the treasure revealer revealed a treasure text from the back of a Nampar Nangdzé (Vairocana) statue. The title of the text that was revealed is Rdzogs chen ba ku la byang phra mo (G: 6). 15 G: 6–7. This is one of the few instances in the biographies of Tsangnyön when a Nyingma connection is displayed. Given the fact that many Kagyü masters had close ties to the Nyingma school, in combination with the general tendency to mix traditions in Tibetan Buddhism, especially Kagyü and Nyingma, it is somewhat surprising that there are so few connections between Tsangnyön and the Nyingma tradition. The fact that Tsang nyön’s own student and biographer Götsangrepa had close ties to the Nyingma tradition makes this even more surprising. It would seem logical to find more references to Nyingma teachings and/or Nyingma masters in the biographies about Tsangnyön but, as we will see, there are very few such references. 16 N: 4a. There is a peculiar spelling of Urgyen (Padmasambhava) in the text: it is spelled U ryan. 58 part two and it is only natural that they saw their teacher as an emanation and/or an incarnation.17 Tsangnyön seems to have been somewhat skeptical toward the incar nation system. According to Gene Smith, he considered emulation of the lives of the great masters of the past to be more important than the incar nation lineage to which a teacher belonged.18 That this indeed seems to be Tsangnyön’s opinion is shown in one of his most important works, the Life of Milarepa. Peter Alan Roberts and others have pointed out that Tsang nyön’s version of Milarepa’s biography was the first to present the cotton- clad yogin as an ordinary being rather than an incarnation of a buddha.19 This innovation made it easier for ordinary people to identify with Milarepa, which probably contributed to the popularity of Tsangnyön’s version of the life story. Despite Tsangnyön’s attempts to reduce the importance of the incar nation system, however, both he and his disciples had some thoughts about his former incarnations. According to the Buddhist way of thinking, every sentient being is born repeatedly and the historical Buddha was a bodhisattva for innumerable lives before attaining enlightenment. There fore, it is logical that a great master such as Tsangnyön had also been an important master in his previous incarnations. Some incidents in the life stories show how people speculated about Tsangnyön’s previous lives. In Heart of the Sun it is mentioned that Chöjé Yam Chilwa announced to Tsangnyön that he had dreamt that Tsangnyön was Tilopa in a previous life. Tsangnyön answered: “That may indeed be your pure vision. I am a holder of the tradition of Tilopa, but I have no idea whether I am an incarnation or not.”20 On another occasion the head lama of the Nyanang Monastery asked Tsangnyön: Precious Lord! Whichever of your activities one observes, they are worthy of no one but an incarnation of a buddha or bodhisattva, whoever it may be. People don’t agree regarding whose incarnation it is, and say that it is Venerable Rechungpa, Ngendzong Tönpa, and so forth. There are many

17 For a discussion of how these two terms are used and how complicated the ideas about reincarnation and emanation are, see, for example, Roberts 2007: 231–235. Tulku Thondup distinguishes between three different categories of incarnation (Thondup 2011: 1–2). 18 Smith 2001: 61. 19 Roberts 2007: 78–80; Quintman 2006: 221–235. Chapter 9 includes a more detailed discussion of Tsangnyön’s life story of Milarepa. 20 G: 132. This passage is also translated in Smith 2001: 61–62. tsangnyön heruka 59

different opinions. Which one is it? Whose incarnation are you and who is the extraordinary master who is mentioned in the biography of Venerable Mila?21 On this occasion Tsangnyön offered a response that provides some information about his opinion. First he said that people will understand whose incarnation he is by looking at the footprint at Rechen Cave in Lapchi. Then he said that the identity of the extraordinary master men tioned in Milarepa’s biography will become evident after his death.22 This enigmatic answer did not stop the speculations about Tsangnyön’s pre vious incarnations, but it did actually contain some clues. Ilze Maruta Stearns [Kalnins] and Andrew Quintman have shown that a close read ing of Heart of the Sun, where the above quotations are found, shows that Tsangnyön, in the eyes of Götsangrepa, considered himself to be a rein carnation of Milarepa.23 The footprint at Rechen Cave in Laphyi that he referred to was Milarepa’s and in his final words he provided some obvi ous hints of this.24 Other close disciples such as Ngödrub Pembar and Sönam Lodrö shared the opinion that their lama had been Milarepa in a previous incarnation.25 According to the biographies Tsangnyön said and did things that indicated that he was Milarepa incarnate, but because of Tsangnyön’s vagueness regarding his previous incarnations, speculations about his former lives continued. Several centuries later well-known lamas expressed different opinions about Tsangnyön’s previous incarnations. Tuken Lobzang Chökyi Nyima (1737–1802) thought that he was a rein carnation of Milarepa’s teacher, Marpa (1012–1093?).26 Later, two promi nent figures of the non-sectarian movement (ris med), Jamgön Kongtrül (1813–1899) and Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo (1820–1892), stated that Tsangnyön was an incarnation of Rechungpa.27 To sum up, it was generally believed that Tsangnyön was a reincarnation of a great Kagyü master of the past, but there was no consensus regarding

21 g: 152–153. This section is also translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 78. 22 g: 153. 23 stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 66–83; Quintman 2006: 262–263. 24 tsangnyön’s final words are rendered below (p. 187). 25 Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 9–11; N: 26b; Bya bral pa tshul khrims dpal ldan 1544: 8b. Lhatsün, however, sometimes states that Tsangnyön had been Tilopa in a previ ous life (L: 128). 26 smith 2001: 145. 27 Jamgön Kongtrül, quoted in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 78. Khyentsé states this in his guide to the holy places of Central Tibet that is available in English translation (Ferrari 1958: 51). This is an opinion that I have also heard from several contemporary lamas. 60 part two who it was. Some people claimed that it was Rechungpa or Ngendzong Tönpa; many of his closest disciples, and probably Tsangnyön himself, asserted that it was Milarepa; Lhatsün and Chöjé Yam Chilwa that it was Tilopa; Tuken that it was Marpa; Khyentsé Wangpo and Jamgön Kongtrül that it was Rechungpa—and there were probably other candidates as well. Tsangnyön himself seems to have been critical about some aspects of the incarnation system and therefore wanted to downplay his own status as an incarnation. He deliberately answered enigmatically when people asked him about his former incarnations, but at the same time he had an opinion. Tsangnyön’s unwillingness to clearly state that he was an incar nation created fertile ground for speculation regarding his former lives.

The Birth

I bow down to you, who showed many miracles when you entered the womb and were born, And who in the amusing games of childhood endeavored in virtuous actions.28 Tsangnyön was born in Tsang, the most western of the two provinces that constitute Central Tibet (Ü-Tsang). Southeast of the famous town of Shigatsé in Tsang lies the land of Nyang.29 This region includes the entire fertile valley of the Nyangchu River and it is divided into three parts: Upper Nyang (Myang stod), Middle Nyang (Myang bar), and Lower Nyang (Myang smad). The most famous and important town in Upper Nyang is Gyantsé, situated about 86 kilometers southeast of Shigatsé. Gyantsé is famous for the remarkable octagonal Kumbum Stūpa that was completed in 1427. The stūpa is situated in the great monastic complex of Gyantsé, Palkhor Chödé, or as it was called in the oldest references, Palkhor Dechen. If one follows the Nyangchu River from Gyantsé and continues north toward Shigatsé, then turns east and crosses the Nyangchu River at Drongtsé, situated about 10 kilometers northwest of Gyantsé, one arrives in Taktsé. In Taktsé there was a temple attributed to the ancient dharma

28 L: 4. 29 For information about Nyang, see Tucci 1989a: 47–72; for a more recent description, see Gyurme Dorje 2004: 265–275. The central Tibetan source about Nyang is Myang yul stod smad bar gsum gyi ngo mtshar gtam gyi legs bshad mkhas pa’i ’jug ngogs zhes bya ba (Tārānātha 1983). tsangnyön heruka 61

Figure 1. Kharkha, the birthplace of Tsangnyön Heruka, north of Gyantsé. king Trisong Detsen, and in its territory was a locality called Taktsel where there stood a castle known by the name of Möndro.30 East of Taktsé in a large valley was a village called Kharkha or Tashi Kharkha.31 This place is nowadays known as Upper Khar (Mkhar stod) and its foundation was laid by Palden Zangpo, who also laid the foundations of Tsechen, Lhündrub Tsé, and Gyantsé 1365.32 Kharkha is the main seat of the valley and it con tains ruins related to the later Polanä, the king of Tibet in the eighteenth century.33 The whole area (Nyang) is related to the ancient Nyang clan to which Tsangnyön belonged.34 It was in Kharkha that Tsangnyön Heruka was born.

30 tucci 1989a: 56, 68. It is a bit unclear to me how Taktsé and Taktsel are related. Sometimes the two names seem to refer to the same place but at other times a distinction between them is made. 31 see Tucci 1989b: 259, n. 3. According to a local informant, Tashi Kharkha is nowadays known as Mindröl Ling (Smin grol gling), not to be confused with the famous Nyingmapa monastery with the same name. 32 Franco Ricca and Erberto Lo Bue 1993: 14. 33 thanks are due to Per K. Sørensen who kindly provided me with important informa tion about Kharkha/Upper Khar. 34 For a good map of the area, see, Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 312, Map 9. 62 part two

Before Birth In Heart of the Sun, Götsangrepa describes how Milarepa attained enlight enment in one lifetime, and then mentions how Milarepa’s aspiration prayers and his powerful resolve to benefit beings spread his enlightened activities in countless buddha fields. Finally, “light of wisdom and com passion radiated from the spontaneously existing sphere of Akaniṣṭha to this land of the northern direction (Tibet), and the great nirmāṇakāya entered his mother’s womb.”35 The entire episode resembles Buddha Śākyamuni’s birth as it is depicted in the famous biographies Lalitavistara and Buddhacarita. Like the Bud dha, Tsangnyön dwelt in a heavenly sphere—not Tuṣita as the former, but Akaniṣṭha—and when the time was ripe he descended to Earth to enter the womb of his mother. Tsangnyön was thus seen as an extraordinary being, a bodhisattva or perhaps an emanation of a buddha, who took birth for the sole reason of benefiting beings and the teachings. More particu larly, in the eyes of Götsangrepa, he was an emanation of Milarepa. It would be improper for such an exalted being to enter the womb of an ordinary woman, and Tsangnyön therefore entered the womb of a wisdom ḍākinī named Sangyé Dren.36 Tsangnyön’s father, Sangyé Palden, was a mantra-holder (sngags ’chang), a term sometimes translated as ‘village lama.’37 Tsangnyön’s mother, Sangyé Dren, had a particularly close relation to her son. Her dreams and visions were regarded as very important by the authors of the biographies, and Tsangnyön himself seems to have respected her and had a close relationship with her. Even when Tsangnyön later became a mad yogin, famous for disregarding the opinions of others, he occasionally visited his mother and followed her advice. Tsangnyön’s father, on the other hand, is only mentioned when Tsangnyön’s birth is

35 G: 13. 36 The term wisdom ḍākinī ( ye shes mkha’ ’gro) is used for female enlightened beings; these could be humans or yi dams such as Vajravārāhī. It should also be noted that the term is used in colloquial Tibetan for the wife of a yogin or the mother of an incarnated lama. 37 Both Stearns [Kalnins] and Smith translated the term as village lama (Stearns [Kal nins] 1985: 21, Smith 2001: 63). If this is correct, Tsangnyön’s parents were Buddhist practi tioners who had achieved recognition and perhaps officiated in the village when religious services were needed. That parents of an important lama are extraordinary individuals is taken for granted by many Tibetans, so it is difficult to know whether Tsangnyön’s parents actually were regarded as accomplished practitioners before Tsangnyön was born, or if they were given such titles and/or functions retrospectively. tsangnyön heruka 63 described and then disappears from the account altogether. The close relationship between mother and son is seen in many life stories, most notably perhaps the life of Milarepa, where the strong and emotional relationship between Milarepa and his mother is an important part of the narrative. The importance of one’s mother is stressed in Mahāyāna Buddhism, and a common method to develop compassion is to see all sentient beings as one’s previous mothers. Sangyé Dren and Sangyé Palden had five children, three sons and two daughters; Tsangnyön was the fourth child. His brothers are mentioned by name in the biographies, and Gene Smith mentions that all three brothers became well-known religious personages of their time.38 Lhatsün depicts a dream that their mother had during her pregnancy with Tsangnyön’s older brother Sokpo Gyaltsen: When the oldest of the three sons Arapatsā [Sokpo Gyaltsen] was in the womb of ḍākinī Sangyé Dren, his mother one night dreamt of a fearful red woman with bone ornaments. [The woman] gave her three eggs, a white one, a red one, and an indigo colored one, and said, “Eat these and the three—Sokpo Gyaltsen, Sangyé Gyaltsen, and Könchok Gyaltsen—will be born; their renown will fill the world.” After dreaming [the red lady] disap peared like a rainbow. Then the boy was born and when the time of talking arrived he automatically said A RA PA TSĀ NA DHI, and was also given the name Arapatsā.39 Tsangnyön’s younger brother, Könchok Gyaltsen (born 1453) is often men tioned in the biographies, and just like Tsangnyön he was seen as an ema nation foretold in prophecies. Tsangnyön had a close relationship with him, and the two brothers frequently traveled together. Könchok Gyaltsen is often called dbon po or dbon po brten ’brel ba in the biographies, a term that usually means nephew.40 Götsangrepa asserts that Könchok Gyaltsen was an emanation of an activity protector (las kyi mgon po) called The Raven Faced One (Bya rog gdong).41 Not only were Tsangnyön’s parents and siblings extraordinary, but his family (rigs) and clan ( gdung) were extraordinary as well. His family

38 smith 2001: 63. 39 l: 4–5. A RA PA TSĀ NA DHI is the mantra of Mañjuśrī. 40 see, for instance, G: 7; 15; N: 4b. In a recent dictionary by Tub bstan phun tshogs (Bod yig tshig gter rgya mtsho’i rtsom sgrig tshogs pa) the first definition for dbon po is: bla chen dang dpon rig sogs gyi sku’i gcung po’i zhe sa’i tshig. So the term can be used as a polite title for a lama’s younger male relative (brother). Thanks to Andrew Quintman for drawing my attention to this. 41 g: 15. 64 part two

Figure 2. Tsangnyön’s younger brother, Könchok Gyaltsen. tsangnyön heruka 65 belonged to the mantra class (sngags rigs) and the name of his clan was Nyang. His ancestral lineage (rgyud) was a lineage of siddhas such as Nyang Relpachen.42 During the pregnancy, Tsangnyön’s mother (Sangyé Dren) felt happi ness and physical lightness, and even if she did not eat she never felt hun ger. She also had several dreams that indicated that her expected child was very special and destined for great things.43 When Tsangnyön’s mother had been pregnant for six months some cot ton clad yogins (ras pa) arrived in a dream.44 The yogins sang beautifully and the mother went to them. One of them said that he was Rechungpa and gave her an amulet (ga’u). “Wear this and all your wishes will be accomplished!” he said.45 About a month later she dreamt about seven suns, and when the rays of the suns reached her, she experienced a mental state that was free of concepts for a while.46 Despite the pleasant nature of those dreams Sangyé Dren became a bit worried. The Glorious Lady of Zhalu told her not to worry about her son and dispelled her worries in a dream the following night.47

Birth Finally, after ten months of pregnancy, when the time, day and star con stellation were very auspicious, the extraordinary child was born.48 The year was a Male Water-Monkey year49 called Ang gi ra in Tibetanized

42 G: 12; N: 3a; L: 4. This probably refers to the famous treasure revealer Nyang Rel pachen Nyima Öser (1136–1204), also known as Nyangrel Nyima Öser. For a description of Nyangrel Nyima Öser’s encounter with a mad master, see above (p. 15). As Gene Smith has pointed out, Götsangrepa oddly enough refers to two former siddhas from the Nyang/ Myang clan, one named Nyang Relpachen, and one named Nyang Nyima Öser (G: 12); this is contrary to later traditions (Smith 2001: 285, n. 145). 43 G: 7; N: 3b; L: 5. This is another common feature of biographies; the mother of the great female master Machik Labdrön, for example, felt light and happy while pregnant, and like Tsangnyön’s mother, had auspicious dreams, A biography about Machik Lab drön describes that when her mother was pregnant, despite being rather old for a mother (48 years), her complexion became youthful again (Edou 1996: 122–125). 44 Ras pa is the name used for yogins dressed in cotton clothes (ras). This clothing is a sign that they had accomplished the practice of inner heat (gtum mo). 45 L: 5. 46 L: 5; N: 3b. 47 G: 13; L: 5; N: 3b. Zhalu is the name of a district in Tsang where there is a famous monastery of the same name. The Glorious Lady is probably a female protector of this area. 48 Tsangnyön’s birth is described in G: 13; L: 5; N: 4a. 49 Tibetans consider the year of the monkey particularly auspicious, and it is believed that both Buddha Śākyamuni and Padmasambhava were born in a Monkey year. The 66 part two

Sanskrit (1452);50 the time was the full moon day (fifteenth day) of the fifth Hor month; the day was Thursday; and the stellar constellation was dkar rgyal.51 Tsangnyön’s birth was unlike that of normal children, but resembled the birth of the Buddha: The [birth] of the great being who distributed miraculous substances, the glorious Laughing Vajra (Gzhad pa rdo rje),52 was similar to the birth of Vajradhara, the supreme nirmāṇakāya teacher, the perfect and complete Buddha Śākya Tubpa, Prince Siddhārtha, who was born in the gardens of Lumbinī in the noble land as the son of King Śuddhodana. When the embodi ment (sku) was born the umbilical cord of the young bodhisattva was longer than that of ordinary people and formed in the manner of a meditation belt and he had folded palms. He uttered the indestructible mantra: A HAṀ and his mind did not move from the natural state of mahāmudrā. Also at that time, the earth shook seven times in six different ways and eighteen signs [appeared]. A rain of flowers from the virtuous gods and so forth [fell from the sky] and many offering-clouds of divine substances were offered. All the people nearby had sensations of sounds of music and fragrant smells. At that time everybody was in a state of joy and inspiration. An excellent celebration was held for three nights and days, and [Tsangnyön] was given the name Chögyal Lhünpo (Dharma King Mountain).53 After his birth, happiness and prosperity pervaded the area for many years. Diseases ceased and crops were abundant.54 This description could be compared with the description of what happened after the birth of the Buddha in Lalitavistara. This famous life story describes how great plea sure filled all beings as soon as the Bodhisattva was born. Desire, hatred, ignorance, and other delusions disappeared from the minds of people. Sick people became cured, hungry people were no longer starving, “the

Monkey year was also the year chosen for the “great ravine circuit of Tsari” (Tsa ri rong skor chen mo) (Huber 1999: 128 and 253, n. 1). It is also during a Monkey year that Drukchen Rinpoche, the head of Drukpa Kagyü, performs the famous ceremony of Nāropa’s bone ornaments. 50 in The Life of Shabkar it is also said that the Male Water-Monkey year is called Angira (The Life of Shabkar: the Autobiography of a Tibetan Yogin 1997: 245). According to Stearns [Kalnins] Ang gir is Sanskrit for chu pho spre’u. She also mentions that in Tibetan astrology, each year has three names: Tibetan, Sanskrit, and Chinese (Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 46, n. 1). 51 this is the name of a star, a corresponding constellation, and the associated lunar month. In Sanskrit it is called puṣya. Both Lalitavistara and Buddhacarita state that the Buddha was born when the puṣya constellation appeared (The Lalitavistara Sūtra: The Voice of the Buddha, 1983: 124, Aśvaghoṣa 1992: 3). 52 this refers to Tsangnyön and it shows that Götsangrepa considered Tsangnyön to be an emanation of Zhepa Dorjé (Milarepa). 53 g: 13–14. 54 g: 14; N: 4a. tsangnyön heruka 67 mad recovered their senses, the blind regained sight, and the deaf once more could hear” and so on.55

Childhood

According to all three biographers, Tsangnyön was cared for with love and affection, and as a young child he amazed those who met him.56 His behavior and children’s games all indicated that he was an extraordinary individual, linked with Buddhist teaching and practice. The many auspi cious dreams that his mother had during her pregnancy did not cease after Tsangnyön’s birth, but continued to appear and influence her. When Tsangnyön was eight months old a small boy with a beautiful voice appeared in a dream, sitting high above the ground among a large group of women who were adorned with bone ornaments and played hand drums (ḍamaru). Tsangnyön’s mother became afraid that the child would fall down to the ground and get hurt, but the small boy comforted her saying: “Mother you do not need to worry; riding a white lion I sit in space.”57 Hearing the young child say this Sangyé Dren (Tsangnyön’s mother) woke up. One month later a severe case of tonsillitis threatened Tsangnyön’s life and his parents consulted various doctors. No matter which skilful doctor was consulted, no one found any remedy, and his condition continued to get worse. Divinations were performed but no cure for the child was found. Then, one night, on the full moon day (the fifteenth), a white lady appeared in a dream and told Sangyé Dren that since this boy of hers was destined to benefit sentient beings and the Buddhist doctrine, recita tion of mantra would cure him. His mother answered that she did not know what mantra to recite and the white lady said that it would suf fice to recite the maṇi mantra.58 When Tsangnyön’s mother woke up, she immediately did as the white lady in the dream had said and Tsangnyön was cured.59 Tsangnyön’s mother continued to have dreams, and as has already been seen, they were often prophetic. Significant Buddhist figures appeared

55 The Lalitavistara Sūtra: The Voice of the Buddha, 1983: 133. For the same passage in Sanskrit, see Lalita-vistara 1958: 63. 56 G: 14; L: 5; N: 4a. 57 G: 14–15; L: 6–7; N: 4a–4b. 58 Oṃ maṇi padme huṃ. 59 G: 15; L: 6; N: 4b. 68 part two and revealed important pieces of information about her son. The next important dream-visitor was the great master Padmasambhava. This key figure in Tibetan Buddhism, who is important in visionary revelations in Tibet, appeared in a dream on the tenth day of the Tibetan month when Tsangnyön was ten months old.60 Surrounded by many ḍākinīs, Padmasambhava made the following statement: “Outside of Taktsel Nang, my emanation will be a person of the Monkey year. Wherever the shadow of his body falls, the path of liberation will be attained. If a bird pulls a monkey by the nose,61 the world will be full of light.”62 These kinds of prophetic sayings usually need to be interpreted, and both Götsangrepa and Lhatsün explain this particular prophecy in simi lar ways. According to them, the bird refers to Tsangnyön’s brother Kön chok Gyaltsen, who was born in a Bird year, and the monkey refers to Tsangnyön, who was born in a Monkey year.63 The statement about the bird leading the monkey by the nose could be a portent showing that Könchok Gyaltsen was going to travel together with Tsangnyön on many of his escapades. Another thing revealed in this prophecy is the fact that Tsangnyön is once again said to be an emanation of the great master from Urgyen (Padmasambhava). The dream thus confirms the message of the above-quoted treasure text. When Tsangnyön was around one year of age he sat in full meditation position with his eyes fixed for twenty-one days.64 This was an indication that the young child was a reincarnation of a great meditation master and was destined to become a yogin. When he was older, Tsangnyön practiced much meditation and stressed the importance of meditation practice in his teachings.

60 g: 15. According to Lhatsün this incident happened when Tsangnyön was one year old, and Padmasambhava appeared not in a dream but when Tsangnyön’s mother was praying to him. The actual content of Padmasambhava’s prophetic message was similar, however (L: 7). Ngödrub Pembar does not mention this incident. The tenth day of every lunar month is connected with Padmasambhava. 61 literally, if a bird pulls a monkey-nose, meaning if someone of the bird sign leads someone of the monkey sign. Spre sna bya yis drangs nas. 62 g: 15. Similar passage found in L: 7. This prophecy is also rendered in Jampa Lhatsün Drakpa’s biography about Ngödrub Pembar (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 11). 63 g: 15; L: 7. 64 l: 6, N: 4b. Both Lhatsün and Ngödrub Pembar state that this information came from Tsangnyön’s mother. According to Götsangrepa he sat in meditation for three days, not twenty-one (G: 15). Götsangrepa and Ngödrub Pembar state that he was more than one year old when he sat in meditation (G: 15; N: 4b); according to Lhatsün he was ten months old (L: 6). tsangnyön heruka 69

The prophetic dreams continued to appear; the most important was perhaps a dream that his mother had when Tsangnyön was about one year old. A black yogin, adorned with bone ornaments and with his hair tied up in a topknot, appeared, cleaved open the mouth(s) of the boy(s), and inserted several volumes of holy books into it (them).65 This dream is a prophecy about one of Tsangnyön’s most important exploits, the compilation/composition of an aural transmission collection.66 The biographers identify the black man in the dream as the Indian siddha Tilopa—the first human guru of the Kagyü lineage, who is regarded as an emanation of one of the main chosen deities ( yi dam) of the Kagyü tradition, Cakrasaṃvara.67 The episode shows that Tsangnyön received these teachings in a mystical way directly from Tilopa, who was regarded as Cakrasaṃvara in person. These kinds of mystical transmissions are common in both Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhism. They are of particular importance in the Tibetan treasure tradition. In the treasure tradition a great master, usually Pad masambhava, gives a certain teaching to a particular disciple who in a later incarnation, when the right time and circumstances arise, discovers the same teaching as a treasure (gter ma) and thereby becomes a treasure revealer (gter ston). This is an effective way of showing that seemingly new teachings are actually the words of a buddha. If the teaching is not new, as in the case of Tsangnyön and the aural transmission, it is a way of confirming that the person in question has a mandate to function as a representative of the great masters from whom the lineage once sprung. His mother’s dream shows that Tsangnyön had been chosen by Tilopa to propagate these esoteric oral instructions. Later in his life, as we will see, Tsangnyön fulfilled his obligation, and the seed that Tilopa had planted in him when he was a small child bore fruit. Leaving the dreams and prophecies aside, let us now turn to the way in which Tsangnyön showed that he was extraordinary. As noted above he had already sat in meditation for a long period when he was just a baby. Lhatsün describes how he continued to surprise those around him with his unusual behavior:

65 G: 16; L: 6–7; N: 4b–5a. According to both Lhatsün and Ngödrub Pembar the word for mouth is plural (gzhon dag); if this is the case perhaps both Tsangnyön and his brother(s?) had texts inserted in their mouths by the mysterious yogin (L: 6; N: 4b). 66 I will describe the aural transmission in more detail in chapters 4 and 9. 67 G: 16. 70 part two

When he was two years old, he sometimes stood up, holding his hands in prayer on top of his head, and spontaneously and repeatedly said, “I salute the master Mila (Milarepa)! I salute the glorious Pakmodrupa!68 I salute the victorious Götsangpa!”69 At the age of three, in all his children’s games he was teaching dharma. In addition, after holding a small copper vase he said, “I will bestow empower ment,” and he put it (the vase) on the heads of all, strong as well as weak. When he was four and five he was sitting in vajra-posture most of the time, with his hands in the posture of equanimity and his eyes fixed. At six he perfected his reading skill, and since he was very diligent in reading the words of the Buddha, he memorized ’Jam,70 Sdud 71 and Bzang,72 and always recited. When he was seven, he knew thoroughly the writing styles and the different kinds of letters.73 Götsangrepa gives a somewhat similar account of Tsangnyön’s extraordi nary childhood. All his actions and games were related to the Buddhist doctrine and practice, and proved that he was linked to the dharma, or as expressed by Götsangrepa, “he showed that he carried the blessing of previous virtuous deeds.”74 This kind of behavior is often found in biogra phies dealing with the childhood of great Tibetan masters. In his autobi ography, for example, Jamgön Kongtrül describes how, as soon as he could walk, he started to wear a monk’s shawl; and how in his childhood games he played that he bestowed empowerments, erected temples, performed rituals and ceremonies, and so forth. Kongtrül states that these were signs of his “connection with and propensity toward the Buddhist teaching.”75 The biographies about Tsangnyön thus follow the same pattern as many other biographies, something that is aptly illustrated in the follow ing passage of Heart of the Sun: Then when he was six years old, after gathering the children in vari ous places such as Kharkhai Kyidé Puk and so forth, he played games of

68 Pakmodrupa Dorjé Gyalpo (1110–1170), a disciple of Gampopa and one of the most important masters of the Kagyü tradition. From his disciples many suborders of the Kagyü tradition arose. 69 götsang Gönpo Dorjé (1189–1258), the founder of the Tödruk tradition, a subschool of the Drukpa Kagyü. 70 ’Jam is short for ’Jam dpal mtshan brjod, Mañjuśrīnāmasaṃgīti (Utterance of the Names of Mañjuśrī). This is the name of a common hymn of praise to Mañjuśrī. 71 Mdo sdud pa, Prajñāpāramitāsañcayogāthā (A Synopsis of Sūtras). 72 Bzang po spyod pa’i smon lam, Bhadracarīpraṇidhānarāja (Aspiration of Noble Exalted Conduct) is a very popular prayer. 73 l: 7. 74 g: 16. 75 kongtrul 2003: 8. tsangnyön heruka 71

drawing mandalas, arranging offerings, performing gaṇacakra-feasts, preach ing dharma and so forth, and since all he did was the performance of a vajra master, even ordinary persons were astonished and amazed. In the boy’s [Tsangnyön’s] own dreams he saw many ḍākinīs of the five families per forming sacramental feasts, and a boat that delivered many beings from a great river, and after seizing the sun and moon in his hands he waved them back and forth. [Finally he dreamt that he] flew in the sky.76 The dominating themes of Tsangnyön’s childhood and youth were his extraordinary qualities that were displayed by miraculous dreams, prophecies, and not least by his natural tendency to practice and teach Buddhism. The next phase of his life was dominated by another important Buddhist theme, namely renunciation.

76 G: 16.

Chapter Four

The Exceptional Monk

Ordination

When you saw the faults of samsara you took ordination in the teaching, the eight dharmas made you disgusted, [and] holy men followed in your track; [to you Tsangnyön] I bow down.1 At the age of seven, Tsangnyön felt a strong revulsion toward cyclic existence and the pleasures associated with it.2 Things that other beings strived to attain Tsangnyön wanted nothing to do with. For him even the greatest happiness of samsara resembled food mixed with poison or a pile of excrement covered with flies.3 Samsara was like a “pit of fire” in the young boy’s eyes and not even the happiness of the highest god, Brahmā, attracted him.4 Tsangnyön’s renunciation was mixed with an equally strong feeling of compassion toward the beings who suffer in samsara. Motivated by renunciation and compassion he decided that whatever the cost he must attain the state of peace, the highest liberation from samsara. Since he wanted to reach liberation in order to help all sentient beings who suffer in the various samsaric realms, the limited liberation of the śravakas and pratyeka-buddhas did not satisfy him. His only goal was the complete all- knowing state of buddhahood.5

1 L: 4. The eight dharmas (chos brgyad) or eight worldly dharmas (’jig rten chos brgyad) are: gain (rnyed pa), loss (ma rnyed pa), fame (snyan pa), obscurity (mi snyan pa), slander (smad pa), praise (bstod pa), pleasure (bde ba), and pain (sdug bsngal). 2 It should be noted that according to the Tibetan system for calculating age, everyone is considered one year old at birth. This means that a person who is seven according to Tibetan calculation is six according to Western calculation. Except in the chronological outline (appendix 1), I render age according to the Tibetan system of counting. 3 G: 16. 4 G: 16; L: 7; N: 5a. 5 G: 17. 74 part two

Overwhelmed with these feelings, Tsangnyön decided that he should become a monk, and when he was eight years old a great preceptor (mkhan chen) named Künga Sangyé bestowed the monk’s vows upon him.6 The night before the ordination ceremony, Künga Sangyé had an auspicious dream indicating that something of great importance was about to happen. When Tsangnyön showed up the following day the preceptor thought that his dream portended Tsangnyön’s ordination and said: “Last night I dreamt of throwing flowers to a man who was together with many friends who were arhats. It seems that this person will be of benefit for the teaching.” [The preceptor] was very compassionate and provided [Tsangnyön] with the requisites of a monk. Having given him the ordination name Sangyé Gyaltsen (Victory Banner of the Buddha), he said, “You will be one who upholds the victory banner of the teachings.”7 As so often before, Tsangnyön’s mother also dreamt a prophetic dream around the time of her son’s ordination. She dreamt that her extraordinary son was herding cattle up a mountain, a dream indicating that Tsangnyön had an important future mission.8 From this time onward Chögyal Lhünpo, as Tsangnyön had been called since birth, became Sangyé Gyaltsen, and he was no longer an extraordinary child, but an extraordinary monk. The young monk amazed everyone with his strict discipline and astonishing talent. During this period, both Tsangnyön and his mother continued to have prophetic dreams from time to time. The year after the ordination, when Tsangnyön was nine, he had a dream indicating his connection with the tantric teachings, though this was not yet visible in his everyday behavior. In the dream, a black man gave him a hooked knife and spoke the following symbolic words: “All the beings you kill by performing wrathful activity will attain the path of liberation.”9 The year after, another dream occurred that foretold Tsangnyön’s future as a master who would spread the Buddhist teachings in various directions. In this dream, Tsangnyön arranged many offering cakes

6 There are some discrepancies in the sources concerning the type of vows he received from Künga Sangyé. I will discuss this below. The information about Tsangnyön’s age when he received the vows varies too. According to Lhatsün he was eight (L: 8) and according to Götsangrepa he was seven (G: 16). 7 N: 5a. Cf. with G: 17; L: 8. 8 G: 17; N: 5a. 9 N: 5a. Almost identical in G: 17; L: 8. tsangnyön heruka 75

(gtor ma) and bestowed empowerment upon many people who spoke different languages.10 When Tsangnyön was eleven, on the evening of the tenth day of the New Year, he dreamt about receiving tantric empowerment and reading transmission from a tantric deity: He dreamt of a fearful palace with curtains and canopies made out of human skin. Inside was a burning mass of fire [situated] in a mansion made out of skulls. [There,] on a seat made of a lotus, sun, and corpse was a celestial person (sku) adorned with charnel-ground garments. When [Tsangnyön] woke up from the dream it was dawn and great wisdom of unbearable splendor [filled the place]. At that time, he saw the whole sky in front of him filled with light and in the expanse of a mass of wisdom fire, he met with the glorious Lord of Secrets in person.11 He wore charnel-ground garments and was adorned with snakes. Light diffused and fused [from the Lord of Secrets], conferring empowerment [upon Tsang- nyön]. Finally, after [the Lord of Secrets] had bestowed reading transmission of many tantras, such as Cakrasaṃvara and Hevajra [upon Tsangnyön], the indigo blue light fused into one [beam] and melted into the heart of the young bodhisattva [i.e. Tsangnyön].12 Tsangnyön’s mother continued to have prophetic dreams and in one of her dreams she dreamt that her son blew a big white conch and that the sound pervaded the entire world.13 This dream indicated Tsangnyön’s future role as a master who would spread the Buddhist doctrine in the entire world. Another dream that had a palpable result occurred when Tsangnyön had reached his twelfth year; in the dream a group of women appeared and offered him gold. The following day Tsangnyön found a large quantity of gold and his family became rich.14 All these many spectacular dreams dominate the description of Tsang- nyön’s early life in the biographies to such an extent that it is hard to know much about what happened when Tsangnyön was not asleep and dreaming. Only Götsangrepa provides more detailed information about what Tsangnyön did during this period in his waking hours. Lhatsün and Ngödrub Pembar simply state that Tsangnyön completely renounced

10 G: 17. 11 lord of the Secrets (Gsang ba’i bdag po) probably refers to Chakna Dorjé (Vajrapāṇi). 12 G: 17–18. 13 G: 17; L: 8; N: 5b. 14 G: 18; L: 8; N: 5b. 76 part two samsara and had strong faith and devotion in the former Kagyü lamas. They say that whenever he saw something beautiful, he offered it mentally to Milarepa and Götsang Gönpo Dorjé (1189–1258).15 Götsangrepa, on the other hand, mentions Tsangnyön’s enormous zeal in keeping his monastic vows pure. When Tsangnyön was thirteen, he made a small bag that he filled with deadly poison and hung around his neck. Then he made a solemn promise to swallow the poison if he ever violated his monastic vows. “If swallowing this will not kill me, may Pañjaranātha remove my heart’s blood,” he added.16 Whenever some desire arose in the young monk’s mind he just touched the bag around his neck and the desire disappeared. Tsangnyön’s ability to guard his vows in this way made him a great example for other monks to follow, and he always “guarded his perfect discipline like his own eyes.”17 Keeping his monastic discipline perfectly pure, he spent days and nights constantly reading scriptures, listening to teachings, and reflecting on the meaning of what he had heard and read. His only delight was dharma, and he always indulged in the ten dharma activities, namely: writing; making offerings; performing acts of generosity; listening to dharma; compre- hending; reading; explaining; recitation; contemplating the meaning of dharma; and meditating on the meaning of dharma.18 During this time Tsangnyön felt a strong urge to depart for the snowy enclave of Lapchi to indulge in intensive meditation practice.19 Lapchi is a holy place situated on the Tibetan-Nepalese border, a stop on a larger pilgrimage circuit which traverses an area of related sites between the southern Dingri plains, Chuwar in Drin to the east, and Nyanang region to the west.20 The place is associated with the tantric deity Cakrasaṃvara and Tsangnyön’s role model Milarepa. According to legend, the place was opened for humans by Milarepa who also spent much time meditating in the many caves of the area. Toni Huber writes that Lapchi is situated far away “from the great monastic centers and shrines of Ü and Tsang, [. . .]

15 L: 8; N: 5b. 16 G: 18. The female master Chökyi Drönma (1422–1455) also called upon Pañjaranātha (Gur mgon) as a witness when she took an oath (Diemberger 2007: 156). Pañjaranātha is a form of Mahākāla that is important in the Sakya and Jonang traditions. 17 G: 18–19. 18 G: 19. Götsangrepa simply states that he performed the ten dharma activities (chos kyi spyod pa bcu) without enumerating them. 19 G: 19; L: 8; N: 5b. 20 Huber 1997: 233. tsangnyön heruka 77 populated for centuries by only a handful of yak-herders and the occa- sional yogin seeking a solitary mountain retreat.”21 Tsangnyön’s urge to go to this blessed and holy place was encouraged by several visions and signs of ḍākinīs, exhorting him to go there immediately. Convinced that his parents would never let him go to this isolated spot, he ran away carrying a bag of tsam pa. He never managed to reach his eagerly longed-for destination, however, but was caught by his mother in Menlung.22 Back home in Kharkha, Tsangnyön continued to study and practice with great diligence. Götsangrepa describes how the young monk learned and understood both the Concise and the Eight-Thousand-Line versions of the Perfection of Wisdom scriptures after just reading them through once.23 Tsangnyön also studied the most extensive, Hundred-Thousand- Line version of the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra. Every single day he learned eighty pages of the text by heart, and at night in his sleep, he thoroughly understood the meaning of what he had memorized the previous day. This extraordinary way of learning came about because of Tsangnyön’s propensities from former lives (bag chags); he did not need to learn anything new, but just rediscovered the knowledge he already had.24 Tsangnyön’s skill in the Perfection of Wisdom scriptures soon came to the attention of other people. When Tsangnyön and eight other monks were invited to perform ceremonies (bla mchod) by a family in the lower part of Kharkha25 their host noticed that Tsangnyön read the Hundred- Thousand-Line version of the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra with his eyes closed. This made him suspicious, and thinking that the young monk was a fraud, he asked him how he could read with closed eyes. Tsangnyön answered that as long as the correct words come out it does not matter if one reads with open or closed eyes. Since his host suspected that Tsangnyön was only pretending to read, Tsangnyön invited him to check. Tsangnyön covered his eyes so that he could not see the text and read by

21 huber 1997: 234. 22 G: 19; N: 6a. Marlung (Mar lung) according to L: 9. Tucci mentions a monastery of Menlung (Man lung) in a valley of the same name to the east of Tagtse (Stag rtse) (Tucci 1989a: 68). Another possibility is that the name refers to the Menlung (Sman lung, Medi- cine Valley) mentioned in Milarepa’s Life and Songs. Since the latter place is far away from Kharkha I find the earlier possibility more plausible. 23 G: 19. 24 G: 19. 25 kharga Zhol (Mkhar kha zhol). A local informant told me that this place is now known as Gyalmé Drongtsé (Rgyal smad grong rtse) or Da Zhol (Zla zhol). 78 part two heart while the others checked in the text whether he read correctly or not. Not only did Tsangnyön read with perfect accuracy, but he was also able to read very fast. After the test, people became convinced that the young monk was genuine, and faith arose in them. Subsequently Tsang- nyön became famous as a monk who knew the Hundred-Thousand-Line version of the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra by heart.26 The adolescent Tsangnyön was also very skilled in other sūtras and rituals. Tsangnyön mastered such Mahāyāna sūtras as the Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish 27 and the Vajra Cutter Sutra,28 and he was able to perform rituals such as Medicine Buddha29 and Künrig,30 if someone became sick or died.31 Götsangrepa and the other authors describe Tsangnyön as a monk with flawless discipline and perfect knowledge of Mahāyāna Buddhism. A few dreams and visions indicate the young monk’s future as a tantric yogin, but the trickster-like qualities and outrageous acts that later became his trademark have no place in his life as a monk. It should, however, be noted that none of Tsangnyön’s biographers state that he became a fully ordained monk (dge slong, bhikṣu). Götsangrepa states that he became a novice monk (dge tshul, śrāmaṇera) and Ngödrub Pembar that he became a monk (rab tu byung ba).32 Lhatsün indicates that Tsangnyön received only the lay vows (dge bsnyen, upāsaka), but later also refers to Tsang- nyön with the more general term for monk—rab tu byung ba.33 This is of course not surprising at this point in the narrative, since novice ordination is the first step for a monk, and it is not customary to bestow full ordination upon young boys; not until the novice reaches the age of about twenty is full ordination usually taken. But since it is generally considered necessary and important for a Buddhist master in Tibet and elsewhere to become fully ordained, it is relevant that none of the three authors states that Tsangnyön ever became a fully ordained monk. Perhaps it was Tsangnyön’s main teacher who inspired him not to take full ordination,

26 G: 19. 27 Mdo mdzangs blun, *Damamūkanāmasūtra. 28 The Diamond Sūtra, Rdo rje gcod pa, Vajracchedikāprajñāpāramitā. 29 Sman lha, Bhaiṣajyaguru. 30 kun rig means “All Knowing” (Sarvavid) and it is one of the names of Vairocana. According to the Nitartha Online Tibetan English Dictionary, Künrig is an abbreviation of Künrig Nampar Nangdzé, Sarvavid-Vairocana, an Ādi-buddha popular in Sakya tradition and connected with rites performed for the deceased. 31 G: 19. 32 G: 17; N: 5b. 33 l: 8. Tuken also uses the term rab tu byung ba in his short biography (T: 38). tsangnyön heruka 79 which would have been a more natural step for a young and gifted novice. As we will see, his main teacher, whom he had not yet met, was a tantric yogin with a consort. The Sixth Dalai Lama, Tsangyang Gyamtso (1683–1706), is another example of a famous Tibetan master who chose not to become fully ordained. This controversial incarnation of the Dalai Lama eventually also gave up his status as a novice monk and became a layman, an act that seems to have shocked many Tibetans.34 Despite the fact that Tsangnyön was not fully ordained, however, the biographers emphasize that he struggled to keep his novice vows completely pure. The biographies thereby outline how Vajrayāna Buddhism should ideally be practiced, and Götsangrepa’s biography even bears the title: Heart of the Sun which Clarifies Vajrayāna.35 According to Tibetan scholars Vajrayāna is the third and highest of the three vehicles ( yāna) of Buddhism and it is often stated that only those who have practiced and achieved a thorough realization of Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna are able, and allowed, to practice Vajrayāna/Tantra.36 Another way of including the Vajrayāna/ Tantra within the general Buddhist context is to see it as one of two paths of Mahāyāna Buddhism. According to this way of seeing it, Mahāyāna consists of a sūtric and a tantric path.37 Regardless of how Vajrayāna is incorporated within the Buddhist teachings, Tibetan Bud- dhists see Tantra as an advanced and secret path that must be combined with, and preceded by, Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna. This point is made clear by the way Tsangnyön practiced; first he received the prātimokṣa vows and renounced samsara; this is the basis of Hīnayāna. Next his practice was based upon the dyad of wisdom (prajñā) and compassion (karuṇa), the two main concepts of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Only after having studied and understood both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna did he start with advanced tantric practice.

34 See, for example, Dhondup 1981: 16. 35 Rdo rje theg pa’i gsal byed nyi ma’i snying po. 36 I am aware of the fact that Hīnayāna is a polemic term coined by the Mahāyāna followers. Both these terms are problematic, but since they are widely used by both Buddhist scholars and practitioners, and there have not yet appeared any good alternatives, I use them. For a description of how the three types of vows of the three vehicles are combined according to a master contemporary with Tsangnyön (Ngari Panchen Pema Wangyal, 1487–1542), see Dudjom 1996. For an example of how the three vehicles are understood by contemporary Tibetan Buddhists who base their explications upon Chögyam Trungpa’s teachings, see Nālandā Translation Committee 1989: 295–298. Tantric Buddhism (Vajrayāna) and tantric Buddhist practice will be presented in more detail in chapter 8. 37 See, for example, Chegompa, translated in Bentor 2001: 326. 80 part two

Thus while still in his early teens, Tsangnyön had perfected the core teachings of both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna, the basis for Vajrayāna practice. In the words of Götsangrepa he had “became like the moon among other monks, who were like stars.”38 Now the time was ripe for the young monk to enter into “the supreme mantra vehicle” as the Vajrayāna is sometimes called.

Meeting His Main Teacher I bow down to you who met with the Lord, Rabjam, an emanation of the Buddha, in the pleasure garden called Lawar in Dakpo. Seeing his face and hearing his voice, the profound meaning was instantly revealed and your minds merged.39 After his failed escape to the holy Lapchi, Tsangnyön continued to study vigorously in Kharkha, as before. However, the signs and visions that had appeared previously and encouraged him to leave did not cease. On the contrary, they arose repeatedly, and when fifteen women appeared in a vision and urged him to leave, he could not bear to stay any longer. This time he took nothing at all with him, and managed to escape without being caught.40 His destination was Tsari, a holy and isolated border area in the southeast frequented by yogins for their meditation practice.41 Like Lapchi, Tsari is situated far from the power centers of Central Tibet, and is connected with the tantric deity Cakrasaṃvara. The fifteen women had explicitly told Tsangnyön to go there, and after four days of rapid travel, Tsangnyön arrived in Lhasa where he met three nuns who also were on a pilgrimage.42 They decided to join company and departed for Tsari together. On the

38 G: 20. 39 l: 9. Rabjam refers to Tsangnyön’s main lama Shara Rabjampa. 40 G: 20; L: 9; N: 6a. The sources differ as to how long he stayed in Kharkha after his mother caught him in Menlung. According to Götsangrepa, he was eighteen (seventeen according to the Western way of counting, 1469) when he finally left, which would mean that he stayed for several years (G: 20). Lhatsün, on the other hand, says he stayed in Kharkha only one year after being caught in Menlung, and he also states that the vision, or according to Lhatsün, the dream of the fifteen women, arose when he was fourteen years old. Since he escaped after that incident, he was fourteen at the time of his escape according to Lhatsün (L: 9). Ngödrub Pembar gives no information about this, but simply states that Tsangnyön stayed for a while in Kharkha before his final, and successful, escape (N: 6a). 41 For a detailed study of Tsari, see Huber 1999. 42 G: 20; L: 9; N: 6a. tsangnyön heruka 81 way they passed through Dakpo, and in a place called Lawar Zurkhar, or simply Zurkhar, situated at the northern gate (byang sgo) of Tsari, they met a famous physician named Awo Chöjé Nyamnyi Dorjé (short: Awo Chöjé, 1439–1475).43 Awo Chöjé was the first master of the Zurkhar/Zur School, which became one of the main indigenous traditions of Tibetan medicine. He was born in Latok Zurkhar and at the age of ten had an important visionary encounter with Yutok Yönten Gönpo, one of the most central figures in the Tibetan medicinal tradition. From him he received transmission on the oral and scriptural instructions of the Heartdrop Collection and the Four Tantras. For the remaining part of his thirty-seven-year-long life, Awo Chöjé composed a large number of important texts, many of which became very important in Tibetan medicine.44 It was thus a very prominent figure that the young Tsangnyön encountered at Zurkhar. Awo Chöjé asked Tsangnyön and the nuns where they came from and where they were heading. When he heard Tsangnyön’s answer, he said: “Young monk do you know how to recite the dharma?” “I do,” [Tsangnyön] answered. “Well then young monk, stay here a while, recite the dharma, and send the others on their pilgrimage!” Having said this, he provided [Tsangnyön] with very good sustenance.45 Tsangnyön thus decided to do as Awo Chöjé had suggested. While the nuns continued on their pilgrimage, he stayed in Zurkhar and recited Buddhist scriptures. On the tenth day of the month, a ritual feast (gaṇacakra) was to be held in Lawar. For the occasion one of Awo Chöjé’s main teachers, Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé (Sharawa, 1427–1470), was invited from his residence in Lhündrub Menling.46 Sharawa, a former Gelukpa dge bshes who had started to follow the Kagyü tradition, was considered to be an emanation of the great Indian siddha Saraha.47 Awo Chöjé was around twenty

43 In Sharawa’s biography the place is called Zungkhar (Zung mkhar) (Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 498). 44 Desi Sangyé Gyatso 2010: 293. 45 N: 6a. 46 Kyetsel Lhündrub Menling (Bskyed tshal lhun grub sman gling) in L: 9. 47 G: 20; L: 9; N: 6a; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971b: 111. According to a life story about Śākya Chokden (1428–1507), Sharawa was a Gelukpa (Ri bo dge ldan pa) dge bshes who later became a Kagyü (Dkar brgyud) (Kun dga’ grol mchog, Jo nang 1975: 70–71). This is also stated by Taklung Ngawang Namgyal (Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal 1992: 451). Sharawa seems to have been an important master who had several famous disciples besides the 82 part two when he met Sharawa, and according to Desi Sangyé Gyatso’s (1653–1705) famous historical introduction to Tibetan medicine, Mirror of Beryl, Sharawa wore the Heruka implements. From that day onward Awo Chöjé is said to have gone naked from the waist up. He also secretly began practicing with a consort to remove obstacles on the path, and he eventually mastered tantric powers and behavior.48 During the ritual feast at Lawar Zurkhar, where Awo Chöjé lived, Sharawa asked about the identity of the young monk he heard reciting so beautifully.49 After hearing the story, he ordered that Tsangnyön should be brought to him. Simply by meeting him and seeing his face, [Tsangnyön’s] perceptions was transformed. Overwhelmed with devotion and respectful love [Tsangnyön] burst into tears, the hair on his body stood on end, and an undefiled bliss overcame him. When the Lord [Tsangnyön] was in this state he experienced melting into the incomparable precious one’s body [Sharawa]. At that time [Tsangnyön] touched [Sharawa] and then he fainted and was unconscious for a long time. When he woke up a great realization, like a rain, of the dharmatā; the wisdom of the innate mahāmudrā; the absolute truth that is beyond the realms of knowledge, thoughts and expression; the natural state free from elaboration was born. After that time, [Tsangnyön] said that he never experienced any notion of holding his own mind and the lama’s mind as different. In front [of Sharawa] there was a wooden skull filled with leftover feast liquor (ma da na) that [Sharawa] gave [to Tsangnyön] who emptied it.50 The Lord [Sharawa] also became very happy and took care of [Tsangnyön]. From that time on, and as long as [Tsangnyön] stayed, he remained as a servant, never separated [from Sharawa].51 Sharawa experienced prophetic dreams that indicated Tsangnyön’s importance as a future accomplished master,52 and to indicate Tsangnyön’s future role as a person spreading the doctrine, he gave Tsangnyön a new name, Chökyi Drakpa (Fame of Dharma).

above-mentioned Zurkharwa Nyamnyi Dorjé. For example, the important Karma Kagyü master Karma Trinlé (1456–1539) also received teachings from him (Sernesi 2007a: 115). Sharawa’s life will be presented briefly in chapter 10. 48 Desi Sangyé Gyatso 2010: 294, 309. 49 n: 6a. 50 Gampopa was also served beer which he drank up when he met Milarepa for the first time. This was seen as an auspicious portent proving that he was a good vessel capable of receiving Milarepa’s instructions, and also an indication that he would become the holder of his lineage (Chang (trans.) 1989: 473). 51 G: 21. 52 G: 21; N: 6a. tsangnyön heruka 83

Tantric Instructions and Practice

Tsangnyön remained as Sharawa’s close and devoted attendant for nine months. Sharawa was in his early forties at the time, and passed away soon after he had guided Tsangnyön, who was in his late teens.53 During the time Tsangnyön spent with Sharawa he received many instructions, reading transmissions, and empowerments.54 Thus, he entered into the Mantra- or Tantra-vehicle, and became a perfect vessel for Sharawa’s profound instructions. This is how he listened to the profound oral instructions: he received the experiential instructions for the Four Letter Mahāmudrā on the view, for the Six Dharmas of Nāro on the path of method, and that which is known as the Aural Transmission of Rechung or the Aural Transmission of Saṃvara, which is like the source or root of all the profound paths of the precious Kagyü. At that time, whether the great being [Tsangnyön] practiced for one day or many, he perfected signs of the path and signs of warmth that others, commoners, do not have through many years of meditation. When it became apparent that his entrustment had been received, the emanation body (Sharawa) was pleased; an auspicious connection had been made.55 Among the teachings Sharawa transmitted, the aural transmissions of the Kagyü school stands out as particularly important. Tsangnyön later spent much time practicing and propagating these instructions, and he eventually composed a compilation of the various aural transmissions of the Kagyü tradition.56 These were essential teachings for both Tsangnyön and his disciples.

The Aural Transmission Aural transmission or hearing lineage (snyan brgyud), as the term could also be translated, is a generic term for a type of profound oral instruction dealing with tantric practice. Since snyan means ear and together with other words refers to what is heard, the term emphasizes the ‘aural’ rather

53 The sources differ slightly about Tsangnyön’s age. According to Ehrhard, who follows Götsangrepa’s text, the meeting occurred in 1469 (Ehrhard 2004b: 593, n. 6). 54 L: 10; N: 6a. 55 N: 6b. Lhatsün and Götsangrepa describes how Tsangnyön received instructions and empowerments from Sharawa in greater detail (G: 22–26; L: 10–13). 56 No complete version of Tsangnyön’s aural transmission collection has been found, and it is possible that parts of this work are lost. A more detailed discussion of Tsangnyön’s aural transmission collection and its contents is given in chapter 9. 84 part two than ‘oral’ or ‘spoken’ (bka’) aspect of the transmitted teachings.57 The transmission is conceived of as being aural from the very beginning since a human lineage guru heard it directly from a dharmakāya wisdom ḍākinī. The term may also be translated as ‘whispered lineage,’ which conveys the highly secret nature of these instructions. There are two different ways of spelling the term in Tibetan, snyan brgyud and snyan rgyud. While the former spelling could be translated as ‘aural/hearing lineage/transmission,’ the latter spelling is more accurately translated as ‘aural/hearing tantra,’ a translation of the Sanskrit karṇatantra. Although several different translated karṇatantra texts are found in the Tibetan canon58 it is possible that the texts are not translations but examples of what Ronald Davidson calls “grey texts.”59 This would mean that they are neither Tibetan nor Indic in origination but the result of collaboration between an Indian/Nepalese/Kashmiri siddha/ scholar and a Tibetan.60 It should moreover be noted that rgyud is sometimes a variant spelling of brgyud, and if that is the case here, the two terms have an identical meaning and the most probable translation would be aural transmission.61 It is important to be aware of the fact that there are many different aural transmissions and that several of them have nothing to do with the aural transmission of the Kagyü school. Cyrus Stearns gives an apt description of the aural transmissions in his study of the early masters of the Path with the Result (lam ’bras) tradition in Tibet, and it is striking how similar the aural transmissions of the Sakya and Kagyü schools seem to be. Cyrus Stearns writes that “In contrast to the voluminous exegetical literature surrounding the tantric scriptures themselves, the major systems of esoteric practice entered Tibet primarily by means of secret oral transmissions (snyan brgyud).”62 These systems were essentially oral in nature and “in most cases there were also at least a few written texts from

57 the term ‘Kagyü’ (Bka’ brgyud) that nowadays is mainly used for the Buddhist tradition to which Tsangnyön belonged has a somewhat similar meaning, but this term emphasizes the ‘words’ (bka’) instead of the ‘hearing’ (snyan) of the words, and could thus be translated as ‘command lineage’ or ‘oral transmission.’ 58 For a list of the karṇatantra texts found in the Tibetan canon, see Torricelli 1998: 386. 59 Davidson 2005: 148–151. 60 Davidson 2005: 149. 61 roberts is of another opinion; he states that a number of Tibetan authors explicitly retain the spelling rgyud to mean tantra (Roberts 2007: 1). 62 Stearns 2001: 8. tsangnyön heruka 85

India, the most fundamental of which were often referred to by the term rdo rje tshig rkang, ‘vajra verses.’”63 As Stearns makes clear, the core teachings of the aural tantra/transmission are the ‘vajra verses.’ In the Kagyü tradition this core text is believed to contain the vajra verses that Vajradhara uttered to Jñānaḍākinī (Ye shes mkha’ ’gro).64 Tilopa later received them directly from the ḍākinīs and then wrote a short text related to the vajra verses titled The Small Authori- tative Scripture.65 Several different names are used for these instructions in the Kagyü school, for example: Aural Transmission of Saṃvara, Aural Transmission of the Ḍākinīs, and Aural Transmission of Saṃvara [and] the Ḍākinīs. Marpa describes how Tilopa received these transmissions directly from a dharmakāya wisdom ḍākinī in Uḍḍiyāṇa, the land of ḍākinīs.66 After that, while on his way back, Tilopa also received Nine Teachings of the Formless Ḍākinī.67 These important instructions were imparted to him by a ḍākinī in a song, and together with the vajra verses they constitute the most central instructions of the aural transmission lineage.68 Tilopa later passed these instructions on to Nāropa who in turn transmitted the aural transmissions to Marpa during Marpa’s third and last visit to India. Marpa later praised the aural transmission in the following way: Though indeed everyone has a transmission, if one has the ḍākinī [aural transmission], that is it. Though indeed everyone has an ancestor, if one has Tilopa, that is it. Though indeed everyone has a lama, if one has Nāropa, that is it. Though indeed everyone has instructions, if one has the aural transmission, that is it. Though indeed everyone attains awakening through meditation,

63 Stearns 2001: 8. 64 Torricelli has translated a synopsis of the outline of the vajra verses (Toricelli 1998: 388–412). 65 Gzhung chung. For more information about these texts and where to find them, see Torricelli 1998: 386. 66 Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros 1995: 35–45. 67 Lus med mkha’ ’gro’i chos skor dgu. 68 The nine teachings are presented in Mar pa chos kyi blo gros 1995: 44; see also Nālandā Translation Committee (trans.) 1986: 176. The Nine Teachings of the Formless Ḍākinī are sometimes described as a separate transmission, and they are, as we will see, not counted as a ‘one-to-one transmission.’ 86 part two

if one attains awakening without effort in meditation, that is it.69 Marpa also pointed out that the aural transmission was a special teaching that no one else possessed, and he called it a wish-fulfilling jewel.70 In Tibet, Marpa transmitted these instructions to his main disciple and spiritual heir, Milarepa, who later, encouraged by a vision of Vajrayoginī, wrote them down.71 Then Milarepa gave this profound transmission to three of his foremost disciples, Rechungpa (1084–1161), Ngendzong Tönpa (b. late eleventh century), and Dakpo Rinpoche (Gampopa, 1079–1153). Each of them composed manuals ( yig cha) of the instructions that they had received, and thus three different transmissions of the aural transmissions of the Kagyü tradition arose, called respectively the Aural Transmis- sion of Rechungpa, the Aural Transmission of Ngendzongpa and the Aural Transmission of Dakpo.72 These three Kagyü transmissions are sometimes called the Aural Transmission Trilogy.73 Milarepa did not receive the complete instructions of the aural transmission, however, for he received only four of the above-mentioned Nine Teachings of the Formless Ḍākinī from Marpa. He therefore told his disciple Rechungpa to go to India and request the remaining five teachings from a holder of Nāropa’s lineage. Rechungpa went to India and received the teachings from the Indian master Tiphupa and brought them back to Tibet.74 The aural transmission of the Kagyü tradition is said to have been a one-to-one transmission (gcig brgyud).75 The exact meaning of one-to- one transmission in this context is somewhat unclear, but it seems to

69 For another translation, see Nālandā Translation Committee 1986: 195. For the Tibetan text, see Gtsang smyon Heruka 1990: 180–181. 70 nālandā Translation Committee (trans.) 1986: 196. It should be kept in mind that it was Tsangnyön who compiled this life story, and it is therefore hard to determine whether it really is Marpa who is speaking here. 71 When Milarepa wrote them down, he relied on the vajra verses—and also on Indian and Tibetan commentaries (G: 159). 72 G: 159. 73 Snyan brgyud skor gsum. 74 Chang (trans.) 1989: 397–401; Lhalungpa (trans.) 1979: 92. Tiphupa has an interesting background: his consciousness is considered to be identical with that of Marpa’s son Darma Dodé. Darma Dodé died at a young age and by means of a particular type of transference practice (’pho ba) called grong ’jug he transferred his consciousness to a pigeon and then from the pigeon to a dead brahmin boy who thus was brought back to life and became known as Tiphupa—The Pigeon Man. For the whole story, see Nālandā Transla- tion Committee (trans.) 1986: 171–176. 75 The above-mentioned Nine Instructions of the Formless Ḍākinī were not counted as a one-to-one transmission (Lhalungpa (trans.) 1979: 92). tsangnyön heruka 87 imply that some parts of these instructions were allowed to be passed on to only one disciple at a time for a certain period before being disseminated more widely. When Nāropa gave Marpa these instructions he said, “It should be a teaching restricted to a single lineage holder for thirteen generations.”76 Despite Nāropa’s ‘command seal’ the aural transmission divided, as was seen above, into three different streams just a few generations later. Nevertheless, some parts of the instructions were perhaps given only to a single lineage holder. The command seal from Vajradhara that had restricted the dissemination of these instructions had expired when Tsangnyön received them and he therefore decided to make a collection and teach them to his disciples.77 When Tsangnyön later outlined the different aural transmission lineages he had received from Sharawa he mentions five different lineages.78 The central transmission lineage is the following:79

1. Dorjé Naljorma (Vajrayoginī) 2. tilopa 3. nāropa 4. Marpa 5. Milarepa 6. rechungpa (1085–1161) 7. khyung Tsangpa Yeshé Lama (1115–1176) 8. Machik Ongyo Rema80 9. Zhang Lotsawa Jangchub Öser (b. 1237) 10. Drogön Larjé Darashri 11. Jangsem Sönam Gyaltsen

76 Nālandā Translation Committee (trans.) 1986: 90. Götsangrepa also points out that the aural transmission was a one-to-one transmission lineage that was supposed to be given only to one disciple for thirteen generations (G: 159). This view is not unique to Tsangnyön and his disciples; the root-text of the aural transmission and the hagiographies of other Kagyü traditions also emphasize the one-to-one nature of the aural transmission. For more information about the one-to-one transmission, see Martin 2005: 67; Sernesi 2004: 253–258; Stearns 2001: 10–11. 77 G: 159. More information about Tsangnyön’s aural transmission compilation will be given in chapter 9. 78 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971b: 21–115. Sernesi makes a good overview of these transmission lineages (Sernesi 2007a: 108–118, see especially, table 2.8, p. 116). 79 Gtsang smyon 1971b: 21–115; G: 7; ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas (ed.) Gdams ngag mdzod 1979–1981, vol. Nya: 62–63. 80 For a short biography of Machik Ongyo Rema in English, see Allione 1986: 216–219. Sometimes Martön Tsultrim Jungné, Lopön Targom, and Gedingpa are mentioned as lineage holders alongside of Ongyo Rema. 88 part two

12. Machik Trülzhik Künden Rema81 13. khetsün Ziji Gyaltsen (1290–1360) 14. khenpo Wangchuk Sherab 15. ritrö Repa Zhönu Gyaltsen 16. rechenpa Denchikpa Zhönu Palden 17. laphyipa Dongtön Namkha Gyaltsen 18. Düldzin Ngagi Wangpo 19. Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé

Besides this main lineage, Tsangnyön received four other aural transmission lineages from Sharawa. Two of these are aural transmissions transmitted through Rechungpa and they are similar to the central lineage given above. The other two aural transmission lineages which Tsangnyön received were transmitted through Ngendzongpa and Gampopa.82 Gam- popa’s transmission lineage consists of the following masters:

1. Vajradhara 2. tilopa 3. nāropa 4. Marpa 5. Milarepa 6. Gampopa Sönam Rinchen (1079–1159) 7. pakmodrupa Dorjé Gyalpo (1110–1170) 8. lingrepa Pema Dorjé (1128–1188) 9. tsangpa Gyaré Yeshé Dorjé (1161–1211) 10. Götsang Gönpo Dorjé (1189–1258) 11. Yangönpa Gönpo Dorjé (1213–1258) 12. Chenga Rinchen Den (b. 1202?) 13. Zurpukpa Rinchen Palzang 14. Barawa Gyaltsen Palzang (1310–1391) 15. namkha Sengé 16. Sönam Döndrub 17. Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé

81 For a short biography of Machik Trülzhik Künden Rema in English, see Allione 1986: 223–231. Götsangrepa provides the name Trülzhik Künden Repa, but it should be Trülzhik Künden Rema (G: 7). 82 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971b: 114; Sernesi 2007a: 113–116. Cf. ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas (ed.) Gdams ngag mdzod 1979–1981, vol. Nya: 40–41, tsangnyön heruka 89

The lineage listed above is an example of the so-called Aural Transmission of Dakpo (i.e. Gampopa); more specifically, the lineage masters belong to one of the Bara transmission lineages of the Tödruk subsect of the Drukpa Kagyü school.83 These two aural transmission lineages will have to suffice as examples; the main point that Tsangnyön conveys to us by providing us with five different aural transmission lineages is that Sharawa held all the important aural transmission lineages of the Kagyü school. Sharawa had received these transmissions from his teachers: Sönam Döndrub, Düldzin Ngagi Wangpo, and Taklung Ngawang Drakpa, and he transmitted them in full to Tsangnyön. Tsangnyön thus received an unusually complete set of Kagyü aural transmissions, and he devoted much of his life to practice, preserve, teach, systematize, and spread these transmissions. The practices of the aural transmission tradition are generally meant to be performed in isolated retreats by yogins. Unlike most other Buddhist traditions in Tibet, the aural transmission tradition of which Tsangnyön was a lineage holder was thus not dependent upon monks and monasteries for its maintenance and dissemination. Dan Martin notes that it was “esoteric in the sense that it existed independently of the public arenas of Buddhist teaching and therefore could freely pass inside monastery walls and out again.”84 Martin also states that the aural transmission’s existence outside of the monastic institutions in combination with its “deliberate fostering of ‘individual’ spirituality, made it rather suspect in the eyes of some of the more scholastic leaders.”85 The esoteric and non-institutional character of the aural transmission lineages contributed to their eventual obscurity and in some cases their disappearance. There are many examples that show that it is difficult to maintain transmission lineages without strong monastic and institutional support, and the aural transmission lineage of the Kagyü could be seen as an example of this.86

83 The masters are the same up to Barawa Gyaltsen Palzang then the lineage seem to have divided. Cf. Smith 2001: 46–48. 84 Martin 2005: 66. 85 Martin 2005: 66. According to Martin, the independence of the aural transmission tradition from monastic institutions made it less problematic to include both laypeople and women as bearers of the blessings of the lineage (Martin 2005: 66). 86 The aural transmissions of the Rechung Kagyü have mainly survived in the Drukpa Kagyü tradition, and some parts of the yogic and non-institutional lineages that Tsangnyön represented have probably more or less disappeared. For more on this, see the epilogue. 90 part two

Figure 3. Milarepa, Marpa, and Rechung, the first three lineage lamas of the Aural Transmission of Rechung.

Instructions and Practice Besides the aural transmission, Tsangnyön received several other teachings from Sharawa, many but not all of which were related to the aural transmission. Again, Götsangrepa gives the most detailed account. He mentions that Tsangnyön obtained the reading transmissions of The Mountain Dharma Trilogy;87 The Three Freedom Vehicles;88 The Fivefold Mahāmudrā;89 The Six Dharmas of Nāropa90 according to the traditions of Karmapa, Yangönpa Gönpo Dorjé, Urgyenpa (1230–1309), and Barawa Gyaltsen Palzang; The Innate Union;91 The Dohā Trilogy;92 The Six Dohā

87 Ri chos skor gsum. 88 Thar gru skor gsum. 89 Phyag rgya chen po lnga ldan. 90 Nāro chos drug. 91 Lhan cig skyes sbyor. 92 Dohā skor gsum. tsangnyön heruka 91

Treasures;93 The Laughing Bell of Equal Taste;94 and Distinguishing the Vajra Verses.95 Götsangrepa also mentions that Tsangnyön received the Innate Goddess Empowerment96 and was given the name Mikyö Dorjé.97 After having received these reading transmissions and the empowerment, Sharawa began to instruct and guide Tsangnyön in a more direct, detailed, and personal way. During this period, Tsangnyön practiced what he had been taught and then received more instructions. This resulted in many important insights and profound experiences. The teachings that formed the basis of the instructions that he received were the above-mentioned three teachings, or rather set of teachings: the Four Letter Mahāmudrā;98 the Six Dharmas of Nāro; and the aural transmissions. These three groups of teachings are interrelated in several ways. A Four Letter Mahāmudrā text is found in the aural transmission collection that Tsangnyön later compiled,99 and the Six Dharmas of Nāropa are an important part of the aural transmission, for example.100 This means that the Four Letter Mahāmudrā and the Six Dharmas of Nāropa—fierce goddess, illusory body, dream, luminosity, transference, and intermediate state—are included in the aural transmission, but they are also transmitted separately.101 Their close relationship is seen in the life story of Nāropa by Lhatsün where each one of the Six Dharmas is followed by instructions taken from the aural transmission.102

93 Dohā mdzod drug. 94 Ro snyoms bgad dril (= Ro snyom skor drug?). 95 Rdo rje tshig ’byed. 96 Lhan cig skyes ma. 97 G: 22. 98 this is a rather unknown Great Seal teaching. For some more information about it, see Sernesi 2007a: 197–198; Martin 1984: 91–92. Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo composed a text about the Four Letter Mahāmudrā which is included in Gdams ngag mdzod, and listed under ’Jam dbyang mkhyen rtse dbang po 1979–1981 in the bibliography. Lhatsün also composed texts about the Four Letter Mahāmudrā. Two such texts are available in NGMPP’s archives; see bibliography for details. 99 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971a. It is possible that Tsangnyön included this text in the collection because he valued the text (Sernesi 2007a: 197). 100 See, for instance, Torricelli 1998, Rgod tshang ras pa 1974 and Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971a. 101 For more information about these practices, see chapter 8. It should be noted that the entering of corpses transference (grong ’jug) is counted as one of the Six Dharmas in the aural transmission while intermediate state (bar do) is transmitted separately from the Six Dharmas in the aural transmission. See, for example, Sernesi 2007a: 175, and especially p. 188; Toricelli 1998: 389, 400. 102 For a translation with commentaries of this text, see Guenther 1986. Since this biography was written by Lhatsün, who was a direct disciple of Tsangnyön, we gain much insight into Tsangnyön’s system of practice from the text. 92 part two

Sometimes the Six Dharmas are explained as being the path of method (thabs lam) and mahāmudrā as being the path of liberation (grol lam). In the path of method the practitioner relies on specific techniques such as visualizations and yogic exercises in order to realize the nature of the mind, while in the path of liberation the practitioner directly dwells in that nature without applying such techniques. The great seal (phyag chen, mahāmudrā) and great completion (rdzogs chen, atiyoga) are the most common terms used for the latter category of practices. This division should not be seen as absolute, however, since the two—the path of method and the path of liberation—are closely related and interdependent. These different teachings are thus best understood as related parts of one system of practice. It should also be held in mind that both the aural transmission and the Six Dharmas are intimately connected with the yidam-practices of the highest yoga tantras (anuttarayogatantra), and that they are particularly related with the two main yidams of the Kagyü tradition, Cakrasaṃvara and Vajravārāhī.103 All of these teachings are highly esteemed within the Kagyü tradition and constitute the most characteristic and important parts of the lineage.104 It should also be remembered that the Six Dharmas, mahāmudrā, and the aural transmissions are considered very profound and secret. They were therefore given to advanced practitioners who had undergone previous training and/or were considered particularly gifted. Nowadays the teachings are mainly given to people who spend longer periods in seclusion for intensive meditation practice, and that was probably also the case when Tsangnyön lived. The first of these instructions that Tsangnyön received was the naked (dmar khrid) pointing-out instructions of the Four Letter Mahāmudrā. Götsangrepa mentions that these instructions resulted in great progress in his post-meditation practice. The practice of the Four Letter Mahāmudrā also enabled Tsangnyön to dwell continuously in the so-called state of luminosity at night.105 Next Sharawa instructed his gifted young disciple in the Six Dharmas of Nāropa. Götsangrepa mentions that Sharawa used a particular instruction with notes by Milarepa when he gave these instructions.106 As a result, after

103 For a study of Vajravārāhī/Vajrayoginī, see English 2002. 104 Tantric practice will be described in more detail in chapter 8. 105 G: 22. 106 G: 22: chos drug gi khrid yig rje mi las zin bris. This probably refers to the main aural transmission text of the Six Dharmas, titled Rdzogs rim steng sgo rnam par grol ba’i tsangnyön heruka 93 having practiced for fifteen days, Tsangnyön dreamt of Sharawa’s consort.107 When Tsangnyön woke up his sexual organ had sunk into his body and did not reappear until eight days later. After this Tsangnyön’s male organ mostly remained inside his body, enclosed in a sheath.108 Tsangnyön then mastered the practice of gtum mo (fierce goddess) and the physical heat this practice generated enabled him to dress only in cotton (ras rkyang).109 He thus joined the noble company of Milarepa (Mi la ras pa), Rechungpa (Ras chung pa), Lingrepa (Gling ras pa), and other famous cotton-clad yogins—repas (ras pa)—who could keep their bodies warm in the cold Tibetan climate dressed only in cotton (ras). Götsangrepa then gives a rather detailed description of how Tsang- nyön’s yogic practices made the knots of his channels dissolve. The subtle energy or wind of the right- and left-hand channels merged into the central channel and his mind unified with the wind and with the drops.110 This resulted in the appearance of visions (gzigs snang) and signs (rtags snang). As a result of the practice, Tsangnyön also gained the ability to go to different buddha-fields in his dreams, and he became able to perform miracles.111 At the time of practicing the illusory body, Tsangnyön realized that all appearances are dharmatā and resemble a reflection in a mirror. Tsangnyön then lost all interest in the so-called eight worldly concerns and henceforth never cared about whether he was praised or blamed, or if he gained or lost. Similarly, he did not care about fame or obscurity, happiness or suffering.112 The complete abandonment of these eight worldly concerns—around which an ordinary person’s whole life is usually centered—showed that Tsangnyön was akin to Milarepa and the small number of other figures who are believed to have relin- quished them.

chos drug gi khrid yig, which is attributed to Milarepa and called zin bris in its colophon (Sernesi 2007a: 158, 190). 107 G: 22; L: 12; T: 40–41. This incident is not mentioned by Ngödrub Pembar but the fact that Tuken included it in his short synopsis of Heart of the Sun, means that he considered it important. 108 this is one of the thirty-two major marks of a ‘great man’ (mahāpuruṣa). These marks are the physical signs of the perfection of a buddha. For an enumeration of all the thirty-two marks, see, for instance, Strong 2001: 41–43 or Mahāvastu Avadāna, vol. 1 1970: 177 f. (Sanskrit), The Mahāvastu 1973: 180–182 (English). 109 G: 22. 110 For more information about these practices, see chapter 8. 111 G: 23. 112 G: 23. 94 part two

The Young Monk Seems to be Mad It was around this time that Tsangnyön first appeared to be mad in the eyes of other people. The cause of this was his many late arrivals to his lama’s lessons. When asked about his whereabouts Tsangnyön said that he had been to various buddha-fields, such as Urgyen, or that he had attended ritual feasts in charnel grounds. When they heard his answers, some of Sharawa’s disciples held him to be a fraud, while others thought he had gone mad.113 His unusual behavior was not a sign of ordinary madness, however, but of his mastery of the yogic practices and his disinterest in worldly affairs. Then, when [Sharawa] gave the naked oral instructions of Nāropa’s Secret Conduct, [Tsangnyön] listened to the teachings during the day, and at night roved around all kinds of rugged places and practiced the secret conduct. Most of the non-humans offered their life-heart (srog snying) and were bound by sacred promises [to Tsangnyön]. In particular, performing severance beneath a solitary tree brought about great progress. Also during the day he focused solely on performing the ‘equalization of taste’ and the ‘trampling’ on all good and bad circumstances.114 Despite the seemingly strange behavior that Tsangnyön began to display at this time, the full-fledged mad yogin had not yet been born. In fact, his eccentric ways were only a mild premonition of the much more extreme behavior to come, and the sobriquet madman (smyon pa) or Madman of Tsang (Gtsang pa smyon pa) had not yet been given him. Instead, as seen above, Sharawa called him Fame of Dharma (Chökyi Drakpa). At this time Tsangnyön was still a young monk with much more to learn before fully embarking on the path of a wandering mad yogin.

Sharawa’s Final Instructions The next important step in Tsangnyön’s spiritual career was to receive the empowerments of the aural transmission. By means of sand mandalas Sharawa granted the four empowerments of Cakrasaṃvara: with sixty-two deities, thirteen deities, five deities, and with the Innate Father alone. Then, by means of sindūra mandalas he performed the empowerment of the consort ( yum) Vajravārāhī with fifteen deities, seven deities, five deities, and with the Innate Mother alone. Finally, by means of the lama’s

113 G: 24. 114 G: 24. These practices are described in greater detail in chapter 8. tsangnyön heruka 95 body, speech, and mind, Sharawa gave Tsangnyön the profound sign empowerment (zab mo brda’i dbang).115 Then Tsangnyön received reading transmissions of many different versions of the Cakrasaṃvara Tantras. Having received all these profound teachings from Sharawa, Tsangnyön became the “holder (bdag po) of the special transmission of blessings and of all the realizations and teachings [of Sharawa’s lineage].”116 Sharawa’s main disciple at the time was the Lord of Dharma, Dakpo Sang Sampa. Everyone prostrated to him, and Tsangnyön thought that he should prostrate to him as well. But Sharawa told him that he should not do that, thereby indicating that Tsangnyön would become his future successor.117 When Tsangnyön had removed his doubts by means of Sharawa’s instructions, he felt a strong faith in Hayagrīva and asked for Sharawa’s permission to take Hayagrīva as his chosen deity. Sharawa answered: Son, Fame of Dharma from Tsang, your chosen deity is glorious Hevajra; keep him as your chosen deity. Perfect your studies of the tantras such as the Hevajra Tantra.118 In the future, it will have a great purpose. Regard my life story and activities and do not cast a backward glance at this life. Hold a modest position. Wear rags for clothes. Give up these three things: food, clothes, and fame. Be a child of the mountains; wear the mists as your clothing. Through disciplined conduct, take what appears as a path [to awakening], and trample on all your fears (nyams nga la thog rdzis gyis)! Give up the eight worldly concerns and set the victory banner of practice in the great holy Kagyü sites such as Tsari Tsagong, Lapchi, Chuwar, Gang Tisé, and the Six Forts. Set the fortunate disciples who serve the teaching on the path to liberation!119 As will be seen, Tsangnyön devoted the rest of his life to following these instructions. After giving further profound instructions, his lama told him to return to his homeland and study.120 Thus, the time for departure had arrived, but before going, Tsangnyön was appointed dharma regent and

115 G: 24. Nāropa gave the same empowerment to Marpa according to the biography of Marpa, see Nālandā Translation Committee (trans.) 1986: 90. 116 G: 24–25. This section is also translated in Sernesi 2007a: 118. 117 G: 25; N: 6b. 118 Brtag gnyis (The Two Segments). This is a common abbreviation of Dgyes pa rdo rje rtsa ba’i rgyud brtag pa gnyis pa (The Two Segments of the Hevajra Root Tantra, Hevajratantrarājanāma) and refers to the two extant parts of the Hevajra root tantra, translated in Snellgrove 1959. 119 G: 25–26. Similar passages are found in L: 13; N: 6b; T: 41–42; and in the Collected Songs of Tsangnyön Heruka (Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 4a). The translation is based upon Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 24. 120 n: 6b. 96 part two master of the teachings, and everyone rejoiced.121 Then, shedding many tears, and with an almost unbearable grief Tsangnyön left for Tsari, the original destination of his trip.122

Tsari

I bow down to you, who, while [dwelling] in the palace of Tsari —the great holy place of Secret Mantra— attained accomplishment and then perceived all fine and coarse appearances as the play of dharmatā, and saw all beings as peaceful and wrathful deities.123 This verse by Lhatsün concisely summarizes what happened when Tsang- nyön reached Tsari.124 During the months he spent there, he experienced a complete transformation of the way in which he perceived things.125 He thus accomplished the important stage of tantric practice when all sounds are perceived as the mantra of the yidam, all appearances as the forms of the yidam and all thoughts as wisdom.126 This ability to see things in a completely different way than ordinary people do is called dag snang in Tibetan. Dag snang means ‘pure appearance’ and according to Tibetan masters this should not be understood as some kind of unrealistic and strange way of forcing oneself to see and hear things as something other than what they are, but rather as seeing them as they actually are. Chögyam Trungpa translates the term as “sacred outlook” and uses it to describe the inseparability, or co-emergence, of samsara and nirvana: “confusion is seen so clearly that this clarity itself is sacred outlook.”127 As seen above, this transformation of perception had already started when Tsangnyön received teachings from his lama, but seems to have come to fruition in Tsari. While Tsangnyön was staying near the Turquoise Lake in Tsari, Cakrasaṃvara—the yidam deity associated with this holy place—appeared in front of him. This was another powerful

121 Bstan pa’i bdag po chos kyi rgyal tshab du mnga’ gsol. G: 26; L: 13. 122 G: 26; N: 7a. 123 l: 13. 124 tsangnyön’s time in Tsari after parting from Sharawa is rendered in G: 26; L: 13–15; N: 7a. 125 Götsangrepa and Ngödrub Pembar do not mention how long he stayed, but according to Lhatsün he stayed for about two and a half months (L: 14–15). 126 For a description of how this idea is utilized in the Chenrezig meditation practice, see Bokar Rinpoche (1991: 75, 84). 127 trungpa 1991: 158. tsangnyön heruka 97 indication of Tsangnyön’s accomplishments.128 Tsangnyön felt a strong connection with Tsari and wanted to stay there, but according to the biographies, he remembered the command of his lama and left.129 Sharawa had told him to return to his country of birth and study the tantras, and this is what he did.130

Tantric Studies in Palkhor Chödé Monastery

Back in Kharkha, Tsangnyön met his mother and spent five months in seclusion.131 While Tsangnyön was in retreat, his mother dreamed about five beautifully adorned ladies. They told her that her son must be sent away to study the tantras and learn how to practice Secret Mantra.132 Since the prophetic dream was in accordance with Sharawa’s final instructions to Tsangnyön—“Perfect your studies of the tantras such as the Hevajra Tantra; in the future, it will have a great purpose!”—it was decided that the time for tantric studies had arrived.133 The young monk was sent to the famous Palkhor Chödé monastic complex in Gyantsé where he entered the Gurpa monastic department. In Tsangnyön’s time, Gyantsé was one of the largest and most important towns in Tibet, a center of commerce and pilgrimage centrally located in the middle of the Tsang province. Roads from Shigatsé in the northwest, from the Simila Pass (and Lhasa) in the southeast, and from Dromo on the Sikkim frontier in the southwest joined in Gyantsé.134 People from all over Tibet and its surrounding areas gathered there. Since Kharkha belonged to the same part of Nyang as Gyantsé, and was situated only about fifteen kilometers north of the town, Gyantsé was probably a natural

128 n: 7a. According to Lhatsün, Tsangnyön had an important encounter with his yidam Hevajra at this time (L: 14–15). This episode is known as Tsangnyön’s secret biography (gsang ba’i rnam thar) and is depicted almost identically in all three biographies. Göt- sangrepa and Ngödrub Pembar have another opinion concerning when the meeting with Hevajra occurred, however, both agreeing that it happened when Tsangnyön visited Tsari for the second time several years later. 129 G: 26; L: 15; N: 7a. 130 according to Lhatsün, Tsangnyön went to Lapchi before he went home to Kharkha (L: 15). This is not mentioned in the other biographies. This probably means that he was away a longer time before returning, and thus the time discrepancies between the accounts of the biographies are slightly reduced. 131 l: 15. Lhatsün states that Tsangnyön was sixteen when he returned to Kharkha (L: 15) but according to Götsangrepa he was around eighteen or perhaps nineteen. 132 G: 26; L: 15; N: 7a. 133 G: 25–26. For the final instructions in their entirety, see above (p. 95). 134 Gyurme Dorje 2004: 267–268. 98 part two

Figure 4. Palkhor Chödé, the monastic complex of Gyantsé. choice for a monk who wanted to engage in advanced studies.135 The close links between Kharkha and Gyantsé were further strengthened by the fact that the first prince of Gyantsé, Palden Zangpo (b. 1318), founded both places.136 The main temple of Palkhor Chödé was built by one of Palden Zangpo’s successors, Rabten Künzang Pakpa (1389–1442), between 1418 and 1425. Gradually several other temples and buildings were constructed, and in the year 1427, when Rabten Künzang Pakpa had reached the age of thirty-eight, the foundation of the famous Auspicious Stūpa with Many Doors was laid.137 This stūpa—also known as the Kumbum (the Hundred Thousand Images)—was one of the largest ever built in Tibet, famous for its many chapels and images.138 The decoration of the stūpa continued until around 1440, by which time an encircling wall, several temples, and dwelling places for monks had been built. The development of Palkhor Chödé did not end in 1440, but continued for several centuries, and by

135 Upper Nyang (Nyang stod) is known as Gyantsé County nowadays (Gyurme Dorje 2004: 269). 136 Ricca, Franco and Erberto Lo Bue 1993: 14. 137 Bkra shis sgo mang Stūpa. 138 For a detailed description of the stūpa, see Tucci 1989a, b, c; Ricca, Franco and Erberto Lo Bue 1993. tsangnyön heruka 99 the end of the seventeenth century sixteen colleges had been established.139 When Tsangnyön entered the monastic complex the number of colleges was fewer, but the Sakya-, Geluk- and Zhalu-schools were most likely represented with separate colleges. The Gurpa monastic department, which Tsangnyön entered, was primarily a Sakya monastery, perhaps with a further emphasis on the Bodong system.140 The building that hosted the department is situated in front of the Kumbum Stūpa, and is one of the few buildings of Palkhor Chödé that remains intact.141 In great teaching monasteries such as this one, each subject had its own department, and the Gurpa department probably specialized in the study of the Hevajra Tantra. Its name most likely refers to the extraordinary explanatory tantra of the Hevajra cycle, Vajra Dome (Rdo rje gur).142 Sharawa had told Tsangnyön to study the Hevajra Tantra as well as other tantras, and he had also told him that Hevajra was his chosen deity. The Gurpa department would therefore have been a natural choice for him. The biographies give different accounts of Tsangnyön’s age when he entered the monastery and also of the length of time he spent in Palkhor Chödé. According to Lhatsün he stayed for four years, and according to Ngödrub Pembar for three years.143 By the time Tsangnyön left Palkhor Chödé new images were installed in the Kumbum Stūpa. In 1474 the master Jamyang Könchok Zangpo arrived to conduct the consecration ceremony for the new statues that were placed in the topmost chapel of the Stūpa.144 This master might have been the abbot of the monastery at the time, and could thus have been the abbot when Tsangnyön stayed there, a few years earlier.145 In 1447 the prince of Gyantsé, Tashi Pakpa, placed his twenty-year-old son, Tashi

139 Gyurme Dorje 2004: 269. 140 the Bodong affiliation is suggested by T. G. Dhongthog Rinpoche (oral communication to Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 50, n. 21). 141 its interiors were seriously damaged during the Cultural Revolution and not much of interest remains inside nowadays. The stūpa and the main temple (gtsug lha khang) of Palkhor Chödé have somehow been spared the vicissitudes of the times. 142 Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 50, n. 21. 143 l: 15; N: 7a. Götsangrepa provides no information on the length of his stay. Lhatsün states that he was seventeen when he entered the monastery (L: 15) and since Götsan- grepa states that he was eighteen when he left Kharkha and met Sharawa (G: 20) he must have been eighteen or nineteen when entering Palkhor Chödé. If Götsangrepa agrees with Ngödrub Pembar that Tsangnyön stayed for three years, then Tsangnyön attended the famous monastery in Gyantsé during about 1468–1472 (according to Lhatsün) or 1469– 1472/1470–1473 (according to Ngödrub Pembar and Götsangrepa). 144 Ricca, Franco and Erberto Lo Bue 1993: 31. 145 Ricca, Franco and Erberto Lo Bue 1993: 31. 100 part two

Figure 5. Gurpa Dratsang, the monastic department where Tsangnyön studied the tantras while he was a monk at Palkhor Chödé.

Rabten Zangpo, on the throne of Gyantsé, and he was perhaps the prince of Gyantsé while Tsangnyön stayed there.146 From the very beginning Palkhor Chödé was a place where different schools and traditions coexisted. The princes of Gyantsé had been affiliated with both the Sakya and the Zhalu schools for a long time, and they also had strong religious links to the Nyingma school.147 One of Tsong- khapa’s main disciples, Khedrubjé Gelek Palzangpo (1385–1438), aided the Gyantsé prince Rabten Künzang Pakpa in establishing Palkhor Chödé, and thus the place also had a strong link with the—at the time relatively new—Gelukpa school. Despite the favor that the Gelukpa school began to enjoy from the fifteenth century onward, the figure of Butön and his Zhalu tradition continued to be of importance, as did the Sakyapa. The spirit of the monastic complex seems to have resembled the unbiased movement (ris med) of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Eastern Tibet in certain ways,148 the notable difference being the presence of the Gelukpa rather

146 Ricca, Franco and Erberto Lo Bue 1993: 29. 147 Ricca, Franco and Erberto Lo Bue 1993: 11. 148 Smith has written two informative essays about the non-sectarian (ris med) movement (Smith 2001: 227–272). tsangnyön heruka 101 than the Kagyü school. It is possible that the ecumenical spirit of Palkhor Chödé had an impact on Tsangnyön and also that he was exposed to the technique of wood-block printing for the first time while staying there.149 When Tsangnyön, now in his late teens, returned to the area of his birth, the many experiences he had had during his approximately one-year-long period away from Kharkha must have changed him. He had traveled to both Lhasa and Tsari, and he had met his main teacher, Sharawa. With Sharawa he had undergone extensive training, and he had been practicing solitary meditation for long periods. According to the biographies this resulted in many deep and powerful inner experiences that had a profound impact upon him. Not only that, but he had been appointed the dharma heir of Sharawa, and if the accounts of the biographies are correct, he was the main holder of the lineage of his lama. Thus it was a Kagyü lineage holder with much experience in meditation who returned and joined Palkhor Chödé. The time spent in Palkhor Chödé was not an end in itself, however, but just another step in Tsangnyön’s spiritual career. He needed systematic training in the complicated tantric rituals, and he needed to study the tantric commentaries. A master of the tantras (rdo rje slob dpon) must be able to decode and comprehend the complex and often highly symbolic meaning of the tantric texts so that he can teach it to others. He also needs to know how to perform many complicated rituals and their hand gestures. When reciting the tantric liturgies it is necessary to use the right melodies and recite at the proper pace. The different musical instru- ments used in the ceremonies must be mastered. A tantric master must also know how and when the many offerings that accompany a tantric ritual are to be carried out. Making ritual offering cakes (gtor ma), performing ritual feasts and fire offerings (sbyin bsreg), as well as performing ritual dances (’chams) and consecration ceremonies (rab gnas) must all be learned. Moreover, a tantric master must know how to draw mandalas and bestow empowerments. A thorough and proper knowledge of all this requires long and systematic training, and although Tsangnyön was by no means a novice at this point, he still needed to learn more. Tuken summarizes the three or perhaps four years Tsangnyön stayed in the monastic complex as follows:

149 During the years 1439–1441 an early wood-block print was produced at Palkhor Chödé (Ricca, Franco and Erberto Lo Bue 1993: 26; Schaeffer 2007: 233). Tsangnyön later used the same technique to make his literary works available; for more on this see chapter 9. 102 part two

From Yu Lungpa Yönten Gyamtso [he received] empowerments such as Hevajra, the Concise Tradition of Gur, and Vajrakīlaya according to the Sakya tradition. [In addition, he also] received instructions of the Hevajra, Vajra Dome, and Sampuṭa tantras, and by listening to the complete explanations of the Indian and Tibetan commentaries he truly understood them. Moreover, from the master Künga Nyima and paṇchen Döndrub Drakpa and others he received advice on the development and fulfillment [stages], tantra explanations, and secret mantra empowerments. [Moreover, he also] listened to many [instructions] on the practice of hand-gestures, mandala- drawing, and melodies [for recitation], and so forth.150 Götsangrepa and Lhatsün provide more details about Tsangnyön’s studies. Götsangrepa also describes how Tsangnyön studied the commentaries of the Hevajra root tantra (Brtag gnyis) by Drogön Pakpa (1235–1280) and how he “took the words and meaning to his heart without leaving anything out.”151 Lhatsün mentions that Tsangnyön received, and internal- ized, the complete Path with the Results transmission while at Palkhor Chödé.152 Götsangrepa then states that Tsangnyön’s way of learning differed from that of others. Without any effort, “by being shown a mere sign or hearing [a teaching] just once, he took the words and meaning to his heart without leaving anything out,” he declares.153 Götsangrepa also describes how Tsangnyön mastered debate (rtsod pa) and composition (rtsom pa), skills that he later had much use for.154 Tsangnyön soon became “like nectar for the eyes of men, like the swan in the midst of a flock of learned ducks,” as Ngödrub Pembar poetically describes it.155

150 t: 42. 151 G: 27. 152 l: 16. 153 G: 27. 154 G: 27. 155 n: 7b. tsangnyön heruka 103

Figure 6. The famous Kumbum or Tashi Gomang Stūpa of Palkhor Chödé in Gyantsé.

Chapter five

The Birth of a Heruka

Up to this point, the biographies of Tsangnyön have followed a common pattern of Buddhist biography: his birth was accompanied by miracles and auspicious dreams; he had been foretold in authoritative Buddhist texts; immediately after his birth, he began to display extraordinary behavior that set him apart from other children; he spontaneously sat in meditation posture for long periods of time; he praised previous masters; and even in the games of childhood he bestowed empowerments, and so forth. Early in life he became a monk and devoted his time and energy to study and recitation. As a monk, he was extremely careful to keep his monastic precepts, and he amazed people with his ability to memorize and his skill in recitation. Later he met his root lama and entered the tantric path, receiving empowerments and profound esoteric instructions. After the period with his lama, he studied for several years in a monastery and eventually acquired all the necessary skills of a vajra master. These themes, with some minor variations, are portrayed in biographies about Tibetan Buddhist masters in a very similar way. The extraordinary qualities and abilities Tsangnyön displayed during the early part of his life are thus shared by many extraordinary individuals within the Buddhist tradition. After the period of studies in the monastic complex of Gyantsé, Tsang- nyön started to behave in a way that set him apart from most great Bud- dhist masters of a more ‘normative’ kind. Instead of becoming a fully ordained bhikṣu, which would have been the natural way to proceed, he began to model his lifestyle and way of practice on the tantric siddhas of India. Unlike many other Tibetan masters, he emulated the siddhas in a quite literal way. This radical and rather unusual move away from the monastery upset some of his contemporaries while impressing and inspiring devotion in others. This chapter will describe how Tsangnyön’s life changed and how the exemplary monk became a wandering yogin with no fixed abode who at times exhibited quite bizarre and shocking behavior. 106 part two

Leaving the Monastery

The radical change in Tsangnyön’s behavior and outer appearance began after a vision in which he encountered the eight goddesses of his chosen deity, Hevajra.1 The vision occurred when Tsangnyön and the other monks of the Gurpa department were staying at a monastery called Dorjé Den to practice dharma.2 One early morning, he saw eight very beautiful goddesses in the midst of rainbow light, though without the main [deities] Hevajra, father and mother.3 He said that he, with the pride of being himself Hevajra, united with each one of the goddesses; whereby he experienced a different kind of bliss with each goddess: his body, speech, and mind became intoxicated by undefiled bliss.4 Tsangnyön’s many years of Hevajra study and practice had finally yielded its result and no notion of being separate from Hevajra seemed to remain in his mind. Thus, Tsangnyön had reached the conviction, or realization if you will, of actually being Hevajra. Ngödrub Pembar explains how Tsangnyön was transformed after the vision, and how he, from that day forward, never parted from the underlying sublime essence of all phenomena, the so-called dharmatā.5 Due to this, he became charismatic and fearless, like a lion. He no longer felt any need to prostrate, use polite expressions, or exhibit other forms of respectful behavior toward anybody. Convinced that he was Hevajra, Tsangnyön did not even bow down or show respect to powerful people such as kings, queens or ministers; instead he played pranks and made jokes. People who were unaware of the reason for his provocative behavior were upset and shocked.6

1 Fifteen goddesses according to Heart of the Sun (G: 28). 2 Tucci mentions two different monasteries near Gyantsé known by this name: Nény- ing, fifteen kilometers south of Gyantsé, and Magdé Ding, on the road between Gyantsé and Shigatsé (Tucci 1989a: 56, 67, 144). 3 This means that the two main figures—Hevajra and his consort, Nairātmyā (Bdag med ma)—were not present; only the eight goddesses who surround the main figures were there. 4 N: 7b. There are almost identical passages in G: 28; L: 16. The passage from G is translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 25–26. 5 N: 7b. 6 G: 28; L: 16; N: 7b. tsangnyön heruka 107

Of the three biographers, only Götsangrepa gives a detailed account of what happened when Tsangnyön left his monastery. In the sixth chapter of Heart of the Sun he describes the following colorful scenario: One time the provincial ruler and his ministers came to the monastery from Gyantsé.7 The monks had assembled in a very huge gathering and [Tsang- nyön] went into the rows carrying a skull-cup and a thighbone trumpet. He ate the tea, soup, and so on, in his skull-cup. Adding tsam pa and biscuits, he stirred the mixture with his thighbone trumpet and ate. The master of discipline noticed that the monks around him had started to laugh. He asked, “What kind of behavior for monks in the assembly is this?” and prepared to beat [Tsangnyön] with a stick. “Oh, set aside beating me and listen! In which sūtra or tantra is it explained that one is not allowed to carry a skull-cup and thighbone trumpet into the assembly of monks? You prove it!” The [master of discipline] could not answer and [Tsangnyön] said, “Well then, let’s have a debate and I will explain it.” The master of discipline said, “I will not answer you who take pride in your [knowledge of] scripture and reasoning and are self-centered.” He went to the monastic department and said, “The conduct of this monk of yours is faulty. You must expel him.” Relying on this report the spiritual master scolded [Tsangnyön] a bit, thus establishing the conditions [for his departure]. Then the Lord thought, “Now I have reached the end of hearing and reflecting, as it was stated in prophecies of the lama and the ḍākinīs. If I do not now gain experience through meditation, knowing and understanding many words will not liberate me. It would be like the empty talk of a bat8 or the logic of Drekar.9 To set an example for those who hold listening and reflection alone as the ultimate, and are like a wreath of foam piled high priding itself on being a mountain; and also because of [my] lama’s command, the time to go and meditate in the supreme holy place in the south, the glorious Tsari, has arrived. Moreover, it is hard to accomplish [the practice] with these monk’s clothes on, and also outwardly a bit at odds with the practice of Secret Mantra. Since dharma mainly concerns actions performed by the mind, there is also no real certainty in things. I must offer my belongings to the sangha, and go.”

7 In this context, Gyantsé probably refers to the fort-like castle on the hilltop above Palkhor Chödé, the Gyantsé Dzong. 8 According to T. G. Dhongtong Rinpoche this should be read as lpags phyi meaning bat (Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 51, n. 23). 9 The text has Pekar (Dpe’ dkar), which according to Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé, should be read as ’Bras dkar, the name of someone who says auspicious words at New Year. Like the previous saying (gtam dpe) about the bat, it refers to the idea that knowing words of dharma and being able to talk is pointless as long as real understanding is lacking (Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé personal communication). 108 part two

He offered his belongings and the three dharma robes to the congrega- tion. The lower robe he exchanged for a cloak with a dge bshes called Sangyé Palzang. One evening he spent the night above the guest room in the place usually used for relaxing, and thoroughly studied the Hevajra Tantra, its outline, tantric explanations, and the Eight Thousand [Verses],10 and so on. Then he said, “Let this be the last study session of mine in this place!” Early the following morning [Tsangnyön] went to Kharkha and stayed there for about three or four days.11

Embarking on the Path of a Wandering Yogin

As this account by Götsangrepa reveals, it was now impossible for Tsang- nyön to continue his life as a monk in a monastery. The vision at Dorjé Den seems to have been the spark that ignited the fire of the spontaneous, unusual, and bizarre conduct that was to become his trademark. This fire had just begun to burn, and would burn stronger and stronger in the years that followed. Its nature will be described in detail in this and the next chapters. Tsangnyön was now gaining confidence in being Hevajra and since Hevajra is a so-called heruka this was a kind of preliminary ‘birth of the heruka.’ It was not the final birth of the heruka, however, as the most important transformative vision was yet to come. Rather than supporting Tsangnyön on the path toward accomplishment and ultimately enlightenment, his life as a monk in a monastery had begun to impede his progress. He had accomplished his sūtric and tantric studies and was now very learned, but he was still lacking the inner realization needed to reach the final goal of enlightenment. This pattern is often found in Indian siddha biographies; in order to reach true understanding even the monastery and the life of a monk must be given up. The many rules and the lifestyle that were previously a necessary support for practice and accomplishment eventually become a hindrance. A powerful example of this is found in the biography of Nāropa (1012–1100), one of Tsangnyön’s spiritual ancestors. Nāropa is presented as an exceptionally learned monk who could defeat any scholar in debate. Once when he was studying a very ugly woman appeared and asked him if he understood the sense of what he was studying. When Nāropa answered that he did, the ugly woman began to cry. Nāropa asked her why she was sad, and

10 Brgyad stong pa—Prajñāpāramitā in Eight Thousand Verses, Yum bsdus pa shlo ka stong brgyad pa. 11 G: 28–29. Most of this section is also translated in Stearns [Kalnins] (1985: 26–27). tsangnyön heruka 109 she replied that it was because a great scholar such as he had lied, falsely asserting that he understood the sense when he did not.12 Nāropa realized that the ugly woman was right and asked her who did understand the sense. She told him that her brother Tilopa did, and then she disappeared like a rainbow in the sky. This incident encouraged Nāropa to search for Tilopa, so that he could learn the deeper meaning of the teachings from him. Nāropa gave up his belongings and books, left the monastery, and started to search for his guru. When he eventually found Tilopa, he was forced to abandon all his preconceptions about right and wrong, purity and impurity, and so on. After twelve years of practice under Tilopa’s guidance Nāropa reached the goal and become a perfected one, a siddha, just like his guru. The path toward this exalted state included extreme acts of self-denial, such as: leaping down from a high tower, jumping into a fire, entering into a sexual relationship with a girl, and pulling down a minister and his bride from an elephant and drag- ging them about.13 Acts such as these were at odds not only with monastic discipline, but also with the norms of society at large. Although they appeared extreme, these acts were in fact the acts of a higher and more advanced discipline according to Tibetan and Indian exponents of Tantric Buddhism. At a certain point, everything must be given up in order to reach final salvation. Another example of this kind of sudden change of conduct and its relation to spiritual insight is found in a biography of Machik Labdrön. When Machik attained realization, she stopped wearing nice clothes and started to dress in rags. She began to keep company with beggars and lepers rather than monks and teachers. She slept anywhere, on the side of a road or in the house of a leper, and wandered aimlessly all around the country, eating just about anything, and not caring whether she was slandered or praised. In short, she gave up worldly attachments and remained utterly fearless in the equanimity of the dharmatā.14 Tsangnyön, like Nāropa and Machik Labdrön before him, realized that the time was ripe to continue on his spiritual path until he thoroughly understood the sense of what he had studied—and the life of a monk in a monastery was no longer conducive to this understanding. He thus paid heed to the next series of commands that Sharawa had given him before

12 Guenther 1986: 24–25. 13 The twelve acts of self-denial are translated in Guenther 1986: 42–86. 14 Edou 1996: 133. 110 part two they parted: “Wear rags for clothes. Give up these three: food, clothing, and fame. Be a child of the mountains; wear the mists as your clothes. Through disciplined conduct, take what appears as a path [to awakening], and trample on all your fears!”15 At this point, Tsangnyön had “dispelled all his misconceptions regarding listening (thos) and reflecting (bsam)” and the time for practice had arrived.16 Before leaving he read about the Ever Weeping Bodhisattva, Sadāprārudita, and was so moved that he began to shed tears. Filled with unbiased compassion toward all sentient beings, he then left the monastery.17 After this, Tsangnyön never again dressed or behaved like a monk and he seldom visited or lived in monasteries. Instead, he kept his hair long, dressed like a tantric yogin, and wandered around from place to place. The only time he settled down for longer periods was when he was meditating, or later in life, composing texts, and this he did mainly in remote caves and retreat places.18 Before leaving for the holy Tsari wilderness, Tsangnyön visited his relatives in Kharkha. Then, on the evening of the fifteenth day of the month (the full-moon day), accompanied by his younger brother, Könchok Gyaltsen, he left for Tsari. The year was probably 1472, when Tsangnyön was twenty-one.19 The following morning they arrived at a mountain pass just as the rising sun appeared at its peak. Interpreting this beautiful sight as an auspicious omen (rten ’brel), Tsangnyön told his brother that they should perform a gaṇacakra. While they were performing this tantric feast, five women appeared with beer for the ritual. According to the biographies, the ladies were ḍākinīs welcoming the two brothers to Tsari.20 Continuing to travel toward Tsari, they soon arrived at the ferry place of Shara where they met the governor (nang so) of Horshag with his retinue. The governor leaned onto the shoulder of a man and asked: “Where do

15 G 25–26. For the commands in their entirety, see above (p. 95). 16 G: 30. 17 L: 16. 18 Later in life he was sometimes invited to stay with leaders who had become his benefactors, but he always kept his wandering lifestyle and preferred remote retreat places. 19 As will be seen, Lhatsün states that he was twenty-one when he reached Tsari (L: 18) and this corresponds well with Götsangrepa’s and Ngödrub Pembar’s biographies. Although the latter two biographies do not give any dates or ages, the chronology and years spent in the monastery correspond with Tsangnyön’s age when leaving Kharkha. Thus it seems that the chronological discrepancies between the three biographies disappear. As already stated in a previous footnote, Tibetans count age differently than we do in the West: everyone is one year old at birth, and twenty-one therefore means twenty according to the Western way of counting. As mentioned above, I have kept the age as it is given in the biographies. 20 G: 29–30; L: 17; N: 8a. tsangnyön heruka 111 these people over there come from? What qualities do they have? And where are they going now?”21 Tsangnyön, who had changed his way of interacting with other people after leaving his monastery and seemed especially keen on insulting people of high rank, such as kings and leaders, answered: “I came from behind and I am heading forward.”22 The governor remarked that Tsangnyön had a harsh mouth and received yet another abusive reply from the young yogin: “There is nothing [I] can do about it; my mouth, though anointed with lots of oil, is still hard.23 But if you need this soft and cold glacier water I can give it to you.”24 Despite, or perhaps because of, Tsangnyön’s provocative ways the governor became convinced that Tsangnyön was a genuine and good yogin. He even requested that Tsangnyön stay on as his officiating priest. Tsang- nyön replied that he could not be the officiating priest for just one person but would be such for all beings.25 Finally, meat and flour were offered to Tsangnyön and his brother as provisions for their journey, and they set off on their way. First they went toward Lhasa by way of Rongchung. The next day Tsangnyön went to a market which was located at a place where a large ransom/thread-cross ceremony (mdos) was being performed. This elaborate ritual involves offering various kinds of gifts to gods (lha) and to harmful and obstructive spirits (gdon, bgegs).26 The hostile powers are summoned and then appeased by the offerings, which consist of symbolic cakes (gtor ma) and one or several crosses made of thread. These offerings function as a ransom or substitute for the life, health, and fortune of the people threatened by the hostile powers. At the end of the ritual, after the offerings have been accepted by the hostile powers, the thread-crosses and the symbolic offerings are thrown away and the negative forces thereby removed. It is plausible to assume that a ritual such as this, which is directed toward demons and hostile powers, could be

21 N: 8a. 22 G: 30; L: 17; N: 8b. 23 An almost identical passage is found in a biography of Tangtong Gyalpo (’Gyur med bde chen 1976: 184). For an English translation of this passage, see Stearns 2007: 271. 24 G: 30; L: 17; N: 8b. 25 L: 18. 26 There are many different kinds of mdos ceremonies, carried out for different purposes and directed toward different gods, demons, and spirits. The biographies do not specify which type it was at this particular occasion. For more on mdos ceremonies, see Beyer 1973: 318–321; Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1993: 369–397; Tucci 1980: 176 and 174; for an illustration of a thread-cross, see Beyer 1973: plate 7 and 8; Tucci 1980: figure 15. 112 part two considered dangerous. It is also reasonable to imagine that the people who had assembled believed that negative forces and demons were present during the performance of the ransom ceremony. At this place Tsangnyön behaved not only provocatively and insultingly, but also in an outright mad and shocking manner.27 Lhatsün and Ngödrub Pembar state that Tsangnyön “acted out the conduct” (spyod mdzad) in the marketplace and that people became so upset that they tried to kill him with stones and knives.28 Only Götsangrepa describes what happened in some detail, describing how Tsangnyön went into the crowd, overturned and broke the huge ransom offering, and then began to eat the symbolic offerings that had stood on the shrine he had just destroyed. He not only ate the offerings, but also threw them around, upsetting the many assembled people and the soldiers who also participated in the ceremony.29 Tsangnyön was likely regarded as a demon coming to consume the offerings, or perhaps as a madman who did not understand the importance of the ritual. The crowd did not accept such behavior and began attacking him. They tried various means to kill him, but despite throwing stones, stabbing him with swords and lances, hitting him with sticks, and shooting at him with arrows, he remained unharmed. The reason for this was that he had entered into a meditative trance called “very firm vajra” that made him invulnerable. Tsangnyön then rose and began to sing the mantra of the bodhisattva of compassion: Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ. He thus revealed his actual identity: a compassionate bodhisattva disguised as a madman. The furious people remained unconvinced, however, concluding that, “This must have been a miracle performed by a bloodthirsty demon or harmful spirit.”30 Eventually: . . . the soldiers drove [Tsangnyön] in front of them toward the Kyichu River, the women wailed, and the monks performed the final parts of the ransom offering. At that time, in front of everyone, [Tsangnyön] did not sink down into the water of the river but became a great whirlwind and landed on the opposite side of the river. Everyone, seeing they could do nothing, became amazed and perplexed.31

27 G 30; L: 18; N: 8b. 28 L: 18; N: 8b. 29 G: 30. 30 G: 31. 31 G: 31. tsangnyön heruka 113

The incident above was the first, but definitely not the last, of its kind; the biographies contain many similar stories. Time after time Tsangnyön’s behavior was so provocative to people around him that they tried to kill him. He was often held to be a demon and people were often afraid of him.32 Only Tsangnyön’s miraculous powers saved him, and it seems that he sometimes deliberately acted in a provocative and mad way just to be able to demonstrate his extraordinary powers. This made him famous, and some people started to believe that he was a true yogin who should be venerated rather than despised. Tsangnyön gained many of his supporters and benefactors as a result of this kind of outrageous conduct, and Götsangrepa informs us that the incident depicted above had exactly such a result. When reports of his activities at the ransom offering reached the ears of the landlord (gnas po) Genyen Chökyab, he invited Tsangnyön for tea and beer. The landlord was impressed by the young yogin and faith arose in him. Genyen Chökyab was later rewarded with wealth as a result of having offered drinks and shown devotion toward the unusual yogin.33 The latter theme is also commonplace in the biographies: the result of respecting and displaying devotion toward Tsangnyön, despite his provocations, is fortune and wealth, while the result of not respecting him and lacking faith in him could be disastrous. The mechanism behind this is usually understood by Buddhist commentators to be cause and effect. To despise a buddha or bodhisattva is a heinous crime according to Bud- dhism, while immeasurable merits results from even the smallest act of devotion to such an individual.34 Tsangnyön and his brother then continued toward Tsari and having passed through Dakpo they visited Zurkhar,35 the place where Tsangnyön had met his main teacher, Sharawa, about four years earlier.36 An intense yearning for Sharawa, who had passed away in the year 1470 while Tsang- nyön was studying at Palkhor Chödé, arose in Tsangnyön’s mind. Longing for the incomparable precious one, Sharawa, he shed tears [and] performed many full-length prostrations and circumambulations at [Shara- wa’s former] dwelling place, at the place where he passed away, and at the

32 For a discussion of how the ghost/demon metaphor was used by both Buddhist and Pāśupata yogins of India, see Davidson 2002: 221. 33 G: 31; L: 18; N: 8b. 34 See, for example, Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 115–116, 123–124. 35 Zurkhar (Zur mkhar) is spelled Zungkhar (Zung mkhar) by Götsangrepa (G: 31) and by Dawa Gyaltsen (Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 493). 36 G: 31. The visit to Zurkhar is not mentioned by Lhatsün or Ngödrub Pembar. 114 part two

shrine where he had been cremated. Then [Tsangnyön] listened to all the dharma teachings that Awo Chöjé Nyamnyi Dorjé had received from the incomparable precious one [Sharawa], such as tantras and instructions that dispel doubts, and he once again listened to the ritual practice of Urgyenpa,37 the permission blessing (rjes gnang), and the methods for accomplishment of the Black Field Protector with a Lion Face.38 Unable to meet Sharawa in person, Tsangnyön met with the famous physician Awo Chöjé Nyamnyi Dorjé, whom Tsangnyön had met on his first trip to Tsari and through whom he had met Sharawa. This time the physician acted not only as a dharma brother, but also as a lama to Tsangnyön, and he is therefore listed as one of Tsangnyön’s lamas in Tuken Chökyi Nyima’s short biography of Tsangnyön.39

Patronage and Madness

Tsangnyön had now received all the transmissions of Sharawa that he needed for his practice and he returned to his travels. Lhatsün states that Tsangnyön was twenty-one years old when he and his younger brother came to Ribla Pangmo in Tsari;40 if Lhatsün is right, Tsangnyön arrived at this holy place in 1472. In Ribla Pangmo an important encounter occurred that was to have significant and lasting consequences for Tsang- nyön. Here he met the governor (nang so) or myriarch (khri dpon) of Ja, Tashi Dargyé (d. 1499), who was to become his faithful supporter and benefactor.41 He also met two important religious masters: the Samding Dorjé Pakmo incarnation, Künga Zangmo (1459–1502), and the Bodongpa master, Pal Chimé Drubpa (1420s–1480s).42 This meeting with the three

37 Urgyan snyen (bsnyen) bsgrub. A ritual practice composed by Urgyenpa Rinchen Pal (1229/1230–1309). 38 G: 31. 39 T: 42. 40 Spelled Rib la spang mo (G: 32); Ri la dpang mo (N: 8b); Ril la spang mo (L: 18). A mountain pass named Rib la, situated along the old pilgrimage route of Tsari Nyingma, is given on the map in Gyurme Dorje 2004: 235. A pass named Ri pa la or Rib pa la (Hermit pass) which is mentioned by Huber was crossed by pilgrims from Dakpo (Huber 1999: 106). 41 Nang so and khri dpon are titles used for district leaders. Both titles refer to the same office; nang so is more commonly encountered in the sources. 42 Diemberger mentions this meeting (2007: 252). tsangnyön heruka 115 dignitaries was important enough to be described at some length in all three biographies.43 Tashi Dargyé was the myriarch of Ja, or Jayul, a large area south of the Dakpo and Yarlung regions of Southern Tibet.44 Tsari belonged to the Ja myriarchy, the capital of which was Chögyal Lhünpo, which Tsangnyön later visited. According to Cyrus Stearns, Tashi Dargyé was one of the most generous religious patrons of the fifteenth century.45 This is confirmed by the Tibetan historian Sönam Drakpa, who mentions that Tashi Dargyé of Ja carried out many meritorious works. Sönam Drakpa describes how he ordered a golden image of Buddha Śākyamuni to be made, a temple to be built, a copy of the Kangyur to be written in golden letters, and a large stūpa to be built. He further states that Tashi Dargyé was very partial and provided help only to some of the Buddhist schools.46 Tashi Dargyé was the main sponsor of one of the most well-known works on Tibetan Buddhist history, the Blue Annals. The book’s author, Zhönu Pal, who obviously held Tashi Dargyé in high esteem, included in the book a brief description of the myriarch’s descent, lineage, and deeds.47 The Venerable Lady Künga Zangmo was born in Kongpo in 1459 and was recognized as the reincarnation of the female master Chökyi Drönma (1422–1455).48 Like her predecessor, Künga Zangmo was considered to be an embodiment of the Indian tantric deity Vajravārāhī.49 Künga Zangmo was thirteen (fourteen according to Tibetan calculation) when the meeting occurred, and it may appear a bit odd that Tsangnyön (as we shall see) addresses her as an adult. On the other hand, we must take into account

43 G: 32–33; L: 18–19; N: 8b–9a. As usual it is Götsangrepa who gives the most detailed description. 44 Tashi Dargyé is sometimes called Japa in the texts. 45 Stearns 2007: 581, n. 1110. 46 Sönam Drakpa, translated in Tucci 1971: 238. 47 Roerich 1996: 824, 837, 1086–1090. In the Blue Annals, Tashi Dargyé is sometimes called Pal Tashi Dargyé Legpé Gyalpo (Glorious Tashi Dargyé the Good King). 48 Chökyi Drönma was the daughter of the king of Ngari Gungtang, Lhawang Gyaltsen (1404–1464). After a forced marriage she renounced her royal heritage and devoted the rest of her life to Buddhism. She became the main disciple of the famous and influential Bodong Panchen Choklé Namgyal. Later she became a disciple of Tangtong Gyalpo. For a study of Chökyi Drönma and the Samding Dorjé Pakmo lineage, see Diemberger 2007. 49 Vajravārāhī (Rdo rje phag mo) continued to be embodied in Tibetan women, and the monastery Samding, near the eastern shore of the large lake Yamdrok Tso, became the main seat of this unique female incarnation lineage. The present incarnation is number twelve in the lineage and she leads the Samding Monastery. She is also a high ranking government cadre in the Tibet Autonomous Region. 116 part two the fact that she was a reincarnated master. Such individuals are generally given much responsibility and are treated as adults at an early age.50 Pal Chimé Drubpa was a major disciple of Bodong Choklé Namgyal (1376–1451) and had received teachings and empowerments from him together with Chökyi Drönma. When Chökyi Drönma died, he took care of her reincarnation, Künga Zangmo, and they often traveled together.51 Götsangrepa describes Tsangnyön’s meeting with these three personages as follows: In Nénang, [Tsangnyön’s] brother was sent off ahead with their belongings and a yak. The Lord came after, wearing a lotus hat of Urgyen with feath- ers and silk attached to it on his head, a cloak on his body, and holding his weapon—the khaṭvāṅga—in his hand.52 [Tsangnyön] went to Ribla Pangmo where many people were swarming around. “What are you doing?” he asked. “The Venerable Lady Künga Zangmo and Pal Chimé Drubpa are both going toward Dakpo. Governor Tashi Dargyé and his entourage, the patron and priests of Ja, are coming here to see them off,” they answered. At that, the Lord lay down across the very path on which they were about to come, and remained there with a yogic gaze. When they came, he did nothing whatsoever, and they had to turn to the side of the path. Some of them said, “He may have fainted or perhaps he is a fraud.” After a little while [Tsangnyön] rose up and started to walk. There were watchdogs tied up facing one another at the door, but he just went directly inside without caring about them. There he encountered the Venerable Künga Zangmo, Pal Chimé Drubpa, and Japa Tashi Dargyé surrounded by a large entourage, seated in rows and eating. The Lord entered the rows and went in turn to each person saying, “Pour me an offering of food!” The Japa poured him all he had and the Lord hum- bly said, “An excellent connection.” The Venerable Lady had a boiled heart on her table, and suddenly [Tsang- nyön] took it, and ate it. The Venerable Lady said, “The young monk seems hungry.” “Not only am I hungry, but I also want to have sex,” [Tsangnyön] replied. Chimépa asked: “What qualifies you to act like this?” “I know Hevajra,” [Tsangnyön answered].

50 This is exemplified by the fact that Künga Zangmo is said to have averted a Mon- gol invasion and performed many other demanding tasks early in life (Diemberger 2007: 247). 51 Diemberger 2007: 79–80. 52 There are different ways of transcribing this Sanskrit word with Tibetan letters, and I will stick to the standard Sanskrit transliteration regardless of how the Tibetans have transcribed it in the sources that I use. For a description of the khaṭvāṅga or ‘tantric staff,’ see, for example, Beer 2003: 102–107. See also Tsangnyön’s own detailed description of the khaṭvāṅga in Heart of the Sun (G: 231 ff.). tsangnyön heruka 117

The Venerable Lady said: “Well then, it is said: ‘Since pleasant and unpleasant are [mere] concepts do not be attached to them.’53 What is the meaning of this?” The Lord said: “It is saying that one should neither have lust for a beautiful woman like you, nor feel disgust toward one like a leper.” Chimépa winked at the Venerable Lady and said, “To carry out that kind of conduct one must know the chapter on conduct, so bring it forth!” The Lord replied, “Poor young monk!” and gave a perfect explanation of the general outline of the chapter of conduct, backing it up with sections from other tantras. Afterwards he snapped his fingers and said, “Oh make your dharma-connection with that!” Everyone was moved and became filled with faith. Pal Chimé Drubpa said, “Outwardly, [he knows] reasoning and scripture, and the explanations of the tantras. Inwardly, he has the glory of experience and realization, and the disciplined conduct of a yogin. At present, by his ‘conduct of trampling on [and destroying] fears,’ he directly takes good and bad circumstances as a path [to awakening]. I rejoice at the existence of a yogin who is in har- mony with the outer and inner signs, like a daytime star in this degenerate time.” After saying [this he] folded his hands, closed his eyes, and bowed his head. The Japa governor said, “It seems that he is a good yogin, [one who is] in agreement with the [genuine] meaning [of the Buddhist teachings].” Pal Chimé Drubpa said, “I have seen many a yogin, but apart from him [Tsang- nyön] I have not seen a yogin [before] who is in agreement with [both] the inner and outer signs.” Those who had assembled there [developed] great confidence, and praised the good qualities of the Lord, the great mighty yogin. They ener- getically proclaimed his greatness in all directions. The Japa myriarch in particular became very devoted and said, “If you stay in Tsari I will provide provision for your practice.” “Food is a very kind [thing to give, so] give me that,” [Tsangnyön answered]. [Tsangnyön] promised to visit Chögyal Lhünpo in the autumn.54 The episode cited above is typical in many ways, including Tsangnyön’s bizarre way of dressing and his provocative way of acting and speaking. Similar stories are told repeatedly in the biographies. Tsangnyön often walked directly up to important individuals and took their food or drink. This he did despite the guards and followers of the king or leader, who

53 This is a quotation from the sixth chapter of Hevajra Tantra (the chapter on conduct), verse 20: Skr: grahaṇaṃ nātra kartavyaṃ iṣṭāniṣṭavikalpataḥ, Tib: yid ’ong mi ’ong rnam rtog phyir zhen pa tsam du mi bya ’o. Snellgrove translates the phrase: “making no distinction between that which is liked or disliked” (Snellgrove 1959, part 1: 65). 54 G: 32–33. Stearns [Kalnins] has also translated the first part of this section (Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 27–29). Chögyal Lhünpo was the residence of the Ja family in Dol and as already mentioned, it was the capital of the Ja myriarchy. 118 part two often became paralyzed by his charisma and spiritual powers and were therefore unable to stop him. The reaction that his provocations evoked differed; sometimes people tried to kill him, and at other times they respected him. Regardless of what kind of reaction his unusual ways sparked, they probably made him remembered and talked about. The many provocations and bizarre stories that filled his life, especially the ten-year period after he left Palkhor Chödé, constitute an important part of Tsangnyön’s career. It was apparently through acting in strange and provocative ways that he laid the foundation for future success. The support of the myriarch of Ja, Tashi Dargyé, made his further activities in the Tsari area easier. When Tsangnyön and his brother came to the monastery Dechen Ling in Ja in the summer, the master in charge, Chögyal Palzang, had been forewarned about Tsangnyön and his unusual ways.55 The myriarch of Ja had written a letter to him with the following message: “This yogin [Tsangnyön] has very rude conduct; ask him questions.”56 Chögyal Palzang did as the myriarch had advised and was impressed by Tsangnyön’s answers. Once he had ascertained that Tsangnyön was an accomplished yogin, the master’s heart and mind filled with devotion. One day the Dharma Lord Chögyal Palzang said: “Since you are a yogin who has obtained perfection and I have planned to build a protector chapel here, you need to pacify the ground and set the auspicious connection and so on.” The Lord answered, “Since this would benefit the teachings and the living beings of course I will do it.” Then the Lord went to a slaughtering place. He filled intestines with blood and [with these he] made ornaments for his hands and feet. He held some fresh hearts and lungs in his hands and smeared all of his body with blood. Then, performing the monastic dance of the ‘walking vajra’ he went [to the place that was to be inaugurated]. In a completely perfect [manner] he performed the Vajrakīlaya-monastic dances of pacifying the ground. Then he concealed the hearts, lungs, and so on, in the earth at the center of the [place where the] protector chapel [was to be built] and commanded the Dharma Protectors, “In the future this place should be controlled by the power of the Guardians.”57

55 Only Ngödrub Pembar mentions the name of the monastery (N: 9a). Götsangrepa mentions that they arrived there in the summer (G: 33). Chögyal Palzang is called Chökyab Palzangpa by Ngödrub Pembar (N: 9a). 56 G: 33. 57 G: 34. tsangnyön heruka 119

This story illustrates how Tsangnyön performed rituals in a quite literal way that must have amazed and shocked the people who saw him; what others visualized while reciting the liturgy, Tsangnyön sometimes acted out. He thereby ‘became’ the wrathful deity that he invoked in the ritual, and he dressed, danced, and behaved as such. In the autumn, Tsangnyön and his brother undertook the next stage of their journey and once again Tsangnyön received an opportunity ‘to enter into the action’ (spyod pa la gshegs pa) and display eccentric behavior. This time he and his brother traveled together with his supporter and benefactor, the myriarch of Ja, Tashi Dargyé. Patron and priest (yon mchod) thus joined company for a while, but Tsangnyön soon decided that the myriarch and his retinue should go on ahead. Without the company of his powerful companions, Tsangnyön arrived at a mountain pass where a crowd of people had gathered. He went right into the crowd and started to jump around among the people. His provocative ways made the people in the gathering very angry and they tried to kill him with sticks and knives. Tsangnyön did not die, however, and the people had to resort to other means to end his life. They tied his hands and feet to his back and threw him into a terrifying glacier crevice. That night he stayed in the crevice performing gtum mo meditation, and the glacier melted for about six feet around his body. The following morning he walked on.58 After this incident Tsangnyön arrived at the Wisdom Wheel of Tsari where male and female practitioners (nya ma)59 and mountain dwelling hermits (ri pa) had gathered.60 Tsangnyön entered the crowd eating alternately a sugar-cane that he held in his right hand and feces that he held in his left; he then threw urine on everyone, beat some people, and so on. Götsangrepa states, somewhat surprisingly, that the very bizarre and provocative behavior of his teacher did not make people angry on this particular occasion. Despite all the unsuitable actions he performed, “everyone was subdued by the splendor of his appearance and became

58 G: 34. 59 Nya ma is a word often encountered in Milarepa’s and Tsangnyön’s life stories. The word is sometimes translated as “female disciple” or “female patron,” or “woman,” but in this context it refers to both males and females. According to Thrangu Rinpoche, nya mas are dharma students who engage in their daily life activities, but on the new and full moon days receive teachings and practice (Thrangu Rinpoche 2002: 27). 60 G: 34; N: 9a. 120 part two devoted. Then they gave [Tsangnyön] the name Hero of Tsari and he became famous.”61 How can eating feces and throwing urine on people make them devoted? It may be that the readers (or listeners) of the biography were supposed to know that an accomplished yogin could, and at a certain stage in his spiritual career perhaps should behave in unusual and outrageous ways. If they did not know it, the biographies about Tsangnyön provide them with this lesson. Here Tsangnyön’s extreme behavior is viewed not as a fault, but rather as a proof of his extraordinary qualities. Acting outrageously required courage and freedom from constraints, and his biographers saw these as signs of accomplishment rather than evidence of shortcomings.

Meditation Practice

In the remote solitary place called Tiger’s Den, for the sake of exhorting [your] disciples to practice vigorously, [You dwelled] one-pointedly in the state of meditative absorption (samādhi) I bow down to you—King of the steadfast sages.62 Having described Tsangnyön’s outrageous behavior, the biographies shift focus for a while and explain how Tsangnyön practiced meditation with great diligence. The biographers point out in particular how he endured great hardships while practicing. Meditation practice, diligence, and the ability to endure hardships are generally important components in Buddhist biographies. The message conveyed is that realization cannot be attained without diligence and hardships; what is more, the deeper meaning behind the words and theories will never be understood without practicing what has been studied. Practice in this context usually refers to meditation, the third part of the triad of listening (thos), reflecting (bsam), and meditating (sgom), although practice can also refer to the actions performed between meditation periods. Tsangnyön had already perfected the listening and reflecting parts of the path toward enlightenment, but needed to accomplish the meditation and practice parts of the path as well.

61 G: 34–35. Ngödrub Pembar states that he received the name Man of Tsari (Tsa ri pa) and not Hero of Tsari (Rtsa ri dpa’ bo) (N: 9a). 62 L: 19. tsangnyön heruka 121

All three biographies give similar descriptions of how Tsangnyön practiced meditation, although there are some differences. Ngödrub Pembar gives a very brief account while Götsangrepa and Lhatsün give more detailed descriptions.63 Both Götsangrepa and Lhatsün agree that Tsang- nyön remained in Tsari for three years meditating but they give different names to the place where he stayed; Lhatsün mentions Taktsang (Tiger’s Den) while Götsangrepa says Tsangpa Pangchung.64 All three authors mention that he practiced very intensively, day and night, for six months. However, it seems a bit unclear whether Tsangnyön practiced continuously and in isolation during the whole three-year period, or whether he sometimes left his meditation place. Ngödrub Pembar mentions only the six-month period, and according to him Tsangnyön mainly practiced the Secret Conduct of Nāropa during the six months.65 This does not necessarily contradict Götsangrepa’s and Lhatsün’s accounts, however, since they also describe a six-month period of extremely intensive meditation practice within the three-year retreat.66 Tsangnyön’s three-year retreat seems to have been quite different from the formal, structured, and organized three-year retreats that are performed these days.67 Just like his prototype, Milarepa, he stayed in a remote area in the wilderness, and the way he practiced seems to have been gov- erned by his own intuition and the visions he encountered, rather than by rules or spiritual guidance from a retreat master. The retreat ended with a series of visionary encounters that were very important for Tsangnyön. During the three years in Tsari, Tsangnyön seems to have had at least two companions who assisted him, at least at the beginning. Götsangrepa

63 N: 9a–9b; G: 35–36; L: 19–23. It is hard to decide when the section that describes Tsangnyön’s meditation period ends in the biographies. Visions and actions of various kinds are described, and some of these probably occurred during his meditation retreat and formed a part of it. I will return to these visions and some of the actions Tsangnyön undertook in Tsari and give references to them. At this point I will describe only the period spent in strict meditation. 64 Small Meadow of Tsangpa (Gtsang pa). G: 35; L: 19. It is possible that the name is derived from Tsangnyön, and thus means Small Meadow of the Man of Tsang, i.e. Tsang- nyön. 65 N: 9a. Tsangnyön later wrote a commentary to this practice. See chapter 9. 66 The impression given by Ngödrub Pembar’s text is that Tsangnyön remained on retreat in Tsari for six months during the winter, and then in the spring still practiced in Tsari but left his retreat cave from time to time to engage in action (spyod pa) (N: 9a–9b). 67 For a description of the many practices that are traditionally carried out during a three-year retreat, see Kongtrul’s Retreat Manual. Kongtrul also outlines the discipline and motivation that a participant in a retreat should have (Kongtrul 1994). 122 part two mentions that Tsangnyön’s brother, Könchok Gyaltsen, and a yogin called “the Bearded Man of Tsang” (Gtsang pa rgya’o) were with him at least part of the time.68 Since the information provided in the biographies about Tsangnyön’s three-year retreat is rather scarce and somewhat heterogeneous, we have to make certain assumptions. As mentioned above he probably stayed in Tsari for three years, perhaps at the same place, or at least in the same area. During this period, he spent about six months practicing day and night without leaving his meditation cave. In what follows I will first sum- marize some parts of the account of Tsangnyön’s meditation retreat in Tsari as given by Lhatsün, and then in conclusion provide a more lengthy overview of Götsangrepa’s account. Lhatsün begins his account with a description of Tsangnyön’s thoughts before beginning his retreat. He describes how Tsangnyön recalled the examples of the historical Buddha, Nāropa, and Milarepa, and reflected upon the way in which his lineage—the practice lineage—had been transmitted previously.69 Emphasizing the extraordinary efforts and hardships the early lineage holders had endured, Tsangnyön first thought about how the historical Buddha, prior to his enlightenment, had spent six years practicing asceticism on the bank of a river. Then the Indian siddha Nāropa came to his mind. Despite having mastered the five branches of knowledge before meeting Tilopa, Nāropa followed his lama and suffered many hardships for a period of twelve years.70 Finally, Tsangnyön thought about Milarepa, who had made a vow to practice for as long as he lived. He recalled how Milarepa had carried out Marpa’s every command. “I must also endure hardships with great diligence and attain the supreme accomplishment in this very lifetime,” Tsangnyön thought to himself.71 Having made a great resolve to follow in the footsteps of the spiritual ancestors of his lineage and to carry out the commands of his lama, Tsang- nyön began his retreat. Götsangrepa describes how Tsangnyön performed

68 G: 35. 69 L: 19. Practice lineage (sgrub brgyud) refers to a lineage “in which practical accomplishment in religion is given priority over interpretation and study” (Martin 1996: 33). 70 L: 19. The five branches of knowledge (rig pa’i gnas lnga) usually refer to: 1) science of inner development (nang gi rig pa); 2) science of logic (gtan tshigs kyi rig pa); 3) science of grammar (sgra’i rig pa); 4) science of medicine (gso ba’i rig pa); 5) science of mechanical arts and crafts (bzo gnas kyi rig pa). 71 L: 19–20. tsangnyön heruka 123 the essential practices with “a diligence that resembled someone trying to extinguish a burning fire on his head.”72 Lhatsün describes how Tsangnyön’s two companions, frightened by the many wild animals that roamed the remote mountain wilderness, left him after only a couple of days.73 They left him some food to sustain himself, but after a while the food ran out and he had to rely on water. Lhatsün also describes how snow fell for twelve days and blocked the entrance to his meditation cave, forcing Tsangnyön to remain inside his cave for seven months.74 During this period, he sustained himself on water and had only some leaves to sit on. Eventually even the leaves wore out, and he had to continue his meditation practice sitting directly on a stone slab on the floor of his cave. By the time his practice began to bear fruit, the lower part of his body was covered with sores, and he was on the edge of starvation. Lhatsün describes how his intense meditation practice led to mastery of the inner yogic practices. After he gained control over the subtle channels (rtsa), the subtle energies (rlung), and the drops (thig le), everything started to shine forth as co-emergent wisdom of great bliss.75 Although his physical condition was very bad, he managed to remain inwardly undisturbed in his meditative concentration.76 During his strict meditation retreat, Tsangnyön had several dreams and visions that had a profound impact on him and guided him through the hardships he faced.77 After five months of intensive practice, he had a vivid dream of his root lama, Sharawa, sitting in the way of the great Brahmin, Saraha, surrounded by many ḍākinīs and performing a huge gaṇacakra.78 When Tsangnyön thought that he should join the feast, he woke up.79 The dream resulted in great progress in his meditation.

72 G: 36. 73 As will be seen below, Götsangrepa’s account differs and he does not mention that Tsangnyön was alone during his meditation retreat in Tsari. However, both Götsangrepa and Lhatsün focus on the many difficulties and hardships Tsangnyön encountered during his retreat. 74 L: 20. 75 I will explain these tantric practices more thoroughly in chapter 8. 76 L: 21. 77 Lhatsün mentions several visions, dreams, and meditative experiences that are not mentioned by Ngödrub Pembar or Götsangrepa. 78 As mentioned above, Sharawa was believed to be an emanation of the Indian siddha Saraha. For a study of the importance of Saraha in dreams and visions among Tibetan masters, see Schaeffer 2005. 79 L: 21. 124 part two

Another time the ḍākinī Kurukule appeared carrying a crystal vase full of wisdom nectar. The nectar filled Tsangnyön and he was purified inwardly and outwardly.80 Then the great Brahmin, Saraha, appeared in a dream. When Tsang- nyön woke up, he went to the place that he had seen in the dream, where he found a pile of vomit and other filth. He ate it all up and entered into a state of meditative absorption that lasted for two months.81 Another night Tsangnyön dreamt about a beautiful young woman who appeared amidst rainbow light. She told him that he had to trample on all appearances (snang ba la thog rdzis byas) and that he needed an extra ordinary substance in order to attain the highest accomplishments. After the woman had disappeared Tsangnyön remained in a state of luminosity, pondering whether such an extraordinary substance was available or not. As he thought about it he fell asleep again and in his dream, another woman, red in color, naked, adorned with bone ornaments, and a bit wrathful, appeared. She said, “ ‘Tsangpa Sangyé Gyaltsen, if you want to attain the highest accomplishments in this life come here immediately! Come here now!’ After having said this she disappeared like a rainbow.” 82 Awakening from the dreams, Tsangnyön began to think about their meaning and concluded that they were messages from the wisdom ḍākinīs. He went out and started to search for the extraordinary substance that the ḍākinīs had talked about. After a while he saw a crow circling something nearby and hurried to the spot below. There he found the corpse of a seventeen-year-old leper girl. He broke open the skull of the corpse and ate some brains.83 He also mentally offered some of the brains to his own lama, Sharawa, and other Kagyü lamas; some he offered to Vajravārāhī and other yidams; and some to Siṃhavakrā (Seng gdong) and other protectors. He felt the burning fire of inexhaustible bliss and co-emergent wisdom arose in his mind; he said, “Delusion is the creative play of primordial wisdom, free from the primary cause [of] grasping [at] manifestations. This very body [is] emptiness [and] dependent arising. The bliss of the three worlds is born spontaneously!”84

80 L: 21–22. Kurukule is a female deity associated with the activity of magnetizing. Her Tibetan name is Rigjéma (Rig byed ma) and her name is spelled Kurukullā in Sanskrit. 81 L: 22–23. 82 L: 23. 83 A Tibetan lama with whom I discussed this episode emphasized that it is important to consider that Tsangnyön was starving when he performed this action. 84 L: 24. tsangnyön heruka 125

After dancing on the corpse of the young leper woman he returned to his meditation cave. As he sat in meditation posture, the subtle energies merged into the central channel, and he experienced emptiness and luminosity. In his meditation, he saw how the beings in hell suffer from heat and cold, how hungry ghosts suffer from hunger and thirst, and how animals suffer from mental blindness and from eating one another. Limitless compassion arose and he prayed to his lama, the Dharma Lord Sharawa, whom he visualized as sitting on top of his head. Light radiated from Sharawa’s body and purified the different kinds of suffering experienced by the beings of the three lower realms, and they became settled in the happiness of gods and humans. The humans and gods in turn became liberated from suffering as well, and reached a state of meditative absorption. For seven days Tsangnyön remained in the “meditative absorption that dries up the ocean of samsaric suffering.”85 As mentioned above, Götsangrepa describes Tsangnyön’s periods of practice a bit differently. He mentions that Tsangnyön stayed in Tsangpa Pangchung to practice meditation for three years and that he stayed in his meditation cave without ever leaving it for a period of six months.86 Tsangnyön divided the twenty-four hours into six periods of meditation and never took off his meditation belt.87 Never parting from the state of mahāmudrā, he visualized his chosen deity Hevajra and his mandala without ceasing.88 In addition, during the four periods—the early part of the night, the early morning before daybreak, forenoon, and the late part of the night—he meditated solely on the fierce goddess (gtum mo). During the noon session he took a little break and dwelt in the state of luminosity (’od gsal) and sometimes he extended this session a bit. During all other periods he practiced only Hevajra.89 While Tsangnyön meditated in this way, day and night without ever losing his focus, his brother served him food.

85 L: 25. 86 I am paraphrasing Götsangrepa’s account. Compare my rendering with G: 35–36. 87 Meditation belt (sgom thag) is a belt used by yogins to support their bodily postures when they meditate. The six periods (thun) are: 1) early morning before daybreak (tho rangs); 2) early morning (snga dro); 3) mid to late morning (nyin gung); 4) afternoon (phyi dro); 5) early part of the night (srod); 6) and late part of the night to midnight (nam gung) (Padma Karpo Translation Committee 2003). 88 Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé explains that this means that Tsangnyön combined the two stages of practice (the developing and completion phases) (personal communication, 2007). 89 Dges pa rdo rje’i snyen pa. Snyen pa/bsnyen pa is a technical term in the Vajrayāna practice. It is a part of the development phase of tantric meditation practice (bskyed rim, utpattikrama) where the practitioner, by means of mantra recitation and visualizations, approaches the deity. 126 part two

Tsangnyön and his brother were apparently not alone on the retreat; it is mentioned that the Bearded Man of Tsang was there as well. The Bearded Man of Tsang thought that Tsangnyön had gone too far, and that his stubborn insistence on staying inside his dark retreat cave day and night without taking a single break would harm him. “It would be better if you walked a bit and used your feet,” he said. The Bearded Man of Tsang also worried about the dampness of the cave and expressed concern about the bad quality of the drinking water in the area. “You will become crippled or hunchbacked. Is that what you want?” he asked Tsangnyön. Tsangnyön ignored the reprimands from the Bearded Man of Tsang and continued his vigorous meditation practice. After about five months, the unhealthy water, the bad conditions in the cave, and Tsangnyön’s insistence on never relaxing his bodily posture began to cause him difficulties. Pus gathered in the hollow of his knees and he become acutely ill. Despite this he endured in his meditation practice for about one more month. Eventually the illness became even worse, and the pain so strong that he could no longer retract his legs. Tsangnyön was so sick that he needed assistance from his brother to perform his daily activities. One day when his brother was not there to help him, the work of assisting Tsangnyön was entrusted to the Bearded Man of Tsang. This man seems to have been one of the few individuals who were able to influence Tsangnyön and go against his wishes. “This all happened because he did not listen to me,” he said. Then he went to Tsangnyön, and with a terrible force made the pus of his legs come out. This relieved the pain and the following day Tsangnyön was almost able to perform his yogic exercises again. Tsangnyön began to train his body and gradually recovered. One day the bamboo stick which he used when walking miraculously left an imprint on the stone floor of his cave. Having recovered from his bad health, Tsangnyön resumed his practice and as before meditated day and night without being distracted for even a moment. 90

The Heruka is Born

I bow down to you who erected the victory banner of accomplishment in the three holy mountain-places.

90 G: 35–36. tsangnyön heruka 127

Especially in the great holy place Tsariṭa, Hevajra took care of you, and you received prophecies from the lamas and wisdom ḍākinīs.91 Near the end of his Tsari retreat, Tsangnyön had a vision that outshone the many previous visions he had had in his life. This vision eventually became known as his secret life story. According to Ngödrub Pembar and Götsangrepa, Tsangnyön did not tell anyone about this vision until the very end of his life. Ngödrub Pembar describes how Tsangnyön decided to reveal the profound vision to his close disciples on the thirteenth day of the fifth Hor month 1507, two days before he passed away.92 Lhatsün depicts this important vision and quotes the so-called secret life story in which the vision is described in the section that describes Tsangnyön’s first stay in Tsari.93 According to Lhatsün, the vision occurred immediately after Tsangnyön parted from Sharawa, before he studied at Palkhor Chödé. Lhatsün later describes two other visionary encounters of importance that Tsangnyön had during his second stay in Tsari, both of them similar enough to the most profound vision, at least in function, to be mentioned briefly here. Tsangnyön had the first vision in a remote place in Tsari that was full of wild and dangerous animals.94 Cakrasaṃvara appeared and Tsangnyön received the four empowerments directly from him and was given the secret name Zhepa Dorjé.95 On a later occasion, Tsangnyön went to the Turquoise Lake (G.yu mtsho) in Tsari where he encountered Vajravārāhī, who urged him to compose The Outline of the Vajra Verses that Dispels the Darkness of Ignorance.96 Encouraged by this vision he composed his first text at this point, according to Lhatsün.97 Neither Götsangrepa nor Ngödrub Pembar mention these visions, but they both mention that the vision that was to become known as Tsang- nyön’s secret life story occurred at the end of his second stay in Tsari. I will follow the chronology they suggest and present it here.

91 N: 1b. 92 N: 25b. 93 L: 14–15. 94 The place is called Domtsang Né (The Bear Nest Place) L: 27. 95 L: 28. It should be noted that Zhepa Dorjé is the name of Milarepa. 96 Rdo rje tshig rkang gi sa bcad ma rig mun sel. L: 29. This text is Tsangnyön’s outline and explanation of the ’vajra verses’ (rdo rje tshig rkang) and it was later included in Tsang- nyön’s aural transmission compilation (Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971d). For a description of this compilation and the visionary encounter, see chapter 9). 97 L: 31. 128 part two

Götsangrepa devotes the seventh chapter of Heart of the Sun to this vision and its aftermath, summarizing the content of the chapter as follows: “How [Tsangnyön], assisted by his chosen deity, perfected his experience and realization.”98 At the beginning of the chapter he describes the vision: During the night of the twenty-ninth day Tsangnyön met the incomparable Sharawa. Because of his [Sharawa’s] compassion [Tsangnyön] directly perceived the mandala and the deities of the Bhagavat Hevajra. [Hevajra] bestowed the four empowerments completely and perfectly, and [Tsang- nyön] received the secret name Traktung Gyalpo.99 The detailed description of the vision does not occur until the end of Göt- sangrepa’s and Ngödrub Pembar’s biographies, but for the sake of chronological consistency it will be presented at this point: I bow down to the Guru, Dewa, and Ḍākinī. When I stayed at the great holy place of Tsari, the whole ground below was covered with blood, fat, and brains. In the middle of nine piles of putre- fying corpses, in the midst of such horrors and terrors, sat the unequaled Precious One [Sharawa]. I thought that I should request empowerment from him and offered two squares of joined red silk as an empowerment-gift. I knelt with folded hands before him, and as I sat and gazed at the lama’s mandala-face I saw that the precious Lord was acting in a manner as if he were extremely frightened. He was sitting there staring at something behind me, so I also looked in the direction he was staring. There was a huge frightening skeleton with nine heads and eighteen arms coming toward me. I became extremely frightened and tried to run away, but the skeleton caught me and swallowed me. At that very moment I understood his speech and comprehended its meaning. I came to a divine palace filled with sons and daughters of the gods, where the king, Hevajra, was acting in his unsurpassable divine guise. I decided to request empowerments from the king (Hevajra). I went down on my knees with folded hands and supplicated him. The king (Hevajra) bestowed general and specific tantric vows upon me. The king conferred the Vase Empowerment upon me with a vase. During the Secret Empower- ment, he gave me a skull full of white and red bodhicitta; at the time of the Wisdom-Knowledge [Empowerment], he held the hand of a daughter of the gods and gave [her] to me; at the time of the Word Empowerment, he held a vajra and bell in his two hands and with his right hand in the threatening

98 G: 11. 99 G: 36. tsangnyön heruka 129

mudrā position he pointed at my heart, saying, “This wisdom is extremely subtle” and other phrases.100 A complete understanding of the meaning of the four empowerments arose and I realized that I had obtained empowerment from the bhagavan, the glorious Hevajra, in person. E vaṃ!101 The vision of Hevajra was a final affirmation of Tsangnyön’s success in Hevajra practice. Its importance is indicated by the fact that all three biographers quote the account of it verbatim and the account itself is considered Tsangnyön’s secret life story, the narrative of his most significant dreams and visions.102 Sharawa had told Tsangnyön to take Hevajra as his chosen deity, and after parting from his root lama, Tsangnyön studied the Hevajra Tantra, as his lama had commanded, while he was at Palkhor Chödé. An earlier visionary encounter with the eight female consorts of Hevajra had inspired Tsangnyön to the unconventional behavior that led to his departure from the monastery. Tsangnyön impressed people with his knowledge of the Hevajra Tantra, and we have seen how he referred to its chapter of conduct when Pal Chimé Drubpa questioned him about his provocative behavior toward Künga Zangmo. After having spent three years meditating on Hevajra in Tsari he had removed the last remaining traces of separation from his chosen deity, and from then on he ‘became’ Hevajra in human form. This realization was confirmed in the vision by Hevajra himself, who granted the four tantric empowerments in their entirety to Tsangnyön and gave him the secret name Traktung Gyalpo.103 The name Traktung Gyalpo actually means King of the Blood Drinkers, and Blood Drinker (khrag ’thung) is a Tibetan equivalent of the Sanskrit heruka. Heruka is the general name given to semi-wrathful and wrathful male deities of the highest yoga tantras, and the vision of Hevajra/heruka

100 Thanks are due to Cyrus Stearns for informing me that this phrase is a quotation from the Hevajra Tantra. Skr: idaṃ jnānaṃ mahāsūkṣmaṃ; Tib: ye shes ’di ni ches phra zhing. It is noteworthy that the Tibetan does not reflect the Sanskrit, indicating that the Tibetan translator used another Sanskrit version of the tantra when translating. The phrase is found in the chapter on the four consecrations in the Hevajra Tantra (part 2, chapter 12, verse 4); Lhatsün cites the verse in full (L: 14–15). Snellgrove translates the Sanskrit as follows: “This knowledge is the great bliss” (Snellgrove 1959, part 1: 119). Sdigs mdzub is the mudrā of pointing with one’s right forefinger and little finger. 101 G: 272–273; L: 14–15; N: 25b–26b. 102 Gyatso 1998: 104; Quintman 2006: 11. See also the discussion in chapter 2 about the different categories in Tibetan life stories (pp. 36–37). 103 It should be noted that only Götsangrepa mentions that Tsangnyön received this name from Hevajra after the vision. Ngödrub Pembar does not mention it, and Lhatsün mentions that he received the name on a later occasion (L: 34–37). 130 part two

Figure 7. Hevajra, Tsangnyön’s chosen deity, Gongkar Chödé. may be seen as the actual ‘birth of the heruka.’104 Tsangnyön had became a perfected one—a siddha. The day after Tsangnyön received the empowerment from Hevajra, his brother Könchok Gyaltsen was shown the corpse of a woman who had died of smallpox on the bank of a river south of the Flying Bird Hill (Bya ’phur sgang).105 Könchok Gyaltsen told Tsangnyön about the corpse and Tsangnyön said, “In a strict retreat there is nothing apart from getting accomplishments, so let’s go right away.”106

104 A more thorough exposition of Tantric Buddhism and the term heruka is given in chapter 8. 105 G: 36. Ngödrub Pembar states that it was in the spring that Tsangnyön was shown the corpse, and he says nothing about the reason for the woman’s death (N: 9b). 106 N: 9b. tsangnyön heruka 131

Instead of shunning the potentially contagious and therefore dangerous body, they went to the place where the corpse was lying. Tsangnyön’s brother cut off the corpse’s head and offered it to Tsangnyön. In a state of frenzy, Tsangnyön blessed everyone who was present, and most of these people attained mundane accomplishments: “those who wanted children but previously could not get any obtained children; those who were sick were liberated from their diseases; those who wanted wealth obtained wealth; those with disabled sense faculties regained the sharpness of their senses, and so forth.”107 This incident was yet another example of how Tsangnyön engaged in activities that were feared by ordinary people. Through Tsangnyön’s accomplishment and spiritual powers, actions that would have been dangerous for a normal person were transformed into something beneficial and purifying. Instead of being infected with smallpox, the villagers received blessing and good fortune by means of the corpse. Tsangnyön had now reached his goal and Götsangrepa devotes the rest of the chapter to describing his attainment: From that point onward, the lord liberated all understanding, experiences, and intellectualizations in themselves. Every subject and object dissolved into space; he was free from any idea of meditation and meditator; the meaning that is neither bound nor liberated became manifest; samsara and nirvana merged into one; and a comprehension of non-action was naturally established. The line between meditation and post-meditation collapsed; knowledge of things as they are, and of all that exists, spread everywhere; the five wisdoms were undiminishing in their luminosity and continuous. All the knots of the subtle channels were liberated and purified in the central channel. All the bodily places were filled with the white and red essences (dvangs ma) and purified in the great essence. All the energies dissolved into the wisdom energy in the central channel and were thoroughly purified. With no regard for producing the stages of the paths, or for his level [of attainment], he immediately traversed all the levels and paths in an instant. He effortlessly perfected the greatnesses of a Buddha such as the ten powers, fearlessness, and purity, as well as all the qualities of a Victorious One, such as the Inexhaustible Wheel of Ornamentation. At this time [he] realized the mind of the all-pervasive Lord, Vajradhara, the essence of the five wisdoms and the four bodies.108 Tsangnyön was now enlightened. Now it was time to work for the sake of all the beings who suffer in samsara.

107 G: 36. Cf. N: 9b. 108 G: 36–37.

Chapter six

The Mad Yogin

I bow down to your deeds of perfecting the conduct. When you knew it was time for action, you adorned yourself with charnel-ground ornaments, and by the disciplined conduct of trampling upon [and] equalization of taste you subdued the four elements, poisons, weapons, bad persons, walking corpses and the like.1 This chapter deals with the period of Tsangnyön’s life that started when the twenty-four-year-old yogin ‘became a heruka,’ and lasted until his late twenties. During this period Tsangnyön practiced disciplined conduct and wandered around as a mad yogin, often behaving provocatively and seemingly mad. The time was now ripe for him to ‘enter into action,’ and as we have already seen, he often did so in gatherings of people, or in front of kings and leaders.

Madman of Tsang

After his enlightenment Tsangnyön had the following thought: “Now that I have fully accomplished my own purpose, it is time to work for the sake of others.”2 He then entered into a meditative trance that enabled him to clearly perceive the three times (past, present, and future), and with the eye of wisdom he saw how people in the degenerate times suffer from both outer problems, such as disease and poverty, and inner disturbances, such as doubts and wrong views. He also saw that it was difficult to help beings due to their many afflictions and shortcomings. He realized that in order to truly bring benefit to humans and other types of beings born under such difficult circumstances it was necessary to conceal one’s own good qualities and practice disciplined conduct. “I will wander in all directions and carefully conceal my supreme qualities; by being in accord with the

1 N: 1b. 2 G: 37. 134 part two common people, I will establish a connection with virtue in disciples of lower capacity,” he thought to himself.3 It is interesting that Tsangnyön, according to Götsangrepa, made a conscious decision to become the kind of person that others would soon call a madman. All three biographers assure us that he did this in order to bring benefit to the beings of his time; the unorthodox and often seemingly mad acts called disciplined conduct were done solely “to benefit beings and the Buddhist doctrine.”4 Tsangnyön also made a deliberate choice to become a hidden yogin (sbas pa’i rnal ’byor),5 and by so doing he became able to help people of a rough and irreligious nature who would be hard to teach otherwise. His departure from Buddhist monasticism was thus based on an inner realization which arose from an altruistic mind, and his eccentric behavior was in full accord with Mahāyāna Buddhist doctrine. Although Tsangnyön had performed provocative and seemingly mad actions several times after he left his monastery, the authors of the biographies state that it was at this point, after his enlightenment, that he began practicing disciplined conduct on a wider scale. Götsangrepa explains that the eighth chapter of Heart of the Sun is about “how Tsangnyön roamed among holy places and rugged charnel grounds and became completely victorious everywhere by means of practicing disciplined conduct.”6 The year of his enlightenment, which was the time when he definitely ‘entered into the conduct,’ is not mentioned in the texts. Given the fact that he was twenty-one when he left his monastery and went to Tsari (according to Lhatsün), and then stayed there to practice for three years (according to both Götsangrepa and Lhatsün), he was probably around twenty-four when he became enlightened. This would mean that he became a full- fledged heruka in 1475.7 It was also at this time that the sobriquet under which he became known—Tsangnyön (Madman of Tsang)—was first used, according to Götsangrepa:

3 G: 37. 4 G: 37. 5 According to Lobzang Togmé, the Kagyü teacher at the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies in Sārnāth, “a siddha sometimes acts like a madman so that the Tantrayāna will be kept secret” (personal communication 01–05–1999). 6 G: 11: btul (brtul) zhugs kyi spyod pas gnas chen dang dur khrod gnyan sa rnams nyul zhing / phyogs thams cad las rnam par rgyal ba’i le’u. 7 Lhatsün states that he was twenty-four when he was attacked by a group of tribal people (see below) and this happened shortly after he became a heruka (L: 32). tsangnyön heruka 135

Having thought extensively about how to benefit the Buddhist doctrine and living beings, he went to a very great gathering in Tsari. His body was naked, soiled with ashes from corpses, spotted with blood, and smeared with fat. He made a necklace and ornaments for his feet and hands [using] the intestines of a dead man’s body. He cut off the fingers and toes, tied them together with a thread of muscle fibers and bound his hair with it. A person offered him an incomplete set of thin bone ornaments which he wore on his body. Sometimes he laughed and sometimes he cried. In particular, he carried out various kinds of outrageous behavior in the market place. Even though the conduct of the people of Tsari was very rough, [Tsang- nyön’s] compassion brought them under his control, and they were subdued by his power. They revered him very much and agreed to call him Mad- man of Tsang. Then he became as famous as the sun and the moon in all directions.8 Neither Ngödrub Pembar nor Lhatsün mention this incident, and it is of course possible that people first called him Tsangnyön at an earlier time.9 This was, as we have already seen, not the first time he behaved like a madman—nor was it the last.

Action

Before leaving Tsari, Tsangnyön stayed in a cave that was connected with the Four-Armed Protector. Although Tsangnyön’s main protector at that time was Pañjaranātha (Gur mgon)—a form of Mahākāla that is primarily associated with the Sakya tradition—he wanted to establish a connection with the holy place. One night a black man appeared and started to fight with Tsangnyön. After a long and even fight the black man said: “I am the Four-Armed Protector; I am also the protector of the Aural Transmission of the Ḍākinīs. What is more, I will be serving as your dharma protector, so prepare some symbolic offering cakes as well. Tomorrow a giver of a book containing my practices will also come.”10

8 G: 37–38. The same passage is also translated in DiValerio 2011: 124; Quintman 2006: 193. 9 Lhatsün does mention that the name Tsangpa Nyönpa (Gtsang pa smyon pa) was given to him earlier (L: 25–27). 10 G: 38. Lhatsün also relates that Tsangnyön stayed in a protector cave in Tsari to propitiate the protectors with gtor mas and rituals. Like Götsangrepa, Lhatsün mentions that the Four-Armed Wisdom Protector appeared in reality, but does not mention any fight between Tsangnyön and the protector. Another difference between the two accounts is that Tsangnyön’s brother, Könchok Gyaltsen, figures in Lhatsün’s version (L: 31–32). 136 part two

Figure 8. The Four-Armed Mahākāla, the main protector of the aural transmission.

As predicted by the black man, who was an emanation of the Four-Armed Protector, a man came the following day and handed Tsangnyön a text containing the rituals needed to propitiate the Four-Armed Protector.11 Tsangnyön thus changed his main protector and thereby became more thoroughly connected with the Kagyü tradition in general and with its aural transmissions in particular.12 After having displayed his fearlessness and skill in disciplined conduct, Tsangnyön left Tsari, and in the summer he went to Nyel, an area

11 G: 38. 12 For a more detailed discussion about Tsangnyön’s relation to the Kagyü and Sakya schools, see Larsson 2011a. tsangnyön heruka 137 situated northwest of Tsari, directly west of Ja.13 The people of Nyel had united against Ja, and a civil war was raging between the two districts. Tsangnyön’s benefactor, the governor (nang so) of Ja, Tashi Dargyé, and his subjects were seriously threatened, and Tsangnyön decided to help his benefactor out. He performed a ceremony on behalf of Tashi Dargyé, after which the people of Ja started to defeat the armies of Nyel.14 The leader of Ja and his subjects were very grateful and became even more devoted to the mad yogin. Having fulfilled his mission, Tsangnyön felt that he was no longer needed in Ja. He remembered that his lama had told him to roam the country with no fixed abode and to practice meditation at different remote and holy sites. Accompanied by his brother and sometimes by other persons as well,15 he left Ja and his beloved Tsari and started a long journey that actually did not end until his death in 1507. Sometimes he stayed at the same place for some years, but he never settled permanently anywhere. Götsangrepa summarizes his lifestyle eloquently: Then once again, Tsangnyön departed in the manner of a madman. Without any provisions whatsoever, he wandered aimlessly, in all directions. He was completely fearless—like a lion; without doubts—like an elephant craving water; free from clinging—like the leaves of a tree blown by the wind.16

Miraculous Powers

I bow down to you, for whom even a rain of weapons on the vajra-body shone forth as an illusory empty appearance.

13 Per K. Sørensen kindly provided me with the following information about Ja (Bya)/ Jayul (Bya yul) and Nyel (Gnyel): “Bya yul or [S]Byar yul is situated in the eastern part of present-day Lhun rtse county (rdzong, xian) in southernmost Tibet, a county largely covering the ancient districts of Gnyal (for details, see Hazod, forthcoming).” 14 N: 10a. Tsangnyön’s intervention in the conflict between Ja and Nyel is rendered also in L: 33 and in G: 38–39. As usual it is Götsangrepa who gives the most detailed description. 15 It is difficult to determine when Tsangnyön traveled alone and when he had companions. In the latter case it is often unclear how many companions he had and who they were. It is often stated that his younger brother accompanied him and as we have already seen, Tsangnyön left Kharkha together with his brother after having started his itinerant lifestyle. The two brothers probably kept company for many years afterwards. Tsangnyön’s brother is mentioned from time to time in all three biographies. As Tsangnyön got older and more famous his following gradually increased. 16 G: 41–42. 138 part two

To you, who left a footprint in a rock at the holy place of Tisé and used a human corpse as a seat in the midst of flames.17 During his travels Tsangnyön encountered many different situations and his unusual and provocative ways of appearing and acting sometimes led him into trouble. Without his miraculous powers he would not have lived long. Tsangnyön often deliberately sought out difficult and dangerous situations, and we find many examples of how he displayed his miraculous powers in the three biographies. Tsangnyön encountered one such situation not long after he had left Tsari and Ja. According to Lhatsün he was twenty-four when he walked along a small path inside a dense forest and was assaulted by the tribal people inhabiting the area.18 These ‘barbarians’ (kla klo), as the Tibetans generally call them, had no faith in Buddhism and its basic principles, and they sometimes attacked Buddhist pilgrims who entered their terri- tories.19 Götsangrepa narrates that Tsangnyön was traveling together with his brother and two other companions when he suddenly turned to his fellow travelers and said:20 “All of you should go up to that deep forest, stay there, and take notice! Regardless of what I might do, there is no need to be afraid; just keep your mouths shut and be completely aware!” [Tsangnyön] went in advance and met some tribal people (rdo kha khra)21 who forcefully attacked him for about half a day with weapons such as poisoned arrows, stones, pikes, sickles, swords and so forth. When [attacked] the mighty yogin [Tsangnyön] remained in the sāmadhi of the totality of unobstructed space. The weapons could not hit his body but passed by him to the ground. No marks whatsoever appeared on his body and he did not

17 N: 1b. 18 L: 32. 19 The areas around Tsari were inhabited by tribal people who sometimes killed pilgrims. In order to make a circumambulation around the holy mountain, tribute had to be paid to these people. See, for example, Huber 1999: 133–139. For a description of kla klo by the famous Tibetan lama Patrül Rinpoche (1808–1887), see Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 20; Dpal sprul rin po che 2004: 25. 20 The incident is depicted briefly also in L: 33 and N: 10a. 21 One of the Tibetans that I read the text with understood rdo kha khra as a variant spelling of klo kha khra. Klo kha khra is the name used for a kind of tribal people who inhabit the borderlands between Tibet and Arunachal Pradesh. This is confirmed by Toni Huber, who uses the term klo pa kha khra as a nineteenth-century term which possibly refers to a certain tribe of klo pa people west of Subansri in the Kameng district (Huber 1999: 254, n. 9). The fact that the tribal people used bamboo ropes supports this since the tribal people called klo pa use bamboo; they also are known for using poisoned arrows (see Huber 1999). Lhatsün terms the people blo kha khra (L: 33). tsangnyön heruka 139

even respond to their shots. It was like hitting the sky; apart from the attack- ers’ wearing themselves out, nothing whatsoever happened. Then they separated [Tsangnyön’s] head, arms, and feet from each other and attached big stones to them. [Then they] threw each part into a big and deep river. The body itself and also the intestines were all thrown separately into the water. Then they took their loads on their backs and were preparing to leave when [Tsangnyön] appeared in the middle of the deep river without any damage to his body, just like before. After flying upward, he snatched their weapons and loads and threw them into the river. Some he caused great pain by slapping them on their faces, and for a while they all dispersed. Then they gathered together again and after tying Tsangnyön’s hands and feet with bamboo ropes, they placed him in the middle of a burning fire made of a heap of firewood that resembled a small mountain. When the fire burned in the four directions the great father siddha dwelt in the sāmadhi of the totality of water which is cooling and cold. [The tribal people] fanned [the fire] with cloths from every direction; their war cries resounded through the area; and [they] remained until the pieces of wood were consumed. Then the mighty yogin laughed, sang, and danced, but apart from some phrases of the spiritual songs that he sang on that occasion, nothing was written down. Then the tribal people [found that the] body of the Lord was completely free of injuries or afflictions. They became scared and said, “He must be Gönpo Rokpa,” and all of them ran away.22 Having displayed his miraculous powers, Tsangnyön continued to travel. Götsangrepa describes how he roved about by means of disciplined conduct in absolutely terrifying places of evil spirits, such as charnel grounds, solitary trees, riverbanks, great steppes, empty houses, temples, narrow paths, and market gatherings. In all the charnel grounds, provinces, and valleys, such as Kongpo and Nya, he acted for the sake of many non-humans.23 The theme of exorcism is also common in Tibetan biographies. The master of the story tames evil spirits and demons of various kinds, thereby improving the surroundings for the inhabitants of the area where the harmful “non-human” beings reside. Tsangnyön was no exception. It is said that he from time to time sought out harmful spirits, gods, and demons and forced them to become benevolent. We find several such examples in the biographies. One such account in Heart of the Sun describes how Tsangnyön stayed in a cave that was connected with the eightfold group of spirits (sde

22 G: 39–40. Gönpo Rokpa is probably the name of some local God that they believed in. 23 G: 40. 140 part two brgyad) for a couple of days.24 The first night many spirits gathered and attacked him with magical tricks. Tsangnyön subdued them, bound them under oath, and made them promise to carry out beneficial activity in the future.25

The Meeting with Gyalwang Chöjé

Tsangnyön continued to display his miraculous powers and tame harmful beings of all kinds while he traveled around. Besides gods and demons, he also encountered many people during his constant travels. Although he seemed to prefer to establish connections with kings and leaders, he occasionally met some contemporary famous Buddhist masters too. In Heart of the Sun it is stated that he met the second Bar Drukpa Kagyü hierarch, Gyalwang Chöjé (Drukchen Gyalwang Künga Paljor, 1428–1476), in Kharchu in Lhodrak.26 Lhodrak is situated in southern Tibet close to the Bhutanese border, and is famous as the home district of Milarepa’s teacher, Marpa. According to the biography of Milarepa, it was here that Milarepa met Marpa for the first time in the eleventh century. Marpa ordered him to perform ascetic penance, and one of his ordeals was to build a nine-storeyed tower that became known as Sekhar Gutok. Kharchu, the place where the meeting occurred, is situated southeast of Milarepa’s tower. Götsangrepa mentions that Tsangnyön and Gyalwang Chöjé discussed the Hevajra Tantra and compared their understanding of meditation when they met. He also informs us that Drukchen was very pleased and Tsangnyön very satisfied with their discussions. Then Tsangnyön received teachings and empowerments from Gyal- wang Chöjé. He received permission empowerment (rjes gnang) of the Four-Armed Wisdom Protector, and teachings of the ritual practices (sgrub thabs) of the lineage that had been transmitted from Zhang Drowé Gönpo (1123–1193)27 to Tsangpa Gyaré (1161–1211),28 and also of the lineage that had been transmitted from Pakmodrupa Dorjé Gyalpo (1110–1170) to

24 There are various ways of making classifications of spirits. Regarding the eightfold groups of spirits, see, for example, Gyurme Dorje and Kapstein (1991: 158–159). 25 G: 40. 26 G: 40–41. The meeting occurred not long after he had displayed his miraculous powers and subdued the spirits in the cave of the eightfold group of spirits described above. 27 Tsöndrü Drakpa, alias Zhang Drowé Gönpo (1123–1193), was the first lineage holder of the Tsalpa transmissions. He is better known as Lama Zhang, whom we encountered in chapter 1. 28 Tsangpa Gyaré Yeshe Dorjé (1161–1211) was the first Drukchen. tsangnyön heruka 141

Lingrepa Pema Dorjé (1128–1188). Tsangnyön also received the Long-Life Empowerment of Amitayus of Rechung’s transmission. It is finally mentioned that Tsangnyön was appointed Lord of Dharma (chos kyi bdag po) by the head of the Drukpa Kagyü tradition.29

Establishing Connections with Powerful Leaders

We have already seen examples of how Tsangnyön seemed to single out kings and leaders in order to provoke and eventually impress them with his miraculous powers and learning. This was a very important enterprise that seemed to contribute a great deal to his eventual influence and success. Through powerful supporters he acquired the funding and help of various kinds that enabled him to act effectively “for the sake of beings and the Buddhist doctrine.” Götsangrepa describes how Tsangnyön assaulted a king and queen who were riding on horseback together with many followers in Nakartsé.30 Tsangnyön grabbed the queen’s horse by its mouth and pulled. Despite Tsangnyön’s provocative and weird way of behaving, the queen showed no anger. Instead, she felt devotion and offered him two pieces of coral and three other precious stones for his khaṭvāṅga. Tsangnyön predicted that the queen would give birth to three sons and two daughters as a result of her offering, and since things turned out just as he predicted everyone became very devoted to him.31 Continuing in the same spirit, Tsangnyön went by way of Chagtsé Drigu32 to Samdé at the eastern side of the upper end of the Yarlung Valley. There he met the king Drakpa Tayé33 with his retinue which had gathered for a party in the singing house (glu khang).34 The guardians of the gate and

29 G: 41. This meeting between Tsangnyön and Gyalwang Chöjé is not mentioned in the biography by Ngödrub Pembar. Lhatsün, on the other hand, mentions that a meeting between the two masters occurred, not in Kharchu but in Ralung, the main seat of the Bar Druk tradition (L: 40). 30 The meeting occurred shortly after the above-mentioned meeting with the Gyal- wang Chöjé. 31 G: 41. 32 Chagtsé Drigu is a township located in Tsomé County on the northwest shore of the Drigu Lake. The township is an important intersection (Gyurme Dorje 2004: 215). 33 The king of Samdé, Drakpa Tayé, was one of the important figures during the trou- bled administration of Künga Legpa (reigned 1448–1481). The Samdé king is mentioned in the New Red Annals (Deb ther dmar po gsar ma, Tucci 1971: 224), and according to this text he broke his connections with the Gandenpas (i.e. Gelukpa) (Tucci 1971: 237). 34 Perhaps this is a misspelling for Klu khang (Naga protector temple)? Thanks to Per K. Sørensen for pointing this possibility out to me. 142 part two

the watchdogs were subdued by [Tsangnyön’s] splendor. He went to the head of the rows and sat down in front of the king and queen. Snatching the remaining beer from the hands of the king, the Lord poured from a silver vessel and drank. At that time, they had a nice gaṇacakra and [Tsangnyön] took the meat [of the gaṇacakra] with his teeth and consumed it.35 Then, as if they were dirty dog bones, he threw [the bones] on the lap of the queen and said, “Hey woman (mo)!36 You need these, and I am giving them to you!” Because of this auspicious connection a son later was born, which caused [everyone present] to become very devoted [to Tsangnyön].37 Once again, Tsangnyön’s provocations were met with devotion. This was not always the case, however. Götsangrepa gives a couple of examples of occasions when Tsangnyön’s provocative behavior did not give rise to such exalted feelings. When Tsangnyön arrived in Yarlung Tsawa Dru, for example, he went directly to the local leader in his usual manner, but this time he received neither respect nor devotion. The leader and his followers remained indifferent to the mad yogin and this had a devastating result according to Heart of the Sun. Only seven days after Tsangnyön’s visit, the son of the leader drowned while playing in water.38

A Mad Yogin under Attack

At one point Tsangnyön traveled to an important monastic department in Tsetang, where he sat on a large stūpa. While sitting there he was attacked by a group of very intoxicated people who felt provoked upon seeing him. With strong determination to end the life of the mad yogin, the drunks threw stones at him and stabbed him with different weapons. Despite this, by [Tsangnyön’s] remaining evenly in the hard and solid vajra- like sāmadhi, knives were not able to cut through, and knives and lances used for harming him became bent. “This person must have a ‘weapon-protection,’ ” they said.39 Then, after rub- bing their knives on their behinds and feet, they attacked him repeatedly.40

35 This means that he ate with very bad manners. 36 To call a woman mo is considered impolite in Tibetan, and to call a queen mo is thus particularly improper. 37 G: 41. 38 G: 42. 39 ‘Weapon protection’ (mtshon srung) is a kind of blessed object worn on the body to protect the wearer from harm caused by weapons. 40 To defile a weapon in this way is believed to make a weapon-protection amulet ineffective. tsangnyön heruka 143

The Lord thought to himself, “In general, [one needs to] obtain a human body with freedoms and endowments.41 So, in particular, what need is there even to mention [the need to] enter into the teachings of the Bud- dha, becoming ordained and accomplishing liberation. [These people] do not accomplish the happiness of the higher realms, but accumulate only actions of the lower realms. I feel sorry for beings [who are] more blind than lay people,42 but what can be done?” Moved by unbearable compassion tears came to his eyes. One of the people [who attacked Tsangnyön] said, “He has a powerful weapon-protection indeed. Knives do not hurt him but still stones might be of use.” Another one said, “Even if wounds do not arise maybe there is pain?” Then one of them said, “Do not attack him now, he is not our enemy.” After having said this, they all left. The body of the Lord was not harmed and he felt no anger; instead it was as if a rain of flowers had fallen upon him.43 This account presents Tsangnyön as a true bodhisattva who felt love and compassion even toward the most evil-minded of people. In the popular short work on the main practices of a bodhisattva, Thirty-Seven Practices of a Bodhisattva, Gyalsé Togmé (1295–1369) writes that a bodhisattva who desires the joys of virtue should regard those who harm him like precious treasure, and “cultivate patience toward all, without resentment.”44 Tsangnyön continued to display his miraculous powers to the amazement of those who witnessed him. When he came to Bado, he wanted to cross the river but there were no ferries around. Tsangnyön held his breath and sat down on the surface of the water. Sitting in the cross-legged meditation posture and using his khaṭvāṅga as an oar, he then paddled across the river. Some monks from Samyé and some women on the other side who saw him as he was crossing the river became full of devotion and offered him prostrations.45 On another occasion, Tsangnyön’s provocations were initially met with anger. When passing through Sheldrong north of the Tsangpo River, Tsangnyön encountered a leader (dpon po) and his followers who amused themselves with food and drink inside a house.

41 According to Buddhist doctrine, a human being must possess eight freedoms (dal) and ten endowments (’byor) to be able to take full advantage of his or her human birth. For an enumeration and explanation of them, see, for example, Kongtrul 1986: 31–33; Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 19–29. 42 This expression gives the impression that the drunken people who attacked Tsang- nyön were monks. 43 G: 42–43. The same story is rendered briefly in N: 10a. 44 Gyalse Thogme 2007: 34; Rgyal sras thog med 1982: 143. 45 G: 43; L: 37; N: 10a. 144 part two

He went in the middle of the rows [of assembled people] and took the drinking bowl that was made of silver and full of beer from the hands of the leader and drank it. The attendant of the king became very angry. His face changed, and he pulled a merchant’s knife with a short handle out from its sheath and began to attack [Tsangnyön]. From within an illusion-like [state, Tsangnyön] subdued him by means of the meditative concentration of the glorious Hevajra. He lifted the khaṭvāṅga in his hand and said: The khaṭvāṅga is the king of weapons. It is the hand weapon of the ḍākinīs and ma mos.46 If you thrust it three times nine wounds will arise. He showed his teeth and stared with his eyes. Everyone was stunned and the knife in the attendant’s hand fell to the ground. The king said [to his attendant], “You must ask for forgiveness. This is one who has entered into the conduct of a yogin.” Once again, [everyone] felt devotion and faith and then offered [Tsangnyön] great respect.47

Traveling On

Tsangnyön continued his constant travels. After having visited Reting, Yerpa, and some other places, he decided to go to Lhasa.48 While traveling toward the holy city, Tsangnyön heard that the district officer (sde pa) of Neu Dzong, Paljor Gyalpo, was approaching. Paljor Gyalpo (rule ca. 1450–1490) was an important leader who is mentioned in several Tibetan historical records.49 Both the Fifth Dalai Lama’s history of Tibet and the New Red Annals refer to him.50 He was the son of the Drungchen Drakpa Palzang (rule ca. 1440–1450) and his wife, Kalden Rinchen Zangmo, and was sometimes called Drungchen Paljor Gyalpo.51 From his father he had inherited the right to rule the region around Lhasa and beyond.52 Paljor Gyalpo’s mother was one of Tangtong Gyalpo’s main patrons in Central

46 Ma mo (Skr. mātṛkā) is the name of a class of female demons/goddesses. 47 G: 43. 48 G: 43. Reting is a famous monastery that was founded by Atiśa’s chief disciple Dromtön Gyalwé Jungné (1004?–1064). Reting became the main seat of the Kadam tradition, and it is situated about 100 km north of Lhasa. Yerpa or Drak Yerpa is an important early site of hermitages and meditation caves situated about 30 km northeast of Lhasa. 49 Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 761, 762–763, n. 8. Other titles used for this leader are governor (rdzong dpon), chief (nang so), and high official (drung chen). 50 Ahmad 1995: 153. Deb gter dmar po gsar ma, Tucci (trans.) 1971: 223. 51 Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 761; Stearns 2007: 488, n. 260; 535, n. 658. 52 Stearns 2007: 534, n. 658. tsangnyön heruka 145

Tibet, and her son thus probably knew that some great masters behaved in seemingly mad ways.53 Tsangnyön could not resist the opportunity to establish a connection with such an important leader. As soon as Paljor Gyalpo and his many followers drew closer he sat down in the middle of the road. While he sat [there] he urinated in his skull-cup, made a dough of [urine and] tsam pa and ate it. Many mules loaded with burdens and also dogs passed by at the edge of the road. The people said, “Oh! This could be Tang- tong Gyalpo.” Then the horsemen of the leader arrived. One man rode a dark-yellow horse toward the Lord who stared [at him], and when the horse was about six feet from [Tsangnyön, the horse] reared up and then turned off the road. After this, the other horses turned off as well. Then a rider returned and asked, “Yogin! Where do you come from? What are you doing here? And where are you going now?” “Why should I say where I came from?” [Tsangnyön] replied. “The district governor has sent me to ask, please tell me,” [the man] replied. “I do not have any district governor,” [Tsangnyön] said. “I will be scolded, you know it, so please tell me,” the other pleaded. “Well then, I am coming from the origination. Now, while being on the path, I am eating the dough of suffering. [And] I am now heading toward cessation,” [Tsangnyön] said.54 [The horseman] did not understand so [Tsangnyön] repeated it at least three times. Then [the horseman] reported to the chief (nang so) [Paljor Gyalpo] who said, “These are the activities, meaningful thoughts, and expressions of the most excellent speech of a yogin. They must be investigated.”55

Lhasa

Having made his existence known to the leader, Tsangnyön continued to Lhasa.56 When he arrived there, the people who saw him became afraid. Convinced that he was a rākṣasa demon, the assembled people ran away.57 The crowded market emptied out, and people went into hiding in their houses. Tsangnyön spent the night under a single willow tree. As soon

53 Stearns 2007: 534, n. 658. 54 This is a pun on the Four Noble Truths: 1) the truth of suffering (sdug bsngal gyi bden pa), 2) the truth of the origination (kun ’byung gi bden pa), 3) the truth of cessation (’gog pa’i bden pa), 4) the truth of the path (lam gyi bden pa). 55 G: 44. 56 Lhatsün provides some accounts of Tsangnyön’s visit in Lhasa that are missing in the other texts, see L: 38–40. 57 Rākṣasa (srin po) is a class of ferocious, man-eating demons. 146 part two as he woke up the following morning, he started playing his drum and blowing his thighbone trumpet. When the people realized that the bizarre figure was still present, they were frightened and ran away once more.58 Tsangnyön then went to the Kaṃṇi Gozhi Stūpa in Lhasa where he resided for a while.59 The large stūpa had four gateways through each of its four sides below the terraced steps.60 Almost a century earlier, the siddha Tangtong Gyalpo had spent a year in this stūpa without moving his body. This had a profound impact on the people of Lhasa. However, Tang- tong Gyalpo’s eccentric ways had also made several people suspicious. It is said that some accused him of being a demon (’dre) while others held him to be a non-Buddhist.61 Nevertheless, the siddha’s stay in Lhasa seems to have paved the way for Tsangnyön. We have already seen that when people saw how Tsangnyön mixed urine with his tsam pa and ate it, they speculated that he could be Tangtong Gyalpo. Had it not been for Tangtong Gyalpo’s previous visit, people may have more easily assumed that Tsangnyön was a demon without even considering the other pos- sibilities. Now at least some people thought that he might be a siddha, perhaps Tangtong Gyalpo himself.62 Finally some monks from Palkhor Chödé, who were visiting Lhasa, came by and recognized their former monk colleague, as did a lay practitioner who was responsible for tend- ing the stūpa. Despite his frightful appearance, they all offered Tsangnyön veneration and asked him for teaching.63 The district officer, Paljor Gyalpo, who had been impressed and puz- zled by Tsangnyön’s enigmatic behavior earlier, heard that the mad yogin was giving teachings in Lhasa. He decided that he wanted to find out if Tsangnyön really was a demon, so he invited him to his palace—Paljor Lhünpo.64 When [Tsangnyön] arrived at the gate the gatekeeper asked him where he came from. “I come from ignorance,” [Tsangnyön] replied. Then as he entered into the main rows inside, a learned monk (rab ’byams pa) asked him [once more], “Yogin, where do you come from?”

58 G: 44. 59 G: 44; L: 40; N: 10a. The biographies uses the variant spellings: Ka ka ni sgo bzhi ma (G), Kag ṇi sgo bzhi ma (L) and Ka ka ṇi sgo bzhi ma (N) when referring to the stūpa. 60 Stearns 2007: 521, n. 539. 61 Stearns 2007: 70. 62 G: 44; L: 40; N: 10a. 63 G: 44. 64 This incident is mentioned briefly in Lion of Faith (N: 10b). tsangnyön heruka 147

“It is uncertain where I come from,” [Tsangnyön] answered. “Well then, didn’t you just say that you came from ignorance?” “Being from ignorance entails the absence of property (ka cha med).” When Tsangnyön said [that, the learned monk] had no courage to say anything at all. Then after a magnificent show of hospitality and veneration had been displayed, some monk-scholars (dge bshes) from Sera and Drepung wanted to enter into a debate [with Tsangnyön]. The monk-scholars said, “We have never heard of this kind of clothing and conduct in the teachings of the Bud- dha. It is not a custom that has existed before. Whose tradition is this way of dress and conduct of yours?” The mighty yogin replied: “The ant cannot see the mountain. The frog in the well cannot find the end of the sea. The hand of a child cannot cover the sky. There are many dharmas and much knowledge of which you have not heard. If this way of dress is a custom that has not arisen previously, in that case have the deities of the Secret Mantra and the eighty mahāsiddhas of India also never existed before? Have you not even seen the paintings? These clothes and conduct of mine are explained in general in the Secret Mantra [tradition] of Vajradhara—the highest tantras—and in particular in the concise root-tantra of Hevajra, the glorious Two Segments.”65 Tsangnyön then explained under which conditions it is allowed, or appropriate, to engage in the conduct of a yogin. He specifically mentioned that only certain persons are qualified to engage in such conduct, which should be carried out only at the proper time and in the right place. The conduct must also be done among the right associates. Finally it is important to have correct reasons for engaging in this conduct and the way in which the conduct is acted out must also be right. Tsangnyön said that his way of acting and appearing had been explained in many Buddhist scriptures and could also be understood if one used logical reasoning. Countless tantras supported it, and if some dialecticians did not know this, there was nothing he could do about it.66 All the learned monk-scholars could say in reply was: “Now is not the time for such conduct of the Secret Mantra.” [To this Tsangnyön replied:] “Well then, is it time for the conduct of the Secret Mantra when one is born in the eight unfavorable states?67 Where is it explained that now is not the time for the practice of Secret Mantra?”

65 G: 45. The last part of this section of the biography has been translated in Smith 2001: 69. I have used Smith’s excellent translation as a basis for translating this section. 66 G: 45. 67 The eight unfavorable states of existence in which individuals are disadvantaged are: hell being (dmyal ba), hungry ghost (yi dwags), animal (dud ’grod), barbarian (kla klo), long-lived god (lha tshe ring po), heretic (mu stegs pa), a dark age where no Buddha has 148 part two

Not daring to say anything whatsoever from scriptures or established reasoning [the learned monk-scholars] rose from the rows and left. The ruler (sde pa) became filled with supreme devotion and respectfully offered [Tsangnyön] veneration and gifts.68 Tsangnyön then left Paljor Lhünpo and went to Chushul, a small township about 35 km south of Lhasa. There he encountered three leaders accompanied by thirty soldiers who were preparing for war. Predictably enough, Tsangnyön stepped up in front of one of the leaders, grabbed his beer, and drank it. His provocative behavior did not go unnoticed. The soldiers became upset and threatened Tsangnyön with their weapons. Tsangnyön defended himself with his khaṭvāṅga and they became afraid. One of their leaders then said that he had had a dream about Saraha the previous night, and this dream was probably a premonition of Tsangnyön’s arrival. “He is an extraordinary yogin, offer him prostrations,” said the leader, and then he requested blessings from Tsangnyön himself.69 Tsangnyön then decided that he should return to Kharkha and visit his mother.70 He had not seen her for some four years, and as we have already seen, he had a strong bond with her. Her dreams and visions often guided him while he was growing up in Kharkha, and she seems to have been one of the few people to whom he listened after becoming a wandering yogin.71 The homeless vagabond that her son had become did not want to stay long in Kharkha, however, and he soon prepared to leave again. This time Tsangnyön wanted to go to Chuwar, a holy mountain area where Milarepa had spent long periods of meditation and eventually passed away. Chuwar is situated close to another of Milarepa’s favorite places of meditation—Lapchi—and numerous caves where Milarepa and his close disciples used to meditate are located in the area. As mentioned above, Tsangnyön had always felt a particularly strong faith toward Milarepa, and he now wanted to literally follow in his footsteps, and also fulfill the final instructions of his guru, Sharawa, namely: “Give up the

appeared (sangs rgyas ma byon pa’i mun skal), and finally imbecile (lkugs pa). See for instance Kongtrul 1986: 31. 68 G: 46. 69 G: 46. 70 The meeting with his mother is described in a similar way in all three biographies (G: 46; L: 41; N: 10b). 71 G: 46. As mentioned in a previous footnote, Lhatsün states that Tsangnyön visited the famous Bar Druk monastery in Ralung. This visit to Ralung took place while Tsangnyön was residing in Kharkha, and in Ralung he received teachings from the head of the Bar Druk tradition, Gyalwang Chöjé (L: 40–41). tsangnyön heruka 149 eight worldly concerns and set the victory banner of practice in the great holy Kagyü sites such as Tsari Tsagong, Lapchi, Chuwar, Gang Tisé, and the Six Forts.”72 His mother did not like the idea of her beloved son roaming around as a mad vagabond with no fixed abode, and she told him that he should return to Palkhor Chödé, the monastery where he had studied previously. “Please stay once again in Palkhor Dechen (i.e. Palkhor Chödé) and practice in that lovely place where you first [studied] dharma,” his mother said.73 She did not give Tsangnyön permission to leave and her son had to ask her repeatedly. Eventually she agreed to let him go on the condition that he not take either the human skin (g.yang bzhi)74 that he used as a cloak or his skull-cup with hair attached to it (thod pa lcang lo can). “If you really have to go, leave your implements with me and go! Other wise people will say you are a rākṣasa demon and kill you!” his mother told him.75 Tsangnyön obeyed his mother and gave his bizarre paraphernalia to her. The objects he left behind later became known for their ability to protect from harm caused by malevolent demons and devils; they could also be used to harm enemies if they were clashed together.76

The Meeting with Tangtong Gyalpo

According to Lhatsün, Tsangnyön was twenty-five years old when he left Kharkha.77 Once again his younger brother, Könchok Gyaltsen, accompanied him as his attendant. The two brothers did not go directly to Chu- war but took a roundabout way. Instead of going southwest, they traveled northwest through the southern parts of Northern Latö, and after a while arrived at the foot of Palchen Riwoché. This monastic complex was built by Tangtong Gyalpo in the western part of Northern Latö on a scorpion- shaped mountain located on the northern shore of the Tsangpo River in the valley of Chung. The complex consisted of two monasteries, one at the foot of the mountain and one on its peak. In addition, there was a stūpa

72 See above p. 95. 73 G: 46; N: 10b. 74 G.yang bzhi literally means a whole skin (often antelope) but here it refers to a whole human skin. Tsangnyön is known for having worn a human skin; if this were not the case here there would be no reason for his mother to object to him having it. 75 N: 10b; G: 46. 76 N: 10b. 77 L: 41. 150 part two and an iron bridge.78 We have already seen that Tsangnyön was sometimes mistaken for Tangtong Gyalpo, and according to the life stories he wanted to meet the great siddha, who was 115 years old at the time (1476).79 After having attained enlightenment, Tsangnyön very seldom visited other Buddhist masters, and the fact that he wished to see the bridge-building siddha shows that he—or if the story is invented, his disciples—held Tangtong Gyalpo in high regard. Like Tsangnyön, Tangtong Gyalpo was known for practicing disciplined conduct, and it may be that the siddha was a source of inspiration for him. Cyrus Stearns mentions that Tangtong Gyalpo and Tsangnyön were the most important mad yogins in terms of their lasting influence on Tibetan culture and religion. He also suggests that “the account of their meeting portrays the continuity of the tradition of religious madness in Tibet and heralds the appearance of Tsang Nyön as the next great mad yogin.”80 Ngödrub Pembar depicts their meeting in the following way in Lion of Faith: Then, with his brother (dbon po)81 acting as attendant, he traveled through Northern Latö to the foot of Palchen Riwoché. Having sent his brother ahead, the precious lord continued behind. At the peak of Riwoché he met the mahāsiddha Tangtong Gyalpo, who was performing a ritual feast (gaṇacakra) on the tenth day of the month. He went right up to him. There was a very big wooden bowl covered with paste on both the inside and the outside, filled with beer, in front of the mahāsiddha. The Lord (Tsangnyön) took it in his hands and drank. All the people were stunned, and even the mahāsiddha stared for a moment. Then the mahāsiddha said, “This is a wonderful coincidence; why don’t you offer me your clothes!” The Lord said, “Yes this is a wonderful wonderful coincidence. Since you have so much why don’t you give this to me?” And he grabbed the cloak of the mahāsiddha. The mahāsiddha said, “Very good disciplined conduct. Go now, I will make sure you won’t face any obstacles.”82

78 Stearns 1980: 125. 79 As mentioned, the dates for Tangtong Gyalpo’s birth and death (1361–1485) and the tradition of his long life span have long been controversial. Stearns suggests that we should accept that he lived for 125 years unless further evidence concerning when the siddha was born comes to light (Stearns 2007: 14). 80 Stearns 2007: 79. 81 As mentioned, Tsangnyön’s younger brother is often called dpon po in the biographies. 82 N: 10b–11a. tsangnyön heruka 151

Götsangrepa and Lhatsün describe the meeting in almost exactly the same way as Ngödrub Pembar, but Lhatsün adds a peculiar detail.83 Up to the point where Tsangnyön took Tangtong Gyalpo’s beer and drank it the story is the same, but after having done that Tsangnyön grabbed and bit the mahāsiddhas beard. Tangtong Gyalpo “jerked his head back and cried, ‘Ow! Ow!’”84 Tsangnyön remarked, “What kind of mahāsiddha is this? He cries out in pain, unable to bear even the sting of his beard.” 85 Tangtong Gyalpo began to laugh and said with embarrassment that this was “A fine auspicious connection.” 86 It is hard to know if meetings such as this actually occurred. It is possible that the biographers inserted such accounts retrospectively just to create lineage affiliations that did not exist in the first place. Other possible reasons could be to show the importance of the master, or perhaps, to make the life story more interesting. Given the fact that Ngödrub Pembar does not mention the meeting between Gyalwang Chöjé and Tsangnyön that was related above, for example, one might suspect that the meeting was fabricated. On the other hand, it is also possible that Ngödrub Pembar either did not know about such a meeting, or if he knew about it did not regard it as important enough to be included in his rather short biography. All three authors describe the meeting with Tangtong Gyalpo at some length, indicating that they all regarded the possible meeting to be of particular importance.87

Encountering the Dead

After Tsangnyön had met the great siddha, he and his brother headed south. They traversed Mön and came to Tsanda, a few kilometers west of Dingri Langkhor, only some days’ walk from Chuwar. There Tsangnyön met the leader of the area, Namkha Tobgyal, and his retinue. At this point Tsangnyön had once again managed to obtain the strange paraphernalia that his mother did not want him to carry around. As so often before when meeting kings and leaders, Tsangnyön went up to the king, who

83 The meeting with Tangtong Gyalpo is depicted in G: 46–47; L: 41–42. Lhatsün’s account is translated in Stearns 1980: 171–172; Stearns 2007: 79. 84 Stearns 2007: 79; L: 41. 85 Stearns 2007: 79 (slightly adapted); L: 41. 86 Stearns 2007: 79; L: 41. 87 No meeting between them is mentioned in Gyurmé Dechen’s standard Tangtong Gyalpo biography (’Gyur med bde chen 1976; translated in Stearns 2007). 152 part two was eating, without observing any respectful behavior. Holding a skull- cup with some strands of hair attached to it in his left hand and a thighbone trumpet with a human hand attached to it in his right hand, he went inside unhindered, and said, “Serve me some food.”88 Namkha Tobgyal replied that Tsangnyön had to prostrate to him if he wanted food. Tsangnyön then prostrated in a very awkward fashion, turning his back to the king and using only one of his hands. His strange prostration caused everyone present to burst into laughter. They treated Tsangnyön with great respect and served him good food. The leader of Tsanda, Namkha Tobgyal, then ordered some learned monk-scholars to check Tsangnyön’s knowledge and ask him questions. The leader ascertained that Tsangnyön was a genuine yogin and developed faith in him. Before parting, he said, “Lama, if you stay in Lapchi I will offer you practice- provisions.”89 Tsangnyön promised to visit Lapchi and meditate there, but at a later date, since his destination at this time was Chuwar.90 Having won over yet another powerful benefactor, Tsangnyön continued toward Chuwar. Before going there, he went to a charnel ground that the Indian master Padampa Sangyé had visited in earlier times. The charnel ground was situated in Langkhor, near Dingri, and according to Götsangrepa, it was a very frightening place. It was the abode of the ḍākinī field protectors—the five Kunḍali sisters— and a nāga demon with a snake skull. A stone that came from the Cool Grove Charnel Ground,91 with an indentation in the middle, was laid out as a seat for the corpses. Meat- and blood-eating birds and predatory beasts walked around. It was the gathering place for inexhaustible demi-gods, ghouls, and the eight kinds of demons. Hosts of fresh as well as old corpses, skeletons, and many walking dead and elemental spirits filled [the place]. [Tsangnyön] went to this absolutely terrifying place. He stayed there for some days and slept on a carpet [made of a] corpse. One night actual male and female walking-dead [appeared]. [Some] had no head and [some] had no legs or arms, [others] had half the body missing and took out their entrails with their own hands. [There were also] skeletons. Some female corpses opened each other’s vaginas with their hands and danced around. Because of the noise [Tsangnyön] arose [from] his

88 G: 47. 89 G: 47. 90 G: 47. 91 Durtrö Silwa Tsal (Dur khrod bsil ba tshal), Sanskrit: Śitavana, is the name of one of the eight charnel grounds. This charnel ground is situated about ten miles to the north of Bodhgaya and is regarded as the dwelling place of the dharma protector Mahākāla. tsangnyön heruka 153

meditation. He fought with the male walking-dead and enjoyed himself with the females and then all of the magical apparitions disappeared.92 Having subdued the many spirits, on the following day Tsangnyön went to a place where one corpse had been cremated and another scattered to birds. [Tsangnyön] smeared corpse-ashes on his body, and made ornaments for his neck, hands, and feet from intestines. Then he went into a crowd of people [consisting] of relatives [who were having] a bazaar [in order to] make offerings (nye mchod byed pa’i khrom rnams).93 He put gtor mas in his mouth and ate them. He jumped around among the people [at the] bazaar, sometimes beating his chest, dancing and singing, and at times crying. He made his vajra fit for action and chased all the women, mounting, kissing, and hugging them. Sometimes he withdrew his vajra into the interior of his body, and it became just a hole fringed with short hairs.94 Having made it a place of non-activity, he chased all the men shouting “Fuck me!” and grabbed hold [of them] and embraced [them]. [Tsangnyön also] threw feces and urine on people and put them in his mouth. He performed all kinds of disciplined conduct, but due to everyone’s fear [they] could not do anything to stand up to him. Not the least bit of devotion arose in the many small-minded persons (theg dman gyi rigs).95 Although we have seen how Tsangnyön managed to gain disciples and supporters by acting out in very bizarre and provocative ways, it is perhaps no wonder that actions such as these failed to make people devoted to him. We must nevertheless assume that he became legendary and famous, or perhaps infamous, because of his unusual ways of appearing and acting.

Chuwar and Nepal

I bow down to you who were welcomed to Chuwar by the ḍākinī field protectors. The protector of the aural transmission offered delightful offerings.

92 G: 47–48. Ngödrub Pembar describes another occasion on which Tsangnyön, accompanied by his disciple Künga Lekzang, subdued some walking dead (N: 13b–14a). 93 According to Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé, this is a kind of market where relatives of a deceased person sell things in order to generate offerings needed for funeral rites (personal communication, 2007). 94 This sentence is difficult to translate. The full sentence is: res rdo rje sbub su drangs nas bug pa hu re ba’i mtha’ ma la spu sud tsam las med par mdzad nas. Roberts understands this sentence as meaning “Sometimes he bound his penis so that only his pubic hair was visible.” Roberts 2007: 63. 95 G: 48. 154 part two

Shentaputri prayed to you and exhorted you, and the benevolent gods carried out your wishes.96 The mad yogin, who had now made his presence known to the people in the Dingri area, continued toward Chuwar. When he came close to the holy place, the main field protectors and ḍākinīs of the area welcomed him.97 The most prominent among them were the Five Long-Life Sisters (Tshe ring mched lnga). Several hundred years earlier the Five Long-Life Sisters had been ‘tamed’ (’dul ba) by Milarepa, and since then they had served as important protectresses of his lineage. At first, they tried to dis- turb and harm the cotton-clad yogin who meditated in the areas where they lived, but unable to do so, they became his devoted disciples and consorts.98 The Five Long-Life Sisters are connected with the 7,148–meters- high Gaurishankar Mountain—called Jowo Tseringma by Tibetans—the westernmost of a group of five holy peaks situated directly south of Chu- war at the border of Tibet and Nepal.99 The fact that these important local divinities came and welcomed Tsangnyön was yet another sign of his close link to Milarepa and his lineage. Indeed, as has been mentioned earlier, Tsangnyön eventually came to be considered an emanation of Milarepa. Having offered Tsangnyön delightful offerings, the Five Long-Life Sisters disappeared, and Tsangnyön continued on his journey, arriving in Chu- war by the end of the summer. Before settling down, he made one outer circumambulation (phyi skor) and then stayed in Chuwar for the whole autumn.100 Holy places such as Chuwar, Lapchi, Tsari, and Tisé were/are seen as earthly manifestations of the mandala of Cakrasaṃvara, who together with Hevajra is one of the central herukas. In going to such places Tsang- nyön, as an embodiment of a heruka, the main deity of the mandala, thus returned to the place where he belonged. When the winter came, Tsangnyön met a group of traders on a combined trading and pilgrimage trip to the Svayambhū Stūpa in Nepal.101 The group was led by a certain lama Pönriwa and Tsangnyön joined company

96 N: 2a. The biographers often use the epithet Shentaputri when they refer to the Indian God Gaṇapati who together with Viśvakarman (Bi sho kar ma) were important when Tsangnyön later renovated the Svayambhū Stūpa (see, for example, Larsson 2011b). 97 G: 48; L: 42; N: 11a. 98 Milarepa’s interactions with the Long-Life Sisters are narrated in several songs. For English translations of these songs, see Chang (trans.) 1989: 296–361. 99 For a travel account and guide to the area, see Chan 1994: 248–272. 100 G: 48. 101 L: 43. tsangnyön heruka 155 with them.102 As might be expected, he showed no respect toward the lama, which made the lama’s male and female followers angry. They used poison to try to kill Tsangnyön but he became only slightly ill and then quickly recovered.103 Tsangnyön arrived in Nepal for the first time when he was around twenty-five.104 Soon after his arrival he went to a temple situated by the side of the large field known as Tundikhel in Kathmandu. The temple contains one of the most revered Mahākāla statues in the Valley. The statue is called Bötang Gönpo by the Tibetans and it was very important to Tsangnyön. The biographies describe several miracles that occurred when he visited it. While he was performing expiatory rituals (skangs bshags) and exhortations (skul) in front of the Mahākāla, “unexpectedly, the whole earth shook; it was as if heaven and earth would collapse. The stone statue of the protector became like Mount Meru and started to dance violently.”105 This did not scare Tsangnyön, who took the protector by the hands and began to dance with him.106 Several Nepalese and Tibetans who had assembled there saw the spectacle, and Tsangnyön’s powers were thus displayed to the people.107 Tsangnyön then went to the Svayambhū Stūpa. Götsangrepa’s eighth chapter on how Tsangnyön practiced disciplined conduct ends with this account of the visit to Nepal. Near the end of the chapter Götsangrepa compares Tsangnyön with the king of beasts—the lion—and other beings with small animals.108 The short ninth chapter describes Tsangnyön’s stay at Svayambhū Stūpa and his return to Tibet. Götsangrepa states that the chapter about his return describes how “the ḍākinīs prophesied, and the yidam-gods encouraged him to work for the benefit of beings.”109

102 G: 49. 103 G: 49. 104 Tsangnyön’s first trip to Nepal is described in G: 49; L: 43–45; N: 11a. All three biographies agree that Tsangnyön’s first journey to Nepal occurred after his meeting with Tang- tong Gyalpo, and since Lhatsün states that Tsangnyön was twenty-five years old when he met the famous siddha, and twenty-six when he returned to Tibet (L: 41, 45), Tsangnyön probably visited Nepal for the first time around 1477. For a detailed study of this trip, see Larsson 2011b: 211–213. 105 N: 11a. 106 G: 49; L: 43. 107 L: 43. 108 G: 49. 109 G: 11. 156 part two

Figure 9. Bötang Gönpo Mahākāla statue in Kathmandu.

Back in Tibet

I bow down to you [Tsangnyön]! The clouds of dualistic clinging moved in the right- and left-hand channels. Untying the knots of dualistic grasping [the subtle wind] dissolved in the sky of the central channel. tsangnyön heruka 157

The rays of the sun of realization spread, and you displayed the inner signs outwardly for the eyes of the disciples.110 Lhatsün states that Tsangnyön was twenty-six years old when he returned to Tibet (in 1477). Lhatsün also points out that he first stayed for about a month in Dragmar Chonglung (Red Rock of the Valley of Agates) in Drin, not far from Chuwar.111 At that time, while abiding evenly in the state of River-flow Samādhi for about one month, “he had many visionary encounters with Milarepa, who would sometimes teach his life story, sometimes give compassionate advice, sometimes teach dharma, sometimes display miracles, and so forth.”112 This was a premonition of one of Tsangnyön’s most important endeavors, namely the compilation and propagation of the life story and songs of Milarepa. Tsangnyön then went to Lapchi where he meditated in caves associated with the cotton-clad yogin for a while.113 Then he continued to Nyanang (modern-day Nyalam), northwest of Lapchi, where he stayed in the Stom- ach Cave (Grod phug) for a couple of weeks, meditating in complete silence.114 When he had completed his meditation in the cave he heard that many monks were gathering nearby to perform wishing prayers to Maitreya. Tsangnyön decided to go there too. When he came to the place where the monks were residing the master who was in charge of discipline came to him and asked: “Hey you vagabond (bya bral ba)! Where do you come from?” [Tsangnyön answered:] “I come from behind.” “Well then, are you going forward now?” [The disciplinarian asked]. “It is not certain; it is also possible that I will go back.” [Tsangnyön replied].115 Following this they had several discussions about the Buddhist doctrine, and when the learned monk discovered that Tsangnyön knew the Eight- Thousand-Line version of the Perfection of Wisdom by heart he said: “This is not a vagabond but a scholar (dge bshes).” Then another master came and said, “I heard that there is a mad vagabond (bya bral smyon pa) around. Is that you?”

110 N: 1b. 111 L: 45. 112 L: 45. Translation based on Quintman 2006: 254. 113 L: 46. 114 L: 47. 115 L: 47. 158 part two

“There are different ways of looking at it; the way I look at it you are the one who is mad.” “Why is that?” [The master] asked. “Is it not crazy to do business for the sake of moving this human body with its freedoms and endowments around [in samsara]? I have trampled upon appearances (snang ba la thog rdzis). For achieving buddhahood in this life [I] am called crazy.” [Tsangnyön] said. [Hearing Tsangnyön’s answer], everyone burst into laughter and went away.116

116 L: 47–48. Chapter seven

A Mad Yogin Turns the Wheel of Dharma

Although Tsangnyön had debated with learned scholars and impressed people with his knowledge and miraculous powers on several occasions, he had not yet started to teach in any formal way. His behavior and provocations might be seen as a kind of teaching in themselves, but they were also a kind of practice. At this point, while Tsangnyön was in his late twenties, perhaps twenty-seven or twenty-eight, he started to teach in a more traditional way. He had an inner realization of the profound meaning of the Buddhist doctrine, which he had refined and tested thoroughly by means of disciplined conduct. The time was now ripe to communicate his understanding to others. Tsangnyön began to express his insight through songs and he also gave teachings and empowerments. Moreover, he started to compose and print texts. An important outcome of these activities is that he started to attract disciples.

Tsangnyön Begins to Compose Texts and Songs

Having explained the nature of his madness to the monks in Nyanang, Tsangnyön returned to Chuwar. He stayed in Driché Puk (Cave of the Dri’s Tongue)1 for a while to practice meditation for the benefit of others. While meditating in the cave, Tsangnyön had the following visionary encounter with his yidam Hevajra:2 Then, at dawn, while [Tsangnyön] was in a state where luminosity merged with sleep he saw the complete mandala of Hevajra in the sky in front of him. The main figure had nine heads and eighteen hands, and in each hand he held different hand-symbols and weapons. [Hevajra] said, “Son of a noble family, since the time for benefiting beings has now arrived, you must also compose texts on Hevajra and Cakrasaṃvara and so forth!”

1 Dri (’bri) is the female of the yak species. The cave is famous as the place where Milarepa passed away. 2 N: 11a. 160 part two

Still within the state of hearing this, [Tsangnyön] woke up, and following the morning’s prophecy, he recorded some verses on his direct experience of Hevajra.3 This vision was the starting point of Tsangnyön’s successful career as a writer of religious texts.4 When summer arrived, Tsangnyön went to Lapchi where he practiced for the benefit of others. He also embellished with gold a footprint of Milarepa that is situated above the Māra Subjugation Cave (Bdud ’dul phug). As he did that, the earth quaked three times and the syllables oṃ āḥ hūṃ could be seen rising up from the footprint.5 It is at this time in Tsangnyön’s life that his spiritual songs are presented for the first time in the biographies.6 According to Heart of the Sun, he sang his first song shortly after the vision of Hevajra. While staying in the Lapchi area, he expressed his realization in “this major song of the essential meaning of the great vehicle.”7 How wonderful! The Victorious One, Hevajra, is one’s own mind, primordially pure. It is neither empty nor non-empty, but abides in a state without elaborations. Previously, when on the path of meditation, I did not recognize this self-originated wisdom, which is free from elaboration. Because of confusion I took confusion for meditation. Now I am a meditator beyond conceptual mind. When one wants to meditate, meditation is obscured by meditation. But when one understands non-meditation, everything arises as meditation.

3 N: 11a–11b. Similar passages are found in G: 51 and L: 50. 4 The composition of a text about Tsangnyön’s yidam Hevajra is also mentioned by Lhatsün and Götsangrepa (G: 50–51; L: 50). As seen above, Lhatsün mentions that he composed a text at an earlier time as well. The text in question is Rdo rje tshig rkang ma rig mun sel, which he wrote in Tsari when he was about twenty-four years old according to Lhatsün (L: 29, 31). More information on Tsangnyön’s works is given in chapter 9. 5 L: 51; N: 11b. The footprint is still shown to visitors according to Huber (1997: 264, 282: n. 117 and n. 118). See also Quintman 2006: 256. 6 As noted earlier, no songs are included in Lion of Faith. 7 G: 52. tsangnyön heruka 161

Ordinary persons are fettered by wisdom itself, but for a yogin the five poisons arise as ornaments. The nature of dharma has no origination and no cessation. Since it is not known by the learned, I asked the dumb. They did not know it either, so I asked the corpses at the charnel grounds. Their explanations are the nature of the dharma. This is the meditation experience of a madman in the snow mountains of Lapchi. E vaṃ. Arranged in letters, how wondrous! E vaṃ.8 It was also at this time that Tsangnyön started to gather disciples. Some of his early songs were directed to his heart-son Rinchen Palzang.9 Rinchen Palzang eventually became Tsangnyön’s foremost disciple, and Tsangnyön sang him four songs of instructions on how to search for the mind.10 The first song he sang to him is rendered as follows: Homage to the guru and vajra-ḍakini! Incomparable, kind root lama, bestow the profound and excellent paths of the perfect view when someone requests it from you! And bestow all accomplishments! Yidam-gods and ḍākinīs together with dharma protectors, eliminate obstacles and unfavorable conditions! The great purpose of my prayer is that the supreme nectar of the speech of the glorious lama will brighten the golden goblet of my mind, now. Because I fear that the rust of forgetfulness will obscure it, I am writing down [these] letters.

8 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 1b; G: 52; L: 82. This song is also translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 12. 9 He was the first to receive the blessing of Tsangnyön’s lineage (G: 111–113). 10 G 58–61; L: 50–51, 53 and 54–55. These songs are also included in the Collected Songs of Tsangnyön Heruka (Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 1b–3a), along with a woodcut print of Rinchen Palzang. In this latter text, he is called Tashi Rinchen Palzang. 162 part two

If one explains according to the instruction of the guru [these words] are [for] worthy ones, and should be kept secret from inferior people. I beg you masters of dharma, ḍākinīs, brother and sister protectors, to grant your permission! I, a son of the Kagyü masters, enter the path of the blessing-lineage in the wide plains of the equality of existence and peace. Riding the horse of unchanging devotion and respect, with the bow and arrow of the pith instructions of the aural transmission, filled with a fathom of essential oral instructions, [I] make the horse ride at the full speed of accomplished practice. [I then] shoot an arrow of self-cognizant wisdom. The mind is the unborn ground of everything—samsara and nirvana! Fortunate one, stick to the target! If you do not find [it] in the symbol, a burning OṂ letter from below—luminosity, a HAṂ letter descending from above—bliss, from the place in between bliss and luminosity, is the non-conceptual—awareness, emptiness, luminosity, mind —search for that! When you find it, stick to the target! If you do not find [it], meditate with vitality and exertion again! By this method the nature will be seen. E vaṃ.11

Political Involvement

At that time the son of Namkha Tobgyal, the leader of Tsanda, passed away. Tsangnyön was invited to Nyanang to assist his patron in his time of grief.12 Having arrived in Nyanang, Tsangnyön came to a place called Mar- leb where many people, both from the area itself and from other places, had gathered to offer gifts and gold.13 The most important of the many

11 G: 58–59; L: 50–51; Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 2a. 12 As seen above, Tsangnyön had impressed Namkha Tobgyal whom he met while traveling toward Chuwar, and the leader had become one of his patrons. 13 This episode is rendered in G: 61–63; L: 51–53; N: 11b–12a. As usual it is rendered in greater detail in Heart of the Sun, for a German translation of the section, see Everding and Dzongphugpa 2006: 108–109. tsangnyön heruka 163 prominent guests at the gathering was a king of the Northern Latö myriarchy (La stod byang/Byang), called Tsen, who was there with his many servants.14 When Tsangnyön came there a large number of people were lined up in rows to drink hot tea and beer. At the front, presiding over the rows, was Chödzé Mipam Shenyen, and at the head of each row, lined up facing each other, was the governor of Menkhab, Yungma, and the king of Northern Latö with their respective servants.15 Tsangnyön drained all the beer cups in each row and then flung the empty wooden bowls far away. The king of Northern Latö asked him if his behavior really was appropriate, “Yogin lama, don’t you violate the vow of against taking what is not given [by acting in this way]?” he said.16 Tsangynön replied that that may be how it appeared to the king’s limited understanding; however, “It is stated in the glorious Hevajra Tantra that ‘You should take what is not given and depend upon others’ women.’ ”17 Hearing Tsangynön’s provocative answer, the king of Northern Latö became speechless. Meanwhile Tsangynön started to ponder the political situation in Latö. The northern district (myriarchy) of Latö had occupied the southern district of Latö at this period, and Tsangynön had the following thoughts about this: It seems that Southern Latö has its own people, so it is inappropriate for Northern Latö to rule over them. The worldly samsaric beings have desire and attachment for this life; I feel compassion for those miserable people. Moreover, the leader Drölma Kyab18 has been deposed from the southern myriarchy and left to wander about powerlessly. Also, the leader Namkha Delé has become a subordinate to Tsanda, and he wanders about full of sadness. Not only that, but the sinful and wicked king Namkha Dorjé [and the]

14 The biographies call him the king of the Northerners, named Rtsan (G: 61), Btsan (N: 11b). It is somewhat unclear to me if this king is the famous myriarch of Northern Latö, Namkha Dorjé, the successor and son of Namgyal Drakzang (1395–1475), or if the king Tsangnyön encountered was another king of Northern Latö of lesser importance. Namkha Dorjé is praised as a patron and disciple of Tangtong Gyalpo in the latter’s biographies (Stearns 2007: 582, n. 1119). 15 G: 62. 16 G: 62. 17 G: 62: khyod kyi (kyis) ma sbyin par (byin par) yang long / pha rol bud med rten par (bsten par) gyis (byis). Hevajra Tantra, part 2, chapter 3, verse 29. See Snellgrove 1959, English translation vol. 1: 97; Tibetan, vol. 2: 57; Sanskrit, vol. 2: 56: yoṣicchrukram adattañ ca paradārāḥ svābhasundarī. 18 Dakchen Drölma Kyab or Drölma Sönam Palzangpo was the grandson of Lhatsen Kyab (Wangdu and Diemberger 1996: 58, n. 198; Everding and Dzongphugpa 2006: 107). 164 part two

northern myriarchy have deprived the southern myriarchy [of their rule], without permission.19 Having pondered in this manner Tsangnyön started to criticize the people of Northern Latö and their leader Namkha Dorjé. He said many things that exposed their hidden faults and their many cruel actions. The people in the rows who witnessed Tsangnyön’s verbal attack on the powerful people of Northern Latö became frightened and embarrassed. Those among them who came from Northern Latö became ashamed and very angry. Their facial expression changed and their bodies began to shiver. “Is it not inappropriate to speak in such a way about the man of the North, the dharma king of the Right Flank (G.yas ru)?,”20 they asked. They were extremely angry but all they could do was to grasp their knife handles and bite their lips. Tsangnyön continued to insult their leader, saying, “If he is a dharma king why did he kill so many monks of Shelkar Chödé? The soles of my shoes are better than that wicked king Namkha Dorjé.”21 Though he wanted to destroy Tsangnyön somehow, the leader of Northern Latö with all his magnificence and servants did not dare to do anything in the presence of the rows of people. He said, “Yogin, since you are such an extraordinary siddha I invite you to my place and at that time I will offer you service.”22 As might be expected, the invitation was a trap. When Tsangnyön came to the camp of the people of Northern Latö, they were very pleased and told him to sit down on a small cushion they had laid out. Then “they knocked down the ladder that led upstairs and held closed the door that led down. Having done that they tied him with ropes and did many things to him, striking him with weapons, and so on.”23 Their attempts to kill him failed, however; Tsangnyön displayed his miraculous powers and became invulnerable. As usual he felt compassion toward the wicked people who wanted to kill him. The people, having realized that they could not harm Tsangnyön, and impressed by his miraculous powers and compassionate behavior, began to develop faith and respect for the mad yogin instead. Following this incident, the people of Northern Latö became faithful supporters of Tsangnyön. Their leader, Namkha Dorjé, and his two sons,

19 G: 62. 20 G: 62. 21 G: 62. 22 N: 11b. 23 N: 12a. tsangnyön heruka 165

Namkha Lekpa and Künga Lekpa, became his loyal patrons and “carried out his every command.”24 Tsangnyön then returned to Lapchi where he continued his practice. During this period he performed several miracles. One time he and some monks survived a landslide thanks to his miraculous powers.25 Another time he miraculously survived a flood.26 He also sat in the middle of a fire a couple of times without getting burned.27 Having displayed to the people in the Lapchi, Chuwar, and Nyanang areas how he remained unharmed by rocks, water, and fire, he decided to go to Tisé. Before leaving, he told his disciples to stay in the area and practice for one year. Tsangnyön, who was now thirty years old (1481), took his brother Könchok Gyaltsen, Rinchen Palzang, and three other disciples with him as companions, and departed.28

Traveling to Lo, Tisé, Gungtang, and Tsa

While Tsangnyön and his companions traveled toward Tisé, his reputa- tion had already reached the ears of the kings and leaders of the areas he passed through. Götsangrepa describes how the king of Gungtang and his subjects had heard that Tsangnyön had survived the attack from the leader of Northern Latö. They said, “There is a mad yogin who remained unhurt by weapons at Nyanang and he is rapidly approaching Tisé.”29 During this trip to Tisé another famous mad yogin, Ünyön Künga Zangpo, joined company with Tsangnyön and his companions.30 According to the biographies, Gugé and Lowo Möntang (Mustang) were at war, so the colorful party traveled through very dangerous areas.31 On the way, Tsangnyön was invited to Lo (Mustang) and the ruler of Lo, Tashi Gön,

24 L: 53; N: 12a. 25 N: 12b. 26 N: 12b. 27 N: 13a. 28 L: 54–55. His brother is not mentioned by name by Lhatsün, but Ngödrub Pembar mentions that his brother was present at Tisé/Kailāsa (N: 13b). Based on Ngödrub Pembar’s account I conclude that his brother was one of the five companions. 29 G: 67. This phrase is also translated in Vitali 1996: 532, n. 907. 30 G: 67. Ünyön’s presence is not mentioned by Lhatsün or Ngödrub Pembar. DiVale rio has provided some more information about the interaction between Tsangnyön and Ünyön during this journey (DiValerio 2011: 358–368). 31 G: 67. According to Roberto Vitali, the war took place during the reign of the king of Gugé Lobzang Rabten (Vitali 1996: 533). 166 part two treated him with great respect.32 Both the violent times and Tsangnyön’s unusual behavior are illustrated in the section of Heart of the Sun that depicts Tsangnyön’s journey to Lo: At that time the Lord [Tsangnyön] and his disciples had gone to Lowo Mön- tang. The Möntang people had attached the heads of many slain men of Gugé to the beams of the city gates. The Lord took into his hands brains that had fallen to the ground, crawling with maggots and rotting, and ate the flesh and brains. After that, he said to the many people who had gathered: “If you want accomplishment (dngos grub, siddhi), I shall give it to you.” Those who ate the spoonful of brains he offered them became wealthy. The ruler, Tashi Gön, treated him with great honor and respect. A monk called Drakchok was sent to guide the master and his disciples along the road. At that time, Lowo and Gugé were mutually hostile; and there was great fear for the safety of the road. At Dotrak of Jema Yungdrung, many horsemen were approaching. The group [of Tsangnyön’s disciples] became very frightened. The Lord said: “There is no reason to be afraid, just sit still and keep quiet.” He sat in meditation and the horsemen passed nearby the master and his disciples without seeing them, and continued downwards.33 Having gained yet another powerful patron, the ruler of Lo, Tashi Gön, Tsangnyön and his companions continued toward Tisé. When they arrived at the holy mountain, that like Tsari and Lapchi is associated with the tantric deity Cakrasaṃvara, they circumambulated it and Tsangnyön left his footprint in a stone.34 On their way back from the holy mountain, Tsangnyön visited Dzong- kar, the capital of Gungtang. The kings of Gungtang were held in high esteem, since they were seen as descendents of the old Tibetan kings. Tsangnyön entered the palace of the king, Tri Namgyal Dé (1422–1502), and no one could prevent his entrance.35 According to Ngödrub Pembar, the retinue of the king became so frightened when they saw Tsangnyön that they ran away. The king himself developed faith in Tsangnyön, how-

32 Tashi Gön was known as the great (i.e. oldest) ruler (sde pa chen po) of Lo. He was on the throne about 1465–1480 and died 1489 (Jackson, D. 1984: 123; Petech 1978: 320). 33 G: 67–68. This translation is based upon Smith 2001: 68–69. The final part is not translated in Smith. 34 N: 13b. 35 The name of the king is mentioned in the Collected Songs of Tsangnyön Heruka (Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 4a). tsangnyön heruka 167 ever, and offered him beer.36 Tsangnyön had thus gained yet another powerful patron, and he became one of the main teachers of the king.37 Tsangnyön continued to walk in the footsteps of his great role-model Milarepa. While in the area of Mangyul Gungtang he meditated in the so- called Six Forts for three years.38 These caves were famous as Milarepa’s former places of retreat, and Tsangnyön wanted to practice there too. Dur- ing this period he also visited the birthplace of Milarepa and meditated in another cave where Milarepa had meditated, the Cave of the Footprint (Rkang tshug phug), both places being situated in Tsa.39

A Mad Yogin Called into Question

While dwelling in the Cave of the Footprint he was supported by the king of Gungtang, Tri Namgyal Dé, and his elder son Norbu Dé (1450–1485). However, the other son of the king, Samdrub Dé (1459–1505), was not yet convinced that Tsangnyön was a genuine yogin. He suspected that Tsang- nyön might be a charlatan. The yogin is skilled in scripture and reasoning. He is charismatic and has attained an abundance of miraculous powers. He is quite good at controlling appearances and existence. But his sloppy actions are unfathomable and I am not able to know why he does what he does. Moreover, in this bad and degenerate time it is very important to examine all yogins to see if they are good or bad.40 Having thought in this way, Samdrub Dé decided not to show any respect to Tsangnyön and see how he reacted. Tsangnyön noticed that the prince did not honor him, and wondered if they had a karmic bond or not. He decided to check to see if the prince had any faith in him, so he went to Samdrub Dé and requested a donation of food.41

36 N: 13b. Their meeting is depicted in more detail in G: 69–70. In Götsangrepa’s account Ünyön figures (G: 70). 37 A chronicle of the royal house of Gungtang by Katok Rigzin Tsewang Norbu (1698– 1755) mentions Bodong Choklé Namgyal (1375–1451), Palden Sangyé (1391–1455) and Tsang- nyön as being the main teachers of Tri Namgyal Dé (Ehrhard 2000: 13). 38 For a study of the Six Forts and maps describing where they are situated, see Quint- man 2008. 39 N: 13b. 40 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 4b; G: 73. The introductory episode is not depicted by Lhatsün. This passage is also translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 98. 41 G: 73. 168 part two

At that the king [Samdrub Dé] thought, “The uneducated ordinary people, the yogins who wander the countries, and the learned monks of my own country, educated in sūtra and tantra, agree that the yogin is good. My father, the king, and my elder brother both offer this yogin service and respect, so his conditions are protected and his sustenance is secured. He may exchange the things (I give him) into something else and get some valuable materials to carry on his path. It is also possible that he is testing me. I will have to apply the weapon of harsh words to test if he is a good or bad yogin.”42 Samdrub Dé then praised Milarepa and started to insult Tsangnyön. Undergoing the hardship of drinking (only) water, you carried out the utmost austerities. Body blazing with bliss, you wore (only) cotton on your body. Understanding the meaning of equanimity, you (abided) in luminosity without interruption. Respectfully I prostrate at your feet, Milarepa! But you are a madman and a bum. Unable to withstand hardships, you are lazy. You are immature and a hypocrite. The thought of approaching death does not occur to you, you defile this particularly great holy place of Mila in many different ways. Venerable One (Milarepa), have compassion on this defiler!43 In response to Samdrub Dé’s many accusations, Tsangnyön sang a song that resembled the song sung by Milarepa to Padampa Sangyé that was quoted at the beginning of this book. Both Tsangnyön and Milarepa sang songs that put their madness in a Buddhist perspective. In this long “major song revealing faults to be qualities,” which is quoted only briefly here, Tsangnyön shows that what appear as shortcomings to Samdrub Dé are actually enlightened qualities. [ . . . ] Listen, you son of the Gods! See if I, a mad yogin roaming the kingdoms, receiving offerings of food and drink, have correctly understood the answer of the king,

42 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 4b: A similar passage is found in G: 73–74. For another translation, see Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 98–99. 43 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 4b–5a; G: 74. Also translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 99. tsangnyön heruka 169

so unclear regarding whether you will give or not give, so pointless, that it really makes me laugh! [ . . . ] My lineage is full of all kinds of madmen and bums. I am the son of a father of a good lineage. I am the holder of a lineage of madmen and the like. Because of that, all the life stories are about madmen and the like. I will sing about how the king is right: The existence of madness as wondrous as this makes the tathāgata, vidyadharas, and their retinue smile with delight and amazement, and finally they burst out into laughter! The view of unity, free from extremes, has driven me mad. The meditation, luminous, empty, and beyond grasping, has driven me mad. The activity of trampling on fear has driven me mad. The foundation which is beyond all misconceptions has driven me mad. The path of giving up negative actions and practicing wholesome ones has driven me mad. The fruition of having recognized my own nature has driven me mad. While having madness as my foundation, also, shaken by demons, I am mad. The male demon of the blessings of the Kagyü has entered, and the female demon of the activities of the ḍākinīs has been established. The evil spirit of comfort has intruded into my heart. The female evil spirit of wisdom holds the root of my mind. The conditions of experience and realization have blazed forth, and I have gotten up from the bed of desire and attachment. Having thrown off the clothes of the two ingrained obscurations,44 undefiled awareness runs about nakedly.

44 The obscuration of disturbing emotions (nyon mongs pa’i sgrib pa) and the cognitive obscurations (shes bya’i sgrib pa). 170 part two

Without shame, the six senses relax naturally. The pot of the eight worldly concerns has been smashed into pieces, and I have leaped into the gulf which is neither high nor low. I have broken the head of defilements, the five poisons, and the subject-object dichotomy of samsara has been destroyed. If this kind of madness could arise, it would be good if the king himself also became mad.45 Tsangnyön then continues to explain why prince Samdrub Dé is right in accusing him of being a bum, unable to bear hardship, lazy, immature, a fake, and so forth. Just as when he explained his madness, he uses each negative word in a positive way, and thus manages to show that his unconventional behavior is actually a way of manifesting enlightened qualities. When Tsangnyön had sung this long song, Samdrub Dé became devoted and full of faith. “I abused him and in return the master yogin displayed his qualities. What great kindness! How wonderful!” he said.46 Tsangnyön continued with his explication and said that “even all the qualities of the Buddhas appear as faults to those with wrong views who have not trained their minds in the ordinary path.”47 He then summarized his opinion as follows, “For those who do not understand all phenomena, samsara appears. But if one understands, it is the great bliss of nirvana from the very beginning.”48 Samdrub Dé was very impressed by Tsangnyön’s great knowledge and insight and he promised to support him and his disciples in the future.49 In return for supporting him he requested Tsangnyön to perform wishing prayers on his behalf, and he also asked for a protector practice that he could perform.50 Tsangnyön had now erased the last traces of doubt from the mind of the prince and was hereafter firmly supported by the king of Gungtang,

45 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 5a–5b. This section of the song is included in G: 75–76. For an alternative English translation, see Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 99–102. The full song is translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 98–113. The entire song is found in G: 74–81; L: 69–75; Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 3a–8a. 46 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 8a. 47 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 8b. 48 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 8b. 49 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 8b. 50 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 8b. tsangnyön heruka 171 his two sons, and their retinue. Other people of the area, however, still entertained doubts about Tsangnyön. While he was teaching the Great Vehicle to a large number of people, some slandered him and said, “In general, now is not the time to practice and meditate according to the Secret Mantra; and in particular, this kind of [explanation of ] the view, meditation, and action was not taught by the Buddha . . . ”51 Tsangnyön invited some of the people who “were devoted to the inferior vehicles”52 to a debate and refuted their wrong views through logical reasoning and scriptural citations. He then sang “the major song of the true meaning— the roar of the selfless lion that subdues and frightens the small prey of the inferior vehicle.”53 Tsangnyön’s age when he sang these songs is not stated in the biographies. But since Lhatsün stated that he was thirty (1481) when he went to Tisé, and then states that he spent three years meditating in the Six Forts after that trip, he was probably about thirty-four (1485) when he sang the songs.54 As Tsangnyön started to teach and compose texts, his mad and provocative behavior gradually began to lose prominence in the biographies. His role changed from an unknown mad yogin to a famous siddha. As a siddha, he still acted in a mad way from time to time, but the extremely bizarre and provocative behavior which started when he left Palkhor Chödé is only occasionally mentioned in the biographies.

Composing the Life and Songs of Milarepa

The king of Gungtang did not want Tsangnyön to leave the Mangyul Gungtang area. Tsangnyön therefore had to sneak away without anyone noticing. He then went to his favorite places Lapchi and Tsari again. After having meditated for a year in Lapchi, at the age of thirty-five (1486), he reached Tsari.55 There he meditated for three years, and while he was there he also composed some texts that were later incorporated into his aural transmission compilation.

51 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 9b. 52 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 9b. 53 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 9b. The song is also rendered in G: 85–86. 54 L: 54, 60. One may assume that the journey to Kailāsa and back took about a year, since he visited Mustang on the way. As will be seen below, Lhatsün later states that he was thirty-five when he reached Tsari (L: 90). 55 L: 90; N: 14b. 172 part two

At the age of thirty-eight, he decided to return to Lapchi.56 There he began what was to become one of his most important deeds, the compilation and printing of the life story and song collection of his great role model, Milarepa. All three biographies about Tsangnyön describe—in a rather detailed way—why and how the life story and the collection of songs of Milarepa were made.57 According to these accounts, Tsangnyön’s intention was to popularize and spread Milarepa’s life story and thereby benefit all beings.58 Once he had successfully completed the printing of the Milarepa texts, Tsangnyön dispersed many copies of the texts all over Tibet.59 Tsangnyön thus contributed a great deal to making Milarepa widely famous in Tibet and elsewhere. Götsangrepa mentions that Küntu Zangmo became Tsangnyön’s disciple during this period. Küntu Zangmo also became his female companion and consort, and remained with him for the rest of his life.60

Wanderings and Retreats

The following year Tsangnyön went to Lowo Möntang (Mustang) for a second time to collect alms. There he met the so-called ‘middle ruler’ of Lowo, Aseng Dorjé Tenpa (died c. 1496), who had succeeded Tashi Gön on the throne.61 In Lowo, Tsangnyön impressed the ruler and his followers by defeating the local dge bshes in debate while drinking copious quantities of beer.62

56 L: 93. 57 G: 130; 137–153; L: 97–98; N: 16a–16b. It should be noted that Milarepa’s life story was completed in 1488 according to the colophon of the text itself (Gtsang smyon 1979: 199; Gtsang smyon 1991: 874). This information contradicts Lhatsün’s account, which states that Tsangnyön started the work when he was thirty-eight (i.e. 1489) and that he completed it after two years (i.e. 1491) (L: 93, 98). 58 Andrew Quintman has done a thorough examination of these sections of the biographies of Tsangnyön (Quintman 2006: 195–209). Also Stearns [Kalnins] 1985 has investigated how Tsangnyön composed the Life and Songs of Milarepa (Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 66–96). More information on Tsangnyön’s literary works is given in chapter 9. 59 N: 16b. 60 Küntu Zangmo’s biography is given in G: 140–142. She was one of the key figures in promoting Tsangnyön’s lineage and teachings after he had passed away. 61 G: 153; N: 17a. He is mentioned as Aseng (A seng) in G: 153, 155. For further information about this ruler see Jackson, D. 1984: 124. 62 Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 34; G: 155. tsangnyön heruka 173

Figure 10. Tsangnyön’s female companion, Küntu Zangmo.

Tsangnyön then went back to Lapchi where he went into retreat for three years. During this time he wrote many texts that later became part of his aural transmission compilation.63 Continuing his itinerant life-style, at age forty-three (1494) he went to nearby Chuwar where he meditated for yet

63 N: 17a. For more on this, see chapter 9. 174 part two another year.64 In Chuwar he gave complete instructions and empowerments of the aural transmission, and the next summer he went to Crystal Cave (Shel phug) where he gave blessings, teachings, and empowerments to many people.65 At this point Tsangnyön had assembled a great number of disciples and patrons and he decided that the time was right for him to go to Nepal to whitewash the Svayambhū Stūpa.66 Before he departed for Nepal he went to Kharkha to perform ceremonies for his mother, who had passed away.67 In Kharkha he also started to amass the supplies needed for whitewashing the stūpa. He set off toward Nepal in the autumn, and on the way he went to Kyirong. He also visited Dzongkar where he again met the king of Gungtang (Tri Namgyal Dé), his sons, and their retinue.68 While his disciples went on ahead, Tsangnyön stayed in Dzongkar for one-and-a- half months to bestow empowerments, teachings, and blessings upon the people of Gungtang. There he also met the female Vārāhī incarnation, Künga Zangmo, whom he had encountered on his way to Tsari in his early twenties.69 The venerable female lama offered him a rosary made of coral, an incident which Tsangnyön found very auspicious.70 Tsangnyön then departed for Nepal, and on the way he met many people from Nyishang who were returning from an Indian trading expedition.71 They had seized a mother and her three daughters who they were going to sell [in Nepal]. The father siddha asked them where they were going. They replied, “We are going to sell these [women].” Although the great siddha had thoroughly understood the equality of samsara and nirvana, compassion captured him. From the lotuses of his eyes

64 N: 17b; L: 100. This is one of the few dated events in Heart of the Sun. The date given in the text is the fifteenth day of the first Hor month in the Rabbit Year, which would make it 1494 (G: 171). 65 N: 17b. 66 N: 17b. For a detailed account of Tsangnyön’s second visit to the Kathmandu Valley, see Larsson 2011b: 213–216. 67 L: 101. This information is not provided in Lion of Faith. 68 N: 18a. 69 G: 172. Their previous meeting is depicted above pp. 114–117. DiValerio and Stearns [Kalnins] occasionally confuse Künga Zangmo and Küntu Zangmo, Tsangnyön’s female companion; see for example DiValerio 2011: 119, n. 138; Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 27. 70 G: 172. 71 In Heart of the Sun the place where the following episode occurred is said to be Bargo (Bar sgo, G: 173). Nyishang or Manangbhot lies in the most western part of the present-day Manang district in North-Central Nepal. The Nyishang people are known for being traders and, especially in more recent years, often long-distance traders (van Spengen 2000: 145–172). tsangnyön heruka 175

a rosary of tears flowed, without interruption, individual pearls, similar to the continuous flow of a mighty river. His mandala-face became wet. [He said], “Sell them to me! I will give you whatever price you wish.” After having commanded them like this, he gave the traders the price they wanted, without sparing gold itself. He provided the women with a good companion who escorted them to their own country and with clothes and provisions. After having freed them from their suffering and caused them to obtain a state of happiness, he sent them off.72 He then went to Nepal, and as on his previous journey, he visited the Bötang Gönpo Mahākāla statue. Many Nepalese who had gathered to make offerings to the protector saw how Tsangnyön and the protector again danced with each other. He then went to the charnel ground of Nāropa situated east of Svayambhū and performed miracles there.73 Peo- ple who witnessed these events were amazed and everyone praised him. After a while, everybody from the king to the common people of Nepal had heard about Tsangnyön. Then, in the spring, he whitewashed the Svayambhū Stūpa. Having completed this task he decided to return to Tibet. When he departed from Nepal, the king of Bhaktapur and all of his brothers and sisters together with the rulers of Patan offered him respect.74 Lhatsün states that Tsangnyön was forty-five years old when he returned to Tibet, and this would mean that he returned in 1496.75 On the way back, he passed through Kyirong where a famous sandal- wood statue of Avalokiteśvara in the form of Khasarpaṇa was housed. This statue is known as Jowo, just like the famous statue in Lhasa, and it is

72 N: 18a–18b. A similar passage is found in Heart of the Sun (G: 173). The section from Heart of the Sun is translated in Smith 2001: 68. I have benefited from Smith’s excellent translation when translating this part of the biography. 73 This charnel ground is generally called the Vārāhī Charnel Ground (Phag mo dur khrod). Only Lhatsün writes that it is situated east of the Svayambhū Stūpa (L: 44), the other biographies writes that the charnel ground is situated north-east of the stūpa (Göt- sangrepa 1969: 174; Ngödrub Pembar 1508: 18b). It is likely that Lhatsün is correct, however, since several local Tibetan informants that I asked and a study by Keith Dowman identified this place with a cremation place situated close to one of the most famous Vajravārāhī temples of the Valley, the Vidyāśvarī (Bijesvari) temple (Dowman 2007: 30). The temple is situated east of the Svayambhū Stūpa at the western shore of the Viṣṇumati river (Biṣṇnumatī), at the confluence of the Bhaccākhusi and Viṣṇumati rivers. Even nowadays, two Buddhist cremation places, one Tibetan and one Newari, are found in the vicinity of the temple. 74 Ngödrub Pembar 1508: 18b. The terms used in the texts: Khokhom and Yerang, likely are Tibetan transliterations of the old Newari terms for Bhaktapur/Bhatgaon (Wylie 1970: 49; Cūppers 2001: 39, n. 2) and Patan/Lalitpur (Wylie 1970: 51). However, the modern Newari terms used for the cities are Khopa and Yele, respectively (thanks to Alexander von Rospatt for pointing this out to me). 75 L: 102. 176 part two said to have been brought from Nepal by King Songtsen Gampo.76 The people of Kyirong to the east and west of Jowo were embroiled in a feud, but Tsangnyön was able to transform their minds and hearts through his great compassion. . . . through the compassion of the father, the king of siddhas, they abandoned the very idea of enemy, united as one, and remained in happiness and joy. They endeavored to offer their respects to the great siddha, each according to his or her abilities. Through the power of their faith they prostrated and with rosaries of uninterrupted tears, they cried out sad songs of lamentation. As they dispersed to their own places they kept looking back, like vultures attached to meat or camels attached to their calves. The father mahāsiddha and his retinue went gradually through Kyirong and after having arrived in the palace of the king he once again satisfied the king and his entourage with empowerments and instructions.77 By the end of the summer, Tsangnyön went to Tisé, preaching to many people on the way. He visited Lowo Möntang’s governor (sde pa) and arriving in Tisé, the king of snow mountains, “he promised to practice for three years for the benefit of the teachings and sentient beings. There he remained, establishing the fortunate ones in ripening and liberation.”78 Götsangrepa provides us with more information about the trip to Tisé. According to him a war had broken out between Purang and Lowo Mön- tang. Purang is a district east of the Mapam Yutso Lake (Mānasarovar) that is situated near Tisé; Gugé is situated west of the holy lake. Purang was under the suzerainty of Gugé from the time of the late thirteenth century, but in the middle of the fifteenth century it seems to have been annexed by Lo (Mustang). Later it was returned to the sovereignty of Gugé.79 Tsangnyön was invited to mediate but no reconciliation was reached.80 The Lord of the Purang family, Nyendrak, was eventually completely wiped out and his line of succession broken.81 After that, the king

76 The statue is also called Vati Zangpo. For more information about this statue, see Ehrhard 2004a. 77 N: 19a. The king in question was probably Tri Namgyal Dé. 78 N: 19a. 79 Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 6–7. 80 The story of the battles and Tsangnyön’s attempts to mediate is historically interesting and is depicted in G: 184–188. Vitali has based much of his overview of this historical period upon Götsangrepa’s account and also to some extent upon Lhatsün’s (Vitali 1996: 530–539). 81 G: 188. tsangnyön heruka 177 of Lo, Degyampa Delé Gyamtso,82 controlled both districts and peace again reigned. At this time Tsangnyön wrote a travel document (lam yig) that his disciples used when traveling.83 According to Lhatsün, Tsangnyön was forty-seven when he decided to leave Tisé and go to Chuwar. Hence, he probably left the area in 1498.84 On his way to Chuwar he visited Lowo Möntang. He arrived there near the end of the construction and decoration of the Golden Temple (Gser gyi lha khang).85 A great ceremony was held in the temple and on a throne at the head of the assembly sat a Nyingma master called lama Lowopa who was highly esteemed by the Lowo ruler.86 Tsangnyön was invited to sit on a slightly lower mat. Also present were many others including the Lowo king, ministers, and many artisans. Tsangnyön asked lama Lowo if he might ask him, who sat in the place of honor, some questions. Although a bit embarrassed, the lama answered that of course he could do so. Tsangnyön then asked a number of questions about the design of the new temple and the meaning of the different images. He also asked questions about Nyingma practices. The esteemed lama could not answer and Tsangnyön finally said: “Ah I was just joking around. You don’t need to be angry!”87 Then Tsangnyön asked: “Well then, who was the one who executed the planning and layout (bkod pa) for these murals?”88 It happened to be an old dge bshes from Palkhor Chödé who was seated at the head of one of the rows. Tsangnyön wanted to debate with the dge bshes but he declined. When asked if the dge bshes had seen him at Palkhor Chödé, the dge bshes replied that he had seen a young monk who was ill-behaved. Finally Tsangnyön was requested to give a lecture and he replied: “Naturally! Minister Tsezang, fetch me some beer.”89 Then while drinking a huge amount of beer he gave a perfect exposition of several

82 The younger brother of Aseng whom Tsangnyön had met earlier (Jackson, D. 1984: 124). 83 G: 191. This document will be described in chapter 9. 84 L: 104. 85 David P. Jackson has translated the section of Heart of the Sun where this visit is recorded (G: 195–197) in his book A History of Tibetan Painting (Jackson, D. 1996: 73–74). 86 G: 195. According to David Jackson the lama who is called lama Lowopa could have been “the Glo Mustang lama ’Jam dbyangs rin chen rgyal mtshan (b. 1446) of Glo bo Ge gar, who was the father of Mnga’ ris paṇ chen padma dbang rgyal and Legs ldan bdud ’joms rdo rje” (Jackson, D. 1996: 85–86, n. 154). 87 Jackson, D. 1996: 73; G: 196. 88 Jackson, D. 1996: 73; G: 196. 89 Jackson, D. 1996: 74; G: 197. According to David Jackson Tsezang is short for Tsewang Zangpo (Tshe dbang bzang po), a minister who was a very important figure in Lowo at this time. A few years later Tsezang would father Künga Drölchog (Kun dga’ grol mchog, 178 part two subjects and backed up his teachings with quotes and examples from different tantras, and Indian and Tibetan treatises. The entire assembly was amazed, not only by Tsangnyön’s exceptional learning, but also by the fact that he managed to finish off the beer he was served. The minister Tse- zang said: “Not only was the exposition like the rising of the sun, but also the beer-offering (phyag phud) was not like drinking; it was in fact [more like] milking!” at which all those present broke into laughter.90

The Renovation of Svayambhū Stūpa

I bow down to you who spontaneously accomplished all wishes. Turning the wheel of action, you renovated the Gomasala Ghata Stūpa —a support which is a field of merits of beings and gods.91 In Chuwar Tsangnyön guided his many disciples in their practice and also composed more texts. According to Lhatsün he was fifty years old (1501) when he started to receive repeated invitations from the Nepalese king Ratnamalla, his minister, and many others who wanted Tsangnyön to repair the Svayambhū Stūpa in the Kathmandu Valley, which had fallen into decay.92 Tsangnyön finally agreed to accept this difficult undertaking, although his disciples feared that he would not be able to accomplish it, and expressed their worries and concerns for his life and limbs if he attempted to do it. Tsangnyön comforted them with the following words: This advice of yours shows that you haven’t abandoned your affection toward me, but there is no need to have this kind of worry. The activity of mine, the Madman of Tsang, will be accomplished by the ḍākinīs, dharma protectors, and the eight kinds of oath bound ones (dam can sde brgyad). It is not necessary for me to collect the offerings; there will spontaneously be enough materials for the renovation.93

1507–1566/67), a monk who become an illustrious lama in Ü and Tsang, and served as the head of the great Jonang Monastery (Jackson, D. 1996: 86, n. 155). 90 Jackson, D. 1996: 74; G: 197. 91 N: 2a. Gomasala Ghata Stūpa is a name sometimes encountered for the Svayambhū Stūpa, while Kathmandu Valley itself is sometimes referred to as Liyul, a name that usually refers to Khotan. 92 L: 111; N: 19b. For studies of Tsangnyön’s renovation of the Svayambhū Stūpa, see Larsson 2011b; Rospatt 2001: 203–205; Schaeffer 2009: 63–67. The Nepalese king Ratna malla, son of Yakṣamalla, became a king during the final Malla-period when the Nepalese kingdom broke up into three kingdoms. Ratnamalla ruled in the Kathmandu-kingdom 1484–1520 (Slusser 1982: 61–62). 93 N: 20a. tsangnyön heruka 179

Tsangnyön then began to gather the necessary materials and funding for the renovation, using his large network of patrons and disciples to accomplish the task. Having collected the necessary things, Tsangnyön, a large group of disciples, and other voluntary participants in the renovation project went to Nepal. On the way, he met the Seventh Karmapa Chödrak Gyamtso, one of the most important and influential Buddhist masters of the time. The Karmapa was on his way to Rinpung and he had heard much about Tsangnyön. The Karmapa was impressed by his many works and especially by the planned restoration of the Svayambhū Stūpa.94 He later sent Tsangnyön a letter of praise in which he offered to assist him. The letter is included in Heart of the Sun: I, the one widely known as Karmapa, have the following to say: I have gradually heard about the actions for spreading the Kagyü teachings carried out by the mighty and holy yogin Tsangnyön. I have heard how he has printed the life story and song collection of the glorious Laughing Vajra (Milarepa), how he has established hermitages at the three holy mountains and so forth. I too feel happy and rejoice when I hear about it. In addition to that, the restorations of the Venerable All Trees (Svayambhū) and of the hermitages of Drin and Chuwar and so forth make the burden you are carrying for the Buddhist teachings huge. I will also assist you in whatever way I can; don’t give up!95 May the world be adorned with the blazing glory of auspiciousness!96 When the party arrived in Nepal, they were received with much pomp and glory. The king and his ministers and a large number of people met them and a huge welcoming ceremony was performed.97 Tsangnyön then carried out an offering feast and the work began. After the necessary rituals and ceremonies were performed, the dharma wheels (chos skor) and the parasol (gdug, chattra) were dismantled.98 At that point many of the Tibetans who were there to help with the restoration became afraid that an epidemic would come. They also feared that they might die from the heat if they stayed. Even some of

94 G: 214. 95 Nged rang gis kyang grogs su ci ’gyur byed pas / ’dir mi sleb pa mdzod / This is a tricky line and there are different ways of understanding it. I have relied upon Stearn’s [Kalnins’] translation when translating it. 96 G: 214. Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 77. 97 N: 20a–20b. 98 Rings (cakravāli) in various sizes are stacked on top of one another to make the cylinder that forms the upper part of the stūpa; the parasol is attached to the top of the cylinder. 180 part two

Tsangnyön’s own disciples began to lose their courage. Many people therefore returned to Tibet and only the most faithful disciples of Tsang- nyön remained. The loss of the Tibetan volunteers did not discourage Tsangnyön, however, and he found many other people who wanted to participate in the work.99 Toward the end of the project several obstacles arose. A swarm of bees attacked the workers and heavy rains made the work difficult. Tsangnyön managed to dispel the obstacles and the work continued. When they had renovated the whole stūpa as well as the surrounding chapels and path- ways, and had only to whitewash the stūpa and perform a consecration ceremony, a wind arose and swept away all dirt and unwanted materials. The area around the stūpa became clear and beautiful as if an expert cleaner had made everything very clean. On the actual day of the consecration, offerings from gods and non-humans filled the area. Everyone could hear heavenly music and beautiful clouds of various colors appeared in the clear sky.100 After four and a half months in Nepal, on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month, a Wood-Mouse year (1504),101 Tsangnyön completed the renovation of the stūpa. The renovation work itself took only two months and thirteen days.102 Since not even one of the participants in the project died or became sick, even those who had previously lacked devotion developed faith in Tsangnyön and said: “If [Tsangnyön] is not a siddha, then who is?”103 Back in Tibet, many of Tsangnyön’s disciples went into retreat, some for the rest of their lives. Lapchi, Tsari, the Six Forts, empty valleys, and solitary hermitages thus became filled with his yogin disciples. Before they left to go on retreat, Tsangnyön gave them all the instructions and material things they needed. Tsangnyön brought along his remaining disciples as attendants and went to Chuwar. By now he had become known as an “indisputable emanation, unrivaled on this earth.”104

99 N: 20b–21a. 100 N: 21b. 101 G: 225. 102 G: 220. The renovation took three months according to Lhatsün (L: 122). 103 N: 23a. 104 N: 23a. tsangnyön heruka 181

Figure 11. The Svayambhū Stūpa in Nepal, renovated by Tsangnyön 1504. The photo was taken during the final stages of the latest renovation 2010. 182 part two

The Last Tour

I bow down to you who acquired an indestructible vajra body. Still, in order to counteract adherence to permanence, at age fifty-six, accompanied by particularly wondrous signs and miracles, you went to the pure land of the ḍākinīs.105 During the next years Tsangnyön spent the winters in Chuwar and the summers in the forest of Onjung.106 While he was residing there, it became known that Dönyö Dorjé, the great Rinpungpa king, who was one of the most powerful leaders of Tibet at the time, was amassing an army of eighty thousand soldiers at Drakar Lingkha. He intended to use this army to strike at several locations in Southern Latö. Tsangnyön immediately sent a letter to his old patron, requesting him to disperse his armies, saying that to begin this kind of trouble in the middle of Ü-Tsang would be like starting a fire, which burns up everything. Dönyö Dorjé deferred to Tsangnyön’s wishes and the catastrophe was averted.107 During his three-year stay in Chuwar Tsangnyön composed a biography of Marpa and some more texts for the aural transmission compilation that he had been working on since his mid-twenties.108 Tsangnyön then exchanged his possessions for gold and copper which he sent to Nepal to gild the four pillars that supported the parasol of the Svayambhū Stūpa.109 Tsangnyön also planned to make golden prints of his aural transmission collection and place copies in each of his three favorite holy places: Tisé, Lapchi, and Tsari. He sent for master calligraphers, and Dakchen Chöjé and his family offered a large amount of paper. Unfortunately, a strong wind came and scattered the paper. Tsangnyön had to postpone his plans, and he made a few ordinary copies of his compilation instead.110 Tsangnyön then told his disciples to proofread his compilation and come to him to clear up any doubts or uncertainties that they might have. Oth- erwise, they would have much regret when he was gone, he said.111 Having completed the aural transmission compilation, his largest literary effort and one of his main missions in life, Tsangnyön said:

105 N: 2a. 106 G: 235. 107 G: 234; Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 39–40. 108 G: 235; N: 23b. For more information about these works, see chapter 9. 109 G: 235. 110 G: 245. This incident is referred to in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 40 and Sernesi 2011: 196. 111 G: 245. Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 40. tsangnyön heruka 183

I have fully devoted myself to the aural transmission and to the life story of the Venerable Mila. Now that the texts of the aural transmission are finished, my lifespan is also complete. I, an ascetic, have not done only a small amount of work for the teachings of the Buddha. Besides not having established a fund for completing a copy in gold of this aural transmission, as I had previously intended, and not having whitewashed the All Trees (Svayambhū) [again], I have no regrets, even if I died [today]. I also wonder if I will stay for long; I don’t know about that.112 Then, at age fifty-four (1505), Tsangnyön and a group of disciples departed for what was to be his last tour.113 When they left Chuwar several bad signs appeared and Tsangnyön’s health deteriorated. The glacier of the holy Tseringma Mountain fell down and a stream of holy water in Men- lung dried up.114 Despite, or perhaps because of, the bad omens, which indicated his approaching death, Tsangnyön traveled extensively, giving teachings and empowerments to a large number of people. In Tö, his patrons—the leader of Southern Latö, Künga Namgyal, and the leader of Northern Latö, Künga Lekpa—came to meet him. The leaders and their ministers offered Tsangnyön perfect service and veneration.115 Tsangnyön then received an invitation from the Rinpung king, Dönyö Dorjé, and went to Shang Namgyal Ling to meet with the great leader, whose exalted status was shown in his many honorific titles: “the emperor (sa skyong), the dharma king (chos kyi rgyal po), and the lord of mankind (mi dbang).”116 Wherever Tsangnyön and his disciples traveled, people assembled to get a glimpse of Tsangnyön and show their veneration. According to Ngödrub Pembar, so many people gathered that it was almost impossible to come near or prostrate to Tsangnyön.117

112 G: 246. This passage is also translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 41. A similar passage is found in N: 23b. 113 L: 124. 114 N: 23b. 115 L: 124, N: 24a. Künga Namgyal’s full name is Künga Nampar Gyalwa Rabtu Tenpé Dorjé Palzangpo, and he is mentioned in Ngawang Kalden Gyamtso’s Shel dkar chos ’byung (Ngag dbang skal ldan rgya mtsho 1996: 7b). Künga Namgyal was the ruler of Southern Latö and the son of the previous ruler, Drölma Sönam Palzangpo. According to the Gung thang gdung rabs he was married to the daughter of the king of Gungtang, Namgyal Dé (Wangdu and Diemberger 1996: 31). As we saw above (p. 165), Künga Lekpa was the son of Namkha Dorjé, and had become Tsangyön’s patron more than twenty years before this meeting. 116 N: 24a. Götsangrepa provides more details about this meeting and other interactions between Tsangnyön and Dönyö Dorjé (G: 251–255, see also Sørensen and Hazod 2007: 503, n. 169–170). 117 N: 24a. 184 part two

Tsangnyön, Dönyö Dorjé, and their many followers then went to Sam- drubtsé (Shigatsé) where Tsangnyön taught Buddhism to a large number of people.118 Tsangnyön and his followers then went to Norbu Khyungtsé, a town situated about 42 km southeast of Samdrubtsé, where they spent the summer. There he continued to “turn the profound and extensive wheel of dharma for the fortunate persons and established them on the path of ripening and liberation.”119 Tsangnyön and his many followers then went toward Lhasa. On the way a lama named Namkha Wangpo asked Tsangnyön: “What lineage do you follow? Which lama has been kindest toward you? What experiences and understandings do you have?” Tsangnyön answered, “My lineage is the renowned Dakpo Kagyü, [my] lama is Shara Rabjampa, and I have no experience or realization at all.”120 When he arrived in Lhasa, Tsangnyön went to holy Jowo statue, where he offered butter lamps and made “perfectly pure aspirational prayers for the spread of the teachings and the happiness of beings.”121 Tsangnyön also met his powerful patron Dönyö Dorjé again and managed to use his influence to avert a war in Ngari Dzongkar.122 Götsangrepa then describes an interesting incident that is not mentioned by the other disciples. Just like the Buddha, Tsangnyön deliberately ate some bad food that eventually killed him.123

Final Nirvana

Tsangnyön spent the winter at Zalmodrak where, despite his bad health, he gave teachings and empowerments to five hundred people.124 Ngödrub Pembar describes how his health deteriorated while he “turned the immense dharma wheel and taught whatever dharma was wanted.”125

118 N: 24a. 119 N: 24b. According to Ngödrub Pembar, Tsangnyön then went to Kharkha to perform the cremation ceremonies for his mother (N: 24b). Götsangrepa also describes this visit and mentions that he visited Kharkha in the autumn (G: 253). But, as seen above, Lhatsün places this visit earlier. 120 L: 125. 121 N: 24b. Jowo is a very famous statue of the Buddha in the Jokhang Temple in Lhasa, which was brought to Tibet from China by the queen of Songtsen Gampo. 122 G: 254. 123 G: 254. 124 N: 24b; G: 256. 125 N: 24b. tsangnyön heruka 185

Tsangnyön’s disciples begged him to stop his teachings and take care of his health. Tsangnyön refused to listen to them, saying: “If I die for the sake of the teachings and the beings, it is alright. I cannot give up the dharma.”126 Without interruption, he gave the remaining teaching, perfectly giving each and every individual person instructions and thereby establishing “those who listened on the path of ripening and liberation.”127 Having satisfied everyone with the extensive teaching, he continued to travel. His path went through Yarlung, despite his bad health, he visited his heart-son Chöchok Palzang, who was on his deathbed.128 Tsangnyön then received an invitation from the king (gong ma) of Neudong, Ngawang Tashi Drakpa (1488–1564).129 Ngawang Tashi Drakpa was the eleventh Pakmodru ruler and his pompous title was a remnant of the former glory of the Pakmodrupa kings. Ngawang Tashi Drakpa was now old enough to reclaim his position as the legitimate leader of Central Tibet, and the Pakmodrupa would rise to power again some ten years after Tsangnyön’s passing. According to the biographies, Tsangnyön was so sick at this point that he had to decline the invitation. He could not even walk, so his disciples carried him on a palanquin. Prayers and rituals were performed day and night, but to no avail. Tsangnyön told his disciples that “Since the end of my life has arrived, healing ceremonies (rim ’gros) will not help. Nevertheless, in order to complete your accu- mulations [of merit], exert yourself in performing them!”130 They did “as Tsangnyön instructed, but the situation was like an elephant sinking in mud, and nothing helped.”131 It became increasingly obvious that Tsangnyön was about to depart to the celestial regions, and instead of continuing toward his favorite place, Tsari, he needed to be taken somewhere closer by. Different options were considered and when Tsangnyön heard the name Rechung Puk being suggested he was delighted and said, “Let’s go there now. The Father shall die in the house of the Son.”132

126 N: 24b. 127 N: 24b. 128 N: 24b–25a. 129 His full name is provided in Heart of the Sun: Ngagi Wangchuk Tashi Drakpa Gyaltsen Palzangpo (G: 258). For a study of him and other Pakmodru leaders, see Czaja, forthcoming. 130 N: 25a. 131 N: 25a. 132 G: 270. 186 part two

Figure 12. Rechung Puk, where Tsangnyön Heruka passed away in 1507. Above the renovated cave-temple are the ruins of the monastery that was built after Tsangnyön’s time.

Rechung Puk (Cave of Rechung) is a site associated with Milarepa’s noto- rious disciple Rechungpa, and the fact that Tsangnyön chose to die at that place shows that he had a particular link with Rechungpa and his transmission lineage, and also that he regarded himself as Milarepa, the spiritual father of Rechungpa.133 When Tsangnyön had arrived in Rechung Puk beautiful rainbow-hued clouds arose from Tsari every morning and then returned to Tsari again each evening for nine days in a row.134 Tsangnyön’s disciples also had many dreams that foretold Tsangnyön’s death. During his stay Tsangnyön kept asking his disciples about the date, and on the thirteenth day of the month he began to give instructions and also told his secret life story (gsang ba’i rnam thar).135 Then the heart-sons who were with Tsangnyön said, “If it is certain that you are going to another buddha-field, please give us some advice that

133 More information on Rechung Puk is given in chapter 10 and in the epilogue. 134 N: 25b. 135 N: 25b–26b. The secret life story was presented above (pp. 128–129). tsangnyön heruka 187 applies to our humble minds, the precepts on what we, your followers, should do and not do.”136 In answer to their request Tsangnyön said, Now on my final resting place, having made many preparations for the moment of death, nothing else is needed. If you listen to my words, then devote your entire life to practice. To do so is to fulfill the intentions of not only me, but all the buddhas and bodhisattvas. Monks, disciples, and patrons, you have met Milarepa himself in this degenerate age, so you have good karma and fortune. Read continuously the life story of Mila and devote your life to practice!137 [In it,] you will hear my actual speech, and you will be taken care of. It was composed within the state of dharmatā. Evaṃ!”138 Then on the fifteenth day (full moon) of the month the physician who checked Tsangnyön’s pulse found that the pulse had stopped and started to cry. Tsangnyön comforted him with the following words, “There is no reason to be sad about my going. Knowing that death would come, I devoted my whole life to practice in the three holy mountain places. But this is your way of acting. While ordinary people become afraid, for the yogin it doesn’t seem like death.”139 Having said this Tsangnyön told his disciples to offer gtor mas. That day beautifully shaped and many colored rainbow-hued clouds, like they had never seen before, filled the clear sky. Especially in front of Tsang- nyön’s quarters, around the sun there formed a dome of five-colored rainbows, the interior of which was filled with shapes like a mandala, offering goddesses, and various divine hand symbols, all made out of rainbows. Because these many amazing signs coincided with Tsangnyön’s severe illness, everyone said to each other, “The prayers are not working, and he is about to go to another buddha-field, isn’t he?” Everyone became frightened, sad, and greatly concerned.140 Then Tsangnyön told his disciples to dress him in new clothes and prepare offerings and gtor mas. There was a small veranda where he could spend the day and there they prepared his bed. Near [Tsangnyön] they sat out offerings and gtor mas, and after performing extensive dedications, on a Female Fire-Rabbit Year (1507) called rab byung, on the fifteenth day of the fifth Hor month, just

136 N: 26b. 137 Some lines translated in Quintman 2006: 260. 138 N: 26b. Cf. Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 11; G: 273; Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 27a. Some of these lines are translated in Quintman 2006: 260, and the last part of the instructions is translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 81. 139 N: 26b. 140 This is a summary of Lion of Faith (N: 26b–27a). 188 part two

as the sun was setting, the lord said, “My sitting position should be made comfortable!” and he straightened his body. [Then,] in order to expel the clinging to permanence of those disciples who clung to permanence, and [for the sake] of the sublime teaching, and to generate in the scholars (dge ba’i bshes) a perception of that which is so difficult to find, he displayed the way of dissolving the appearance of his form-body into the expanse of the dharmakāya. The sun of the teachings set in this snowy region in the north (Tibet), a part of the indivisible world, and it became dusk.141 Ngödrub Pembar and Götsangrepa then continue to describe the many apparitions and wonders that appeared during and after Tsangnyön’s death, not least during his cremation ceremony.142

141 N: 27a–27b. 142 Kurtis Schaeffer has written about Tsangnyön’s death as portrayed in Heart of the Sun and compared it with the death scene of Milarepa as Tsangnyön described it, and also with the death scene of Sönam Lodrö, who was a disciple of Tsangnyön (Schaeffer 2007: 218–221). As mentioned earlier, the last part of Tsangnyön’s life is described very briefly in Making the Body-Hairs of the Faithful Flutter and Lhatsün directs those who want to know more about it to other accounts, probably Götsangrepa’s and Ngödrub Pembar’s (L: 126). Chapter eight

Tsangnyön Heruka and Tantric Buddhism

Tsangnyön vigorously practiced Tantric Buddhism until he reached accomplishment (siddhi) and became an accomplished one (siddha). Heart of the Sun mentions that while Tsangnyön was staying in Menkhab, a certain Dzetrampa remarked that: Many true yogins of India adopted the hand symbols, the heruka implements, and the long hair and so forth, of the Secret Mantra Vajra vehicle, but in Tibet, besides a few with long and matted hair, no one before the Lord [Tsangnyön] wore the completely perfect heruka implements. At present there are many who dress like this [like a heruka] outwardly, but lack the inner qualities or experiential realization [of a true heruka]. As for us disciples, unless we have permission, we are not allowed to take on the manner and wear the garments of a heruka. Concerning this, what inner experience, realization, and qualities need [a yogin attain] to be allowed to use the heruka garments?1 This is an interesting question since it implies that Dzetrampa considered Tsangnyön to be the first person in Tibet who dressed and acted like “many true yogins of India,” namely with the authority to wear the full heruka garments (he ru ka’i chas). The heruka garments consist of six ornaments made of human bone: crown ornament, earrings, necklace, bracelets, shoulder-belt, and ashes from a cremated corpse.2 Besides these ornaments the yogin wears a tiger-skin skirt and carries a tantric staff in his right hand and a skull-cup in his left.3 This chapter addresses Dzetrampa’s question in a somewhat detailed fashion. What do Indian and Tibetan tantric Buddhist texts and masters actually say about the path of the heruka? What is meant, for example, by a heruka? Who is allowed to dress and act like a heruka? How does such a practitioner act and dress? When, or more precisely, at what point in one’s tantric practice, is one allowed to perform these practices? Finally,

1 G: 230. 2 There are different lists of the six bone ornaments (rus pa’i rgyan drug). I have followed Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo (Zhang Yisun et al. 1996: 2713). 3 Das 1998: 1329. 190 part two

Figure 13. Statue of Tsangnyön Heruka. tsangnyön heruka 191 how did Tsangnyön himself answer Dzetrampa’s question about the attainments of a heruka?

Precursors and Parallels to Tantric Buddhism

Many of the unusual and seemingly crazy practices that are described in the biographies of Tsangnyön originate in India. In the block-print pictures and statues that have been preserved, Tsangnyön looks similar to an Indian Buddhist siddha.4 Tsangnyön is portrayed with long hair tied up in a topknot, his ears adorned with large round earrings. He usually has a mustache and a goatee. He looks straight forward with his eyes open. In his right hand he holds a vajra, and in his left hand a skull-cup. His tantric staff usually stands upright behind him; he is often supported by a meditation belt. His body is adorned with the six kinds of bone ornaments, and he is naked or dressed only in a small loincloth. Sometimes he sits crosslegged in vajra-posture, but more often his right leg is slightly extended. The ascetic practices that Tsangnyön practiced, such as going around naked, living in caves and charnel grounds, and wandering around with no fixed abode, existed in India long before they were integrated into Bud- dhist practice, and can best be understood as a form of ascetic discipline with deep roots in Indian traditions.5 A hymn in the Ṛg Veda describes a

4 Block-print pictures of Tsangnyön are found in many of the works related to the so- called ‘Tsangnyön school.’ See, for example, G: 3, L: 2; N: 1b; Bya bral pa tshul khrims dpal ldan 1544: 1a; Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 452; Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 275; Lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal 1543: 1a; Lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal, Rgyud kyi dgongs pa gtsor ston pa phyag rgya chen po yig ge bzhi pa’i ’brel bshad gnyug ma’i gter mdzod ces bya ba 1561: 1b; Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]: 1b; Rnal ’byor dbang phyug lha btsun chos kyi rgyal po’i rnam thar gyi smad cha: 2a; Sangs rgyas dar po dpal bzang 1540: 116a. Two partly colored wood-block pictures of Tsangnyön are reproduced in Clemente 2007: 128, plates 4 and 5. Two statues are reproduced in Dinwiddie 2003: 154–157. Pictures of both these statues are also included in Monastaries y lamas del Tibet: Exposición Orgnizada por la Fundación ”La Caixa” 2000: 179–180 and in this book as well (see figures 13 and 16, and the cover). Yet another statue from the sixteenth century is reproduced in Linrothe 2006: 373. The same statue is also found in Stearns 2007: 73. Tsangnyön is also sometimes depicted in the background of thankas. See for example, Essen, Gerd Wolfgang and Thingo, Tsering Tashi 1989: 132, picture no. II-284. Tsangnyön is the central figure in a thanka which is on display on the Himalayan Art website (http://www.himalayanart.org/image.cfm/58353 .html); unfortunately this thanka is in quite bad condition. Several statues of Tsangnyön are also depicted on this website. 5 Mad behavior is also common in Indian devotionalism (bhakti). See, for example, Kinsley 1974; McDaniel 1989; Yocum 1983. In my opinion, ‘bhakti-madness’ is a different 192 part two long-haired ascetic (Keśin) as being “crazy with asceticism.”6 The hymn also associates this ascetic with the god Rudra, which indicates that the Keśin was on the margin of Vedic society, although the god Rudra was eventually transformed into, and identified as, the god Śiva. The Indian Buddhist siddhas resembled the Śaiva yogins, and both groups of practitioners followed a path with similar methods and practices.7 According to Ronald Davidson, the three Śaiva sects that most influenced the Buddhist siddha practice were the Kāpālika, Kaula, and Pāśupata denominations.8 One of the most notable features of the Pāśupata practice is an ascetic observance (vrata) which consists of four successive stages of discipline.9 During the second, so-called un-marked (avyakta) stage, the Pāśupata yogin was supposed to act like a madman. He was to leave the temple and abandon the identifying marks of his sect. Without anyone knowing his true identity as a Pāśupata yogin, he was to go to places where people could see him and deliberately and publicly act in ways that appeared to be mad.10 The Kāpālikas lived in the cremation grounds where they practiced a form of asceticism that was even more outrageous and antinomian than that of the Pāśupatas. The Kāpālikas worshiped the ferocious forms of Śiva, such as Bhairava and his consort Bhairavī, whom they emulated in a quite literal way that made them controversial and also feared. They had a number of visible attributes that made them stand out11 and they practiced an observance (vrata) called kāpālavrata (skull-observance) or

type of madness than that of the Tibetan mad yogins, and it will therefore not be examined here. 6 Ṛg Veda 10.136, 3a: unmaditā mauneyena. Translated in O’Flaherty 1981: 137–138. For a study of the Keśin hymn, see Deeg 1993: 97–117. 7 Sanderson has written much about the similarities between Tantric Buddhism and Śaivism. See, for example, Sanderson 1990; Sanderson 1994; Sanderson 2001. 8 Davidson 2002: 177. 9 This vrata is sometimes called pāśupatavrata. There are different ways of enumerating the stages. According to some they followed three stages (for example, Flood 1996: 156–157), and according to others, five stages (for example, Davidson 2002: 183). The differences concern the last stages that either could be counted as one, two or three. Since it is the first two stages that concern us here these different ways of counting are irrelevant. 10 See, for example, Lorenzen 1991: 185. A translation of the section of Pāśupatasūtra that deals with the second stage with an abbreviated translation of Kauṇḍiya’s commentary is found in Ingalls 1962: 285–291. 11 Rāmanuja lists six primary signs of kāpālika worship: a necklace, a neck ornament, large earrings, a jewel in their hair, ashes, and a sacred thread (Rāmanuja cited in Loren- zen 1972: 2). tsangnyön heruka 193 mahāvrata (great observance)12 whereby they carried around a human skull (kapāla) and a skull-topped staff (khaṭvāṅga). Both the skull and the staff were equally important to the Lākulīśa Pāśupatas and to many of the Buddhist siddhas; they too were skull bearers—Kāpālikas—but of a different kind. For the Śaiva Kāpālikas it was not enough to invoke and worship Śiva. They instead wanted to become Śiva and thus emulated the god in their own behavior and outlook. Gavin Flood points out that “the goal of the Kāpālika was power (siddhi) which he thought he could achieve through breaking social taboos.”13 Alexis Sanderson notes that the Kāpālika culture of the cremation ground also permeates the Kaula or Kula tradition.14 This tradition contained many transgressive practices and those who followed the tradition were known to use impurities as a means to gain magical power.15 The Kulārṇava Tantra, for example, encourages the participants in a certain ritual to act as if they were mad, and “this behavior carried into the public domain is intended to indicate the supremacy of the kula path.”16 The female goddesses or spirits around which the Kaula/Kula cult was centered are known as yoginīs. The term Kaula/Kula refers to families of yoginīs who are retinues of tantric deities and their consorts.17 Ḍākinī is a general term that could be used as an equivalent of both yoginī and devī, and like these terms it could refer to both humans and non-humans (i.e. goddesses). Adelheid Herrmann-Pfandt states that the word ḍākinī is explained in tantric Buddhist texts as “female skygoer” (ākāśagāminī).18 This explains why the Tibetans translated the Sanskrit term ḍākinī as mkha’ ’gro or mkha’ ’gro ma, which mean ‘skygoer’ and ‘female skygoer,’ respectively.19 The term ḍākinī was used by both Hindus and Buddhists, and early examples of the use of the term are found in texts dating back

12 For the history of this observance, see, for example, Deeg 1993: 130–136; Lorenzen 1972: 74, 76; Sanderson 1990: 134. Lewis 1989: 109. 13 Flood 1996: 165. 14 Sanderson 1990: 138–139. 15 Flood 1996: 190. 16 Braveman 2003: 222. 17 Flood 1996: 166. 18 Herrmann-Pfandt 1992a: 46. See also Herrmann-Pfandt 1992b. Another more common equivalent is khecara/ī. 19 The term is explained in Ratnākaraśāntī’s commentary to the Mahāmāyā Tantra. For the section in Sanskrit, see Mahāmāyātantram with Guṇavatī by Ratnākaraśāntī 1992: 3; for the Tibetan translation of this passage, see the same title pp. 79–80. The text is listed under its title under the heading ‘other references’ in the bibliography. 194 part two to the third to fifth centuries.20 It should be observed that one of the most central transmission lineages that Tsangnyön practiced and disseminated was called the Aural Transmission of the Ḍākinīs—a lineage originating in oral teachings of a non-human ḍākinī.

Buddhist Lifestyles Buddhism arose as one of several ascetic movements in India, and while antinomian and seemingly mad practices are in evidence among some of these ascetic groups, madness and transgressive practices are not what come to mind when one sets out to describe the historical Buddha and early Buddhism. There are, however, some similarities between the early Indian forest monks, whose living lineage of ascetic practices continues today in Sri Lanka and Thailand, and the mad yogins of Tibet. Both groups lived the life of homeless wanderers and devoted much of their time to secluded meditation practice. Both sometimes lived in charnel grounds and even dressed in clothes or shrouds taken from corpses. “Given Indian fastidiousness about death pollution,” this practice must have been considered very offensive and definitely transgressive.21 Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah has pointed out that there is a well-entrenched duality within the Buddhist Sangha between monks who are labeled village or town dwellers (Pali: gāmavāsī/nagaravāsī) and those who are labeled forest dwellers (Pali: āraññavāsī/vanavāsī ).22 The latter emulated the meditative and itinerant lifestyle of the Buddha and his early followers, while the former settled down and often devoted their time to study and rituals. The individual ascetic practices of the forest monks are called dhutaguṇa practices.23 These practices are described in both Theravāda and Mahāyāna texts and two formulations became standard: a thirteen-item list in the Theravāda tradition, and a twelve-item list in the Mahāyāna.24 Several of

20 Herrmann-Pfandt 1992a: 46. 21 Schopen 2007: 64. 22 Tambiah 1984: 53. For a detailed study of the meditative and non-monastic side of Buddhism, see Ray 1994. 23 These practices are described in Visuddhimagga, see Buddhaghosa 1999: 58–81. 24 The two lists are almost identical and since it is the Mahāyāna list that became used in Tibetan Buddhism it is sufficient to enumerate this list: (1) wear rags taken from a refuse heap (pāṃśukūlika, gos phyag dar khrod pa); (2) wear the three (monastic) robes (traicīvarika, chos gos gsum pa); (3) wear garments of felt (nāmatika, phying ba pa); (4) live on alms food (paiṇḍapātika, bsod snyoms pa); (5) follow [eating] one meal a day (aikāsanika, stan gcig pa); (6) do not eat after (the time when one should cease tsangnyön heruka 195 the practices enumerated concern one’s place of residence. Monks who abide by these dhutaguṇa practices should live in a forest, under a tree, in the open air, or in charnel grounds. The monks who adhere to these ascetic practices are thus homeless wanderers, and in early Buddhism this kind of lifestyle seems to have been preferred. Although the monks were encouraged to travel and live the life of a homeless renunciate, since there was no rule against settling down, some monks abandoned the itinerant lifestyle of their founder and began to live permanently in what were to become the first monasteries.25 This was the starting point of the monastic way of life that was to become of pivotal importance for the development of Buddhism. As the monasteries became increasingly larger, considerable changes took place regarding the lifestyle of the monks. Gombrich has stated that “most of these changes can be seen as a move away from asceticism,” with “the general tendency of early developments” being “toward an easier life for monks.”26 As mentioned above, the forest-monks were primarily devoted to meditation practice, while the monks who settled down in towns and villages tended to focus on books and learning.27 Every monk, regardless of type (i.e. forest or village) ideally combined these two different pursuits, but in reality there was a tendency to separate study and meditation. There were even some monks who argued that it was possible to obtain enlightenment without meditation.28 The tension between the ascetic monks of the forests and mountains with their focus on meditation and the monks of the monasteries with their focus upon studies seems to be ever present in the history of Bud- dhism, and the tendency to separate meditation and study is still visible in many Buddhist countries today.29 While the ascetic, homeless, and eating) (khalupaścādbhaktika, zas phyis mi len pa); (7) dwell in the forest (āraṇyaka, dgon pa ba); (8) live at the foot of a tree (vṛkṣamūlika, shing drung pa); (9) live in the open air (ābhyavakāśika, bla gab med pa); (10) live in charnel grounds (śmāśānika, dur khrod pa); (11) remain in a sitting posture, not lying down (naiṣadika, tsog pu ba); (12) accept any seat that may be offered (yāthāsaṃstarika, gzhi ji bzhin pa). 25 According to Gregory Schopen permanent dwellings for the monks are not attested in the archaelogical records until around the beginning of the Common Era (Schopen 2007: 61). 26 Gombrich 1984: 80–81. 27 See, for example, Tambiah 1984: 53. 28 Gombrich has described this as an ancient debate attested to in the canonical Pali scriptures (Gombrich 1996). 29 Jane Bunnag has, for example, shown that many monks in present-day Thailand prefer studies over meditation. Studies are more provable and concrete, and they are also more easily assessed in terms of academic degrees and certificates. Meditation on the 196 part two wandering lifestyle of the forest monks has often given way to the more comfortable life of settled, institutionalized monasticism, from time to time revivalist movements have appeared, and charismatic forest-type monks have become popular, attracting new proselytes to join their way of life. Yet such popularity may be a double-edged sword, for large fol- lowings and donations may actually endanger the secluded and solitary lifestyle of the forest monks. In any case, both the ascetic and monastic lifestyles and their respective vocations were and are considered important in Buddhism.30 Despite any tension between them, the two sides remain mutually interdependent, since it is impossible to practice and meditate without a tradition that preserves and teaches the Buddhist teachings.31

Mahāyāna Buddhism One of the important developments of Mahāyāna Buddhism was to shift the ideal from the figure of the arhant to the bodhisattva. Another important doctrinal development, which had a profound effect upon Buddhist practice, was to stress the empty (śūnya) nature of all phenomena. Both of these characteristic elements of Mahāyāna Buddhism had far-reaching consequences that can help us to come to terms with the odd behavior of the mad yogins of Tibet. Let us start with the bodhisattva ideal. The bodhisattva is a ‘buddha- to-be’ who devotes his life to benefitting all sentient beings, and often performs what appear to be rather extreme altruistic acts. The famous story of prince Viśvāntara (Pali: Vessantara) shows how the Buddha, in a previous life, did not hesitate to give away everything he had, even his wife and children, when someone asked for them. In another previous life, the Buddha out of compassion offered his own body as food to a starving tigress and her cubs, thereby saving their lives.32 These kinds of

other hand is looked upon with skepticism by many monks and regarded as the domain of nuns, magicians, and pilgrims (Bunnag 1984: 165). 30 Geoffrey Samuel has made a somewhat similar division between what he calls “cleri- cal” and “shamanic” Buddhism (Samuel 1993: 3–23, 568–573). Though his categories are designed for Tibetan Buddhism, they resemble the division between forest and village monks in several ways. 31 There is a historical and pragmatic explanation of the monks’ tendency to focus on studies and learning. After the Buddha passed away it was important to remember, preserve, and maintain his teachings, and the process of memorizing and writing down the Buddha’s teachings required specialized learned monks who devoted all their time and energy to this difficult task. 32 See, for example, Dalton 2011: 26–27. tsangnyön heruka 197 actions, which demonstrate a complete lack of self-interest, differ radically from the actions of ordinary people, who form strong attachments to their bodies, their possessions, and their lives. Such extreme altruistic acts, whether performed in actuality or contemplated as an ideal, could very well appear mad in the eyes of people who do not share the bodhisattva’s selfless motivation. A bodhisattva is also prepared to ignore Buddhist rules and regulations if necessary. There are several examples of how the individual liberation vows taken by a monk or nun could sometimes hinder a bodhisattva in his or her attempts to help other beings. Thus we are told that a bodhisattva once killed a murderer-to-be before he had committed his crime. This he did to save the life of five hundred people who were about to be killed, and at the same time to save the murderer-to-be from having to be reborn in hell as a consequence of the negative act of killing. The bodhisattva did not care if the negative act of killing a human being caused himself future suffering, for his sole concern was the well-being of others. The story relates that since he had no egoistic motivation when he performed the negative act, he actually earned a huge amount of merit.33 The idea of emptiness or śūnyatā is intimately connected with the compassionate and selfless nature of the bodhisattva. According to the Mahāyāna teachings it is, in fact, the realization of the empty nature of the self and all phenomena that enables the bodhisattva to give away everything and act without any self-concern. The bodhisattva has realized that no self exists, and s/he therefore has no attachment to self or anything else. Perceiving all things in a completely non-dualistic way, the bodhisattva is able to act with true altruism. The doctrine of emptiness proclaims that all phenomena, seen from an absolute perspective, are neither pure nor impure, but are in fact empty. This idea gives rise to what, seen from the perspective of the older Bud- dhist schools, appears to be rather radical, even shocking, innovations. The doctrine of emptiness is clearly formulated in the Heart Sūtra: “Form is empty; emptiness is form. Emptiness is not other than form; form is not other than emptiness. In the same way, feeling, discrimination, condition- ing factors, and consciousnesses are empty.”34

33 The story is found in the Skill-in-Means (Upāyakauśalaya) Sūtra, a Mahāyāna work that may date from as early as the turn of the common era (Dalton 2011: 26). The story is cited in, for example, Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 125. 34 Lopez 1996: vii. 198 part two

The Indian master Nāgārjuna, who is considered to be the founder of the madhyamaka philosophical system of Mahāyāna Buddhism, was perhaps the most important propagator of these ideas, and his influence upon Tibetan Buddhism was huge. According to Nāgārjuna and his madh yamaka philosophical system, samsara and nirvana are not different entities, but share the same fundamental characteristic, namely emptiness. This means that in the eyes of a realized master, samsara is nirvana. John Ardussi asserts that the philosophical position of the mādhyamika developed by Nāgārjuna in India underlies the behavior of the mad yogins of Tibet.35 This does not mean that the mad yogins were necessarily expert mādhyamikas, but merely that the madhyamaka philosophy facilitates non-dual and transgressive behavior. The Tibetan mad yogins could thus claim that their realization of the empty nature of all phenomena was demonstrated by their acting in mad ways. Another important Mahāyāna term which is used when adopting uncon ventional or new ways of practice is method (upāya).36 A bodhisattva could, and should, apply various methods to help others. If necessary, he (or she) could not only transgress Buddhist precepts but also act crazily to benefit others and spread the Buddhist doctrine.

Tantric Practice

Contrary to the ways in which the early Buddhists and also the bodhisattvas are generally presented, Tsangnyön sometimes acted in very outrageous and seemingly crazy ways. This type of extreme or radical asceticism was not common among early Buddhists, although it is found among some of the tantric Buddhist masters. When Tsangnyön’s unusual ways of behaving were questioned, he and his disciples often referred to the Buddhist siddhas and to tantric Buddhist practices to provide a context for his actions. Tantric Buddhism, which is sometimes called the Vajrayāna (Vajra vehicle) or Mantrayāna (Mantra vehicle), has the same basic doctrinal foundation as the Mahāyāna tradition and is considered part of the Mahāyāna tradition, while differing rather radically in its methodology. The higher or later forms of tantric practices (i.e. mahāyogatantra and yoginītantra) in particular prescribe methods of a transgressive, antinomian, and some-

35 Ardussi 1972: 30–31; see also, Ardussi and Epstein 1978: 327–329. 36 For more information about upāya in Mahāyāna Buddhism, see Pye 2003. tsangnyön heruka 199 times seemingly mad character.37 According to the Vajrayāna teachings the tantric practices are much more efficient than the practices based on the sūtras, and at a rather early date a differentiation was made within the Mahāyāna tradition between the gradual and long Way of the Perfections (pāramitānaya) and the direct and short Way of Mantras (mantranaya). The latter path, which as its name implies relies on the use of mantras, is considered more advanced and potentially dangerous. By following the path of mantra (i.e. tantra) it is said to be possible to reach the goal of enlightenment within a single lifetime. The central practice in Tantric Buddhism is the sādhana (or sādhanā) practice.38 This is a ritual practice centered on a chosen deity (iṣṭadevatā, yi dam)39 which the yogin evokes by means of visualizations and mantra recitations. While this technique is also found in Hinduism, the setting in which it is employed is not. The ritual starts with taking refuge in the Triple Gem (Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha) and generating an altruistic mind (bodhicitta). Both before and after the visualizations and mantra recitations are performed, the practitioner ritually evokes the state of emptiness (śūnyatā). The setting thus situates the ritual within a basic Buddhist and Mahāyānist ethical and doctrinal context.40 The sādhana practice is divided into two phases, the ‘generation phase’ and the ‘completion phase.’41 During the first phase (the generation phase),

37 There are different ways of classifying the tantras and I am using a fivefold system in this section: kriyātantra, caryātantra, yogatantra, mahāyogatantra and yoginītantra. This classification is broadly chronological, and it was developed within the Indian tantric tradition itself. According to the Vajrayāna teachings, the fivefold system represents a gradual development, from lower or more basic tantras to higher or more advanced ones. The newer schools of Tibetan Buddhism (gsar ma) usually use a fourfold classification system: kriyātantra (bya rgyud), caryātantra (spyod rgyud), yogatantra (rnal ’byor rgyud), and anuttarayogatantra (rnal ’byor bla na med pa rgyud). Anuttarayogatantra is in turn subdivided into mother tantras (ma rgyud) and father tantras (pha rgyud); the former term refers to yoginītantra while the latter refers to mahāyogatantra. 38 ‘Means of accomplishment’ (sgrub thabs). 39 Contrary to prior practice, I render Sanskrit before Tibetan in the parentheses and footnotes in this and following sections, since they deal with Indic material. I also include Tibetan words in parentheses rather frequently, sometimes without giving Sanskrit equivalents. The reason for this is that these Indological sections are necessary background material for subsequent discussion about how these practices were used by Tsangnyön and the other mad yogins of Tibet. 40 Cf. Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 229. 41 What follows is a very abbreviated and simplified description of sādhana practice within Tantric Buddhism. For a detailed study of sādhana rituals, see Beyer 1973. Some other accounts are found in: Bokar 1991 and 1999; Cozort 1996; Kongtrul 2002; Lopez 2002: 224–227; Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 223–231. It should be kept in mind that practical information about how Buddhist sādhana practice is performed generally stems from 200 part two the practitioner visualizes the chosen deity and his/her mandala. Visual- izations follow a similar pattern in different sādhanas, but depending on the length of the texts and the type of tantra (i.e. kriyātantra, caryātantra, yogatantra, mahāyogatantra, yoginītantra), the sādhana can be more or less elaborate, and variations occur. Generally, the generation phase consists of the following scenario: Out of emptiness a seed syllable emerges and from it the deity is created. The deity is thereafter described in some detail: its color, number of arms, ornaments, bodily position, surroundings, entourage (its mandala), and so forth. Then worship is offered and offerings (pūjā) are made to the visualized deity. Depending on the text, one either visualizes the deity in front of oneself (mdun bskyed) or in the vase at the altar (bum bskyed), or one visualizes oneself as the deity (bdag bskyed). These various ways of visualizing the deity are sometimes performed in succession in more elaborate rituals, but in shorter sādhanas the focus is upon one of them. The deity that is being visualized (or created if you will) in the mind of the practitioner is called ‘conventional being.’ This mentally created deity is then ritually transformed into the actual deity, the ‘wisdom being.’42 When this occurs the deity is actually present, or as Anthony Tribe describes it, “at that point the sādhaka becomes the deity” (if it is a self-visualization), or the deity “really appears” (if it is a visualization in front of oneself ).43 An important and often dominating part of the ritual, at least when it is performed as a meditation practice, is mantra recitation.44 Each deity has its own mantra and the same deity often has several different mantras associated with its different aspects. These mantras are believed to possess certain powers and to fulfill specific functions when recited. Reciting

the Tibetan tradition where this type of practice is still considered very important. Many Tibetan lamas, both of earlier and more recent times, have commented upon these practices. Although some Indian commentaries are extant, Tibetan translations and commentaries written by Tibetan lamas have informed and dominated the way in which tantric Buddhist practice is conceived in the West and elsewhere. 42 For the Tibetan and occasionally Sanskrit equivalents of these and other terms, see glossary. 43 Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 230. 44 Sādhanas are often carried out as regular, communal rituals, and when this is the case mantra recitation often constitutes a rather small part of the overall ritual (i.e. only a small numbers of mantras are recited). When performed as a meditation practice (in retreat or during a practitioner’s daily personal practice) the mantras are counted, and a large number of mantras are recited during each meditation session. Several such sessions can be carried out everyday. It can take months, even years, to complete a certain practice (i.e. until the required number of mantras for the particular practice, perhaps a hundred thousand or a million mantras, have been recited). tsangnyön heruka 201 the mantra in combination with the accompanying visualization acti- vates this innate power, which in turn is associated with the chosen deity (yidam). Compassion, for example, is believed to be generated and spread by the recitation of Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ, the mantra of Avalokiteśvara, the bodhisattva of compassion. Once the deity has been visualized and its mantra recited, the second of the two phases, the ‘completion phase,’ begins. During the completion phase the notion of being separated from the deity disappears, and the deity—as an expression of enlightenment—and the practitioner’s own mind are no longer perceived as separate entities. This phase of the sādhana practice can be subdivided into several parts, the two main ones being the ‘completion phase with signs’ and the ‘completion phase without signs.’ The completion phase with signs consists of several yogic practices that involve manipulating the subtle energies or winds that are believed to circulate in channels in the subtle body that is thought to underlie the gross physical body of the practitioner. There are three main channels and several minor ones in which these winds circulate, and the channels are wrapped around the central channel at several points of junction called wheels. There are also subtle essences called drops which are yogically manipulated. These types of yogic practices are termed ‘with signs’ because the practitioner continues to visualize him or herself as a deity while doing them. According to the yogic teachings, the winds serve as a vehicle for the mind. However, because of dualistic clinging, the wind enters the left- and right-hand channels, instead of the central channel. This gives rise to falsely distinguishing between subject and object, which in turn leads to defiled mental states and negative actions. Through yogic practices, the winds can be brought into the central channel and transformed into wisdom.45 One well-known system involving these kinds of advanced yogic practices is the Six Dharmas of Nāropa, which, according to tradition, Nāropa received from Tilopa: fierce goddess, illusory body, dream yoga, luminosity, transference, and intermediate state. The principal practice among these six is ‘fierce goddess,’ better known under its Tibetan name, gtum mo. This practice is famous for generating physical heat and is sometimes called the yoga of inner heat, although the main goal of the practice is

45 Nālandā Translation Committee 1986: 235, Lopez 2002: 215, Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 200, 230. 202 part two not to attain heat, but to experience bliss and emptiness. ‘Illusory body’ is done for the sake of realizing the illusory nature of all phenomena; ‘dream yoga’ is a method of developing awareness and control over one’s dreams while sleeping; ‘luminosity’ involves maintaining awareness on entering dreamless sleep. ‘Transference,’ better known under its Tibetan name, ’pho ba, is a method of transferring one’s consciousness into an awakened state, while ‘intermediate state’ or bar do is practiced in order to attain awakening or a better rebirth in the intermediate state between death and rebirth.46 During the ‘completion phase without signs’ no more visualizations or recitations take place. Instead the yogin “remains in a blissfully radi- ant and awakened but formless state.”47 The completion phase without signs refers to non-dual practices aimed at directly realizing or perceiving the nature of the mind. There are different practices of this type; the newer schools of Tibetan Buddhism (gsar ma) often refer to them as the ‘great seal’ (mahāmudrā), while the earlier school of Tibetan Bud- dhism (Nyingma) refers to them as ‘great completion’ (atiyoga).48 While the latter term is unique to the Nyingma and Bon schools,49 mahāmudrā is a common and important term widely used in later Indian tantrism. Mahāmudrā became especially important in the Kagyü tradition to which Tsangnyön belonged. To be allowed and be able to practice a tantric sādhana and the advanced yogic practices associated with the completion phase, the practitioner has to receive empowerment or consecration (abhiṣeka) and instructions from a guru. The empowerment ceremony was originally modeled upon the coronation ritual of kingship and consisted of a number of consecra- tory moments.50 Eventually a fourfold series of empowerments was developed in which the earlier types of empowerments were combined into a single empowerment known as Vase Empowerment. In addition to this,

46 I have based this summary upon Roberts’ explanation (Roberts 2011: 7–9). To describe these advanced yogic practices in detail is beyond the scope of the present study. Guen- ther has described the Six Dharmas of Nāropa at some length (Guenther 1986: 131–249). For the terms in Tibetan and Sanskrit, see glossary. 47 Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 231. 48 It should be noted that these two terms have a very broad meaning and may be used to describe many different things. However, among the Kagyüpas the term mahāmudrā is often used for the completion stage practice without signs. The term atiyoga or mahāsandhi, as it is also sometimes called, seems to be a later translation of Tibetan rdzogs pa chen po, and it is probably not attested in Indian texts. 49 See, for example, Dalton 2003: 730. 50 Davidson 2002: 123–127. tsangnyön heruka 203 three other types of empowerments were added: Secret Empowerment, Wisdom-Knowledge Empowerment, and Fourth Empowerment.51 These empowerments have the function of introducing the tantric practitioner to the chosen deity which he would visualize and ritually evoke in his sādhana practice. The last three empowerments were taken from the Yoginī tantras and both the Secret Empowerment and Wisdom-Knowledge Empowerment have an explicitly sexual content according to the tantric exegetical literature.52 We saw above how Tsangnyön received these four empowerments from his main teacher, Sharawa, and also from his chosen deity, Hevajra. Another common and important tantric practice is the ‘ritual feast’ (gaṇacakra), which is performed on a regular basis by tantric practitioners. Marpa states that a ritual feast should be performed when the four empowerments are bestowed, when a consecration ceremony is carried out, when one requests the blessings of the ḍākinīs, when there is teaching and listening to the tantras, and when one requests profound oral instructions.53 A ritual feast is generally performed on auspicious dates or occasions, often as a part of sādhana practice, and its purpose is to purify transgressions of tantric commitments (samaya) and celebrate the phenomenal world. During a gaṇacakra, desire and sense perceptions are made part of the path, and the participants invite, and identify themselves with, the tantric deities.54 Music, food, and drink are offered and thereby blessed, and the food and drink are then consumed by the participants. Although these ritual feasts are generally carried out in monasteries or public gatherings and performed in a highly ritualized and sophisti- cated manner, the tantras where the rites are described often focus on the impure and forbidden. According to the Hevajra Tantra the feast- ing should be carried out at a charnel ground, in a mountain cave, in a deserted town, or in some other lonely place.55 The underlying idea behind the ritual feast seems to be that the ritual consumption of what is considered impure and forbidden can help the participant to approach a

51 For a short description of these empowerments, see Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 231–235. For the terms in Tibetan and Sanskrit, see glossary. The Fourth Empower- ment is sometimes called Word Empowerment. 52 For a description of them, see, for example, Snellgrove 2002: 243–277. 53 Nālandā Translation Committee (trans.) 1986: 132; Gtsang smyon 1990: 123–124. 54 Nālandā Translation Committee 1986: 224. 55 Hevajra Tantra, part 2, chapter 7, verse 7. For an English translation, see Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 115. 204 part two non-dual state of mind.56 At least in India an important part of the ritual feast was the ritual consumption of the ‘five nectars’ (pañcāmṛta) and the ‘five meats’ (pañcamāṃsa).57 Although there are a few variant ways of identifying and classifying these ten items, the five nectars are generally understood to be feces, urine, menstrual blood, semen, and human mar- row; and the five meats to be the meat of the elephant, human, horse, dog, and cow. These ten substances and meats are considered particularly unclean and taboo in the Brahmanic culture of ancient India. By virtue of being perceived as unclean and disgusting these ten items could be used as an effective means, either metaphorically or literally, to transcend the dualistic constructs of the mind and our ingrained presuppositions about the world.58 Conduct (caryā) and sexual practices are also described in the tantras as a part of the ritual feast.59 It is noteworthy that Tsangnyön carried out many of his seemingly crazy and transgressive actions at feast gatherings. He often arrived when important people were eating and drinking, snatched food and drink from leaders and kings in the gatherings, and generally acted in a bizarre and provocative fashion. Not all of these feasts were gaṇacakra gatherings, but some of them were. Perhaps Tsangnyön, by virtue of being a human embodiment of a heruka and a siddha, demonstrated that he had reached a non-dual state of mind and was therefore able to act in a transgressive fashion at these gatherings. We have also seen how Tsangnyön ate repulsive substances on a few occasions and distributed them to others who by eating some of them gained spiritual and worldly accomplishments. Although these events generally are not called gaṇacakras in the biographies, they seem to have been a type of spontaneous ritual feast, perhaps resembling some aspects of the non-domesticated tantric feasts carried out at charnel grounds in India some five hundred years prior to Tsang- nyön’s lifetime.

56 Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 236. See also David Snellgrove’s description of the gaṇacakra, Snellgrove 2002: 160–170. It should be noted that the transgressive elements of the gaṇacakra are more or less absent from the ritual nowadays (i.e. non-repulsive beverages and foods are consumed) and this merely symbolic transgression was probably the normal way of performing gaṇacakras in former times as well, at least among the so-called ‘domesticated’ tantric practitioners. 57 Roberts 2011: 710. For a discussion about how the five meats and five nectars can be understood without relying upon literal or figurative interpretation, see Wedemeyer 2007. 58 Barron 2011: 599, n. 492. 59 Kongtrul 2011: 192–202. tsangnyön heruka 205

When the Yoginī tantras became an accepted part of Indian Buddhist monastic institutions in the ninth century, the transgressive and antinomian elements contained in them were interpreted in a symbolic way. Sexual practices and the ritual consumption of impure substances were not carried out, but only visualized. This made it possible for monks and nuns to practice the tantric sādhanas, receive and bestow empowerments, and participate in ritual feasts without violating their monastic vows. A large commentarial literature developed which helped to integrate the controversial elements found in the Mahāyoga- and Yoginī tantras into a Mahāyāna Buddhist context. However, despite the attempts to domes- ticate Tantric Buddhism, the mere existence of antinomian and transgressive elements within it posed a problem. If taken literally, Tantric Buddhism made it possible to justify transgressive and antinomian behavior, sometimes of a violent and sexual nature. As seen in the life stories of Tsangnyön, it seems that he sometimes practiced Tantric Buddhism more literally than others. What the monks only visualized, Tsangnyön acted out.

The Heruka

Among the different tantric deities belonging to the Yoginī tantras, the most important ones are probably Cakrasaṃvara (Saṃvara) and Hevajra.60 These two deities were central to both the late tantric Buddhists of India and their Tibetan heirs. There are many tantric texts, commentaries, sādhanas, empowerment rituals and so forth associated with these two deities, and they both have several manifestations. Cakrasaṃvara and Hevajra belong to a specific category of tantric deities called herukas. A heruka is a male wrathful manifestation of enlightenment who is generally depicted standing erect, surrounded by fire, and adorned with bone ornaments and various other artifacts taken from a charnel ground, such as human heads, blood, and intestines. The heruka is often depicted sexually embracing a wild tantric goddess (i.e. ḍākinī or yoginī), and is also often surrounded by a group of such goddesses. The overall representation of the heruka is thus far removed from that of a buddha or bodhisattva, and even from that of a tantric deity of the

60 Several studies and translations of the Cakrasaṃvara Tantra and the Hevajra Tan- tra have been carried out; see for example Dawa-Samdup 1987, Gray 2007, Tsuda 1973 (Cakrasaṃvara Tantra), Farrow and Menon 1992, Snellgrove 1959 (Hevajra Tantra). 206 part two older or basic classes of tantras (i.e. kriyātantra, caryātantra, yogatantra). Instead, the heruka resembles Śiva in his more destructive manifestations, such as Bhairava and Rudra.61 The relationship between Śiva and the heruka is complex. There are several origination myths of the heruka which explain how he appeared in the world and why. These myths of origination also explain the relationship between the heruka and Śiva. According to these Buddhist myths, a heruka is a manifestation of a buddha disguised as a fierce charnel-ground deity who comes forth as a means to benefit the world in times of great difficulty.62 As part of this mission, in the words of David B. Gray, the heruka takes “on the appearance of Bhairava and his host as a compassionate strategy (upāya) for the conversion of their followers.”63 The origin myth of the heruka thus “represents the adoption of non-Buddhist elements while at the same time representing the subordination of these elements within a Buddhist cosmic hierarchy.”64 This is illustrated graphi- cally by the placement of the Śaiva deities under the feet of the heruka, their Buddhist vanquisher. As chosen deities (yidam), the herukas were important for Buddhist yogins and yoginīs who visualized a heruka and recited his mantra in their attempt to ‘become a heruka.’ As a manifestation of enlightenment the heruka was ultimately seen as representing the inner potential of the practitioner; the goal of the tantric practices, as mentioned above, was to realize one’s own mind as being identical with the chosen deity.

The Siddha

The Yoginī tantras not only presented new and radically different methods of Buddhist practice, but also a new type of Buddhist saint: the siddha (accomplished one, grub thob). The siddhas of Vajrayāna Buddhism were active in India from the eighth to the twelfth centuries, and they taught a form of Buddhism that, in spirit, doctrine, and practice, defied and chal- lenged the traditional, monastically-oriented Buddhist institutions.65 A siddha was believed to possess two types of accomplishment (siddhi),

61 Gray 2007: 43. 62 Gray 2007: 40. 63 Gray 2007: 52. 64 Gray 2007: 53. 65 Wallis 2003: 204. tsangnyön heruka 207 namely supramundane accomplishment (lokottarasiddhi), and mundane accomplishment (laukikasiddhi). The former term refers to awakening, while the latter refers to miraculous powers such as the abilities to fly, become invisible, travel underground, and so forth. It is the supramundane accomplishment that is the ultimate aim of Buddhist practice, but since this siddhi is invisible it is difficult to display to others. The mundane accomplishments, on the other hand, are seen as external signs of having accomplished the completion phase practices and can be demonstrated to help others develop faith in the Buddhist teachings.66 The siddhas often traveled freely across social, geographical, and religious borders. Gray describes them as a liminal group of renunciate yogins and yoginīs who constituted what might be called the “siddha movement.”67 The siddha movement, both Hindu and Buddhist, appears to have originated in a distinct subculture which could be termed “the cult of the charnel ground.”68 The siddhas seem to have been a motley and colorful crowd, and it is very hard to define a siddha in terms of his (or occasionally her) social class, occupation, or religious affiliation. In Abhayadatta’s famous account of eighty-four short siddha life stories we find a great range of kinds of people.69 Among the masters depicted in the text are a hunter, a liar, a senile weaver, a thief, a gambler, a king, a monk, an alchemist, a bird catcher, a pearl diver, a musician, a housewife, and a potter, just to mention a few examples.70 Many of these people lived their lives in ways that were difficult or impossible to combine with traditional Buddhist values or a traditional Buddhist path. One of the characteristic features of Tantric Buddhism was that it offered such people a path to enlightenment. Since the tantric methods could be practiced without having to give up one’s lifestyle or occupation, however unsuitable it might seem, even prostitutes, thieves, and hunters could practice Buddhism and become siddhas.

66 Rigzin 1997: 121. Although there are cautions against displaying these abilities in the Buddhist teachings, there are many examples of how the Buddha and his disciples employed their miraculous powers for the sake of helping others develop faith in Bud- dhism. Among the siddhas such uses of miraculous power seem to have been particularly common. 67 Gray 2007: 7. 68 Gray 2007: 7. 69 Translated into English in Dowman 1985; Robinson 1979. 70 For more examples, see the table of contents in Dowman’s English translation of Abhayadatta’s text (Dowman 1985). 208 part two

Figure 14. Nāropa, Indian siddha and lineage holder of the Kagyü tradition, Kumbum Stūpa, Gyantsé.

As mentioned earlier, the siddhas often communicated their inner experiences by singing tantric songs. A noteworthy aspect of their message, which is sometimes reflected in the siddha songs, was a sharp critique of the established religions. Shashibhusan Dasgupta has stated that salient features of their teachings are “a spirit of protest and criticism,” “an aver- sion to recondite scholarship,” and “a scathing criticism of the formalities of life and religion.”71

71 Dasgupta 1962: 51–61. For interesting parallels in songs that sharply criticize all con- ceivable forms of religious practice and worship, compare the songs ascribed to the Indian Siddha Saraha (Jackson, R. 2004: 53–59) with a song ascribed to the Tibetan mad yogin Drukpa Künlé (Dowman and Paljor 1983: 107–108; for the Tibetan text, see Brag phug dge bshes Dge ’dun rin chen 1971: 82–84). tsangnyön heruka 209

Since the siddhas were so different from one another it is difficult to describe their general characteristics. It is, however, striking that many of the siddhas behaved in unusual ways and sometimes resembled madmen. Anthony Tribe remarks that many of the siddhas were non-monas- tics and non-celibates who lived on the margins of society, frequenting charnel grounds and generally behaving in an unconventional manner.72 Similarly, James B. Robinson states that “siddhas at times exhibited very unconventional behavior.”73 Abhayadatta’s collection of life stories is a good example of how the siddhas are often depicted as highly unconventional individuals whose behavior expresses both their realization and their singleminded devotion to the path of realization. The siddha Kalapa, for example, began exhibit- ing “spontaneous behavior” (lhug pa’i spyod pa) after he had “dissolved the dualistic idea of self and other.”74 Kalapa’s unusual way of acting caused the people who saw him to call him a crazy man (smyon pa cig).75 The female siddha Lakṣmīnkarā pretended to be insane (smyo ’rdzun byed) when she discovered that she had been given in marriage to a non- Buddhist prince of Laṅkā. Utterly disgusted and shocked upon seeing the cruel behavior of her new husband’s entourage, she fainted. When she recovered from her faint she started to act in an unconventional way. She gave away all her wealth and ornaments, cut her hair, stripped herself naked, and smeared ashes and coal on her body. “Although she acted demented, she unwaveringly set about her heart’s aim.”76 Thinking that the princess had become truly (i.e. pathologically) mad, everyone at the court became worried and sad. Doctors were sent for and medicines prepared, but Lakṣmīnkarā refused to accept any treatment. Eventually she managed to escape; full of revulsion for samsara she acted like a “demented ascetic” (smyon ma’i brtul zhugs). From that point on she stayed at charnel grounds, and after seven years she attained accomplishments and became a siddha.77

72 Williams (with Anthony Tribe) 2003: 239. 73 Robinson 1979: 6. 74 Due to the fact that Abhayadatta’s text is only extant in Tibetan, and since it is the Tibetan text that directly or indirectly could have influenced the mad yogins of Tibet, I have chosen to insert Tibetan instead of Sanskrit in parenthesis. 75 Robinson 1979: 111. For the Tibetan text, see Abhayadatta 1998: 114–116. 76 Robinson 1979: 251; Abhayadatta 1998: 271–272: smyo rdzun byed cing / snying por don las ma g.yos par bzhugs pas /. 77 Robinson 1979: 252. For the Tibetan text, see Abhayadatta 1998: 271–272. 210 part two

The mad yogins of Tibet were often classified as siddhas and they looked and acted like their Indian counterparts, practicing the same tantric rituals, worshipping the same yidams, and reciting the same mantras. Some of these practices prescribe a particular behavior as part of the practice, and it is to this behavior and to other practices and notions related to madness and unconventionality in Tantric Buddhism that we now turn.

Madness as a Practice in Tantric Buddhism

There are several technical terms in the tantric scriptures which refer to practices and ways of behavior that seem mad, or at least highly unconventional. These terms are mainly found in texts belonging to the Mahāyoga and the Yoginī class of tantras, such as the Guhyasamāja, Hevajra, and Cakrasaṃvara tantras. An important term which is related to the unconventional and sometimes seemingly crazy behavior of the siddhas is samarasa (equal taste). In the Hevajra Tantra it is said that there is no sense of duality in the ultimate state of sahaja.78 In such a state everything—whether the lowest, the middle, or the highest—should be realized as being the same.79 The practical implication of this is the realization that there is no ultimate difference between what is usually regarded as desirable and what is usually regarded as undesirable. A siddha should therefore ideally be able to drink alcohol without developing a craving for it, as well as drink urine without feeling any disgust. Since he or she has gotten rid of conceptual thinking and abides in non-dual cognition, everything has the same taste (samarasa). The Hevajra Tantra explains how a tantric practitioner should act: “Enjoying food and drink he should take it as it comes, making no distinction between that which is liked or disliked, eatable or uneat- able, drinkable or undrinkable.” 80 Furthermore, s/he should never “wonder whether a thing is suitable or unsuitable.”81 Yet another notion related to unconventional practices is the paradoxical ‘practice of reversal’ (viparītabhāvanā). According to tantric practice

78 For a more detailed description and analysis of sahaja (‘innate,’ lhan cig tu skyes pa), see Kværne 1975 and 1977; Dasgupta 1962. 79 Cited in Dasgupta 1962: 31. 80 Hevajra Tantra, part 1, chapter 6, verse 20–21. This sections is translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 65. 81 Hevajra Tantra, part 1, chapter 6, verse 20–21. This sections is translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 65. tsangnyön heruka 211 it is possible to be liberated by the very same thing that usually entangles beings in samsara. This practice is described in the Hevajra Tantra as follows: “Those things by which men of evil conduct are bound, others turn into means and gain thereby release from the bonds of existence.” 82 The same text also states that “by passion the world is bound, by passion too it is released, but by the heretical Buddhists this practice of reversals is not known.”83 Padmavajra’s Guhyasiddhi,84 written in the second half of the eighth century, explicitly encourages the yogin to act like a madman, stating that he should act in the following way when practicing the ‘secret conduct’ (guhyacaryā): “Assuming the image of insanity [unmattarūpam], he remains silent, in deep contemplation. Thus he wanders around like a demon, through contemplation on his personal divinity.”85 In the twenty-fourth verse of the sixth chapter of Guhyasiddhi another important term is given, namely ‘the observance of madness’ (unmattavrata),86 an observance also mentioned in other tantric texts. The Saṃvarodaya Tantra, which is an explanatory tantra of the Cakrasaṃvara, similarly describes how the yogin at an advanced stage of his practice should practice the ‘observance of madness’ (unmattavrata).87 The observance of madness is also described in Maitrīpa’s (= Advayavajra, ca. 1007– 1085) Tattvadaśaka (Ten Verses on Reality). Glenn Wallis translates the passage as follows: “deviating from worldly norms, he depends on this vow of the madman [unmattavrata]. He does everything free from supports, adorned with his own basis of power.”88 Maitrīpa—who happens to be

82 Hevajra Tantra, part 2, chapter 2, verse 50. This sections is translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 93. 83 Hevajra Tantra, part 2, chapter 2, verse 51. This sections is translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 93. “Heretical Buddhists” likely refers to those Buddhists who did not accept the Tantric practices as being a valid form of Buddhist practice. 84 Secret Accomplishment, Gsang ba grub pa. Wayman notes that Tsongkhapa wrote commentaries upon this text, which shows that it was influential among Tibetan Bud- dhists in the fifteenth century (Wayman 1991: 90–91). 85 Guhyasiddhi 1987, chapter 6, verse 13. The translation is taken from Davidson 2002: 222. It should be noted that Davidson translates Subhāṣitasamgraha’s summary of Guhyasiddhi. This particular part seems to be identical with Guhyasiddhi, chapter 6, verse 13, which in Tibetan translation is rendered as follows: mnyam gzhag mi smra gyur pa yis / / smyon pa’i gzugs su gzhag par bya / / rang ’dod lha yi rnal ’byor gyis / / sha za bzhin du kun du ’khyams /. 86 Guhyasiddhi 1987, chapter 6, verse 24. 87 Tsuda 1974: 305. 88 Wallis 2003: 225, n. 30; lokadharmavyatīto ’sau unmattavratam āśritaḥ / sarvaḥ karoty anālambaḥ svādhiṣṭhānavibhūṣitaḥ. For an alternative translation, see Mathes 2008: 434, n. 169. 212 part two a key figure in the mahāmudrā lineage of the Kagyü tradition to which Tsangnyön belonged—also discusses the observance of madness in his Kudṛṣṭinirghātana (Uprooting of False Views) in a way that indicates how important this practice was thought to be by some of the later Indian tantric masters. In this text, Maitrīpa attempts to integrate the controversial siddha-oriented elements which are epitomized in the observance of madness with mainstream Buddhism. His strategy for doing this is to say that those who practice the observance of madness should also follow the basic or preliminary Buddhist practices (ādikarma).89

Caryā We saw above that the term ‘observance of madness’ (unmattavrata) appeared in the section about ‘secret conduct’ (guhyacaryā) in the Guhyasiddhi. Similarly, the above-quoted section about unmattavrata from the Saṃvarodaya Tantra is taken from the chapter which explains conduct (caryā). The Sanskrit word caryā is one of the most important and commonly used terms in connection with madness as a tantric practice.90 Caryā, or spyod pa as the Tibetans translated the term, is sometimes presented as part of the triad of view, meditation and conduct. Caryā is often translated as ‘practice,’ ‘action,’ ‘conduct,’ or ‘behavior.’ The term thus deals with how a practitioner should behave, and generally refers to a disciplined way of acting and behaving. What is regarded as disciplined or proper conduct in the tantras is not necessarily regarded as such in the sūtras, however, and the prescribed conduct also differs within the different classes of tantra. The Tibetans sometimes use the expression ‘enter into the conduct’ (spyod pa la ’jug pa/gshegs pa) to denote a stage in tantric practice when the practitioner starts to behave in a certain way that interacts more directly with the world. According to Toni Huber, caryā is a form of wandering asceticism that takes place during the completion phase of tantric practice.91 In many tantras a specific chapter is devoted to conduct. As

89 Mathes 2008: 37; Wallis 2003: 205. 90 It is important not to confuse the class of tantras called caryātantra with the more general use of the term caryā. Caryā is a very common Sanskrit term whose use depends on the context. In Mahāyāna it is often used together with bodhi, as in bodhicaryā, “enlightened conduct.” Caryā is important in all the classes of tantras and the discussions that follow here are mainly concerned with how the term is understood in the Mahāyoga and Yoginī tantra classes. 91 Huber 2000: 9. tsangnyön heruka 213 seen above, it was often to the caryā chapter of the Hevajra Tantra that Tsangnyön himself referred when his strange and bizarre ways were questioned.92 In this particular chapter it is stated that when a yogin attains perfection in his Hevajra practice he should wear earrings, a circlet on his head, bracelets on his wrists, a girdle round his waist, rings around his ankles, and bangles round his arms. Moreover he should wear a bone- necklace and dress in a tiger-skin, and his food should be the five nectars.93 In addition to wearing these rather spectacular ornaments and garments, the yogin should arrange his piled-up hair as a crest and secure shards of skulls to the crest. He should besmear his body with ashes, wear a sacred thread of hair, and carry a tantric staff (khaṭvāṅga), a small hand-drum (ḍamaru), and a skull-cup (kapāla).94 It is also stated that it is auspicious to meditate at night beneath a lonely tree, or in a charnel ground, or in the dwelling of a mātṛikā, or in the unpopulated wilderness.95 When it comes to behavior the tantra encourages the yogin to find himself a consort, sing and dance, and “abandon desire and folly, fear and anger, and any sense of shame.”96

Vratacaryā Another key term that we have already encountered and which is used in the Buddhist tantras in connection with unconventional ways of practice is vrata (observance, vow).97 Vrata is a common and general term that is often used in Indian religions and, like caryā, is used only in specific instances to denote a mad or unconventional way of acting.98

92 Hevajra Tantra, part 1, chapter 6. This chapter is translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 63–72. Tsangnyön referred to this chapter on several occasions, see for example G: 32–33. 93 Hevajra Tantra, part 1, chapter 6, verses 2–4. This section is translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 63; Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 594. 94 Hevajra Tantra, part 1, chapter 6, verse 16–17. Translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 65. See also Wayman 1973: 117–118. 95 Hevajra Tantra, part 1, chapter 6, verse 6. This verse is translated in Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 591; Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 63. Mātṛikā (ma mo) most commonly refers to a class of female deities. A group of eight matṛikās were worshiped in northern India and also appear in Buddhist tantra. In Tibet they have lost much of their distinctiveness and are barely distinguishable from ḍākinīs (Roberts 2011: 715). 96 Hevajra Tantra, part 1, chapter 6, verse 18. Translated in Snellgrove 1959, book 1: 64–65. 97 For a short description of the general meaning of the term and its use, see, for example, Samuel 2008: 131–133, 161–162. 98 Wedemeyer asserts that the terms vrata, caryā, and vratacaryā, are “terms of art”— rather than technical terms—in esoteric usage (Wedemeyer, forthcoming). Vrata derives from the root vṛ (to choose) (Barron 2011: 596, n. 444). 214 part two

The Tibetans translated vrata with the term brtul zhugs, which often refers to the seemingly crazy practices of the Tibetan mad yogins. The compound brtul zhugs spyod pa, which translates the Sanskrit vratacaryā, is particularly common. The literal meaning of this term is ‘conduct’ (spyod pa) of ‘taming’ (brtul) and ‘entering’ (zhugs).99 According to Dezhung Rinpoche (1906–1987), the meaning of this technical term is “overcoming worldly conduct and entering into the conduct of the Buddhas. Or else, taming bad behavior and entering into perfect conduct.”100 Like vrata, vratacaryā is difficult to translate into English, and I have translated the compound as ‘disciplined conduct.’101 Cyrus Stearns mentions that “the original range of meaning for this expression is extremely wide, sometimes denoting any type of religious behavior in general and at other times indicating a specific disciplined style.”102 Since most of the descriptions concerning how and why these practices should be performed are found in the Tibetan exegetical tradition, and since it is this tradition that is most relevant to understanding the mad yogins of Tibet, a summarized account based on Tibetan sources is given in the next section. The Tibetans based their explanations upon Sanskrit texts, however, and a brief account of what is said about vratacaryā in one of these texts will first be provided here. The vratacaryā practice is explained in Āryadeva’s Caryāmelāpaka pradīpa,103 one of the most systematic treatments of the advanced yogic techniques of the tantras of the Mahāyoga class. According to this text, vratacaryā is a very advanced practice which should only be carried out by a yogin who is indifferent to his own body and life and has also reached a determination that he now needs to perfect the results of his practice in this very life.104 Vratacaryā is referred to as a non-dual practice, and Āryadeva explains that it is impossible to get rid of the

99 Stearns 2007: 60. According to Barron brtul means “brings an end” to ordinary and inferior conduct, and zhugs means “engages” in a more spiritually constructive form of behavior (Barron 2011: 596, n. 444). 100 Dezhung cited in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 18, n. 42: ’jig rten gyi spyod pa brtul / sangs rgyas kyi spyod pa la zhugs / yang na spyod pa ma rung ba brtul / spyod pa yang dag pa la zhugs /. 101 The following examples show how difficult it is to translate this term. Brtul zhugs (vrata) has been translated as: “spiritual deportment” (Barron 2011); “taming the engagement” (Bentor 2001); “vow,” “way of acting” (Das 1998); “penance,” “manner” (Jäschke 1977); “ritual observance” (Wayman 1973). Brtul zhugs spyod pa (vratacaryā) has been translated as: “to do penance” (Das 1998; Jäschke 1977); “deliberate behavior” (Stearns 2007); and “yogic discipline” (Nālandā translation committee 1986). 102 Stearns 2007: 59–60. 103 The Lamp that Integrates the Practices. 104 Wedemeyer (trans.) 2007: 277–278. tsangnyön heruka 215

Figure 15: Tsangnyön, block-print illustration from Lion of Faith.

“vestiges of beginningless defilement” without this practice.105 A practitioner who practices vratacaryā must also disregard the eight worldly concerns (aṣṭalokadharma), namely gain, loss, fame, obscurity, slander, praise, pleasure, and pain.106

105 Wedemeyer (trans.) 2007: 279–280. 106 Wedemeyer (trans.) 2007: 281. 216 part two

In relation to vratacaryā, Āryadeva distinguishes between practices with elaboration, without elaboration, and completely without elaboration.107 The latter category contains practices such as the observance of madness and the bhusuku-conduct (bhusukucaryā). The bhusuku-conduct refers to the fact that a yogin at this stage of practice, apart from eating (bhu), sleeping (su), and defecating (ku), only meditates on emptiness.108

Tibetan Explanations of Disciplined Conduct

The Tibetan masters and scholars who wrote about conduct and disciplined conduct based their expositions upon Indian tantric texts such as the Hevajra Tantra, the Cakrasaṃvara Tantra, the Guhyasiddhi, Guhya samāja, Sampuṭa, Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, Caryāmelāpakapradīpa tantras, and so forth.109 Despite relying upon Indian tantras, they nevertheless developed and synthesized the Indian explanations in a uniquely Tibetan way. Although the Tibetan commentators belonged to different Buddhist traditions and lived in different time periods their presentations are similar, and they often use the same technical terms. Like the authors of the Indian texts upon which they based their explanations, the Tibetans attempt to situate the transgressive, and at times, seemingly mad forms of conduct described in the Indian tantric texts within a ‘normative’ Buddhist context. They point out that these types of conduct should only be carried out by tantric practitioners who have reached a stable meditative concentration through extensive practice of the generation and completion phases of tantric sādhana meditation, and they emphasize that much prior training in non-tantric (sūtric) Buddhist teachings is a necessary foundation for tantric practice. Jamgön Kongtrül Lodrö Tayé (Kongtrül, 1813–1899) describes disciplined conduct in great detail in the ninth chapter of his work Treasury of All-Encompassing Knowledge.110 Under the heading “the section which thoroughly classifies the conduct which is conducive to progress on the

107 Prapañcacaryā; niṣprapañcacaryā; atyantaniṣprapañcacaryā. These three types of practices are described in detail in Āryadeva’s work. See Wedemeyer (trans.) 2007: 277– 332. 108 Bentor 2001: 335, Wedemeyer (trans.) 2007: 323. 109 Jamgön Kongtrül Lodrö Tayé makes an interesting enumeration of the Indian sources for vratacaryā and other similar practices (’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas 2002: 936; Kongtrul 2011: 167–169). 110 Shes bya kun khyab mdzod. tsangnyön heruka 217 branches of the path,”111 he outlines the various types of conduct that are recommended in tantric literature to test and enhance the realization of the advanced practitioner.112 Like earlier Tibetan exponents of Tantric Buddhism and the authors of the Indian tantric texts which they closely follow, Kongtrül emphasizes that these forms of conduct should be practiced only at an advanced stage of the tantric path. Kongtrül uses several different terms for disciplined conduct, some more general such as conduct, disciplined conduct, and ‘mantric conduct,’ and some more specific such as ‘conduct that shakes everything off,’ ‘totally good conduct,’ and ‘completely victorious conduct.’113 It is rather difficult to differentiate among these different terms; sometimes the terms seem interchangeable, while at other times they clearly refer to different types of conduct. Three main categories of conduct that should be carried out in succession, for certain periods of time and for specific purposes, are often mentioned,114 along with descriptions of the necessary preparation. The Kagyü scholar Dakpo Tashi Namgyal (1512–1587) emphasizes the importance of being properly prepared before acting in the transgressive and at times seemingly crazy manner which characterizes these three stages of conduct, or “heruka conducts,” as he calls them. Before engaging in these conducts one must carefully keep the general and special commitments and vows and dedicate oneself to meditation on a path free from transgressions until one attains ‘warmth.’115 The attainment of warmth (drod) is mentioned in many texts and seems to be an important prerequisite for these practices.116 Warmth refers to an inner experience which is described as “a foretaste of attainments, in the sense that warmth is the initial sign that appears before fire.”117 Warmth is the first of four levels of the so-called path of connection, which is the second of the five paths

111 Lam gyi yan lag bogs ’don spyod pa rnam par gzhag pa’i skabs. 112 ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas 2002: 935–952. For an English translation, see Kongtrul 2011: 165–211. Stearns summarizes the contents of this section in King of the Empty Plain (Stearns 2007: 59–62). 113 For the terms in Tibetan, see the glossary. 114 See for example Kongtrul 2005: 490, n. 39; Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 591; Stearns 2007: 60–61. 115 Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 590–591. 116 See, for example, Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 620; Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 590; Grags pa rgyal mtshan 1968: 48; ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas 2002: 939; Karma ’phrin las pa 1975: 211. 117 Stearns 2007: 60; see also Kongtrul 2011: 177. 218 part two in Mahāyāna Buddhism.118 It is further necessary for a person who enters into the conduct to have no selfish motivation, but be motivated solely by compassion toward all sentient beings. The first stage of conduct is called ‘conduct that shakes everything off,’ which translates Sanskrit avadhūtacaryā,119 ‘disciplined conduct of pure awareness,’120 or ‘secret conduct.’121 This type of conduct is also sometimes called ‘sinful conduct,’ or ‘non-dual [conduct].’122 According to Drakpa Gyaltsen (1374–1434), other synonymous terms for this practice are the ‘disciplined conduct of madness practice,’ and the ‘conduct of a young prince.’123 The first phase of this practice should be done in secret (i.e. at night) while the latter phase of the practice should be done in disguise (i.e. while pretending to be crazy). Drakpa Gyaltsen states that ‘conduct that shakes everything off ’ should be carried out when ‘lesser warmth’ has been obtained, and he moreover mentions that the practice should be done in secret until ‘middle warmth’ is obtained. At that point ‘conduct that shakes everything off ’ should be performed in public, and

118 The five paths (pañcamārga, lam lnga) are a standard technical description of the path to enlightenment: (1) the path of accumulation (tshogs lam, sambhāramārga), (2) the path of connection (sbyor lam, prayogamārga), (3) the path of seeing (mthong lam, darśanamārga), (4) the path of meditation (sgom lam, bhāvanāmārga), and (5) the path of no more learning (mi slob pa’i lam, aśaikṣamārga).The four levels of the path of connection are: (1) warmth (drod), (2) peak (rtse mo), (3) forbearance (bzod pa), and (4) supreme dharma (chos mchog). 119 The Tibetans often write the Sanskrit word in a corrupt form, as avadhūticaryā or avadhūtīcaryā. It should be avadhūtacaryā. Avadhūta means ‘shaken off,’ ‘rejected’ etc. The term is sometimes used for an ascetic who has renounced all worldly attachments and connections. Avadhūtacaryā is thus the name for the conduct of such an ascetic. 120 Vidyāvrata, rig pa’i brtul zhugs. This term is difficult to translate. For example, Ben- tor translates it as “taming the engagement of awareness” (Bentor 2001: 335), Barron as “spiritual deportment of pure awareness” (Kongtrul 2011: 541), and Davidson as “discipline with a consort” (Davidson 2002: 326). How one chooses to translate the term has to do with whether one understands vidyā (rig pa) as meaning ‘awareness’ or ‘consort.’ The explanatory texts of this practice make the latter option possible. It should, however, be kept in mind that the practice referred to encompasses a wide series of activities besides sexual activity with a consort. So it is probably intentional that an ambiguous term is used for the name of the practice. 121 The term secret conduct can also sometimes be used for disciplined conduct in general. 122 These different terms sometimes seem to indicate various phases and/or aspects of the practices performed during the first stage of disciplined conduct. 123 Grags pa rgyal mtshan 1968: 48. Dezhung Rinpoche also uses the term ‘secret conduct’ for the first stage of disciplined conduct, and according to him the purpose of the practices is to go beyond the eight worldly concerns (Dezhung, cited in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 18, n. 42). tsangnyön heruka 219 when ‘great warmth’ is obtained the practitioner should start to practice the next stage of conduct.124 The second stage of conduct is called ‘totally good conduct’ by Kong- trül and ‘manifested conduct’ by Dezhung Rinpoche.125 Dakpo Tashi Nam- gyal calls this stage ‘disciplined conduct’ and he cites extensively from the chapter on conduct in the Hevajra Tantra when describing how one should practice at this stage. He mentions that the practitioner could wear the ‘heruka bone ornaments’ and engage in a variety of activities.126 The practice could be performed in the guise of a tīrtika or one may act as a lunatic. The practitioner performs the practice “for the sake of cutting through the elaboration of dualism, for enhancing the innate truth, for stabilizing the realization of unity, and so on.”127 Whatever action, whether good or bad, that one performs at this point is always perfect, and the conduct is performed openly. ‘Totally good conduct’ consists of bringing others to the right path by means of displaying miraculous powers and performing yogic gazes and so forth.128 The third stage of conduct is called ‘completely victorious conduct’ or the ‘all-engaging conduct of a protector,’129 and it should be practiced when the practitioner has attained ‘great warmth’ with great compassion.130 At this point the practitioner has achieved victory over the afflictions, the four māras have been subdued, and the ‘cognitive obscurations’ has been destroyed. According to the Ninth Karmapa Wangchuk Dorjé (1556–1603), practitioners with the highest capacity adopt the costume of a heruka when they have reached this stage and deliberately enter into fearsome circumstances with no thought whatsoever of what is to be

124 Grags pa rgyal mtshan 1968: 48.The three types or stages of warmth are also mentioned in connection with the liberation rite (sgrol ba). Before the rite is performed, the practitioner needs to develop warmth (Dalton 2011: 82). 125 ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas 2002: 936, 944; Dezhung, cited in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 18, n. 42. Kongtrül also uses the term kun bzang ’jig rten mgnon du spyad in reference to this phase of the practice (’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas 2002: 943). It is noteworthy that Dakpo Tashi Namgyal uses this term for the stage of practice which precedes the three stages of disciplined conduct that are discussed here (Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 590). 126 Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 594, 596. 127 Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 596. 128 ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas 2002: 944. 129 Mgon po kun tu spyod pa (*nāthasamudācāra) is another term which is difficult to translate. I follow Barron when translating it (Kongtrul 2011: 196). Bentor translates the term as “practice of the crazy yogin” (Bentor 2001: 335); Davidson translates it more literally as “lordly conduct” (Davidson 2002: 327). 130 Kongtrul 2011: 169; Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 2011: 596. 220 part two eaten or not eaten, what is clean or dirty, or what is faulty or correct. By means of this practice the yogin gains victory over demonic impulses of Māra, delusions, and Hinayāna motivations. Thus it is called ‘completely victorious conduct.’131 Dakpo Tashi Namgyal makes a similar threefold division of conduct in his work Mahāmudrā—The Moonlight, but he also describes other ways of classifying these practices.132 He moreover points out that monks are allowed to carry out these practices only so long as their vow of celibacy remains unaffected.133 In this work Dakpo Tashi Namgyal also mentions five kinds of conduct that are to be performed by a practitioner who is carrying out these practices: ‘conduct that resembles a wounded deer,’ ‘conduct that resembles a lion,’ ‘conduct that resembles wind blowing through space,’ ‘conduct that resembles the sky,’ and finally ‘conduct that resembles a madman.’134 Although several of these five ways of conduct are relevant to the mad yogins of Tibet, the last one is of particular interest. Dakpo Tashi Namgyal explains ‘conduct that resembles a madman’ as follows: “A mad person lacks any objective direction. Thus a meditator should not have any attachment to anything, such as affirmation or rejection, acceptance or abandonment.”135 These practices are also mentioned by Tsele Natsok Rangdröl (b. 1608), who describes them as the essential key points of the different types of conduct that are mentioned in the authoritative scriptures and oral instructions.136 Concerning the conduct of a madman, Tselé Natsok Rangdröl has the following to say: “Do not become involved in the fetters of accepting or rejecting the eight worldly concerns; that is the conduct of a madman.”137 In the Aural Transmission of Tangtong Gyalpo there is a somewhat similar section attributed to the female disciple of Padampa Sangyé, Machik Labdrön, who after having described the secret conduct is asked

131 Karmapa, Ninth 1989: 101. 132 Phyag chen zla ba’i ’od zer. Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 622. For an English translation, see Namgyal 2006: 337. Lhalungpa’s English translation (Namgyal 2006) is generally not that useful when this topic is examined however, mainly because of the many specific technical terms which are difficult to translate. 133 Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 623. For an English translation, see Namgyal 2006: 338. 134 Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 625–626. For an English translation, see Namgyal 2006: 339–340. 135 Namgyal 2006: 340; Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 626: smyon pa’i sems la gang gi yang gza’ gtad med pa ltar / legs nyes ci la’ang ’gag sgrub dang blang dor sogs kyi zhen pa med pa’o /. 136 Rangdröl, Tsele Natsog 1989: 58. 137 Rangdröl, Tsele Natsog 1989: 58. tsangnyön heruka 221 the following question by her son: “Having reached the root of the mind, how should one conduct one’s practice?”138 Machik answers: Having the conduct of a small child would be good. Having the conduct of a madman would be good. Having the conduct of a leper would be good. Having the conduct of a wild animal would be good.139 These examples from Tibetan masters who lived before, during, and after Tsangnyön clearly show that numerous authoritative scriptures and commentaries are available to support and explain Tsangnyön’s unconventional behavior.140 Both Tibetan and Indian texts sometimes advocated these kinds of conduct to help a practitioner progress more quickly on the path. For a practitioner who had reached the second of the five paths, the ‘path of connection,’ for example, disciplined conduct and other related kinds of conduct made it possible to progress rapidly toward the next step on the path toward awakening, namely the ‘path of seeing.’ Dakpo Tashi Namgyal maintains that progress can be achieved more rapidly during a single month of ‘secret conduct’ under terrifying conditions, in rough ter- rain and in the abode of harmful forces, than by meditating for a period of three years in towns and monasteries.141 Many of the key terms, texts, and practices that are used in Tantric Bud- dhism to identify and describe seemingly mad and transgressive behavior were also used by Tsangnyön’s disciples when they wrote the biographies about their guru. The most central term used in the biographies to describe Tsangnyön’s seemingly mad behavior is disciplined conduct; other terms include: ‘conduct’ (spyod pa), ‘equalization of taste’ (ro snyoms), and ‘trampling upon’ (thog rdzis). These terms are often found together, either as compounds or as related words referring to similar behavior. The verse quoted at the beginning of chapter 6 is a good example: I bow down to your deeds of ‘perfecting the conduct’ (spyod pa mthar phyin). When you knew it was ‘time for conduct’ (spyod pa’i dus mkhen), you adorned yourself with charnel-ground ornaments,

138 Thang stong rgyal po 1972 53: rtsa ba rang sems la gtugs nas nyams su len pa la spyod pa ji ltar byas na. 139 Thang stong rgyal po 1972: 53: bu chung gi spyod pa byas na bde / smyon pa’i spyod pa byas na bde / mdze can gyi spyod pa byas na bde / ri dwags kyi spyod pa byas na bde /. 140 For more examples of disciplined conduct, or “engaged asceticism” as he calls it, see DiValerio 2011: 106–156. 141 Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 624. English translation in Namgyal 2006: 338. 222 part two

and by the ‘disciplined conduct of trampling upon’ (thog rdzis brtul zhugs spyod pa) [and] ‘equalization of taste’ (ro snyoms) you subdued the four elements, poisons, weapons, bad persons, walking corpses and the like. The term thog rdzis, which is seldom described or explicated, merits some comment here. Its literal meaning is ‘trampling’ or ‘stamping’ (rdzis) ‘upon’ (thog), and it is used alone, in compounds, or together with other words. The term is often found together with an object and the locative particle la in phrases such as ‘trample on fear’ (nyams nga la thog rdzis),142 ‘trampling upon all good and bad circumstances’ (rkyen bzang ngan thams cad la thog rdzis),143 and ‘trample upon all appearances’ (snang ba thams cad la thog rdzis).144 Besides the literal meaning of beating down with the feet in order to crush or destroy, trampling upon also carries the extended meanings of ‘conquer,’ ‘defeat,’ ‘control,’ and ‘overcome.’ The concept is visually depicted in thankas when a wrathful deity, symbolizing awakening, literally tramples a supine foe, symbolizing samsara, under his feet. As we have seen, madness and other forms of unconventional behavior are an accepted and even prescribed part of advanced tantric practice. Since all Tibetan Buddhist traditions accept the tantras, they all include these practices, at least in theory. However, according to the exegetical literature, these types of practices can be hazardous for a practitioner who is not properly prepared; they can also be misused by charlatans who deceive people and practice with the wrong motivation. Chegom Sherab Dorjé (ca. 1140/50–1220) emphasizes how important it is that such practice be carried out with respect for the proper timing: “If the beginner performs the disciplined conduct of pure awareness or the all-engaging conduct of a protector, that will later become a cause for a lower rebirth.”145 Chegompa was not alone in warning practitioners not to engage in this type of practice without being properly prepared. Dakpo Tashi Namgyal similarly points out that a practitioner should not enter into the conduct at the wrong time, namely before s/he has experienced warmth as a sign of realization.146 He notes that there are some people who embark upon these practices and wander about at crossroads and charnel grounds just to

142 See, for example, G: 25. 143 See, for example, G: 24, T: 41. 144 See, for example, L: 48. 145 Lce sgom rdzong pa 1971: 125. Cf. Bentor 2001: 346. For more information about Che- gompa, see Sørensen 1999. 146 Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 620; English translation in Namgyal 2006: 336. tsangnyön heruka 223 become famous, but such people have totally misunderstood the purpose of these practices, namely to understand that “all the stability and movements of one’s mind are of equal taste in the essence of dharmatā.”147 But how can one know if a person who acts like a siddha is a genuine siddha or a charlatan? In his text Precious Garland of the Sublime Path,148 Gampopa points out that “it is possible to mistake a maniac for someone whose delusion has collapsed.”149 Gampopa also states that “it is possible to mistake a charlatan for a siddha.”150 A more recent master, Patrül Rinpoche (1808–1887) similarly advises those who are trying to find a genuine Buddhist teacher to beware of “mad guides” (smyon pa’i lam mkhan) who “ape the siddhas and behave as if their actions were higher than the sky” and “lead anyone who follows them down wrong paths.”151 A few pages later in the same text, Patrül Rinpoche states that a master should not be judged by his outer appearance since “most of India’s siddhas lived as common evil-doers, base outcasts, more degenerate than the lowest of the low.”152 If realized masters are likely to behave like evil-doers and outcasts, how then can an ordinary being know if a person is a genuine siddha, a charlatan, or perhaps a person who is pathologically mad? This dilemma is built into Tantric Buddhism and Tibetans have struggled with it ever since the Buddhist teachings were brought to the Tibetan plateau.153

147 Bkra shis rnam rgyal 1974: 621: yid brtan pa dang g.yo ba thams cad chos nyid kyi ngo bor ro mnyam pa. For an alternative English translation, see Namgyal 2006: 337. 148 Lam mchog rin po che’i phreng ba. 149 Gampopa 1995: 33; Sgam po pa 2000: 65: ’khrul zhig dang bdud khyer la nor sa yod. 150 Gampopa 1995: 33; Sgam po pa 2000: 65: grub thob dang zog po la nor sa yod. 151 Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 140; Dpal sprul Rin po che 2004: 215: grub pa’i mdzad spyod ltar byed pas kun spyod gnam du gshegs pa; lam log par ’khrid. 152 Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 146; Dpal sprul Rin po che 2004: 226: ’phags pa’i yul gyi dbang phyug phal mo che / / gdol pa g.yung po sdig spyod phal pa’i tshul / / nyams pa las kyang shin tu nyams par yod / /. 153 There are many examples of the misuse of tantric practices, the most well-known probably being that which occurred, according to Tibetan historical records, after the first spread of the doctrine, when some tantric practitioners were said to have practiced the tantric teachings improperly and also performed tantric rituals and practices in a literal manner (see, for example, Tucci 1980: 16–17). When Atiśa came to Tibet in 1042, he actively promoted a more gradual path, emphasizing that the tantras should be practiced only by practitioners who possessed the proper foundation and should not be performed in a literal way. More recent examples are the controversies around the behavior of certain teachers of Tantric Buddhism. 224 part two

Tsangnyön’s Opinion of Disciplined Conduct

Let us now turn to the answer Tsangnyön gave to Dzetrampa’s question cited at the beginning of this chapter: “What inner experience, realization, and qualities need [a yogin attain] to be allowed to use the heruka garments?” Tsangnyön began his answer by emphasizing that a person who wanted to dress and act as a heruka had first to turn away from samsara and the sufferings of the lower realms.154 Then the yogin must enter into the door of the Buddhist doctrine and completely give up the eight worldly concerns. Building upon this foundation, the individual should undergo training in both the individual liberation (prātimokṣa) and the bodhisattva disciplines. In other words, a practitioner who wants to embark on the ‘heruka path’ must undergo extensive training in both the Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna vehicles. Tsangnyön specifically states that the vows of these two disciplines must not be transgressed. Having this foundation, the yogin must obtain tantric empowerments and instructions from an excellent guru or lama. The candidate must realize both the words and the meaning of the tantric teachings and practices and attain experience and realization as a result of his or her practice. Only at this point may a practitioner, who thus has reached the time for conduct, start to wear the heruka garments. If the time for conduct has truly arrived, the practitioner should start with totally good conduct when residing on the path of accumulation and then continue with secret conduct upon arriving at the path of connection. Then at the path of seeing, when the wind and mind have entered the central channel, the practitioner will be able to display his/her higher perceptions and powers outwardly and thereby influence those who lack faith, and also be able to bring all circumstances onto the path. The practitioner may now perform the activities associated with the feast practice of the disciplined conduct of pure awareness.155 Tsangnyön finally states that practitioners who have not attained all these powers may still be allowed to wear the heruka implements if they meet the following three requirements: (1) they have never transgressed the sacred commitments and vows of the Secret Mantra tradition,

154 I will paraphrase Tsangnyön’s answer; compare my rendering with G: 230–231. 155 Rig pa brtul zhugs tshogs kyi spyod pa. G: 230–231. tsangnyön heruka 225

Figure 16: Statue of Tsangnyön Heruka. 226 part two

(2) they are able to control their afflictions by applying appropriate anti- dotes inwardly, and (3) they benefit the teachings outwardly.156 In his response, Tsangnyön uses many of the terms that were discussed above, and is also very careful to situate the practices associated with wearing the heruka garments within a wider Buddhist context. Not least does he emphasize that a person who embarks upon such practices must have a thorough background in non-tantric Buddhism, and must have kept his or her vows undamaged. He further situates the specific conduct within the five paths, and in a way startlingly similar to that of Dakpo Tashi Namgyal, Jamgön Kongtrül, and other masters, he connects certain types of conduct with certain stages of the path.

156 G: 231. Part Three

The School of Tsangnyön Heruka

Chapter nine

Tsangnyön’s Own Works

The School of Tsangnyön

The biographies of Tsangnyön that are the main sources of this study were all written by his direct disciples, who also compiled and printed many other texts which provide us with much additional information about Tsangnyön and his lineage. Tsangnyön himself also wrote, compiled, and printed several texts. There are also texts about Tsangnyön’s disciples, about disciples of these disciples, and about Tsangnyön’s main teacher. This chapter provides an overview of Tsangnyön’s own literary works, while chapter 10 focuses on literary works about and by his disciples, and other sources that shed light upon Tsangnyön and his tradition. Although this overview is far from exhaustive, it will provide us with supplementary information, alternative perspectives, and jumping-off points for further studies of Tsangnyön and his tradition. In his survey of the printing activities of Tsangnyön and his disciples, Kurtis Schaeffer notes that Tsangnyön initiated a tradition of printing that was to continue for almost a century after his death.1 According to one of the life stories of Tsangnyön, it was an exhortation from Nāropa in a dream that inspired him to compile texts and make block-prints.2 His disciples disliked the idea of engaging in this very difficult enterprise and tried to persuade Tsangnyön to postpone it, but to no avail.3 At the time, many of these biographies and esoteric instructions existed only as manuscripts. Tsangnyön feared that the life stories and instructions might be lost and decided to compile and print them. The technology of wood-block printing that he used had existed in Tibet for only about sixty years when Tsangnyön printed his first major works— the life story and song collection of Milarepa. He later wrote down and printed other texts, and his disciples followed in his footsteps. Tsangnyön

1 Schaeffer 2009: 58, 2011: 457. 2 L: 96–97. Lhatsün’s account of this episode is translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 66–68; Quintman 2006: 198–199. 3 G: 148; L: 98; N: 16b. Götsangrepa’s account of this episode is translated in Quintman 2006: 204; Lhatsün’s account is translated in Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 69. 230 part three was thus a pivotal figure in Tibet’s transition from a manuscript culture to a block-print culture. Franz-Karl Ehrhard has suggested that on the basis of the stylistic crite- ria of the Buddhist printed texts one may identify individual “schools” or “workshops,” and that these could then be named after the leading figures or religious communities with which the Buddhist artists and craftsmen affiliated themselves.4 One can thus speak of the ‘school of Tsangnyön’ or the ‘workshop of Tsangnyön,’ which consisted of Tsangnyön, his disciples, and other affiliated people. The ‘school of Tsangnyön’ continued to produce texts long after Tsang- nyön’s death. Schaeffer has suggested that Sangyé Darpo’s work on the history of the Kagyü tradition from 1568 may be a convenient place to draw a close to these activities.5 Gene Smith once stated that Tsangnyön fostered a whole school of Kagyüpa biographical works, and he supplied details for about twenty-two works published as wood-block prints by Tsangnyön and his disciples.6 Since that time, mainly due to the efforts of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project and the Tibetan Bud- dhist Resource Center, many more texts that were compiled and printed by Tsangnyön and his disciples have surfaced. Schaeffer has identified more than fifty-five prints from the same group of scholars and craftsmen, and since the NGMPP conducted further photographic expeditions for some two years after Schaeffer’s investigation, we may anticipate that new works belonging to ‘the school of Tsangnyön’ will appear in the future.7 After the passing away of Tsangnyön, the activities of the ‘school of Tsangnyön’ centered around Götsangrepa and Lhatsün. Ngödrub Pembar also composed many works but these works were more related to the Sakya tradition to which he primarily belonged, and it was therefore within this school that his works were taught and disseminated. Götsangrepa and Lhatsün resided in different parts of Tibet: Lhatsün in Drakar Taso, near Kyirong; and Götsangrepa in Rechung Puk, south of Tsetang. Under their supervision, both Drakar Taso and Rechung Puk became important centers of printing activities. That Lhatsün and Götsangrepa were aware of

4 Ehrhard, in press. 5 Schaeffer 2009: 60, 2011: 460; Sangs rgyas dar po dpal bzang 1568. 6 Smith 2001: 61. Smith’s article was originally published in 1969 and it includes two appendices outlining the works by Tsangnyön and his school (Smith 2001: 70–79). 7 Schaeffer 2011: 467–477. Marta Sernesi is currently carrying out a postdoctoral project at Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, focused upon studying the lives, writings, and block-printing activities of Tsangnyön and his disciples, especially Götsangrepa. the school of tsangnyön heruka 231 each other’s activities and cooperated is indicated by the fact that none of the works printed at either location were duplicated at the other.8

The Life and Songs of Milarepa

Tsangnyön was a prolific writer/compiler who authored some of Tibet’s most famous and popular literary works. Milarepa’s life story and song collection are his most important texts, at least in terms of popularity. But, beside these texts he wrote/compiled a life story of Milarepa’s lama Marpa, and he also compiled a large collection of texts associated with the aural transmission of the Kagyü tradition which contains several works written by Tsangnyön. Although a description and analysis of Tsangnyön’s works is somewhat beyond the aims of the present study, a tentative overview and discussion of his works will enable us to get closer to Tsangnyön and see him from another angle. This chapter will survey and discuss the texts which Tsangnyön wrote/compiled/printed, in other words texts that he was personally involved in making, with a special emphasis on his famous works on Milarepa.9 Tsangnyön printed his life story about Milarepa in Crystal Cave in Drin, 1488.10 Alongside this he compiled and printed Milarepa’s collection of songs. The life story was given the title the Life of the Great Powerful Lord of Yogins Venerable Milarepa, which Teaches the Path of Liberation and Omniscience;11 the song collection was entitled the Collected Songs which Expand on the Life of the Venerable Milarepa.12 Andrew Quintman notes that no copy of Tsangnyön’s original block-print has yet appeared. But two manuscripts that are preserved in the archives of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project in Kathmandu seem to have been copied from this first printing.13 The original printing blocks that were made

8 Schaeffer, 2009: 60, 2011: 460. 9 It is often difficult to determine the authorship of Tibetan texts, and this is the case with most of the sources of this study. For example, all three biographies of Tsangnyön, which were described in chapter 2, include sections that may contain Tsangnyön’s own words. 10 As mentioned in chapter 7, the life stories about Tsangnyön give other information concerning the dating of this text. 11 Rnal ’byor gyi dbang phyug chen po rje btsun mi la ras pa’i rnam thar thar pa dang thams cad mkhyen pa’i lam ston. 12 Rje btsun mi la ras pa’i rnam thar rgyas par phye ba mgur ’bum. 13 Quintman 2006: 205, n. 38. Tsangnyön’s own printer colophon in these manuscripts is presented in Quintman 2006: 408–411. 232 part three under Tsangnyön’s supervision eventually wore out, and new ones had to be made. Lhatsün organized a new carving of the life story at Drakar Taso and he also oversaw the production of a new edition of the collection of songs.14 Gene Smith has listed the many editions of Milarepa’s life story and song collection that followed this second edition and the list is a distinct proof of the success of Tsangnyön’s versions.15 The triumph of Tsangnyön’s two works on Milarepa is indeed remarkable. Especially the life story but also the collected songs became accepted by everyone in Tibet. All the Buddhist traditions used them; the learned as well as the illiterate were familiar with them and had faith in them; monks and laypeople alike studied and venerated them, as did men and women, young and old. Tsangnyön skillfully promulgated his version of Milarepa’s life story by laying out biographical scroll paintings following his version of the text. These visual narratives expanded his audience to include non-literate communities and they helped to promote his version of the life story and make it the standard version.16 It is hard to find any other Tibetan text that has gained such popularity and acceptance. Its status is so great that some people consider it comparable in value to a canonical text. The fame and popularity of the life story and song collection of Milarepa spread far beyond Tibet, and became almost universal. Many scholars have acknowledged that this particular version of Milarepa’s life story and song collection stands apart from other biographies and collections of songs. Giuseppe Tucci, who generally found biographies to be boring and tedious, remarked that the life story of Milarepa was one of the few “noble masterpieces breathing a fresh, serene and robust poetic spirit.”17 R. A. Stein noted that the biographies of Milarepa and Marpa authored by Tsangnyön are “distinguished from many other, quite boring and pedan- tic, works by their near, colloquial language, their lively style, and above all the interest they take in countless details of real life.” Stein also states that “it is just this communion of the ‘mad’ saints with popular sources of

14 The Drakar Taso edition of the life story is 115 folios long, and the song collection 250 folios long; both are preserved by the NGMPP (described by Schaeffer 2011: 470). de Jong used the Drakar Taso edition as one of his sources when he made his critical edition of the biography of Milarepa (de Jong 1959). 15 Smith 2001: 70–73. Andrew Quintman is preparing an updated list of editions that currently includes at least nineteen unique editions (Quintman personal communication, November 2008). 16 Quintman 2006: 207–208; G: 147, 158, 161. 17 Tucci 1949: 151. the school of tsangnyön heruka 233

Figure 17. Tsangnyön’s great source of inspiration, Milarepa, whose tradition he both followed and propagated. inspiration that made them the greatest creators of Tibetan literature.”18 Gene Smith once remarked that Tsangnyön’s “biography (rnam thar) and collected poems (mgur ’bum) of Mi la ras pa are among the great masterpieces of Tibetan and world literature.”19 Stanley Tambiah similarly suggests that the biography of Milarepa and the biography of the Thai forest-monk Acharn Mun could be considered the “flowers of the Bud- dhist hagiological tradition.”20

18 Stein 1972: 276. 19 Smith 2001: 61. 20 Tambiah 1984: 128. 234 part three

These are only a few examples of the praise that the biography and song collection composed by Tsangnyön have received. The most compelling evidence of their popularity in Tibet and elsewhere is not words of praise, however, but the many translations and editions that have been made of the texts.21 If one compares older versions of Milarepa’s life story with the version composed by Tsangnyön, one discovers several differences or innovations that contributed to the popularity of Tsangnyön’s versions of both the biography and the song collection.22 These innovations also give us information about Tsangnyön himself and the time period during which he lived—to the extent that we may even be moved to wonder if it is Milarepa or Tsangnyön who talks to us in the famous life story. Quintman points out that “the contemporary study of autobiography has become increasingly aware of an autobiographical presence within biographical literature.”23 He also notes that “the writing of biography is to some degree a self-reflexive process through which the author defines the subject in terms of his own position.”24 One of Tsangnyön’s significant innovations was to transform the third- person narrative into a first-person account. Quintman notes that “as an ostensibly autobiographical narrative, the story of Mi la ras pa’s life garnered an immediacy that masked nearly four centuries of repetition and revision.”25 This innovation no doubt contributed a great deal to the eventual success of Tsangnyön’s version. The rhetorical move of letting Milarepa tell the story to Rechungpa gives more weight to the story, and conveys the impression that the reader or listener is in direct contact with Milarepa’s own words. The life story begins with the words, “Thus did I hear.”26 This is the traditional beginning of a Buddhist sūtra, and as Donald Lopez explains, this beginning gives a clear signal to the reader/ listener: “By using these famous words to open his text, the author signals to the reader that they are about to hear the teaching of a buddha, and

21 It is beyond the scope of this study to mention all the translations and editions that have been made over the years, all over the world. For English translations of the life story, see Evans-Wentz 2000; Lhalungpa 1979; Tsangnyön 2010 (translated by Quintman). The song collection has been translated into English by Garma C.C. Chang 1989. 22 These differences have been discussed by Quintman (2006: 209–241) and by Roberts (2007: 57–60). 23 Quintman 2006: 249. 24 Quintman 2006: 250. 25 Quintman 2006: 216. 26 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1979: 6. the school of tsangnyön heruka 235 that the rapporteur of the teaching, in this case, Rechungpa, speaks with the authority of a witness.”27 Another important innovation was to separate the songs from the life story.28 This made the life story easier to read or listen to. The songs became a commentary on the life story, readily available to those who wanted to know more, but no longer distracting to the general reader who wanted to read the dramatic narrative without the many songs. This resulted in a much more accessible text that could also be understood by people without much prior knowledge of Buddhist teachings. Tsangnyön also shifted Milarepa’s status from a miraculous emanation to that of an ordinary human. Quintman notes that “Tsangnyön was the first—and perhaps the only—author to categorically deny the yogin’s status as a previously awakened buddha, contradicting numerous works in the biographical tradition including most of his principal sources.”29 This change was important in several ways. It made Milarepa more human and thereby easier for the reader to identify with. It also proved that an ordinary human being—even a sinner—could attain complete liberation (rnam thar). Milarepa thus became a living example who proved the effi- cacy of the Secret Mantra methods. In the story, when Ngendzong asks Milarepa if he is the incarnation of a buddha or a bodhisattva, Milarepa replies, “It is possible for every ordinary man to persevere as I have done. To consider a man of such perseverance as the reincarnation of a Buddha or as a Bodhisattva is a sign of not believing in the short path.”30 In some ways Tsangnyön’s version of the life story mirrors the times in which it was written. Thus presenting Milarepa as an ordinary being might be understood as an indirect critique of the system of reincarnation that had become increasingly important during Tsangnyön’s lifetime. Another theme that seems at least partly to reflect Tsangnyön’s times rather than Milarepa’s is the constant criticism of monk-scholars in both the life story and the song collection. This kind of criticism is also found in older versions, but Tsangnyön seems to have adapted it to his times, sometimes deliberately portraying learned monks and dge bshes as the “bad guys” of the story. The most poignant and pronounced example of this probably occurs in the last chapter of the biography in which the bon priest who in

27 Lopez 2000: J. 28 Quintman 2006: 215. 29 Quintman 2006: 221. Milarepa is described as an emanation in all the earlier sources according to Peter Alan Roberts (Roberts 2007: 78–80). 30 Lhalungpa 1979: 145; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1979: 144. 236 part three earlier versions poisons Milarepa becomes transformed into a jealous dge bshes.31 There are also several songs in Tsangnyön’s version of the song collection that portray monk-scholars and dge bshes in negative ways.32 Such criticism of monk-scholars was not uncommon in the religious climate of Tsangnyön’s times. As mentioned in chapter 1, Tsangnyön and the other mad yogins participated in a contemporary debate about how Buddhism should be practiced. According to the mad yogins, a person who wanted to progress on the path to awakening should become a yogin and vigorously practice Tantric Buddhism in remote areas, and it did not matter much whether one was a learned monk or an illiterate lay person. Faith and diligence enabled anyone to practice Tantric Buddhism and obtain results. Intellectual learning was not necessarily anything negative, but it could be a fault if it led to pride and egotism. Tsangnyön was thus involved in polemics with some learned monks (dge bshes) of the recently founded Gelukpa tradition, and also with monk-scholars of other traditions. The dispute concerned not only how Buddhism should be practiced, but especially when and how the more advanced tantric practices should be undertaken. By letting Milarepa say things that Tsangnyön himself believed in, his arguments became hard to refute. Tsangnyön thus skillfully used Milarepa as a tool to support his views in a contemporary debate. It has also been suggested that Tsangnyön purposely presented Milarepa as a mad yogin in the Life and thereby promoted the way of mad yogins in Tibet. In his PhD dissertation, “The Hermeneutics of Madness: A Literary and Hermeneutical Analysis of the ‘Mi la’i rnam thar’ by Tsang- nyön Heruka,” Robert Everett Goss suggests that “Tsangnyön composed the biography [of Milarepa] with a reformist intent,” and also “portrayed the poet-saint Mi la as a mad saint to justify the mad saint movement (smyon pa) in Tibet.”33 I agree with Goss that Tsangnyön indeed seems to have had a reformist intent when he composed the biography,34 but

31 Quintman 2006: 202, n. 30; Tiso 1997: 994. Quintman informed me that he has found a rare account of this incident by Zhijé Ritröpa (Zhi byed ri khrod pa), finished in 1373, that also describes the poisoner as a dge bshes. This shows that the anti-scholar theme existed in the biographical tradition prior to Tsangnyön. (Quintman, personal communication, November 30, 2008). 32 See, for example, chapters 34, 42, 43, and 44 in Milarepa’s song collection. 33 Goss 1993: abstract. 34 If all actions are preceded by intention, it is nevertheless difficult to determine such intention, or even to ascribe a single intention to any given act. The stated intention that Tsangnyön provides is that he wrote down the biography of Milarepa to benefit the teachings and the beings (see chapter 7). We may also assume that he had some more or less the school of tsangnyön heruka 237

I find his second argument less compelling. Although there are parallels between Tsangnyön and Milarepa there are also many differences, and compared with the biographies about Tsangnyön and other mad yogins, the biography and song collection of Milarepa by Tsangnyön depict com- paratively few really bizarre and mad actions. Milarepa appears to have been a great ascetic, a great meditator, and a great yogin, but not a mad yogin. Milarepa was indeed called mad in the song that was cited in the beginning of this book, but that song simply uses madness as a metaphor for enlightenment.35 There is one episode in Tsangnyön’s Life, however, where Milarepa indeed acts in a quite bizarre way, and here Tsangnyön might have exag- gerated his behavior so that Milarepa appeared to be a mad yogin rather than just a yogin. When Milarepa’s sister Peta visited her brother in his isolated mountain retreat, Milarepa’s nakedness embarrassed and upset her. She wept and said, “However you look at my brother now, he cannot be called a man. You should beg for alms and eat at least some scrap of food fit for humans. I will give you whatever I can collect to make clothes.”36 Later Peta returned with some woolen cloth that she had woven for Milarepa. While searching for her brother she met a lama who was dressed in silk and sat upon a high throne beneath a canopy. A great crowd offered him tea and beer. When she eventually found her brother in Khyi Puk she felt sad and embarrassed and told him that, in contrast to the lama she had met, Milarepa’s dharma did not even help him to provide food or clothing. Peta handed over some of the woolen cloth that she had woven and told Milarepa to make a skirt from it.37 When Milarepa heard his sister’s lamen- tations he said, “Peta, don’t say that. You are embarrassed at my nakedness and my unconventional behavior, but I am satisfied with what I have here. Since it allowed me to encounter the dharma, I am not ashamed of it.”38 Milarepa then sang a song with instructions for his sister and after having heard the song, his sister handed over the cloth and said: hidden and perhaps unconscious motivation when he composed the famous life story. Such hidden intentions do not necessarily contradict his ‘official’ motivation to benefit beings, however, since his ‘reformist intent’ might be motivated by just that. 35 The song was included in a song collection that was authored/compiled by Tsang- nyön. His disciple, Lhatsün, also includes this song in his collection of Milarepa songs, but it is not yet known if the song of madness existed in older versions. The song of madness might thus be an example showing that Tsangnyön inserted the theme of madness into the tradition of Milarepa. 36 Tsangnyön 2010: 144; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1979: 124. 37 Tsangnyön 2010: 155; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1979: 134. 38 Tsangnyön 2010: 156; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1979: 134. 238 part three

“Make a lower garment from this woolen cloth. I will return soon.” I promised to stay there a few days and my sister went to beg in the area around Dingri. While she was away, I made a hood that covered my entire head, gloves for each of my fingers, boots for my feet, and a sheath for my penis. A few days later my sister returned and asked me, “Brother, did you make something with the woolen cloth?” “I did,” I replied. Then I slipped each of the garments I had made onto my various appendages and showed them to her. “Brother,” she exclaimed, “you are not human. Not only have you no shame, you have also ruined the woolen cloth that I prepared with such difficulty. At times you seem to have no time for anything but practice. But at others you seem to have plenty of time to do as you like.”39 Although Milarepa tries to explain why he made the sheaths, and tells his sister that he made them because he considered each part of the body to be of equal worth, it is a bit hard to understand why a yogin who had no time to do anything other than meditate would devote time and energy to making sheaths for his limbs. It would seem to make more sense for Milarepa simply to ignore the cloth and continue with his meditation, and indeed in an older biography that refers to this story, Milarepa does not sew individual garments but just allows the cloth to disintegrate while he remains naked.40 Although making the sheaths could perhaps be explained as some kind of teaching for his sister, in this particular scene Milarepa does indeed seem a bit mad, or at least to have had a rather bizarre sense of humor. However we may interpret Tsangnyön’s version of this incident, it is clear that Milarepa is not depicted as publicly acting out in a seemingly crazy way as Tsangnyön and the other mad yogins often did. The character of Milarepa’s madness was thus entirely different from that of the mad yogins. What is more, no one in the story considers Milarepa to be a mad yogin. Since his sister Peta later changes her mind about her brother and becomes a devoted cotton-clad yoginī, the incident with the sheaths does after all appear to be a teaching directed to his sister, and to the reader of the story as well. Although the theme of madness also sometimes appears in Tsang- nyön’s version of Milarepa’s song collection—the song of madness to Padampa Sangyé being the most obvious example—there is little in the Songs to suggest that Milarepa is a mad yogin. For instance, in the chapter

39 Tsangnyön 2010: 160; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1979: 137–138. 40 The older biography of Milarepa that is referred to is the Bu chen bcu gnyis. This was one of Tsangnyön’s sources when he wrote his version. Thanks are due to Andrew Quint- man who kindly gave me this information (e-mail correspondence spring 2007). the school of tsangnyön heruka 239 about the attack by and subsequent conversion of the Five Long-Life Sis- ters, Milarepa calls himself “a mad ascetic who knows not disgrace and shame,”41 but as in the song of madness, madness here is a metaphor for enlightenment. Overall, ‘holy madness’ is not a striking feature of Milarepa’s biography and song collection, and Tibetans do not generally think of or refer to Milarepa as a mad yogin. Milarepa is the perfect yogin and ascetic, but the perfect mad yogins and mad ascetics appeared later, in the time of Tsangnyön. This being said, it should be admitted that the minor elements of ‘madness’ in the Life and Songs contributed to making it possible for the mad yogins to refer to Milarepa when justifying their own ‘mad way’ of practice. Tsangnyön in some cases perhaps allowed such elements to remain, and in other instances probably wrote them subtly into the story, thereby paving the way for the ‘real mad yogins’ to justify their way of practicing Buddhism. Overall, however, Tsangnyön’s innovations in his version of the life story tended to make Milarepa less controversial and unusual than he was in earlier texts, and there are a number of other ways in which he adjusted the content of the Life to downplay Milarepa’s problematic and controversial sides. In an unpublished article, Kristin Blancke has shown that older versions of Milarepa’s life story often mention that the monk- scholars whom Milarepa criticized belonged to the Kadampa tradition. Tsangnyön kept the anti-scholastic agenda but omitted the references to the Kadampa school, according to Blancke.42 Milarepa—as presented in his biography—thus became less controversial. Since the founder of the four greater and eight lesser Kagyü traditions, Gampopa, was a Kadampa monk, the established Kagyü traditions were a mixture of Kadampa’s monasticism and Milarepa’s esoteric yogic teachings. Atiśa and the Kad- ampa tradition had also been integrated into other traditions of Tibetan Buddhism, and Milarepa’s life story probably would not have been accepted as widely as it was if the critique of them had remained. Tsangnyön also made other changes in his version of the story. For example, he emphasized Gampopa’s primacy as Milarepa’s foremost disciple.43 This was important because it enabled all the Kagyü traditions that stemmed from Gampopa to embrace Tsangnyön’s version of the Life.

41 Chang (trans.) 1989: 319; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1991: 475–476: brtul zhugs spyod pa’i smyon pa zhig [. . .] ngo tsha mi shes [. . .]. 42 Blancke, unpublished: 11. 43 Roberts 2007: 3. See also Tsangnyön’s presentation of Gampopa, translated in Chang (trans.) 1989: 463–497. 240 part three

A factor contributing to the popularity of Tsangnyön’s version was the acceptance and praise it received from the Seventh Karmapa Chödrak Gyamtso, who was one of the most important religious figures at the time and the head of the Karma Kagyü tradition.44 If Tsangnyön had not presented Gampopa as Milarepa’s foremost disciple it would likely have been difficult for the Karmapa and other religious dignitaries in the Kagyü tradition to accept it. In presenting Gampopa as Milarepa’s foremost disciple, Tsangnyön necessarily downplayed the role of Rechungpa, to whom Milarepa told his life story according to Tsangnyön’s version of the text. Tsangnyön did this in spite of the fact that he had strong personal bonds to transmissions that stemmed from Rechungpa and also practiced in a way that resemble Rechungpa’s approach to practice rather than Gampopa’s. Both Rechungpa and Tsangnyön were lay yogins who emphasized the importance of tantric practices. Yet despite presenting Rechungpa as one of the key characters in both the life story and the song collection, Tsangnyön portrayed him as a rather controversial and flawed disciple who often dis- obeyed Milarepa.45 Furthermore, Tsangnyön removed some sections of older Milarepa biographies that contained polemics against the gradual approach to enlightenment. This gradual approach had been accepted by the majority of Buddhists by the time of Tsangnyön, and the Kadampas were instrumental in spreading this approach. The tantric path and the mahāmudrā teachings that Tsangnyön’s own lineage were focused upon often advocated a more direct path to enlightenment and thus were sometimes in opposition to the gradual path. Blancke has shown that Tsangnyön’s version of Milarepa’s Life and Songs contains passages where Milarepa advo- cates a gradual approach that corresponds better with the Mahāyāna sūtric approach of the Kadampa than with the tantric practices that Milarepa taught according to older versions of his life story and songs.46 This is a further example of how Tsangnyön made subtle changes in the life story, thereby making it less controversial. Tsangnyön belonged to a non-monastic lineage that lacked an institutional foundation. He followed closely in the footsteps of Milarepa and the Kagyü forefathers, and actively promoted and emulated them. But

44 Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 76–77. 45 Roberts 2007: 149. 46 Blancke, unpublished: 20. the school of tsangnyön heruka 241 at the same time he seemed aware of the fact that his works must be accepted by the monks and their institutions if he wanted to get his message across. Peter Alan Roberts has described how Tsangnyön altered the text slightly in his version of the songs of Milarepa and thereby created interesting shifts in meaning. In one particular section of the text where Tsangnyön made some small changes to an older version, the end result is that Milarepa says: “I am a yogin but afterwards there will also be many monks.”47 Roberts comments upon these prophetic words and states that the fact that this declaration is made by Milarepa to his own non-monastic community intensifies its import. He moreover points out that “the passage is often quoted to demonstrate the legitimacy of the monastic Dakpo Kagyu lineage in spite of its yogin origins.”48 There is no doubt but that Tsangnyön’s innovative changes in the Life and Songs of Milarepa, which affected both narrative technique and content, gave them new life and contributed to their gaining widespread acceptance and favor. Paradoxically, however, despite denying Milarepa’s position as an emanation in his life story, Tsangnyön became so intimately connected with Milarepa that he was regarded as Milarepa’s emanation. Tsangnyön was generally evasive about his previous lives, but he sometimes made allusions and said enigmatic things that indicated that he saw himself as Milarepa incarnate.49 Quintman notes that Tsangnyön’s biography of Milarepa “can be read, in part, as his own autobiography, an autobiographical biography, a life within a life.”50 This was also part of the reason for the great success of his work. Because Tsangnyön so thoroughly identified himself with Milarepa that he ‘became Milarepa,’ his version was full of life and vitality. Tsangnyön believed that he was Milarepa; he meditated in the same caves as Milarepa, ate the same food, walked the same paths, smelled the same smells, and so forth. When he transformed Milarepa’s life story into an autobiography by making it a first-person account this was not simply a narrative technique, but a way for Tsangnyön to express his heartfelt closeness with Milarepa and ‘speak’ from his own experience.

47 Roberts 2007: 217. Roberts’s italics. Tsangnyön cited in Roberts 2007: 217: kho bo rnal ’byor pa yin pa la rjes su rab tu byung ba mang po yang ’ong bar ’dug. 48 Roberts 2007: 217. 49 For more on this, see chapter 3. The statements and allusions of this kind that Tsang- nyön made have been translated and analyzed at length by both Quintman 2006: 253–261 and Stearns [Kalnins] 1985: 75–83. 50 Quintman 2006: 249. 242 part three

The Life of Marpa

Around 1505, just two years before his death, Tsangnyön stayed in “Chu- war, the nirmāṇakāya palace, the supreme place where Lord Milarepa attained perfect, complete buddhahood,”51 and there he printed a biography and collection of songs (mgur ’bum) of Marpa, Milarepa’s teacher.52 The biography, which Tsangnyön composed, was given the name the Life of Marpa the Translator which is Meaningful to Behold and it was 75 folios long.53 Gene Smith’s list of the different editions of this text shows that the biography of Marpa also became popular and was widely disseminated in Tibet.54 Vostrikov notes that this biography “is extremely popular in Tibet and abroad.”55 The song collection, which is entitled the Collected Songs of Marpa the Translator,56 has remained obscure and no translation of it has appeared. The Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project has a microfilm copy of it. The song collection is 40 folios long in the later edition that was printed by Lhatsün 1552 (?) at Drakar Taso.57 Tsangnyön’s version of Marpa’s biography differs from earlier ones in several interesting ways.58 As in his Life of Milarepa, he used his literary skills and great learning to shape a version of Marpa’s life story that out- shines earlier versions. For the sake of creating a more streamlined and compelling story, for example, Tsangnyön both omitted and added songs and narratives.59 He highlights Nāropa in a way that had not been done previously, emphasizes Marpa’s relation with his rival Nyö, and describes

51 The Nālandā Translation Committee (trans.), 1986: 204; Gtsang smyon Heruka 1990: 189. 52 G: 235. The biography was later reprinted by Tsangnyön’s disciple Sönam Lodrö (Schaeffer 2011: 465; Smith 2001: 74). 53 Sgra bsgyur mar pa lo tsha’i rnam thar mthong ba don yod. The text is listed in Schaef- fer 2011: 470. The copy that Schaeffer refers to is preserved in the archives of NGMPP, reel no. E693/3, L9/11-L10/1. 54 Smith 2001: 74. 55 Vostrikov 1970: 189, n. 555. Jacques Bacot translated parts of it to French, and a complete English translation was made by Chögyam Trungpa and the Nālandā Translation Committee (Bacot 1937, Nālandā Translation Committee 1986). For a review of the latter, see Martin 1984. 56 Sgra bsgyur mar pa lo tsa’i mgur ’bum (NGMPP reel no. L194/7, E2518/2). 57 Listed in Schaeffer 2011: 470. 58 Cécile Ducher has explored the biographical traditions that developed around Marpa in her dissertation (Ducher 2011). I thank her for sending me excerpts of her study and kindly answering my questions. For an English summary of Ducher’s thesis, see the online journal Études mongoles & sibériennes centrasiatiques & tibétaines (no. 42). 59 Ducher, e-mail communication (2011). the school of tsangnyön heruka 243 the death of Marpa’s son Darma Dodé in greater detail than other versions.60 His way of portraying Marpa and Milarepa is particularly moving and emotional. By focusing upon their human nature, he makes it easier to sympathize and identify with the two masters. Given the importance of Marpa’s biography it is peculiar that neither Lhatsün nor Ngödrub Pembar chose to mention it in their biographies of Tsangnyön. Only Götsangrepa refers to it, and he does so in one sentence only.61 This indicates that the disciples of Tsangnyön did not consider this work to be especially important. History, however, has proven them wrong. The life story of Marpa became an important text that—although not as popular or as widely disseminated as the Life of Milarepa—was widely read and accepted as authoritative far beyond the Kagyü traditions. Thus Tsangnyön’s biographies of Milarepa and Marpa made the two founding fathers of the Kagyü school famous in Tibet (and nowadays in the world at large), and brought fame to Tsangnyön himself as one of Tibet’s greatest authors and poets.

The Aural Transmission Compilation

The popularity of the life stories and song collections of Marpa and Milarepa tends to overshadow Tsangnyön’s largest literary production— an extensive collection of the aural transmissions of the Kagyü tradition. Tsangnyön worked on this project for the greater part of his life and completed it just before he passed away. The compilation contains many original works by Tsangnyön, as well as works by other masters of the tradition. As seen above, Tsangnyön was a lineage holder of several different Kagyü aural transmissions and he devoted his whole life to practicing and transmitting them.62 Tsangnyön’s disciple Götsangrepa became his principal successor as the lineage holder of the aural transmission, but his other disciples also continued to disseminate these teachings after their master’s death. According to Lhatsün, the first text Tsangnyön ever wrote was a summary of the root text of the aural transmission called the Outline of the

60 I am indebted to Cécile Ducher for pointing out these differences to me (e-mail communication 2011). See also Ducher 2011: 89–90. Davidson mentions that some Tibetans called in question whether Marpa actually ever met Nāropa (Davidson 2005: 144–147). 61 G: 235. 62 For a description of the aural transmission and how Tsangnyön received it, see chapter 4. 244 part three

Figure 18. Marpa, Milarepa, and Rechungpa, the first three Tibetan lineage lamas of the Aural Transmission of Rechung.

Vajra Verses that Dispels the Darkness of Ignorance.63 Lhatsün states that this text was composed in Tsari when Tsangnyön was in his early twenties;64 Götsangrepa and Ngödrub Pembar mention that the text was composed more than ten years later during another visit to Tsari.65 The colophon of the text itself states that it was composed in Tsari in a zil gnon gi lo, which corresponds to the Fire Male Horse year, i.e. 1486, thus confirming Götsangrepa’s and Ngödrub Pembar’s accounts.66

63 Rdo rje tshig rkang gi sa bcad ma rig mun sel. The text is also called the Outline of the Aural Transmission that Dispels the Darkness of Ignorance by Lhatsün (L: 31). This text is preserved in a dbu med manuscript titled Snyan rgyud rdo rje’i tshig rkang gi sa bcad ma rig mun sel zhib mo bkod pa (Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971d). Both a dbu med (E 3042/6, 8 folios long) and a dbu chen (L 138/15, 7 folios long) version of the text are preserved in the NGMPP archives. It is also listed in Götsangrepa’s inventory of Tsangnyön’s aural transmission compilation (Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16), which I will return to below. The text is also listed among the aural transmission texts which Ngödrub Pembar received from Tsangnyön, see Jampa Lhatsün Drakpa’s biography of Ngödrub Pembar (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 36). 64 L: 31–32. Lhatsün mentions that he was twenty-four when he left Tsari and went to Laphyi (L: 32). 65 G: 127; N: 15b. 66 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971d: 27. the school of tsangnyön heruka 245

Götsangrepa describes why Tsangnyön composed this and other aural transmission texts in Heart of the Sun. When Tsangnyön was studying the tantras in a monastery in Chuwar, he thought about composing a commentary on the Hevajra Tantra based on its outline. As we have seen, Hevajra was Tsangnyön’s chosen deity and he had studied and practiced the Hevajra Tantra carefully, so it would obviously have been a suitable task for the mad yogin to write such a text. However, one morning at dawn, Cakrasaṃvara’s female partner, Vajrayoginī, and her retinue appeared. Vajrayoginī told Tsangnyön that since there were already many Indian and Tibetan commentaries devoted to Hevajra it would be of greater benefit to the teachings and beings if he clarified the meaning of the aural transmission’s Wish-Fulfilling Gem instead.67 Complying with the prophetic statements of the female deity, Tsangyön began composing the summary of the ‘vajra verses’ when he later visited Tsari.68 Tsangnyön also received visionary guidance as he was writing down the text. Ngödrub Pembar describes how: Two women dressed in ḍākinī garments appeared at dawn while he was in the state of a dreamlike experience.69 Again and again he dreamt that they were shooting arrows, which kept waking him over and over. As he was thinking about this sign, wondering what it might mean, he came to this section in the outline on transference, buddhahood without meditation. As he was writing the part of the outline on from where does one transfer, to where does one transfer, and how does one transfer, he came to understand that the [shooting of arrows] was a symbol for the purpose of transference. He changed the outline to read, “The preliminary practice is to take the form of a powerful hero. The main practice is to shoot the consciousness— the arrow of the skilled archer—into the target which is the object of one’s aspiration, after which the target will be recognized.”70 Some years later, when Tsangnyön was in his early forties, after a brief visit to Lo that followed the printing of Milarepa’s life story and song collection, he practiced meditation for three years at the holy Lapchi hermitage.71 At that time Tsangnyön composed several different aural transmission texts.

67 G: 115–116. 68 Lhatsün describes this vision as occurring on Tsangnyön’s previous visit to Tsari, before he wrote the Outline of the Vajra Verses (L: 29). The vision is not mentioned in Lion of Faith. 69 Mnal nyams kyi ngang du or “in a state where sleep and clear light mix” (rnal dang ’od gsal ’dres pa’i ngang la) as Götsangrepa calls it (G: 127). 70 N: 15b. The cited lines are contained in Gtsang smyon 1971d: 23.2. This incident is also described in G: 127; L: 31. 71 G: 158; N: 17a. According to Lhatsün he stayed for two years in La phyi (L: 99). 246 part three

Ngödrub Pembar explains the reasons for devoting time and energy to this project as follows: Although there existed manuals about the above-mentioned instructions and the root tantra of the Aural Transmission of the Ḍākinīs in Tibet,72 written in former times by various learned and accomplished masters such as the Venerable Mila, most of these were just notes on the practice. Besides these nothing had been written down. Having composed many liturgical texts and mandala rituals, because many profound [instructions] on the practice had been kept secret within the aural transmission, [Gtsang smyon] feared [that they] would disappear in this final cycle of five hundred years.73 Fearing that the profound oral instructions which constitute the “source or root” of the Kagyü tradition would disappear or become distorted in the degenerate times during which he lived, Tsangnyön decided to write them down. Encouraged by the above-mentioned vision of Vajrayoginī, by the fact that the Varjadhara’s command seal that had restricted the dissemination of the aural transmission teachings had expired,74 and probably by the successful completion of his Milarepa works, he began composing aural transmission texts. Ngödrub Pembar mentions that he composed the following texts: the Outline,75 the Commentary,76 the Ripening Ritual,77 the Liturgy for the Development Stage,78 the Practice Manual,79 and the Concise Summary

72 Lhatsün adds the names of these root tantras, namely Rdo rje’i tshig rkang (Vajra Verses) and Rdo rje gzhung chung (Small Vajra Text) (L: 101). 73 N: 17a; cf. G: 159. “Final cycle of five hundred years” (lnga brgya tha ma) refers to the final period of five hundred years before the world is destroyed. 74 For more on this, see chapter 4. 75 Sa bcad. This is probably the Outline of the Vajra Verses that Dispels the Darkness of Ignorance, which was referred to above. 76 ’Grel pa. This is likely Tsangnyön’s large aural transmission commentary (called Zhung ’brel or Nor bu skor gsum), which I will return to below. It is preserved in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 5–360, and in vol. 2: 81–447. The text is also contained in NGMPP’s archives, reel no. L686/2–L686/1. The text is mentioned in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16, and in Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 36. 77 Smin byed kyi cho ga. A text written by Tsangnyön called Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi nang longs spyod rdzogs pa sku’i gdams pa smin lam yid bzhin nor bu is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 367–457. This text is referred to as Smin lam yid bzhin nor bu in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16, and Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 36. 78 Bskyed rim gyi mngon rtogs. A text titled Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud yab bskor yum bskor gyi bstod pa bskyed rims gsal ba’i nyi ma is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 533–554. It is also mentioned that Ngödrub Pembar received an instruction of Yab skor yum skor gyi bstod pa and Bskyed rim gsal nyi from Tsangnyön (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 37). Perhaps these two titles are in fact one text. See also Heart of the Sun (G: 190). 79 Las byang. A title called Las byang yid bzhin nor bu is included in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 2: 625–679. Ngödrub Pembar’s biography mentions that Ngödrub Pembar received an the school of tsangnyön heruka 247 with Extra Texts.80 Tsangnyön later completed the work by making an appendix to the collection in which he added: the Sādhana of the Revered Simultaneously-Born Lady,81 the Root-Verses of the Oral Instructions,82 the Oral Instructions of the Body-Mandala,83 the Universal Panacea of the Heroes,84 the Six Ornaments,85 the Fire-Ritual,86 and the Consecration Ritual.87 Ngödrub Pembar concludes that the compilation that Tsangnyön made “became similar to the eyes or a guide to the instructions which accomplish awakening in one life at this final cycle of five hundred years. And it also made the teachings of the Kagyü shine like the sun.”88 Götsangrepa provides more detail about the composition of some of the above-mentioned texts and also adds more titles to the list. For example he mentions that Tsangnyön went to Chuwar and gave aural transmission empowerments and instruction in 1495.89 The following winter he and his female companion Küntu Zangmo, accompanied by a group of disciples, instruction of Las byang yid bzhin nor bu from Tsangnyön (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 37). 80 N: 17a. Sdom tshig dang bcas. A text called Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud smin lam dbang gi sdom tshig is included in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 361–366. Ngödrub Pem- bar’s biography mentions that Ngödrub Pembar received an instruction of Smin lam gyi sdom tshig from Tsangnyön (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 36). 81 Rje btsun lhan cig skyes ma’i sgrub thabs. A text called ’Khor lo sdom pa lhan skyes sgrub thabs is listed in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 15. 82 Zhal gdams rtsa tshig. A text called Zhal gdams rtsa tshig is listed in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16. This text is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 2: 785–791. In the collection it is titled Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi zhal gdam rtsa tshig. The text is also found under the title Snyan rgyud gsal ba’i zhal gdams in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 697–701. 83 Lus dkyil zhal shes. A text titled Snyan rgyud kyi zhal gdams lus dkyil is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 819–831. The same text is called Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi lus dkyil ’khor ye nas lhun grub in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 2: 613–624. A text called Lus dkyil is listed in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16. 84 Dpa’ bo chig thub. The text is listed in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16. A text titled Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi zhal gdams dpa’o chig thub is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 2: 775–783. 85 Rgyan drug. A text named Gsang lam brgyan drug is mentioned in the table of contents of Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 3. A text called Rgyan drug is listed in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16. 86 Sbyin sreg. A text by Tsangnyön titled Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi sbyin bsreg ’phrin las lhun grub is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 643–648. The text is mentioned in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16, and in Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 37. 87 N: 17a. Rab gnas. A text titled Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi rab gnas rgyal ba kun bsdud is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 555–641. The text is mentioned in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 16, and in Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 37. 88 N: 17a. 89 G: 171. This is one of the few dated events in Heart of the Sun. Götsangrepa writes that it happened on the fifteenth day of the first month of a Rabbit year. Based on information given in Lhatsün’s and Ngödrub Pembar’s biographies, and due to the chronology of the narrative, this must refer to 1495, which was a shing yos (Tree-Rabbit) year. 248 part three went to the capital of Gungtang where he was requested by the king of Gungtang, Namgyal Dé, to write more texts. Tsangnyön granted the king’s request and composed an aural transmission text entitled the Dharmakāya and Sambhogakāya Transference Manual.90 Later, while staying in Tisé, he had a vision of Cakrasaṃvara. Encouraged by this vision he composed a commentary on the Secret Conduct of Nāropa and some other aural transmission texts.91 While Tsangnyön was in Chuwar some years later he composed several of the above listed texts and, at the request of Küntu Zangmo, An Abbreviated Protector Sādhana.92 Later, after returning from the restoration of the Svayambhū Stūpa around 1504, he wrote texts for the appendix to the aural transmission manual.93 Finally, while residing in Chuwar, Tsangnyön made the necessary corrections in a twelve-volume version of an aural transmission compilation he had put together, and he also completed the biographies of Tilopa and Nāropa that were included in his extensive aural transmission commentary.94 Götsangrepa later wrote an inventory that lists and describes the texts included in Tsangnyön’s compilation.95 In the inventory we find many of the texts that are mentioned in the biographies of Tsangnyön, as well as other texts. Sernesi points out that the inventory gives us a picture of what

90 Chos sku dang longs sku ’pho ba yig cha. G: 172. This text recently appeared in a list of texts stored in Tsurpu Monastery in Tibet. Tsangnyön is listed as the author of a text called Chos sku longs sku ’pho ba . In the list we also find another text by Tsangnyön: Chos drug zin bris. According to the accompanying letter, the many books mentioned in the list were designated to be published in Chengdu and Derge. Thanks to Anne Burchardi at the Royal Library of Denmark for sending me this list. A two-folio manuscript ascribed to Tsangnyön entitled Chos sku longs sku’i ’pho ba’i zhal shes is contained in NGMPP’s archives, reel no. L588/7. A text authored by Tsangnyön called ’Pho ba zab mo, is found in Gtsang smyon 1971a, vol. 1: 703–707. 91 G: 190. Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971c. 92 Mgon po grub thabs ’dus pa. G: 198. A thirty-one folio xylograph ascribed to Tsang- nyön entitled Dpal ye shes kyi mgon po phyag bzhi (ba’i) sgrub thabs bskang (bso) [gso] mchod bstod dgos ’dod kun ’byung is contained in NGMPP’s archives, reel no. L596/7. A couple of protector texts are mentioned in Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 17, and one in Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 37. 93 G: 235. Perhaps this is the appendix Ngödrub Pembar referred to above. 94 Great Authoritative Commentary of the Aural Transmission (Snyan brgyud gzhung ’brel [’grel] chen mo), G: 245–246, N: 23b, see also Sernesi 2007a: 107. The whole compilation is sometimes called. Bde mchog nor bu skor gsum (The Trilogy of Saṃvara Jewels) and the title refers to the three ‘Wish-fulfilling Gems’ of the aural transmission. The ‘Gems’ are the three main sections of the teachings; for a description of them, see Sernesi 2007a: 143–191. As we saw in chapter 7, Tsangnyön intended to have three copies of the aural transmission collection written in gold, but this never worked out (see above, p. 182). 95 Rgod tshang ras pa 1974. Marta Sernesi has translated the inventory in her dissertation, and she has also transliterated the Tibetan text (Sernesi 2007a: 259–268). the school of tsangnyön heruka 249

Tsangnyön’s enterprise looked like at the end of his great efforts, “and at the same time of the degree of intellectual systematization achieved by the tradition in the 16th century when conceiving itself.”96 Many of the texts mentioned in the biographies and in Götsangrepa’s inventory have appeared in manuscript format in two collections of manuscripts published as Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud (Ras chung snyan rgyud): Two Manuscript Collections of Texts from the Yig cha of Gtsang smyon He ru ka.97 Not all the texts in the collection are authored by Tsangnyön, but several of them are. The most interesting extant text is perhaps the above mentioned Commentary which explains the tradition’s root text word by word.98 The full name of the text is Authoritative Com- mentary of the Aural Transmission of the Saṃvara/Ḍākinī in Conjunction with its Outline99 or Authoritative Commentary [named] the Jewel Trilogy (short: Authoritative Commentary).100 In its manuscript form it is more than 350 pages long.101 As seen above, this massive work was completed at the end of Tsangnyön’s life. The Authoritative Commentary includes a so-called ‘golden rosary’ (gser ’phreng) section with relatively short life stories of each lama in the aural transmission lineage, from Vajradhara up to Tsangnyön’s own lama, Shara Rabjampa.102 Another important text by Tsangnyön that was also included in his compilation is The Wish-Fulfilling Gem of the Verse of the Aural Transmission.103 Götsangrepa regarded this text, along with three Indian texts: The Vajra Verses,104 The Small Vajra Text,105 and Nine Verses with Instructions of the Formless Ḍākinīs,106 as a part of the core texts of the aural transmission.107

96 Sernesi 2007a: 260. 97 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971a. 98 Sernesi 2011: 195. 99 Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi gzhung ’brel [’grel] sa gcad [bcad] dang sbrags pa. 100 Gzhung ’brel nor bu bskor gsum. Both volumes contains this text, but in the second volume it is called Bde mchog kha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi gdams pa yid bzhin nor bu skor gsum. 101 The dbu med manuscript is written out in Tibetan type pages but paginated in the Western way, i.e. front side: one, back side: two, etc. 102 Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971b: 21–115. 103 Snyan brgyud tshig bcad yid bzhin nor bu. 104 Rdo rje tshig rkang. 105 Rdo rje’i gzhung chung. 106 Lus med mkha’ ’gro’i gdams pa snyan rgyud rdo rje tshig dgu. 107 Rgod tshang ras pa 1974: 20–21. Sernesi 2007a: 264. The Rdo rje tshig rkang is a canonical scripture found in the Bstan ’gyur. The Rdo rje’i gzhung chung is attributed to Tilopa and Lus med mkha’ ’gro’i gdams pa snyan rgyud rdo rje tshig dgu were revealed to Tilopa by the ḍākinīs. 250 part three

The Wish-Fulfilling Gem of the Verse of the Aural Transmission seems to refer to the first aural transmission text that Tsangnyön composed, the above-mentioned Outline of the Vajra Verses that Dispels the Darkness of Ignorance.108 Tsangnyön’s commentary on the Secret Conduct of Nāropa is also included in the collection, as are several of the other texts mentioned in the biographies of Tsangnyön and in the inventory made by Götsangrepa.109 This means that many of the central aural transmission texts which Tsangnyön composed are still extant, some in the two collections of manuscripts, and some in the archives of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project or in other places. It is noteworthy that no block-print version of Tsangnyön’s large aural transmission compilation has appeared. The two manuscript collections are minor in scope and length, and Götsangrepa’s inventory does not reflect such a collection. It thus remains to be clarified how the surviving manuscript collections, the inventory, and the twelve-volume collection referred to in the biographies relate to one another.110 Since no part of any block-print version of the work has appeared, it seems likely that the collection never existed in block-print form, but was preserved in different manuscript collections.111

Miscellaneous Works

Given the fact that Hevajra was Tsangnyön’s chosen deity it may seem peculiar that he devoted so much time and energy to composing and printing aural transmission texts, which are related to another deity, Cakrasaṃvara. If it had not been for the above-mentioned visionary encounter with Vajrayoginī he might have focused his writings upon Hevajra instead. Although this vision encouraged Tsangnyön to compose and print aural transmission texts, it is stated in the biographies that he also wrote Hevajra texts from time to time. Götsangrepa mentions a number of Hevajra texts that he composed shortly after his encounter with Vajrayoginī, at

108 Rdo rje tshig rkang gi sa bcad ma rig mun sel (Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971d). 109 Dpal nā ro pa chen po’i gsang spyod kyi ’khrid (Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971c). 110 Sernesi 2007a: 29, 2011: 197. 111 The manuscript collection in which Götsangrepa’s above mentioned inventory is found also includes other aural transmission texts from Tsangnyön’s tradition and therefore needs to be mentioned: Rare Dkar brgyud Texts from the Library of Ri bo che rje druṅ of Padma-bkod 1974. the school of tsangnyön heruka 251 the request of his heart-son Rinchen Palzang.112 These include an inventory to the Hevajra Tantra, and long, middle, and short Hevajra practice texts, as well as instructions for the ritual feast connected with Hevajra practice. It is also mentioned in Heart of the Sun that he composed three different texts about the ritual feast connected with Hevajra practice on an earlier occasion.113 Before this, when he was about twenty-six, it is said that he composed a Hevajra text titled A Daily Practice Text of Hevajra.114 Götsangrepa also mentions that Tsangnyön composed a couple of Hevajra texts while he was staying in Chuwar in 1503. The names of the latter texts are Great Praise of Hevajra and A Discourse of Hevajra.115 Tsangnyön moreover composed a prayer for blessing directed to Milarepa. This prayer is called the Treasury of Blessings: A Prayer to the Venerable Laughing Vajra116 and it is included in a compilation of prayers called Accompanying Prayers of the Lineage [of the] Three Dohā Cycles.117 The supplication to Milarepa was printed at Rechung Puk under the direction of Götsangrepa.118 Another rare text that was executed as a block-print after Tsangnyön’s death is a work on the literary genre and history of Buddhist songs called The Inventory of Spiritual Songs: Opening the Eyes of Faith Dispelling the Darkness of Ignorance. This text, a short block-print of nine folios, has survived in the ‘Sammlung Waddell.’119 The text was composed in Chuwar 1503 at the same time as the above-mentioned Hevajra texts.120

112 G: 135. 113 G: 127. 114 He composed this text in in Chuwar and it is titled Kye rdor mngon rtogs. G: 51; L: 50; N: 11b. 115 Dge rdor stod chen and Dges rdor gleng bzhi. G: 207. Unfortunately none of Tsang- nyön’s Hevajra writings have appeared yet. 116 Rje btsun bzhad pa’i rdo rje la gsol ba ’debs byin rlabs kyi gter. 117 Mdo ha bskor gsum rgyud pa’i gsol ’debs dang bcas pa. The collection of supplications is available in NGMPP’s archives, reel no. L803/5; its length is 33 folios in total for the seven titles that are included (listed in Schaeffer 2011: 468). 118 Another ritual text composed by Tsangnyön is a dedication prayer entitled Rje btsun gtsang smyon gyis mdzad pa’i b[s]ngo ba shin tu zab cig (Venerable Tsangnyön’s Very Pro- found Dedication Prayer), NGMPP reel no. L234/11. But I am uncertain whether this manuscript text in six folios is a miscellaneous work or if it was a part of the aural transmission collection. 119 Mgur kyi dkar chags ma rig mun sel dad pa’i mig ’byed. The printing of this work and how it is related to Lion of Faith and the collected songs of Tsangnyön are described in chapter 2 above. The work is listed under Gtsang smyon Heruka [1508] in the bibliography, and it is described in Ehrhard 2010b: 157–158; Schuh 1981: 126–127. I am currently preparing a translation of this text. 120 G: 207. 252 part three

There is also a travel document (lam yig) attributed to Tsangnyön, titled An Authorized Permit of Travel,121 that is included in the biography by Götsangrepa.122 This is a document with requests for food, provisions, lodging, and other kinds of assistance that his disciples brought along with them on their pilgrimages to Tisé, Lapchi, and Tsari. The travel document became well known and was also very useful since those who had it were provided with easy passage and assistance during troublesome times. The mad yogin Drukpa Künlé reproduced Tsangnyön’s travel document in his autobiography and decided to write a similar one.123 Finally, there are a few texts that are probably wrongly attributed to Tsangnyön. The most striking example is perhaps the folk drama (a lce lha mo) about Drimé Künden.124 This popular story that resembles the famous Vessantarajātaka is attributed to a certain Naljor Rüpé Gyenchen in a recent Tibetan edition of the text.125 Since Naljor Rüpé Gyenchen is one of Tsangnyön’s epithets, the famous drama came to be attributed to Tsangnyön.126 Another example is a history of the Cakrasaṃvara tantric transmission entitled An Ancient History of Saṃvara.127 This text has sometimes been attributed to Tsangnyön, but it was Tsangnyön’s disciple Götsangrepa who wrote the text.128 A further example of a text that has been mistakenly attributed to Tsangnyön is a biography of Götsang Gönpo Dorjé (1189–1258) entitled The Liberation Account of Gyalwa Götsang Gönpo Dorjé: A Rosary of Jewels which is Meaningful to Behold.129 The colophon of

121 Bka’ shog lam yig. 122 G: 191–192. 123 The travel document is rendered in ’Brug pa kun legs 2005: 79–81 and 1974: 65–66. A French translation of the lam yig is found in Stein 1972: 143–145. DiValerio delineates the contents of both Tsangnyön’s and Drukpa Künlé’s travel documents, describing the latter’s as a “satirical takedown” of Tsangnyön’s travel document (DiValerio 2011: 463–465). 124 Chos kyi rgyal po dri med kun ldan kyi mdzad tshul rgyas pa mu tig phreng ba. The text was translated into French by Jacques Bacot and later into English by Woolf (see bibliography under Bacot 1924). 125 Rnal ’byor rus pa’i rgyan can 1993. 126 The Zi ling edition of the text that was published 1993 lacks a colophon, and I therefore do not know why Rüpé Gyenchen was listed as its author. In other versions of the text and in translations neither Tsangnyön nor Rüpé Gyenchen are mentioned. Since I have also not found any reference to this work in the biographies about Tsangnyön, I think it is most plausible to assume that Tsangnyön did not compose this text. 127 Bde mchog sngon byung gi lo rgyus. The text is found in NGMPP’s archives reel no. L514/8. 128 Tsangnyön is listed as the author in Tibetan Histories (Martin 1997: 136). Schaeffer has studied the colophons of the text and states that the text was composed by Götsang repa in Laphyi and later printed in Rechung Puk (Schaeffer 2011: 477). 129 Rgyal ba rgod tshang mgon po rdo rje’i rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bu’i phreng ba. The text is found in Khams sprul don brgyud nyi ma (ed.) 1976 (part IV) and the school of tsangnyön heruka 253 the text states that the biography was compiled by Sangyé Darpo.130 Gene Smith also writes that the biography was authored by Sangyé Darpo, who was a disciple of both Tsangnyön and Lhatsün.131 The version of the text that is available as a microfilm in the archives of NGMPP has the above- mentioned prayer to Milarepa written by Tsangnyön inserted at the end.132 This must be the reason for the confusion. Tsangnyön was indeed the author, not of the biography as a whole, but only of its concluding pages.

also in NGMPP reel no. L978/8. Tsangnyön is listed as the author of this text both by the NGMPP and also by Kurtis Schaeffer who studied the archives of NGMPP, reel no. L978/8 (Schaeffer 2011: 472). 130 The colophon states that the text was written by Sangyé Darpo in a Male Iron Mouse year (1540) (Sangs rgyas dar po dpal bzang 1540: 115a, 1976: 344). 131 Smith 2001: 78 and 289, n. 197. According to the edition made by Kamtrül Döngyü Nyima, the text was written by Sangyé Darpo in an Iron Rat year at Laphyi (Khams sprul don brgyud nyi ma (ed.), 1976, vol. IV). 132 Sangs rgyas dar po dpal bzang 1540: 116a.

Chapter ten

Some Key Figures and Texts

Although the most important sources about Tsangnyön are the biographies about him and the texts that he wrote, there are also other texts that provide us with important information. This chapter gives an overview of some of these texts and their contents. The most interesting texts to look at for this study are perhaps those written about and by Götsan- grepa, Lhatsün, and Ngödrub Pembar, who composed the main sources upon which this study is based. While Götsangrepa and Lhatsün were key figures in upholding and propagating the school of Tsangnyön, Ngödrub Pembar was mainly active in the Sakya tradition. All three of them were prolific and compiled and printed many texts. Although Götsangrepa, Lhatsün, and Ngödrub Pembar merit a specialized study in their own right, a short overview of their life and works will give us a wider perspective from which to view and understand Tsangnyön and his tradition. The focus in surveying their life stories will be on sections that relate to their relationships with Tsangnyön. The chapter ends with a brief look at the biography of another disciple of Tsangnyön and a text about his main teacher.

The Life and Works of Götsangrepa

Götsangrepa (1482–1559)1 was one of Tsangnyön’s most well-known and important disciples. In the few drawings of him that have been preserved he looks similar to Tsangnyön. According to these images, both of them kept their long hair in a topknot, and wore large earrings and bone ornaments.2 Götsang means ‘vulture’s nest,’ and repa means ‘cotton-clad one.’

1 There has been some confusion regarding the identity and dates of Götsangrepa, and he has sometimes been conflated with other masters with similar names who lived in the same period. This has been discussed by Ehrhard 2010b: 130, n. 132; Roberts 2007: 44; Sernesi 2007b: 8. Ehrhard has recently resolved these problems and has settled the dates to 1482–1559 (Ehrhard 2010b: 129–130). 2 There is a small block-print illustration of Götsangrepa at the end of Heart of the Sun (fig. 19). In this picture Götsangrepa is depicted with a bow and a set of arrows (G: 287). The bow and arrow are symbols that are found among several Indian siddhas that served as role models for Götsangrepa and Tsangnyön. Saraha is often depicted with an arrow, 256 part three

Götsangrepa is thus a sobriquet, and its meaning is the ‘Cotton-Clad One from Vulture’s Nest.’ Apart from this name he is often called Göt- sangrechen, the ‘Great Cotton-Clad One from Vulture’s Nest.’ Like Tsang- nyön, Götsangrepa was known as “a man with many names,”3 among them Götrukrepa Dönyi Tarchin and Natsok Rangdröl. Götsangrepa wrote a short (8 folio) undated autobiography in verse entitled An Ocean of Accomplishments: A Life Story in Verse of the Lord of Yogins Götsangrechen in which the first part of his life is depicted.4 According to this autobiography, Götsangrepa was born in the village of Lharu in Yarlung.5 It is also stated in the text that he belonged to a noble family of the clan Gö. He was the eldest of seven children, and was born when his father, Samdor, was twenty-five and his mother, Dorjé Butri, was nineteen. The birth occurred on the tenth day of a Tiger year, i.e. in 1482. When Götsangrepa was born he is said to have looked with a yogic gaze and uttered the sacred syllables A and HUṂ. He was an exceptional child, always thinking about the sad fact that everyone has to die, and with no interest in engaging in worldly activities. According to his autobiography, Götsangrepa never had a non-religious thought, and as a child he amused himself by performing monastic dances, bestowing empowerments, and teaching dharma. It is said that he learned to read and write without being taught, and could remember all the teachings and stories that he heard. He stayed with his mother in Lharu until he was five and then they moved to a place not far from his birthplace called Vulture’s Nest (Rgod tshang) in Kyamyul.6

and according to his life stories he worked as a fletcher. Another siddha, Śavaripa, was a hunter, and the hunting theme is also sometimes found among Tibetan masters. For example, Ra Namkha Palzang (Ra smyon, 1398–1425) was a hunter, and Drukpa Künlé is often depicted with a bow, arrows, and a hunting dog (Stein 1972: 9). In a sixteenth-century thanka, a small painting of Götsangrepa is included among the twenty-nine figures that surround the central figure of Amitāyus. In this painting he appears almost identical to Tsangnyön, who is also depicted on the thanka. Both have long hair, sit semi-cross-legged supported by a meditation belt, and have a khaṭvāṅga, a skull-cup, and a vajra. Essen, Gerd Wolfgang and Thingo, Tsering Tashi 1989: 132, picture no. II-284. 3 Du ma’i ming/mtshan can. 4 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a. The following biographical information is taken from this text if not otherwise noted. Ehrhard has done a thorough study and provides a summarized translation of this text, see Ehrhard 2010b. 5 The spelling of the place is Yar mo lung in the biography, which is an old way of spelling Yarlung. Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 1. A village called Lharu (Lha ru) or Lharub (Lha rub) situated in Yarlung south of Yumbu Lagang is mentioned in Sørensen and Hazod 2005: 13, 99–100. 6 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 2a. the school of tsangnyön heruka 257

Figure 19. Götsangrepa upheld and propagated Tsangnyön’s lineage and wrote a biography about him.

When he was eight years old he heard about Tsangnyön for the first time: “A tea-merchant who had been to Lhasa said, ‘There was a yogin, who wore a human skin, named Tsangnyön.’ ” As soon as Götsangrepa heard about Tsangnyön his body-hair stood on end and tears came to his eyes.7

7 Roberts 2007: 43 (slightly altered); Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 2a–2b: de dus lha sar phyin pa’i ja tshongs pas / / gtsang smyon zhes bya mi lpags gsol ba yi / / rnal ’byor pa gcig ’dug zhes thos ma thag / / ba spu g.yo zhing mchi ma ’khrug par byung /. 258 part three

His karmic connection with Tsangnyön was thus awakened, although many years were to pass before he met the mad yogin in person. In the following years Götsangrepa received many teachings and empowerments from various teachers, some of whom were his own relatives.8 When Götsangrepa was fourteen he joined company with a group of mendicants that was passing by. He left without permission, disguised as a mentally disabled person.9 While traveling he met a learned master called Shelkar who gave him ordination and the name Jampa Shākya Palzang.10 Götsangrepa continued his studies and received more teachings. He also did retreats and gained first-hand experience of what he had studied. On one occasion a yogin named Togden Rin arrived where he was studying and spoke of Tsangnyön. Götsangrepa once again was profoundly affected when hearing about his guru-to-be. In his autobiography he writes: Because [Togden Rin] made an excellent proclamation of the life story [and] deeds of the actual Vajradhara, the Dharma Lord, the Victorious One of the three realms—Tsangnyön Heruka—I became settled in an unconscious state, similar to madness. The appearances of this life fell apart completely and I thought that I had to end my studies and leave the very next day.11 Götsangrepa then asked the teacher with whom he was studying, Gepel Chöpel, for permission to leave and search for Tsangnyön. His teacher told him that the experience he had had was an obstacle that should be ignored. Götsangrepa therefore stayed, but he felt deep regret and sadness for having obeyed his teacher, or to use his own words, he felt “like one lacking a ferry at the river bank.”12 Götsangrepa then went on a pilgrimage to the holy Tsari and while traveling he met another famous mad yogin, Ünyön Künga Zangpo, at Tashi Gang. Ünyön predicted that Götsangrepa would become a master of the aural transmission in the future.13

8 This period is depicted in some detail by Ehrhard 2010b:133–134. 9 Lkug pa, could also mean mute. Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 3b. 10 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 3b. 11 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 4a: [. . .] khams sum rgyal ba chos kyi rje / / rdo rje ’chang dngos gtsang smyon he ru ka’i / / sku dang rnam thar mdzad pa rab brjod pas / / smyo ’bog ’dra bar dran med chod kyis song / / tshe ’di’i snang ba khral ma khrol mar zhig / / slob gnyer bzhag nas sang rang ’gro dgos snyam /. This section is also translated in Ehrhard 2010b: 136–137. 12 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 4a: chu khar gru med ’dra. 13 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 4b. the school of tsangnyön heruka 259

After that he returned to his home region in Yarlung and stayed for a while with one of his main teachers, Trülzhik Künga Samten. He then continued his quest for dharma, traveling between different masters, receiving teachings and empowerments, and practicing intensively in various locations. While engaged in intense practice, he once again was overcome by an unbearably strong longing for the Dharma Lord, Tsangnyön.14 He asked for permission to search for him, and this time his request was granted.15 Very happy, on a full-moon day in the year 1500, he left his teacher and relatives who came to bid him farewell. After a long journey, in the spring of 1501, he reached Chuwar where Tsangnyön was on a three-year retreat.16 Their first meeting is described in some detail in Götsangrepa’s autobiography: [. . .] Early in the morning, at sunrise on the twenty-ninth day, at Podrang Dargyé, above [a place] known as Tsak, I met the Lord Pagö Tsangnyön in person. [He is the] unification of the compassion of all the buddhas, the main [deity] of all mandalas: Samantabhadra [and also] Vajradhara. Just as the reflection of the sun [and] the moon in many water pots is dispersed into many, while its essence is not divided, [he has] manifested as the nirmānakāya, the ruler of the Victorious Ones. [. . .] Undefiled bliss of the three doors (i.e. body, speech, and mind) [as if in] a drunken state [arose]; I was left in a dimension where I passed directly through [all] turmoil [and] unrest. [. . .] My mind [and] the stream of consciousness [of the master] became one. Free from any doubts, the concep- tion of being a buddha arose. Although [Tsangnyön] uttered many scolding and annihilating words, besides joy and happiness, there was no hesitation from deep within: even if I should die, there would arise an uncontrived mind of fearless love!17 Götsangrepa then stayed with Tsangnyön for about a year and received instructions and empowerments. Eventually the twenty-one-year-old

14 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 5b. 15 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 6a. 16 G: 194–208. 17 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 6b: [. . .] nyer dgu’i snga dro nyi ma rtse shar la / tshag zhes steng du pho brang dar rgyas su / sangs rgyas kun gyi thugs rje cig bsdus pa / dkyil ’khor kun gtso kun bzang rdo rje ’chang / chu snod du mar nyi zla’i gzugs snang ltar / du mar ’gye kyang ngo bo dbyer ma byed / rgyal ba’i dbang po sprul pa’i skur bzhengs pa / pha rgod gtsang smyon rje dang dngos su mjal / [. . .] / sgo gsum zag med bde ba’i ra ro ba / ban bun zang zing zang thal ngang du lus / [. . .] sems rgyud cig tu gyur / sangs rgyas ’du shes the tshom bral bar skyes / tshar gcod bka’ bskyon mang du gnang byung kyang / dga’ spro ma gtogs yid gnyis gting nas med / shi yang phod pa’i gdung sems bcos min shar /. The passage is also translated in Ehrhard 2010b: 142–143. I have relied upon Ehrhard’s translation when translating this passage. 260 part three yogin became counted as “the youngest among the heart-sons of the Noble One Adorned with Bone Ornaments.”18 When Tsangnyön departed for Nepal to renovate the Svayambhū Stūpa, Götsangrepa remained in secluded places to practice. He dwelled at many famous places frequented by yogins for meditation practice, such as Lapchi, Dzong Druk (Six Forts), Chuwar, Tsari, Kongpo, Yolmo, and Zablung.19 Götsangrepa lived a long and active life and eventually settled down in Rechung Puk (the Cave of Rechung), situated about ten kilometers south of Tsetang. He was seen as a manifestation of Rechungpa and devoted much time and energy to disseminating and upholding the teachings of Tsangnyön.20 In Rechung Puk he transmitted the teachings he had received from his teacher, namely the Aural Transmission of Saṃvara and the Ḍākinīs and the Four Letter Mahāmudrā.21 Among his many teachers were, besides Tsangnyön, Tsangnyön’s female partner Küntu Zangmo, the famous Sakyapa scholar Śākya Chokden, and the Seventh Karmapa Chödrak Gyamtso.22 Götsangrepa founded a monastery called Götsang Ling (Island of Vul- ture’s Nest) in Yolmo, present-day Nepal.23 He also erected a chapel of the Eleven-Headed Avalokiteśvara in the old geomantic Thundering Falcon temple, seven kilometers south of Tsetang.24 Götsangrepa contributed to transforming the originally small cave temple of Rechung Puk into an important religious center with a large number of monks.25 Many texts were printed here, and pilgrims visited from afar to receive teachings and empowerments. Götsangrepa passed

18 G: 208. 19 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 8a. 20 Gtsang smyon dang bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi lo rgyus 1974: 245. 21 In Treasury of Oral Instructions he is mentioned as the lineage holder of Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan brgyud and Phyag rgya chen po yi ge bzhi pa. The transmission lineage of these teachings to Götsangrepa is given in ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas (ed.) Gdams ngag mdzod 1979–1981, vol. Nya: 40–41, 62–63. 22 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] a: 8a. 23 Ehrhard 2004b: 583–584. 24 Khra ’brug. Bcu gcig lha khang. Sørensen, Hazod, and Gyalbo 2005: 86. The name used is Künkhyen Natsok Rechen, which must refer to Götsangrepa, who is also known under this name. This is also noted by Ehrhard 2010b: 131, n. 4. 25 Rechung Puk is described in several Tibet guidebooks, see for example: Batchelor 1987: 255–258; Chan 1994: 347–348; Gyurme Dorje 2004: 203. The guidebooks contain some misinformation: Tsangnyön is confused with Tsangpa Gyaré (1161–1211) both by Chan (1994: 348) and by Batchelor (1987: 258), and Gyurme Dorje, whose guidebook generally is reliable, wrongly asserts that Tsangnyön wrote Milarepa’s life story here (2004: 203). A short description of the place is also found in Richardson 1998: 319–320. Much concise informa- the school of tsangnyön heruka 261 away at Rechung Puk and it is said that his remains were kept in one of the halls of the monastery. Situ Chökyi Gyamtso (1880–1923/25) states that Götsangrepa had erected statues of each lineage holder of the Aural Transmission of Rechung in Rechung Puk and that the temple housed a golden statue of Götsangrepa.26 Götsangrepa was a prolific author and compiler who published at least twelve works that together comprise more than seven-hundred folios.27 The composition of biographies was obviously of great importance to him and his biography of Rechungpa was to become the standard version of Rechungpa’s life story.28 He also wrote a biography of Lorepa Wangchuk Tsöndrü (1187–1250), and, as we have seen, he composed an extensive biography of his main teacher Tsangnyön.29 He also compiled the above- mentioned collection of Tsangnyön’s songs,30 as well as an index to this song collection.31 Moreover he authored texts that are connected with the history, lineage, and practices of the Aural Transmission of Saṃvara that he received from Tsangnyön and other lamas. One of these works was the above-mentioned inventory of Tsangnyön’s aural transmission compilation.32 Götsangrepa also composed a general work on the Cakrasaṃvara Tantra titled General Explanation of the Victorious Cakrasaṃvara, the Feast Elixir of the Supreme Vehicle, the Supreme Medi- cine of Great Wisdom33 and a short historical text on Cakrasaṃvara named Ancient History of the Glorious Cakrasaṃvara.34

tion and many references are also found in Sørensen, P. K., Hazod, with Gyalbo, T. 2005: 108, n. 277. Some more information about Rechung Puk is given in the epilogue. 26 Situ chos kyi rgya mtsho 1980: 250–251. 27 Schaeffer 2011: 457. 28 Rje btsun ras chung pa’i rnam thar rnam mkhyen thar lam gsal bar ston pa’i me long ye shes kyi snang ba (240 folios). For more information about this and other versions of Rechungpa’s biography, see Roberts 2007. 29 The biographies of both Rechungpa and Lorepa Wangchuk Tsöndru have been published in Khams sprul don brgyud nyi ma (ed.) Bka brgyud pa hagiographies: a collection of rnam-thar of eminent masters of Tibetan Buddhism, vol. 2 (Lorepa) and vol. 3 (Rechungpa). Götsangrepa also composed a life story about the Indian master Mitrayogin (12th century) (Schaeffer 2011: 469). 30 Rgod tshang ras pa [1508]. 31 Rgod tshang ras pa [16th century] b. 32 Rgod tshang ras pa 1974. 33 Bcom ldan ’das dpal ’khor lo sdom pa’i spyi bshad theg mchog bdud rtsi’i dga’ ston ye shes chen po’i sman mchog. 34 Dpal ’khor lo sdom pa sngon gyur lo rgyus. As mentioned above this text has sometimes been wrongly attributed to Tsangnyön. 262 part three

The Life and Works of Lhatsün

Gene Smith states that Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal (1473–1557) “for a number of reasons, can be regarded as the most significant student of Tsangnyön.”35 Lhatsün’s importance is at least partly derived from the fact that he belonged to the royal family of Gungtang.36 The kings of the Gungtang family were believed to be descendants of the old Tibetan royal dynasty, and the title ‘Lhatsün’ means ‘Divine Venerable One.’ According to Tibetan mythology, the ancient rulers of Tibet were all descended from the gods, and Lhatsün was therefore regarded as a divine person from birth. Lhatsün was considered to be the rebirth of a disciple of Bodong Choklé Namgyal (1376–1451) named Künga Gyaltsen of Gang Karwa (1382–1466), who was the abbot of Toding in Gugé.37 Lhatsün was thus exalted in both a worldly and a spiritual sense, and his high position was also reflected by his having many important and famous teachers.38 Tsangnyön became his main teacher however, and Lhatsün in turn contributed to Tsangnyön’s fame by actively promoting his life story and his teachings.39 Lhatsün’s fame and importance led to the composition of at least two biographies about him, and several artisans made statues of him.40 He is thus the disciple of Tsangnyön about whom we know the most. He is also the subject of a doctoral dissertation.41 The two biographies about Lhatsün were probably composed in Drakar Taso, but since no author, date, or place of printing is mentioned,

35 Smith 2001: 75. 36 Exactly how Lhatsün is related to the royal family of Gungtang remains to be resolved. According to Smith (2001: 75), Lhatsün was the son of the ruler of Gungtang, Tri Namgyal Dé (1422–1502). Everding states that Lhatsün seems to have been confused with the son of the elder son of this ruler, Norbu Dé (1450–1484). This son’s name was Lhatsün Künga Namgyal, and Everding holds it to be very likely that Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal and Lhatsün Künga Namgyal have been conflated due to the similarity of their names and the fact that they had the same title (Everding 2000: 548–549, n. 1412). For more details concerning the difficulties in discerning Lhatsün’s descent, see Clemente 2009: 33–37. 37 Clemente 2009: 38–39; Smith 2001: 75. 38 Smith lists some of his teachers (Smith 2001: 75). 39 For an account of how Lhatsün instructed Chöwang Gyaltsen in Snyan brgyud rdo rje’i tshig rkang and in the “Dharma Lord (chos rje) Gtsang pa’s (i.e. Tsangnyön) biography and song collection,” see Ehrhard 2000: 43, n. 35. 40 A statue of Lhatsün from Drakar Taso is reproduced in Stearns 2000: 15. Another statue of him is found in Monastaries y lamas del Tibet: Exposición Orgnizada por la Fun- dación “La Caixa,” 2000: 131. 41 Clemente 2009. the school of tsangnyön heruka 263

Figure 20. Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal, one of Tsangnyön’s main disciples, who wrote a biography about him, and upheld and propagated his lineage. many questions about these texts remain unanswered.42 The names of the two texts are the Self-Manifestation of the Inconceivable Dharmakāya: The Biography and Songs of the Holy Glorious Accomplished Master Lhatsün King of Dharma43 and the Second Part of the Biography of the Lord of

42 Schaeffer: 2011: 475. The texts are found both in NGMPP’s archives (reel no. L456/7), and in Tucci Tibetan fund (De Rossi Filibeck 1993: 331, no. 657, section 5/6). Smith suggests that the texts were composed in the sixteenth century (Smith 2001: 75). 43 Dpal ldan bla ma dam pa mkhas grub lha btsun chos gyi rgyal po’i rnam mgur blo ’das chos sku’i rang gdangs 1976. 264 part three

Yogins, Lhatsün King of Dharma.44 The first-mentioned text, which I call the Life and Songs of Lhatsün,45 is possibly an autobiography, and it contains songs attributed to Lhatsün. The latter text could be the second part of this text. However, Smith is inclined to believe that the text is the second part (smad cha) of a biography in two parts, and that the first part (stod cha) exists but has not yet come to light.46 Since it is the Life and Songs of Lhatsün that contains the most information about his relationship with Tsangnyön it is to this biography that we will now turn. Lhatsün’s first meeting with Tsangnyön occurred in Crystal Cave in Southern Latö when Lhatsün was thirteen years old.47 Crystal Cave is a famous retreat site of Milarepa near the village of Drin in southern Tibet, and according to the Life and Songs of Lhatsün, Tsangnyön was organizing the carving of the woodblocks for Milarepa’s biography and song collection when Lhatsün arrived.48 During their first encounter, Tsangnyön instructed Lhatsün in the Four Letter Mahāmudrā, and limitless happiness arose in Lhatsün’s body and mind.49 Tsangnyön personally guided Lhatsün in meditation and told him to look at his mind. The following day Lhatsün went to Tsangnyön, who asked him if he could see his mind. Lhatsün answered: “One cannot see the mind by looking with one’s own [mind].” “Why not?” [Tsangnyön] asked. “Like it is said in Entering the Conduct: ‘A sharp knife cannot cut itself.’ Likewise, the mind cannot see itself,” answered [Lhatsün].50 Tsangnyön was pleased with Lhatsün’s answer and told him that he would be his [spiritual] father.51 Having been introduced to his mind by Tsangnyön, Lhatsün departed and studied with other teachers. When he was sixteen years old he met Tsangnyön again, and this time Tsangnyön prophesied that Lhatsün

44 Rnal ’byor dbang phyug lha btsun chos kyi rgyal po’i rnam thar gyi smad cha. This text is available as a microfilm in NGMPP’s archives, reel no. L456/7; L11/20; L477/13; E2251/1. 45 In the bibliography it is found under its full title: Dpal ldan bla ma dam pa mkhas grub lha btsun chos gyi rgyal po’i rnam mgur blo ’das chos sku’i rang gdangs, 1976. 46 Smith 2001: 75. 47 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 289–290. 48 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 290. 49 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 290. 50 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 290. Entering the Conduct (Spyod ’jug) is a common abbreviation for the famous text Byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa (Bodhicaryāvatāra). 51 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 290. the school of tsangnyön heruka 265 would become an excellent teacher. He also told Lhatsün to study with other teachers for nine or ten years, and then return to him.52 While Lhatsün was studying with other teachers, Tsangnyön’s mother passed away and he traveled to his homeland to conduct ceremonies for her.53 Lhatsün heard that Tsangnyön and sixty followers stayed with the governor (nang so), Garpa (Dönyö Dorjé). He decided to interrupt his studies and went there to visit him. In a small tent, in the grove of the Shang guesthouse sat [Tsangnyön] naked, adorned with the six kinds of bone ornaments, beautiful and majestic. As soon as [Lhatsün] met [Tsangnyön], a devotion and faith never previously experienced, limitless, deep, and firm arose. Because of [Tsangnyön’s] inex- pressible meditative concentration, wisdom was born and [Lhatsün] was taken care of with love [by Tsangnyön].54 At that time Tsangnyön gave instruction to his disciples and many learned teachers.55 Although Lhatsün had already received the teachings that Tsangnyön gave, Tsangnyön told him that he should listen one more time, since repetition is helpful. After about a month Lhatsün engaged in a religious debate and defeated everyone who debated with him. When Dönyö Dorjé heard about Lhatsün’s great debating skill and the depth of his learning he became very happy and said, “A son is born from a good father.”56 When it was time to leave, Tsangnyön asked Lhatsün if he wanted to follow him, but Lhatsün felt that he needed to continue the studies that he had interrupted. Tsangnyön said, “Study whatever mantra teaching you can without partiality to any particular tenets (grub mtha’). At some point you will feel disgust toward the appearances of this life; at that time, don’t give in to the influence of circumstances but come to the place of

52 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 291. 53 It is mentioned that Tsangnyön was collecting money for the whitewashing of the Svayambhū Stūpa during his return to his homeland (Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 291). The whitewashing was done in 1495 according to Götsangrepa (G: 171). Lhatsün confirms this in Making the Body-Hairs of the Faithful Flutter, where he mentions that Tsangnyön was forty-four when he returned from Nepal (L: 102). The meeting between Lhatsün and Tsang- nyön that is mentioned in the Life and Songs of Lhatsün thus probably occurred around 1494–1495. This is confirmed in the Life and Songs of Lhatsün, where Tsangnyön states that not more than eight years had passed since their previous meeting (Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 293). 54 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 292. 55 Ngödrub Pembar is said to have been one of them (Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 292). 56 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 292. 266 part three your father.”57 After having said this he gave [Lhatsün] two packets of tea and left. Lhatsün continued his studies in Tashi Lhünpo and other famous monasteries, and his learning developed even more.58 After some time one of his teachers, Dakpo Drukpa Lhatsünpa, told him that he should go to Tsangnyön who he said had been Lhatsün’s teacher in many previous lives.59 Lhatsün asked for permission to leave the monastery where he was studying, and went to visit his mother, after which he went to Tsangnyön. Lhatsün met Tsangnyön in Gyalpo Khab Podrang Khyung Dzong Karpo and was lovingly taken care of by his lama.60 In the winter while staying in the glorious Chuwar to practice, Lhatsün realized that Tsangnyön, through his arduous practice in remote places and his disregard for worldly things such as food, clothing, and fame, had obtained enlightenment in one single lifetime.61 At that time about one hundred male and female yogins received instructions from Tsangnyön. Tsangnyön taught the assembled people about action, cause, and result, and he also instructed them in the Four Letter Mahāmudrā. To sixty especially fortunate disciples he gave direct instructions on the Six Dharmas of Nāropa based on his own experience. He also taught them yogic exercises. When spring came he granted the assembled disciples the complete reading transmission (lung) of the Aural Transmission of the Ḍākinīs.62 After this, in the autumn, Lhatsün returned to his birthplace, Tangpo- ché, to gather offerings. When the winter came, Lhatsün went to Tsang- nyön again and offered him various offerings. For a period of seven months he stayed with Tsangnyön, who took care of him with love and gave him complete instructions (bka’ lung).63 When staying with his guru he felt no

57 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 294. 58 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 294. 59 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 296. 60 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 302. Gyalpo Khab Podrang Khyung Dzong Karpo is probably the full name of the Dzongkar palace of Gungtang. 61 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 303. Götsangrepa mentions that the son of a king, Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal, had completed his studies of the Gandenpa tradition in Tashi Lhünpo and came at this time. After having received profound instructions from Tsangnyön he became his heart-son (G: 198). This has sometimes been interpreted to mean that Lhatsün became Tsangnyön’s disciple at this point (see, for example, Smith 2001: 66; Stearns [Kal- nins] 1985: 37). But, as seen above, this assumption is not confirmed by the Life and Songs of Lhatsün. There is, however, no contradiction between Götsangrepa’s account and the account given in the Life and Songs of Lhatsün, since what is stated in both texts is simply that it was at this point that Lhatsün’s status as an ordinary disciple changed, and he became Tsangnyön’s heart-son, in other words one of his closest disciples. 62 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 303. 63 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 305. the school of tsangnyön heruka 267 fatigue and was unaffected by heat, cold, hunger, or thirst. Lhatsün held the instructions that he received as dearer to him than his own eyes and practiced them earnestly. One time Tsangnyön held a roll of paper covered in brocade in his folded hands. Inside the roll were oral instructions which Lhatsün said that he needed to obtain. “By all means I will give you all of them,” Tsangnyön answered.64 After having granted the instructions of the uncommon aural transmission to Lhatsün, Tsangnyön said: “I, your father, have given you whatever instructions that I have without leaving anything out. Until I die don’t tell them to anybody. Until three deadly diseases come to you, don’t discuss them with others. Then, spread them to the disciples with the right karma by whatever means,” having said this [Tsangnyön] bestowed a command seal.65 Lhatsün thus received the complete transmission from Tsangnyön and became one of his most important lineage holders. Lhatsün eventually settled down in a small monastery in Drakar Taso, a holy site associated with Milarepa situated near Kyirong, not far from the Nepalese border in southern Tibet. Here he established an important printing house where a large number of biographies, histories, song collections, and contemplative manuals of the Kagyüpa school were produced for hundreds of years.66 Like his guru Tsangnyön and his dharma brother Götsangrepa, Lhatsün was a very prolific author; he published no less than twenty-eight works, totaling over fifteen hundred folios.67 As has been mentioned, Lhatsün’s main seat was Drakar Taso while Götsangrepa’s main seat was Rechung Puk. It was at these two places that most of their printing activities took place. While Lhatsün focused on songs, life stories, and teachings derived from Milarepa, Götsangrepa mainly devoted his time and energy to biographies, songs, and teachings that came from Rechungpa.68

64 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 305. A list of teachings that Lhatsün received from Tsang- nyön follows on pages 305–306. This section of the biography is translated in Clemente 2009: 49–51. 65 Life and Songs of Lhatsün: 306. 66 Schaeffer 2011: 458–459. There is a book on the history of Drakar Taso written by Drakar Taso Trülku Chökyi Wangchuk (b. 1775). For details, see Brag dkar rta so sprul sku chos kyi dbang phyug 1816 in the bibliography. 67 Schaeffer 2011: 458. 68 It is important to note that this division was not absolute. Götsangrepa printed Tsangnyön’s supplication to Milarepa at Rechung Puk (Rje btsun bzhad pa’i dro rje la gsol ba ’debs byin rlabs kyi gter) for instance, and Lhatsün produced and printed biographies 268 part three

Lhatsün made new prints of the biography and song collection of Milarepa that Tsangnyön had compiled and also compiled two texts on Milarepa himself.69 These two texts are comprised of materials that were not included in Tsangnyön’s famous compilations and bear the titles Six Vajra Songs and Other Miscellaneous Writings of the Oral Traditions of the Venerable Milarepa70 and The Uncommon Vajra Songs.71 Lhatsün also composed a life story of Nāropa entitled The Wondrous Life of Nāropa— Crown-Jewel of All Accomplished Scholars.72 This particular text became well known in the West when Herbert V. Guenther translated it into Eng- lish.73 Another work of Lhatsün that has also been translated is the songs of Kodrakpa Sönam Gyaltsen (1170–1249).74 Besides biographies and song collections, Lhatsün wrote texts on mahāmudrā. Three works of this kind are known.75 The longest is a fifty- folio commentary on the Four Letter Mahāmudrā titled: A Commentary of the Four Letter Mahāmudrā which shows the Main Intention of Tantra.76 Following in the footsteps of Tsangnyön, Lhatsün also undertook a renovation of the Svayambhū Stūpa in Nepal. The stūpa had been damaged by invading Turks and needed to be repaired. Therefore, Tsangnyön appeared in a vision and requested Lhatsün to repair the stūpa. Lhatsün complied with his guru’s request and started the renovation in 1530. Prob- ably due to meager funds he did not complete the renovation until almost ten years later.77

of Rechungpa at Drakar Taso as well. This being said, Lhatsün clearly focused on Milarepa and Götsangrepa on Rechungpa. 69 It is beyond the scope of this study to make a conclusive list of Lhatsün’s works. For more about Lhatsün’s literary production, see the essays by Gene Smith and Kurtis Schaeffer. Smith enumerates and describes eight works by Lhatsün; Schaeffer mentions more than twenty works (Smith 2001: 75–77; Schaeffer 2011: 467–477). 70 Rje btsun mi la ras pa’i rdo rje’i mgur drug sogs gsung rgyun thor bu. 71 Thun mong ma yin pa rdo rje mgur. Both these texts are available as microfilms in the archives of the NGMPP, reel no. L251/2 and L477/14. The former text has been translated in two books (Kunga, Rinpoche and Cutillo, Brian (trans.) 1995 (1978); 1986). 72 Mkhas grub kun kyi gtsug rgyan paṇ chen nāro pa’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rmad byung. 73 Guenther 1986. 74 Khams gsum ’dran bral grub thob ko rag pa’i mgur ’bum (The Collected Songs of the Siddha Kodrakpa who is Unrivalled in the Three Realms). English translation in Stearns 2000. 75 Schaeffer 2011: 476. 76 Rgyud kyi dgongs pa gtsor ston pa phyag chen yi ge bzhi pa’i ’grel bshad (Lha btsun 1561). None of these mahāmudrā texts has, as far as I know, been studied or translated. 77 This renovation is described in the Life and Songs of Lhatsün and is summarized in Rospatt 2001: 206–207. the school of tsangnyön heruka 269

The Life and Works of Ngödrub Pembar

Ngödrub Pembar was born in Southern Latö in 1456 and passed away at age seventy-two in 1527.78 Ngödrub Pembar was a learned Sakya lama who wrote several works, some of which are still considered to be important in the Sakya tradition.79 He is known as Paṇchen Zhung Gyapa, a title that refers to his vast learning. Paṇchen Zhung Gyapa Ngödrub Pembar is not primarily known as a disciple of Tsangnyön, but as a disciple of the Sakya masters Jamyang Künga Chözang (1433–1503) and Paṇchen Bumtrak Sumpa (1432/1433–1504).80 It was not until his biography recently appeared that it became possible to ascertain that the Sakya lama Paṇchen Zhung Gyapa Ngödrub Pembar is the same person as Tsangnyön’s disciple and biographer Ngödrub Pembar.81 Ngödrub Pembar was regarded as Gampopa’s reincarnation and he is mentioned in several of the texts that belong to the school of Tsangnyön.82 All three biographies contain sections describing how Ngödrub Pembar received instructions from Tsangnyön in Dzongkar Chödé in Dreyul when Tsangnyön was on his way to Lapchi.83 Lhatsün states that this meeting occurred when Tsangnyön was thirty-eight, and if this is correct the meeting occurred in 1489. He describes the meeting as follows:84

78 Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 12–13, 92; Byams pa tshul khrims 2007: 76, 82. 79 Khenpo Choying Dorjee, the main abbot of Dzongsar Institute in India, knew about Ngödrub Pembar and said that he had written some important texts which are still used in the Sakya school (personal conversation, Berkeley, 2011). 80 This information is taken from their entries on the TBRC website. 81 Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005. The biography was not known to Gene Smith when he wrote his article about the works of Tsangnyön and his disciples (Smith 2001: 288, n. 179). The only work by Ngödrub Pembar that Kurtis Schaeffer and Gene Smith include in their respective overviews of the works of the school of Tsangnyön is his biography of Tsangnyön, Lion of Faith; neither of them mention that he wrote other texts or that a biography of him exists (Schaeffer 2011: 474; Smith 2001: 74). 82 Tsangnyön recognized him as Gampopa’s reincarnation (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 9–12). Sangyé Darpo Palzang counts him among the most exalted great sons (Sangs rgyas dar po dpal bzang 1568: 79b). Götsangrepa salutes him as “the best monk, the king of learned ones.” (G: 262). 83 G: 133; L: 93; N: 15b–16a. Götsangrepa calls the place the great dharma college of Dreyul Dzongkar (G: 133). Dreyul Dzongkar seems to be a monastery in Tsang which is sometimes called Dreyul Kyemotsal. This monastery was established in 1449 by Jamchen Rab- jampa Sangyé Pel (’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i bka’ ’bum, TBRC W21807, vol. 18: 387–388). Jampa Lhatsün Drakpa writes that Ngödrub Pembar received these instructions from Tsangnyön in Kyetsal (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 37). 84 L: 93. 270 part three

The master (Tsangnyön) and about fifteen disciples set up a retreat place in a willow grove and stayed there for half a month. The steward of Rinpung requested dharma teachings and offered food. [Tsangnyön] performed pointing out instructions based upon the Four Letter Mahāmudrā to many dge bshes, the foremost of whom was the great learned master Rabjampa Ngödrub Pembar. In particular, he bestowed a profound pith instruction to this Rabjampa in private. Afterwards Tsangnyön said, “In practicing this kind of pith instruction as an illustration of the extraordinary result arising, Lion of Speech (i.e. Ngödrub Pembar), I will show you the sign of a protuber- ance that comes through the method for evacuating the realms of subject and object and resting in the central [channel].”85 Ngödrub Pembar himself mentions that he received many instructions from Tsangnyön, and he also describes how Tsangnyön was able to demonstrate his own profound realization of dharmakāya both to him and to his other disciples.86 In the Dharma History of Shelkar it is mentioned that Ngödrub Pembar was abbot of Samten Ling Monastery in Southern Latö for a while, as was his disciple Jampa Lhatsün Drakpa, who composed the biography of him.87 Interestingly, it is mentioned that during this particular period the monastery, although appearing to be Sakya, was Kagyü in practice.88 A large number of Ngödrub Pembar’s writings are listed in his biography, many of them scholarly commentaries on famous texts.89 TBRC lists only two works on their website, but it is likely that many of his other works are preserved among the Sakyapas.90

The Life of Sönam Lodrö

There is also a life story about a lesser-known disciple of Tsangnyön named Sönam Lodrö (ca. 1460–1541).91 According to the biography, Sönam Lodrö

85 L: 93. This pith instruction is also rendered in the biography about Ngödrub Pem- bar (Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 37–38) and in Lion of Faith (N: 16a). According to Khenpo Yeshi, ‘Lion of Speech’ (smra ba’i seng ge) is sometimes used as a synonym for ‘rabjampa,’ and in this context it thus refers to Ngödrub Pembar (personal conversation, Berkeley, 2011). 86 N: 16a. An overview of the teachings Ngödrub Pembar received from Tsangnyön is given in Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 36–37. 87 Everding and Dzongphugpa 2006: 191; Wangdu and Diemberger 1996: 53. 88 Everding and Dzongphugpa 2006: 191; Wangdu and Diemberger 1996: 53. 89 Byams pa lha btsun grags pa 2005: 74–75. 90 Shes rab snying po’i rnam bshad nyin byed dbang po and Byams pa’i smon lam yon tan gyi rgya mtsho la rnam bshad dad pa’i ngang mo rnam par rtse ba. 91 Bya bral pa tshul khrims dpal ldan 1544. the school of tsangnyön heruka 271 met Tsangnyön early in life. Having developed a strong urge to meet Tsangnyön, who was known as the best of the great siddhas in Tibet, he decided to look for him. 92 He received permission from his teacher, and eventually found Tsangnyön, who was practicing asceticism with many yogin disciples in Mother Crystal Cave (Yum shel phug). Sönam Lodrö’s devotion increased steadily while approaching the master, and his first audience with Tsangnyön is described as follows in the biography: The Victorious One, the emanation of Zhepa Dorjé,93 the great siddha, Tsangpa Nyönpa was among many yogins who were adorned with heruka implements. [Tsangnyön was] adorned with the six bone ornaments [and his] body expressed the nine moods of dancing. [His] charisma and great splendor were overwhelming to behold. [Tsangnyön was] sitting in flicker- ing clear light, and the meeting caused [Sönam Lodrö’s] bodily hair to flutter. [He] could not utter a word; it was as if his body had been destroyed. In a state without thoughts, vivid and clear, he offered symbolic gifts . . .94 Sönam Lodrö then established a close connection with Tsangnyön and became one of his most important disciples, but it is beyond the scope of this book to describe his life in full.95

The Life of Sharawa

Another important text is the life story of Tsangnyön’s main teacher, Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé, popularly known as Sharawa (1427–1470). This text does not give much information about Tsangnyön, but since it gives information about Sharawa, his teachers and lineage, it is important for our understanding of Tsangnyön.96 The biography is based upon an

92 Bya bral pa tshul khrims dpal ldan 1544: 7b. His first meeting and subsequent training with Tsangnyön are portrayed in Bya bral pa tshul khrims dpal ldan 1544: 7a–10a. 93 This is one of the names of Milarepa; the text is thus yet another example showing that many of Tsangnyön’s disciples regarded him as an emanation of the cotton-clad yogin. 94 Bya bral pa tshul khrims dpal ldan 1544: 8b–9a: he ru ka’i cha byad can gyi rnal ’byor pa’i ’khor mang po’i dbus na / rgyal ba gzhad pa rdo rje rnam sprul / grub thob chen po gtsang pa smyon pa de sku gar dgu’i nyams dang ldan pa / rus pa’i rgyan drug gis mdzas pa / gzi brjid dang zil che ba lta bas mi bzad pa / ’od zer phrom me bzhugs pa dang mjal bas lus zhig ’gro ba lta bu’i ba spu g.yo zhing / ngag sgra brjod dang bral / sems rtog med du lhan lhan ’gro ba’i nang nas / phyag rten gyi rdzas rnams phul [. . .] /. 95 Kurtis Schaeffer describes Sönam Lodrö’s death scene, as it is depicted in the biography by Bya bral tshul khrim dpal ldan. Schaeffer 2007: 224. 96 The name of the life story is Mkhas grub sha ra rab ’jam [’byams] pa sangs rgyas seng ge’i rnam thar mthong ba don ldan ngo mtshar nor bu’i phreng ba shar ’dod yid ’phrog blo gsal mgul brgyan. It is listed under Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976 in the bibliography. 272 part three

Figure 21. Tsangnyön’s main teacher, Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé. older text by Dawa Gyaltsen that was composed in Dagla Gampo, according to its colophon.97 The life story was compiled and printed in 1559 under the direction of a disciple of both Götsangrepa and Lhatsün named Jampa Püntsog (1503–1581). The printing occurred in the village of Né, in the Mangyul Gungtang region.98 Sharawa was born in a place called Shara in Penyul, northeast of Lhasa.99 His father’s name was Rongta Pönsö, and his mother’s name was Drölma.

97 Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 500. 98 Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 501. For information about Jampa Püntsog, see the epilogue and Ehrhard, in press. 99 I have found two biographies of Sharawa: a short biography included in Tsangnyön’s own Bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan brgyud (Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971b: 111–113) and the more extensive one (26 folios) by Dawa Gyaltsen (Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976). the school of tsangnyön heruka 273

Sharawa belonged to the Khyungpo clan and he had five siblings. Like other great masters-to-be, his religious inclination amazed those who saw him; it is said that he gave teachings when he was only three years old.100 When he was older, a need to renounce samsara arose, and at thirteen Sharawa entered a monastic community. As a young monk, he studied the Buddhist teachings in a systematic and gradual way. Starting with the Tripiṭaka, Vinaya, Abhidharma, and Sūtra, he soon mastered Pramāṇa and Madhyamaka as well. Sharawa studied in different monastic institutions such as Sera, Sangpu, and Drepung, and at twenty-five he entered the teaching convent of Tsetang. He steadily progressed in learning and finally reached the rab ’byams degree.101 From then on he was known as Shara Rabjampa and became “as famous as the sun and the moon.”102 It was at this point that Sharawa’s connection to the tantric teachings and the Kagyü lineage began to manifest. He encountered several great teachers who gave him empowerments, reading transmissions, and oral instructions. Then he started to devote time to the practice of meditation in isolated retreats. Among the lamas Sharawa met, four became particularly important: Künkhyen Zhönu Lodrö;103 Düldzin Ngagi Wangpo; the twelfth abbot of Taklung, Taklung Rinpoche Ngawang Drakpa (1418–1496);104 and Khedrub Sönam Döndrub.105 From these and other teachers he received several different instructions that he later passed on to Tsangnyön. After receiving the tantric teachings Sharawa practiced with great effort and quickly gained realization. The monk-scholar had become a tantric yogin, and he soon became famous and attracted disciples.106

100 This and the following information about Sharawa are taken from the above-mentioned biography by Dawa Gyaltsen (Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 453–466), if not otherwise indicated. 101 The rab ’byams degree was granted to great scholars who had studied extensively; Ngödrub Pembar also held the title. Georges Dreyfus points out that the rab ’byams title was awarded after a scholar had studied the relevant texts, often with several teachers in various centers; he mentions that Sangyé Pal, a student of Ngorchen Künga Zangpo (1382–1477) is said to have been the first to obtain the title (Dreyfus 2003: 144). 102 Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 457. 103 He is called Changlingpa Zhönu Lodrö in Gtsang smyon Heruka 1971b: 112. 104 Both Sharawa and Tsangnyön are mentioned in Taklung Ngawang Namgyal’s Dharma History of Taklung (stag lung ngag dbang rnam rgyal 1992: 451). For a short genea- logical description of the Taklung school see: De Rossi Filibeck 1994: 237–240. 105 The four main lamas of Sharawa are mentioned by Dawa Gyaltsen (Zla ba rgyal mtshan 1976: 499). 106 For more information about Sharawa, see the section describing Tsangnyön’s meeting with him in chapter 4 of this book.

Conclusions and Epilogue

Conclusions

The biographies of Tsangnyön Heruka depict a yogin who was quite famous and influential in Tibet and elsewhere, both during and after his lifetime. Nowadays, his legacy continues mainly through his own and his disciples’ literary efforts which, contrary to his persona and transmission lineage, have continued to receive much attention. The texts that were produced and printed by the ‘school of Tsangnyön’ have continued to spread his message in the world. By compiling, printing, and distribut- ing life stories of siddhas and yogins, Tsangnyön and his disciples promoted aspects of Buddhism that sometimes tend to be forgotten, namely renunciation and meditation practice. Their works also emphasized that it is possible to attain enlightenment through advanced tantric practice. Instead of the monk-scholar, their ideal was the yogin, and particularly the accomplished one—the siddha. Although there is sometimes a critique of scholar-monks (dge bshes) in both the life stories that Tsangnyön wrote or compiled and in the biographies about him, this critique needs to be put into context so as not to be misunderstood. The biographies of Tsangnyön portray him as a scholar with a monastic background, and his teacher, Shara Rabjampa, as having been a monk-scholar before he embarked upon the path of a tantric yogin. We have seen that Tsangnyön encouraged his disciple, Lhatsün, to study in famous non-Kagyü institutions. The critique of scholar-monks is thus not aimed at studies and monasticism as such, but at the tendency among some monks to neglect practice and engage in worldly pursuits. Tsangnyön, as he is presented by his disciples, does in fact seem to claim that monastic discipline and study of the sūtras are necessary foundations for tantric practice. According to the biographies, the scholar-monks with whom Tsangnyön sometimes debated misunderstood the Buddhist teachings and failed to see and acknowledge Tsangnyön’s qualities. The debates between Tsang- nyön and the scholar-monks centered around how and when certain advanced tantric practices should be carried out, and the biographies of Tsangnyön include several episodes where learned scholars, often dge bshes, questioned his behavior and way of dressing, claiming that his way of practicing did not correspond with Buddhist teachings. Tsangnyön sur- prised his antagonists with the depth of his learning, giving precise and 278 conclusions accurate explanations of his behavior and practice, and often embellish- ing his explanations with quotations from appropriate texts. While the dge bshes who questioned him ended up speechless and embarrassed by their own lack of learning, those who witnessed the encounters were impressed and filled with faith in Tsangnyön. Besides showing that Tsangnyön’s learning exceeded that of everyone else, the authors of the biographies also depicted him as the yogin par excellence. The texts describe how Tsangnyön meditated for years in remote caves just like Milarepa, and indeed, so thoroughly identified himself with the cotton-clad yogin that he eventually came to be regarded as his emanation. This leads us to another important facet of Tsangnyön, namely his promotion of ancient Kagyü doctrines, practices, and ideals. Tsangnyön appears to have been a Kagyü purist who avoided mixing the Kagyü lineage that he practiced and disseminated with other lineages. His faithful- ness to the tradition of Milarepa, which he had received from his root lama Shara Rabjampa, is exemplified by his overt interest in the life stories and the aural transmissions of the early Kagyü masters. Tsangnyön had much in common with Milarepa’s disciple Rechungpa, who held an important place in the aural transmissions of the Kagyü tradition. Rechungpa differs from Milarepa’s more famous disciple Gam- popa in several ways. While Gampopa is portrayed as a learned and well- disciplined Kadampa monk, Rechungpa is presented as a lay tantric yogin who was often rebellious. Although it is Gampopa’s version of the Kagyü that became successful and was spread in Tibet and elsewhere, Rechungpa and other lay tantric yogins could arguably be seen as closer to the founders of the tradition. Gampopa blended the monastic Kadam tradition with its emphasis on mind training and Mahāyāna Buddhism with the tantric yogic teachings of Milarepa. Rechungpa, on the other hand, appears to have practiced the tantric and yogic teachings of Milarepa without mixing them with teachings taken from other lineages, and like Milarepa, he is portrayed as being uninterested in monasticism and institutions. While the four ‘greater’ and eight ‘lesser’ Kagyü schools that derived from Gampopa’s disciples became institutionalized and widely disseminated, Rechungpa’s transmission lineage remained obscure and uninstitutionalized. Tsangnyön apparently wanted to revive this alternative, and arguably more original, Kagyü lineage with its focus on yogic practice and wilderness retreats. At the same time Tsangnyön seems to have been aware of the importance of receiving acceptance and support from the institution- conclusions 279 alized Kagyü branches. He therefore appears to have downplayed the controversial and problematic sides of the early Kagyü masters. He also presented Gampopa as Milarepa’s foremost disciple, and thereby dimin- ished Rechungpa’s role in the Kagyü transmission lineage. This was probably part of the secret behind the success of the life stories composed by Tsangnyön and his disciples. Their life stories were close to the lives of ordinary people and at the same time acceptable to the monastic orders. Tsangnyön’s ability to balance the provocative and the normative is mir- rored in his worldly as well as his religious activities. Tibet was fragmented during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, torn by many conflicts and wars, yet at the same time vitalized by dynamic and creative forces that allowed religion, art, architecture, and literature to flourish. Tsangnyön was involved in many cultural enterprises, yet he appears to have skillfully utilized his position as a mad yogin to remain outside of both religious and political factions. This in turn enabled him to act independently and avoid becoming involved in religious and political conflicts. His position seems to have implied a freedom of both movement and expression that he put to good use. The biographies describe how he, by means of outrageous behavior and a display of miraculous powers, obtained patronage from many different leaders and support from various Buddhist traditions. It is an interesting paradox that a mad yogin who promoted asceticism, renunciation, and meditation had so many patrons and supporters among the powerful and wealthy. According to the life stories, he was supported by almost all the famous leaders of the areas he visited. Tsangnyön’s position as a mad yogin seems to have made it possible for him both to express criticism and to remain neutral without getting into trouble. According to the life stories, he sometimes acted as a mediator in conflicts and thereby managed to reconcile rival disputing parties and also avoid wars. At other times he boldly criticized leaders who he thought had acted wrongly. Apparently it was both accepted and expected that a mad yogin was outspoken and honest. It appears to have been an integral part of his role to transgress social, political, and religious boundaries, and this enabled him to do and say things that others could not. The life of a mad yogin thus involved certain advantages in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Tibet. While the scholar-monks were geographically and historically linked with particular places and rulers, the mad yogins wandered from place to place and were therefore more flexible. According to the biographies Tsangnyön obtained support and patronage from several different leaders who were actually in conflict with one another. If wars and conflicts ravaged a particular area, the wandering 280 conclusions yogins could move on to other places, and having several patrons meant that if one patron lost his power and influence they could go to another. Since monasteries and monastic property could be coveted, confiscated, or perhaps even destroyed by hostile or envious competitors, religious as well as secular life tied to property and possessions could be problematic and dangerous.1 Unlike a monk, a mad yogin was not bound by depen- dence on monastic property or monk’s vows, and at times this difference could be an advantage. The life stories of Tsangnyön show how his provocative behavior was performed in a deliberate and strategic way, often in places where many people had gathered. At feasts, marketplaces, gatherings, and crossroads he displayed both ‘madness’ and miraculous powers in order to teach and convert others. He repeatedly acted as a madman in front of important kings and leaders when they had gathered together with many followers and spectators. Disciplined conduct was thus often a social event as well as an unusual and effective conversion strategy that constantly brought Tsangnyön new followers and patrons. His spectacular behavior made him famous. Mad practices are sometimes performed in the Nyingma tradition under quite different circumstances. Instead of acting like a madman in public, the Nyingmapa yogin who practices the extraordinary preliminary practices that lead to ‘direct transcendence’ (thod rgal) behaves as if mad within a communal retreat setting, and under the close guidance of a spiritual guide.2 Tsangnyön on the other hand, acted mad in public, and people who had witnessed his outrageous behavior and his bizarre way of dressing did not forget him. Götsangrepa, for example, heard about him from a tea-merchant who had encountered a yogin named Tsangnyön wearing a human skin when he was in Lhasa. This report made the eight- year-old Götsangrepa curious. He became filled with faith, and a wish arose to meet with the mad yogin in person.

1 An example is found in the life story of the mad yogin Drukpa Künlé, who saw how possessions and position caused problems and disasters around him. His father, who had been a governor (nang so), was killed in a conflict; later, Drukpa Künlé served the leader of the Rinpung estate, Küntu Zangpo, and again witnessed war and conflicts. He became so depressed that when he was requested to stay at Ralung he declined, saying that dealing with possessions in these degenerate times led to disaster in the short run and hell in the long run. Instead, he became a wandering mad yogin (’Brug pa kun legs 2005: 5; Stein 1972: 43–44). 2 For a description of these practices, see Germano 1997: 311–334. conclusions 281

The fact that Tsangnyön’s ‘madness’ gave rise to faith and devotion among the people who witnessed or heard about it indicates that Tibet- ans in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were aware of, and prepared for, transgressive and seemingly mad behavior by Buddhist masters. As long as the master was also able to demonstrate other qualities, such as compassion and learning, ‘crazy’ behavior seems to have been accepted and perhaps even to have contributed to a master’s charisma. Tsangnyön’s biographers bestowed the epithet ‘mad’ upon him almost like an honorific title, thus highlighting their guru’s ‘madness’ as yet another proof of his greatness. The hope and fear that people felt when they encountered a powerful yogin may also have played a role in their responses to him. According to the life stories, people were rewarded with riches and fortune as a result of showing respect and having faith in a accomplished yogin, while the consequences of not respecting him could be fatal. People who encountered a mad yogin thus had much to gain if they showed him respect, and much to lose if they did not. Although Tsangnyön is portrayed as being a master full of compassion, he could not stop the law of cause and effect from playing out in people’s lives, so those who treated him badly had to suffer the result of their negative actions. It was not easy, however, for people to know if a mad yogin was truly accomplished or not. Other less accomplished individuals might pretend to be mad yogins for the sake of gaining respect and riches. Gampopa himself mentioned how difficult it was to differentiate between a siddha and a charlatan. If Gampopa found this to be difficult, it would naturally have been much more difficult for a common person to make such a distinction. Many people who met a mad yogin found it safest to respect him and his activities, just as they respected a monk without knowing his inner qualities. This study has focused upon how the transgressive, provocative, and outright crazy ways of the mad yogins can be explained by Buddhist doctrines and/or as methods of practice. There are several examples in the life stories that show how Tsangnyön referred to tantric Buddhist texts and practices when his unusual behavior was questioned. These tantric texts explain how, by whom, when, and why a transgressive and seemingly mad practice should be carried out. What at first glance appears to be spontaneous, haphazard, and uncontrolled conduct is thus revealed to be a particular Buddhist practice—a practice that should only be undertaken by the right person, at the right time, in the right way, and for the right reasons. Otherwise the result will be disastrous, both for the 282 conclusions practitioner and for others. The practices that the mad yogins performed are explained in great detail in the Mahāyoga- and Yoginī tantras, which the Tibetans refer to as the highest yoga tantras (anuttarayogatantra), and their commentaries. These types of tantras were incorporated into the newer Tibetan schools (gsar ma) to which the Kagyü tradition belongs. The most commonly used terms for practices that involve transgressive and sometimes crazy behavior are vrata (brtul zhugs) and caryā (spyod pa), often combined as vratacaryā (brtul zhugs spyod pa). The tantras give precise descriptions of what inner realizations a yogin must have attained before undertaking these practices, as well as how such a person should dress and act. A practitioner ‘enters into the conduct’ when he has reached the second of the five paths—the path of connection. The first inner sign that indicates he has obtained this level of realization is his experience of ‘warmth’; another sign of having reached this attainment is his no longer caring about the eight worldly dharmas.3 The biographies of Tsangnyön often emphasize that he had no interest in the eight worldly dharmas, and note that his first display of unconventional and ‘mad’ conduct occurred while he was studying with Shara Rabjampa, and was preceded by an experience of warmth. A practitioner who aspires to perform these practices must also have developed compassion, have a firm background in basic Buddhism, and have kept the individual liberation vows, the bodhisattva vows, and especially the tantric commitments (samaya). Tantric exegetes thus emphasize that mad conduct in this context is not a deviation from, but a part of ‘normative’ Buddhist practice. The mad yogins of Tibet are often called grub thob (siddha), and given their close resemblance to the Indian siddhas, the designation is indeed appropriate. Many of the Indian siddhas, like the mad yogins of Tibet, practiced and disseminated the highest yoga tantras. These tantras are generally centered on a particular type of wrathful deity called a heruka. Tsangnyön’s practice was focused on two such wrathful deities, namely Hevajra and Cakrasaṃvara. Hevajra was his main chosen deity (yidam, iṣṭadevatā), and he devoted much of his time and energy to compiling and disseminating the Aural Transmission of Saṃvara. Buddhist tantric practice involves the visualization of tantric deities and the recitation of mantras. There are two phases of tantric sādhana meditation, the generation and the completion phases. During the first

3 For an enumeration of the eight worldly dharmas/concerns, see p. 73, n. 1. conclusions 283 phase the practitioner visualizes and gradually attempts to identify himself with the chosen deity (which in Tsangnyön’s case was Hevajra). At the completion stage, the yogin no longer has any notion of being separated from his chosen deity. In fact, tantric teachings claim that the chosen deity and the practitioner have always been inseparably united, but due to his ignorance the practitioner has been unaware of this. The practice is thus a means of both realization and transformation: the realization that one has lived in a deluded state of mind and the transformation of this deluded state into a non-deluded, or awakened state. The chosen deity, whether peaceful or wrathful, is an expression of awakened mind. The heruka is a wrathful chosen deity, but ultimately every expression of awakening is the same, regardless of how different they may appear. Since Tsangnyön’s chosen deity was Hevajra, and Hevajra is a heruka, when Tsangnyön became enlightened he realized or discovered his own mind as Hevajra/heruka. It is somewhat paradoxical that the seemingly undisciplined and uncontrolled behavior of the mad yogin is actually prescribed in the tantras and is thus a type of ‘disciplined conduct’ (vratacaryā). A yogin who practices disciplined conduct is supposed to act without restraint, saying and doing whatever appears in his mind.4 Such a practitioner should not show any preferences regarding what is suitable or unsuitable, pure or impure, good or bad, and so forth, but completely let go of all dualistic and self-centered ideas. In this way, he displays his realization of the empty nature of all phenomena. Experiencing everything as ‘one taste,’ the yogin realizes that samsara is nirvana. This realization enables the practitioner to do things that would be unthinkable for an ordinary person. When Tsangnyön was about twenty years old he had a transformative visionary encounter with his chosen deity Hevajra that inspired him to behave in unconventional and provocative ways. Since his ‘crazy’ ways were unsuitable for a monk, he left his monastery. The biographies make it clear that he had at this point completely mastered basic Buddhist teachings, as well as both Mahāyāna and Mantrayāna teachings, and was extremely learned. Later he went to Tsari where he received the four empowerments in their entirety from Hevajra in another visionary encounter. On that occasion Hevajra gave him his secret name, Traktung Gyalpo—‘king of the

4 Whether the tantras are to be interpreted symbolically or not is, of course, a debated and problematic issue. 284 conclusions blood drinkers’—a Tibetan translation of heruka. Tsangnyön was now an ‘enlightened’ siddha and a heruka. His status as a heruka had been confirmed by the visions, and his new status was displayed outwardly by the way he dressed and acted. He adorned himself with the six heruka bone ornaments, carried a tantric staff (khaṭvāṅga) and a skull-cup, and practiced disciplined conduct. According to the biographies, he did this for the sake of benefiting the doctrine and all living beings. Following these transformative experiences, during a period of about ten years, Tsangnyön repeatedly acted in very provocative and ‘crazy’ ways. He stayed at cemeteries, draped himself in intestines, ate from leprous corpses, destroyed religious ceremonies, took the beverages of kings and leaders out of their hands and drank them, insulted people, threw around urine and feces, drank his own urine, sexually assaulted people, and so forth. As seen above, it is possible to explain even such antinomian and transgressive acts as advanced Buddhist practices. Uncon- ventional and apparently mad ways of conduct could in fact be associated with both the path toward accomplishment and the goal itself, namely accomplishment. ‘Disciplined conduct’ could be applied by the advanced tantric practitioner to enhance his progress upon the path toward awakening, and when the goal had been attained, the practitioner could appear to be mad insofar as his perception of the world was completely different from that of an ordinary person. An enlightened master no longer per- ceives things in a dualistic and self-centered manner, and may therefore appear to be mad in the eyes of unenlightened and worldly people. The antinomian and transgressive actions that Tsangnyön performed can also be explained with the help of Mahāyāna doctrines. Tsangnyön’s disciples repeatedly emphasize that he never harmed others, but that all his actions, however bizarre and shocking they might appear, always benefited sentient beings and the Buddhist teachings. Tsangnyön’s mad ways are described as a method (thabs) that enabled him to help beings of a rough nature who would never otherwise have listened to traditional Bud- dhist teachings. When attacked by angry people he shed tears, not because of personal pain, but out of compassion for the people who assaulted him. When he met traders who had captured a woman and her daughters whom they were about to sell, he felt intense compassion, bought them free, and escorted them back to their homes. Tuken Lobzang Chökyi Nyima states that although Tsangnyön abided in disciplined conduct and was a siddha who controlled all outer appearances, his wisdom-mind was filled only with love and compassion whenever he encountered an unfor- tunate being who suffered, or someone who had accumulated negative conclusions 285 karma. Tsangnyön made suffering beings the principal focus of his practice, and although he had attained an exalted level of accomplishment, he strongly emphasized the importance of karma and its result. Tuken states that Tsangnyön considered even the smallest virtuous or harmful action to be of the utmost importance, and that this was what he always taught his disciples.5 Sometimes it appears to have been a conscious strategy on Tsang- nyön’s part to shock people in order to ‘wake them up’ from their ignorance. Although Buddhist masters are sometimes seen as ‘cozy figures’ who do whatever is needed to make people comfortable and happy, it is important to remember that Buddhism aims at ‘waking people up,’ and if people are ‘sleeping’ deeply it might be impossible to wake them up without employing unusual and even uncomfortable methods. Such kinds of unexpected and shocking actions are found in several Buddhist traditions, the Chan (Zen) and siddha traditions in particular. Chan masters sometimes employed eccentric and even antinomian pedagogical techniques in their attempts to liberate their disciples from false dualistic perceptions of reality. The Chan master Mazu (707–786), for example, grabbed the nose of his disciple Baizhang (749–814) and twisted it until the latter reached enlightenment.6 Another famous mad Chan monk, Daoji alias Jidian (Crazy Ji) or Jigong (1150–1209), dressed in rags, acted like a madman, and drank large quantities of alcohol.7 To demonstrate what happens at the moment of enlightenment Daoji once somersaulted in front of the abbot and the whole assembly of monks. While doing so he revealed his private parts and the monks burst out laughing.8 The Indian siddha Nāropa had to undergo a series of seemingly meaningless trials for twelve years while following his guru Tilopa. Then, suddenly, Tilopa hit Nāropa on his forehead with his shoe and Nāropa fainted. “When he came to, all the qualities of his teacher’s wisdom mind had arisen within him. Teacher and disciple had become one in realization.”9 Nāropa passed on his tradition to the Tibetan translator Marpa who transmitted it to Milarepa. Milarepa similarly had to undergo a series of seemingly meaningless and demanding trials before Marpa would instruct

5 T: 44. 6 Shahar 1998: 32. 7 For a study of Daoji, see Shahar 1998. The mad Mongolian master Schagdar was seen as an incarnation of Ji gong (von Walter Heissig 1962). 8 Shahar 1998: 61–62. 9 Patrul Rinpoche 1994: 159, Dpal sprul rin po che 2004: 251. 286 conclusions him. Before passing away Milarepa told his disciples to give up anything that increases self-clinging and afflictions, and harms beings even though it appears to be virtuous. Then he told them to “practice that which serves as an antidote for the five poisons and benefits sentient beings, even if it appears to be sinful, because it is in essence authentic dharma.”10 Milarepa passed on his tradition to his disciples and then the tradition continued in an unbroken succession up to Tsangnyön’s main teacher Shara Rabjampa who passed it on to Tsangnyön. Since unconventional behavior seem to have been an important aspect of the tradition Tsang- nyön received, it is perhaps logical that he acted as he did. In many ways he resembles the early Kagyü masters much more than do Gampopa and other Kagyü dignitaries. Tsangnyön and his disciples, of course, wrote down and printed many of the well-known biographies about the Indian siddhas and their Tibetan heirs, and this may make it somewhat difficult to separate them from Milarepa, Marpa, Nāropa, and the other masters who are depicted in the life stories. Seen from the most ancient Indian perspective, Tsangnyön was a great ascetic and homeless wanderer, akin to Indian ascetics and proto śaiva figures who wandered India long before Buddhism arose. Seen from an ancient Buddhist perspective, Tsangnyön could be likened to the ascetic monks who adhered to the dhutaguṇa practices, and in some ways he even resembled Buddha Śākyamuni. Both Tsangnyön and the Buddha were homeless wanderers and meditators. Moreover, they reached their goal by deliberately searching out scary and dangerous places and situations. According to Robert Decaroli, the Buddha traveled “to the epi- center of dangerous and supernatural activity” when he went to Gāya, the foremost funerary site in India.11 The Buddha then accepted offerings intended for supernatural beings and spent several nights under a tree in the haunted hills where the lord of desires and death, Māra, the very embodiment of samsara, was believed to reside. “With actions as blatantly confrontational such as these, it would appear that Śākyamuni was beg- ging for an attack by Māra,” writes Decaroli.12 In some ways Māra’s attack seems to have been exactly what Śākyamuni needed to become enlightened. Likewise Tsangnyön deliberately confronted the most frightening

10 Tsangnyön 2011: 191; Gtsang smyon 1991: 830. Thanks to Eric Forgeng for drawing my attention to this passage. 11 Decaroli 2004: 114. 12 Decaroli 2004: 115. conclusions 287 places and situations he could find and is portrayed thereby as having refined his insight and also demonstrated his qualities. Another similarity between the Buddha and Tsangnyön is that they were both supported by powerful rulers, the Buddha by the rulers who gave the Sangha land, and Tsangnyön by Dönyö Dorjé, Tashi Dargyé, and others. Their position was thus paradoxical; at the same time as they were ascetic outsiders, they were also influential and well-connected religious leaders. Seen from a Mahāyāna perspective, Tsangnyön was a bodhisattva who acted in a completely selfless manner. Having realized the emptiness of self and phenomena, he was able to work solely for the sake of the Bud- dhist doctrine and sentient beings. From a Vajrayāna perspective, he could also be seen as a tantric siddha who practiced the highest yoga tantras. Finally it should be emphasized that trickster-like mad masters are not unique to Tibetan Buddhism but can also be found in other forms of Bud- dhism, as well as in many different religious traditions. In the Christian tradition the most poignant example may be the ‘holy fool’ or ‘fool for the sake of Christ’ in Russian Orthodox Christianity. Ewa M. Thompson writes that before the October Revolution, the population of practically every sizable Russian town included a strange-looking person called a iurodivyi (holy fool). These holy fools were dirty and went naked or dressed in strange garments, sometimes covering their bodies with bells, strings, and other objects. They were wards of the town, and people gave them food and shelter. “In exchange for their kindness, the holy fool often abused his benefactors, or at best treated them with indifference.”13 Their proper element was not hermitages and solitude, but a neighborhood gathering or a marketplace: “In such surroundings they shouted, cried, abused the passers-by and prophesied.”14 Neither the mad Buddhist yogins nor the holy madmen of other religions fit the conventional picture of a religious and holy figure. They act inappropriately, they mock others, and they puzzle and surprise us with their strange ways and transgressive behavior. At first glance, the mad masters do not seem to have a place in the religions with which they nevertheless are affiliated. But could it perhaps be the other way around? Do they represent something fundamental rather than peripheral in religion?

13 Thompson 1987: 1. 14 Thompson 1987: 2. 288 conclusions

The mad yogins interest us because they challenge our preconceptions about religion in general and Buddhism in particular. Instead of giving us simple answers and a nice coherent picture, they challenge us to broaden our minds and change our narrow perspectives and preconceived ideas. Perhaps Buddhism is not what we have thought it to be? Perhaps religion is not what we have thought it to be? Maybe samsara is nirvana? A figure like Tsangnyön also raises a more general question about who is mad and who is not. From the perspective of the mad yogin, it is other people who are mad. In our madness we mistakenly see the mad yogins as insane, when they are actually quite sane—and more than sane. Thus Tsangnyön once spoke wisely to a Buddhist master he met on his travels: “I heard that there is a mad vagabond around. Are you he?” “There are different ways of looking at it; the way I look at it you are the one who is mad. [. . .] For achieving buddhahood in this life [I] am called crazy.” [Tsangnyön] said. [Hearing Tsangnyön’s answer], everyone burst into laughter and went away.15

15 For the citation in full, see above, pp. 157–158. Epilogue

By the beginning of the seventeenth century, Tsangnyön’s direct disciples had passed away and Tsangnyön gradually became less well known. Though sporadic references to him appear, few new printings of his three life stories or of his song collection seem to have been made, and not many statues or thankas depicting him were produced. His disciples thus appear to have failed in promoting their lama’s life story, songs, and teachings and thereby establishing a lasting memory of him. While Milarepa and Marpa remained vivid and alive in the minds of most Tibetans, Tsang- nyön became part of the distant past, and eventually only a few learned

Figure 22. A recently made statue of Tsangnyön Heruka, Rechung Puk. 290 epilogue

Tibetans remembered him as the mad yogin who had compiled the life of Milarepa. The memory of Tsangnyön and his lineage of transmission, although becoming less prominent, did not, however, disappear completely. We have already explored in chapter 10 how some of Tsangnyön’s direct disciples laid the foundation for Tsangnyön’s tradition or ‘school.’ Here I would like to include a brief description of what happened with Tsangnyön’s tradition after his direct disciples passed away. This overview is far from exhaustive; it consists merely of some bits and pieces of information that I came across more or less haphazardly during the course of this study. More research is needed for us to be able to fully understand Tsangnyön’s legacy. There were probably several reasons for Tsangnyön’s relative obscurity in the seventeenth century and onward. Perhaps it was difficult for a wandering charismatic yogin who preferred remote wilderness retreats to monastic institutions to become a part of mainstream Buddhism. More- over, when the Ganden Palace government was established and the Fifth Dalai Lama came to power in 1642, the political situation in Tibet changed, and the Kagyü school to which Tsangnyön belonged lost its former prominence, while the Gelukpa school became the privileged and dominant Buddhist school in Tibet. Many Kagyü monasteries were converted to Gelukpa and both the Tenth Karmapa Chöying Dorjé (1604–1674) and the Seventh Shamarpa Yeshé Nyingpo (1631–1694), who had supported Tsangnyön’s successors, was forced into exile. Religious schools which had been affiliated with the enemies of the Gelukpa regime were forcibly converted, and the leaders who had struggled against Gelukpa rule were systematically annihilated to eliminate further rebellions.1 The Karmapa and Shamarpa hierarchs had been the main religious leaders in Tibet for centuries and their influence had been significant. Now the Dalai lamas took over this position. Although the Karmapa and Shamarpa eventually returned from their exile and the Karma Kagyü school was allowed to continue its activities in Tibet, its political importance decreased consid- erably. Given the fact that many of the leaders who had been sponsoring the printing of Kagyü texts and the building of Kagyü monasteries and retreat centers had lost their power, it is not surprising that members of the Kagyü school found it difficult to continue their activities on the same scale as they had done before.

1 Kapstein 2006: 138. epilogue 291

Even if Tsangnyön and the mad yogins were ‘outsiders’ in a way, they were neither isolated from, nor independent of the larger society around them. The more settled and organized situation that arose in the seventeenth century was very different from the war-torn yet creative climate of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. No longer was society conducive to the free-roaming and transgressive lifestyle of the mad yogin. Since the new regime supported monastic discipline rather than disciplined conduct, it is not surprising that the monk-scholar replaced the charismatic siddha as the preferred ideal for devotion and patronage. The new political climate dominated by the Gelukpas no doubt made it even harder for a wandering Kagyü yogin to obtain patronage and funding. We saw above that the life stories about Tsangnyön and also his own works indicate that some Gelukpa adherents were critical toward the way in which Tsangnyön and the mad yogins practiced Buddhism. The learned monks emphasized a thorough monastic training before practicing the tantras, and they sometimes found the antinomian and transgressive behavior of the mad yogins both repellant and dangerous. Long before the Ganden Palace regime came to power, in the latter part of Tsangnyön’s life and especially after he had passed away, a shift seems to have occurred within his tradition. Instead of emulating Tsangnyön’s transgressive life style and calling themselves mad, Tsangnyön’s disciples devoted their time and energy to codifying and establishing the tradition they had received from their master. They compiled and printed biographies, song collections, and practice manuals, and also created some institutions and monasteries where the memory and lineage of Tsang- nyön could be preserved and disseminated.2 When Lhatsün and Götsangrepa passed away their disciples continued in their footsteps. Three disciples became particularly important, namely, Jampa Püntsok, Sangyé Öser, and Karma Tashi. They became known as the “three learned ones” (rab ’byams pa) and were primarily active in Rechung Puk. Jampa Püntsok (1503–1581) printed numerous texts and, like Tsangnyön and Lhatsün before him, renovated the Svayambhū Stūpa.3 He also

2 Sangyé Darpo’s history of the Kagyü tradition is an important source of information about Tsangnyön, his disciples, and the early history of Tsangnyön’s tradition. The text ends with a section about Tsangnyön’s lineage (Sangs rgyas dar po dpal bzang 1568: 76b–83a). 3 The renovation lasted from 1566 to 1572 (Ehrhard, in press; Rospatt 2001: 207). Thanks are due to Changling Rinpoche who kindly lent me a block-print copy of Jampa Pün tsok’s rare autobiography from his private library. This biography is also available in the archives of NGMPP and its title is Mkhas grub chen po byams pa phun tshogs kyi rnam 292 epilogue visited and practiced at Götsangrepa’s hermitage Götsang Ling in Yolmo (Nepal), and met the Eighth Karmapa Mikyö Dorjé (1507–1554) and the Fifth Shamarpa Könchok Yenlag (1525–1583). Moreover, he printed—or rather reprinted—Götsangrepa’s biography of Rechungpa as well as the biography of Tsangnyöns’s main teacher Sharawa. Another important, but sometimes overlooked, figure in the transmission lineage was Götsangrepa’s disciple Götrukpa Sangyé Dorjé.4 He was considered a reincarnation of Tsangnyön, and a reincarnation lineage descended from him which has continued into the present. The fifteenth incarnation of this line, Changling Rinpoche, currently lives in Nepal. The incarnation lineage to which he belongs had its main seat at Changchub Ling Monastery in Tsang, not far from Shigatsé. Along with Rechung Puk, this monastery was one of the main seats of the Aural transmission of Rechung in Tibet. Before its destruction, the monastery had a special lama chapel (bla ma lha khang) with statues of all the lineage masters of the Aural Transmission of Rechung. On the throne rested Tsangnyön’s cloak, which was known for never becoming dusty.5 Changchub Ling Monastery was completely destroyed during the Cultural Revolution and only some parts of the walls remain today. Jampa Püntsok passed on his teachings to Drubchok Wangpo (1563– 1618), who became the next lineage holder at Rechung Puk. Drubchok Wangpo was officially installed as the reincarnation of Götsangrepa by the Fifth Shamar Rinpoche, and he in turn recognized the next Götrukpa incarnation.6 During this period there were very close bonds between the Karma Kagyü school and Tsangnyön’s tradition, so close that Drubchok Wangpo’s biography is included in a collection of biographies of the Karma Kagyü tradition.7 Drubchok Wangpo received his monk’s vows as well as

thar (NGMPP reel no. L783/3). Ehrhard has summarized the contents of this biography (Ehrhard, in press) and has also translated sections from it (Ehrhard, in press; Ehrhard 2004b: 584–586). 4 Although his name is mentioned in some lineage prayers of the aural transmission, it is difficult to find written sources about Götrukpa and his incarnation line. I have relied upon information kindly provided to me by Changling Rinpoche, in person, and the webpage of Changling Rinpoche’s center: http://www.lotusspeech.ca/lineages/changling- tulkus/. 5 Changling Rinpoche had received this information orally from some old masters from Changchub Ling Monastery, and it was also written down in a letter from Tibet dated April 21, 2001. 6 Si tu chos kyi ’byung gnas 1972, vol. 2: 343–344. 7 Si tu chos kyi ’byung gnas 1972, vol. 2: 343–344. For an English summary of its contents, see Gardner 2009. epilogue 293 many teachings from the Ninth Karmapa Wangchuk Dorjé (1556–1603) and visited the next (i.e. sixth) Shamarpa incarnation, Chökyi Wangchuk (1584–1630), in Tölung Dechen.8 Following the wishes of the Ninth Kar- mapa and the instructions of the Sixth Shamarpa, a central temple was built at Rechung Puk after the Ninth Karmapa’s passing.9 At least three of Drubchok Wangpo’s disciples became important lineage holders in Tsangnyön’s tradition: Karma Chözang, Karma Lobzang, and Trinlé Gyamtso. Trinlé Gyamtso is an obscure master nowadays, but we know that he was seen as an emanation of Götrukrepa, who I assume is identical with Götrukpa Sangyé Dorjé, and that he became the next lineage holder at Rechung Puk.10 Thanks to a rather detailed autobiography, we know more about Karma Lobzang.11 Karma Lobzang was seen as a reincarnation of Jampa Püntsok and, like his teacher Drubchok Wangpo, he had close links to the Karma Kagyü school. After having studied at Rechung Puk under Drubchok Wangpo for many years, the Sixth Shamarpa asked him to become a resident lama at Drakar Taso. He followed Shamar Rinpoche’s command, moved from Central Tibet, and settled in Drakar Taso. Karma Lobzang then traveled extensively in the Himalayan valleys of Mustang, Dolpo, and Manang where he became an important and influential master. Besides teaching Buddhism, he renovated, enlarged, and founded many temples. His manifold activities contributed to popularizing Buddhism in the whole area.12 Karma Lobzang’s dharma brother, Karma Chözang, played an important role in spreading Buddhism in the

8 The meeting probably took place in Tsurpo, the main seat of the Karmapa which is situated in the Tölung Dechen district. 9 Si tu chos kyi ’byung gnas 1972, vol. 2: 344. 10 Gtsang smyon dang bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi lo rgyus 1974: 245; Sernesi 2007a: 120, 124. 11 His autobiography is undated and 84 folios long. The title is Mkhas grub chen po karma blo bzang ba rnam thar [mchod sprin rgya mtsho]. The text is summarized in Ehrhard 2001 and it is from Ehrhard that the information given about him here is derived. On Karma Lobzang’s activities in the Nar Valley of Nepal, see Mathes 2001. A thanka of Karma Lobzang surrounded by Tsangnyön and the other lineage lamas is found on the Himalayan Art Resources web page (http://www.himalayanart.org/). The thanka comes from the collection of the Rubin’s museum of art. 12 Karma Lobzang renovated and enlarged Drakar Taso, and he also renovated, rebuilt and founded many other temples and monasteries in Nepal and the southern border areas of Tibet. He renovated the Stomach Cave in Nyanang and built many new temples in that area. He also renovated the famous Vati Zangpo statue and temple in Kyirong, Götsang Ling in Yolmo, and founded a branch-temple of Drakar Taso called Drakar Samling in Nyishang. Karma Lobzang’s main disciples were: Garwang Dorjé Nyingpo (1640–1685), Gyalwang Sengé (b. 1628), Śākya Düdul, and Lama Karma Guru. For more on his activities, see Ehrhard 2001. 294 epilogue

Yolmo area of Nepal. At the invitation of some local donors Karma Chö- zang travelled from Rechung Puk to Götsang Ling in Yolmo, where he eventually settled down and took a wife. He renovated Götsang Ling in 1621 and his lineage continued through his sons.13 Karma Lobzang taught not only the Aural Transmission of Rechung stemming from Tsangnyön’s tradition, but also the treasure teachings of the treasure revealer Rigdzin Jatsön Nyingpo (1585–1656).14 This trend to teach Nyingma teachings alongside with Kagyü was to continue among Tsangnyön’s successors; instead of the Karma Kagyü school, Tsangnyön’s lineage drew nearer to the Nyingma school in the years to come. The reason for this development is probably partly derived from the fact that the Nyingma school was supported by the Fifth Dalai Lama and his Ganden Palace government, and it was more favorable to lean toward them than the Karma Kagyü in the new political climate after 1642. The Nyingma influence became so strong that the celebrated treasure revealer Chöjé Lingpa (disputed dates, 1682–1725) became one of the successors in the transmission lineage at Rechung Puk.15 Chöjé Lingpa was even regarded as an emanation of Tsangnyön and his next incarnation was the famous treasure revealer Jigmé Lingpa (1730–1798).16 The Nyingmapa lama Katok Rigdzin Tsewang Norbu (1698–1755) mentions that he received mahāmudrā teachings that belonged to Tsangnyön’s transmission in yet another example of the connection between the traditions.17 The Nyingma influence also became obvious among the above-mentioned Changling incarnations. The Eleventh Changling incarnation established the Northern Treasure tradition in Changchub Ling Monastery, and the Fourteenth Changling incarnation became even more inclined to Nyingma. He had two kinds of students, those who practiced Nyingma and those who practiced Kagyü, and when he passed away his followers split into two groups, one Kagyü

13 The information about how Karma Chözang came to Yolmo is taken from an article by Franz-Karl Ehrhard which contains much important information on Tsangnyön’s lineage (Ehrhard 2004b). 14 Ehrhard 2001: 103. 15 There is an extensive autobiography of Chöjé Lingpa in dbu med script (TBRC, W2DB20792). 16 Chöjé Lingpa is stated to be an emanation of Tsangnyön in Gtsang smyon dang bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi lo rgyus 1974: 246. 17 Katok Rigdzin Tsewang Norbu received this transmission from Śākya Sengé in 1729 in Nubri, a Himalayan border region southwest of Mangyul Gungtang (Ehrhard 2004b: 588). Tsewang Norbu received two different transmissions, one that had been transmitted through Götsangepa and one that had been transmitted through Ngödrub Pembar (Tshe dbang nor bu 1976–1977: 214–216). epilogue 295 and one Nyingma. There were also two incarnations, one in Tibet and one in Nepal. The present incarnation in Nepal is mainly regarded to be a Nyingma lama; he lives in Shechen Monastery, and was brought up by the Nyingma group. He has, however, attempted to revive the practice of Rechung Kagyü and he is thus one of the few contemporary lamas who uphold Tsangnyön’s transmission.18 Another important figure who contributed to preserving Tsangnyön’s transmission lineage was the nineteenth-century non-sectarian (ris med) master Khyentsé Wangpo (1820–1892).19 As a part of his overall project of saving and reviving rare lineages of Buddhism he received Tsangnyön’s transmission, and his colleague, Jamgön Kongtrül (1813–1899), included some texts from Tsangnyön’s lineage in his Treasury of Oral Instructions collection (Gdams ngag mdzod). Since this collection is still widely dispersed among Tibetan Buddhists, many have a link to Tsangnyön’s transmission lineage.20 Gene Smith states that the Rechung Kagyü subsect, to which both Tsang- nyön and his teacher Sharawa belonged, has disappeared as a separate entity. He also writes that the Aural Transmission of Rechung is the main teaching of this tradition, and since this teaching became widely practiced by the Drukpa Kagyü school, especially the Tö subsect, Tsangnyön is now considered to belong to the Drukpa Kagyü tradition.21 Although Smith aptly summarizes the present situation, the extent to which the particular lineages that stem from Tsangnyön and his own aural transmission works are practiced within the Drukpa Kagyü school nowadays remains to be investigated. Given the fact that the Drukpa Kagyüs received the same lineage before Tsangnyön received it, the Drukpa Kagyü version of the aural transmission may be similar but not identical to Tsangnyön’s.22

18 This information was kindly provided to me by Changling Rinpoche, in person, and on the webpage of Changling Rinpoche’s center: http://lotusspeach.org.au/teachers/. 19 The transmission-lineage history of the branch of the aural transmission that was transmitted by Götsangrepa up to Khyentsé Wangpo’s teacher, Dampa Geu Choktrül Rinpoche Kagyü Trinlé Wangchuk, is described in Gtsang smyon dang bde mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan rgyud kyi lo rgyus 1974: 245–249. The content of this text is summarized and partly translated in Sernesi 2007a: 120–124. 20 Teachings belonging to Tsangnyön’s tradition are found in ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas (ed.) Gdams ngag mdzod 1979–1981, vol. Nya: 39–102. 21 Smith 2001: 61. 22 Up to the Künden Rema, Tsangnyön’s central aural transmission lineage (see above pp. 87–88), is the same as an aural transmission lineage which is practiced by the Drukpa Kagyü (cf. Sgrub sprul phrin las rgya mtsho 2009: 355–370). Up to Barawa Gyaltsen Pal- zang (1310–1391), Tsangnyön’s transmission lineage of the Aural Transmission of Dakpo is identical to the Bara transmission of the Tödruk subsect (see above pp. 88–89). Thanks 296 epilogue

Tsangnyön was also remembered in some of the places where he is known to have spent extended periods in meditation. In 1896 Drikung Denrab Tendzin Chökyi Lodrö published a guide book to Tisé which mentions that there were statues of Tsangnyön in Dzutrül Puk. Some years later, in 1901, the same scholar published a guide book to Lapchi which refers to several caves where Tsangnyön had meditated and also mentions statues of him in caves at Laphyi.23 Another guidebook to Crystal Peak in Western Nepal mentions that Tsangnyön performed a miracle and left a footprint in a rock.24 Tsangnyön is also mentioned in some other texts composed by people who did not belong to his tradition. For example, the Nyingma master Zhab- kar (1781–1851) mentions in his autobiography that he endeavored to visit a place where Tsangnyön had meditated during one of his pilgrimages, in order to “establish a spiritual connection.”25 Another example is found in a guide to the Kumbum Tongwa Randröl Stūpa in Sikkim written by Lhatsün Namkha Jigmé (1597–1653). This book mentions that the loincloths (ang ra) of Tsangnyön and Ünyön were among the blessing-bestowing objects of worship inside the stūpa.26 Tsangnyön sometimes appears in unexpected places. For example, he is counted among the previous incarnations of the famous Gelukpa lama, Changkya Rölpé Dorjé (1717–1786).27 The fact that such a politically significant figure as Changkya Rölpé Dorjé was considered an incarnation of Tsangnyön shows that Tsangnyön was accepted, not only by some mar- ginalized and eccentric Kagyü yogins in the sixteenth century, but also by the members of the Gelukpa elite several centuries later. His acceptance as an important figure in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Tibet is further emphasized by the fact that his name is mentioned in Shakabpa’s (1907–1989) famous political history of Tibet.28

are due to Khenpo Shedup for giving me Sgrub sprul phrin las rgya mtsho’s book on the Drukpa Kagyü lineages, and to Ani Nawang Jinpa for challenging my reluctance to accept Tsangnyön as a Drukpa Kagyü. 23 Both these texts have been presented in transliteration with a summarized translation in De Rossi Filibeck 1988. 24 This guidebook is translated in Kapstein 1997: 103–119. 25 Ricard et al. 1997: 447. 26 Martin 1994: 298. 27 Tsangnyön’s biography is included in a biography about Changkya Rölpé Dorjé written by Tuken Lobzang Chökyi Nyima, in a section that describes Changkya Rölpé Dorjé’s previous lives (T: 39–45). For more on this text, see chapter 2. 28 Shakabpa 2010: 277. epilogue 297

Figure 23. The well in Tagtsé from which Tsangnyön is believed to have revealed a ritual dagger.

In summary, Tsangnyön and his lineage were preserved among yogin practitioners in the southern border regions of Tibet and Nepal; in some of the remote places where the mad yogin used to meditate; and also in the monastic establishments and retreat centers founded by his main disciples, most notably Rechung Puk, Drakar Taso, Changchub Ling Monas- tery, and Götsang Ling.29 After Tsangnyön’s passing the lineage became affiliated with the Karma Kagyü school and later with the Nyingma school. Nowadays he and the other mad yogins are often counted as Drukpa Kagyü masters.

29 Tsangnyön is mentioned in connection with Rechung Puk in several Tibetan guidebooks for pilgrimage. See for example Khyentsé Wangpo’s (1820–1892) guide to the holy places of Central Tibet and Situ Chökyi Gyamtso’s (1880–1924) guidebook for pilgrimage. Khyentsé Wangpo mentions that Tsangnyön had stayed at Rechung Puk, and he also states that many sacred objects were housed there (translated in Ferrari 1958: 51). Situ Chökyi Gyamtso relates that one of the most important statues in Rechung Puk was a life-size statue of Tsangnyön adorned with silver skulls, which was made by Götsangrepa (Situ chos kyi rgya mtsho 1980: 250–251). For more information on Rechung Puk, see chapter 10. The history of the Drakar Taso is outlined in a text written in the early nineteenth century by the hermitage’s most prominent historian, Drakar Taso Chökyi Wangchuk (1775–1837) (Brag dkar rta so sprul sku chos kyi dbang phyug 1816). Götsang Ling became very important, and at least eighteen temples that are retraceable back to Götsang Ling have been located in the Helambu region (Yolmo) of Nepal (Clarke 1980: 19). 298 epilogue

Although Tsangnyön is no longer as famous as he used to be, his lineage and the memory of him have thus been preserved. When I visited Tsangnyön’s birthplace (Kharkha), the place where he studied (Palkhor Chödé), and the place where he passed away (Rechung Puk) in 2006 I encountered some further traces of Tsangnyön and his tradition. Gurpa Dratsang, the monastic collage of Palkhor Chödé where Tsang- nyön was a monk for about three years before he became a mad yogin, has survived the vicissitudes of time.30 The monks of Palkhor Chödé were aware of the fact that the famous mad yogin once studied in their monastery and told some fascinating stories about him. For example they said that Tsangnyön had revealed a ritual dagger (phur pa) from a well north of Gyantsé. Previously this ritual dagger was on display for everybody to see, but in 2006, because of the risk of theft, it had been removed and nobody was allowed to see the valuable object. This story is confirmed by a recent Tibetan guidebook to Palkhor Chödé which mentions that Tsang- nyön revealed a treasure object from Mañjuśrī Lake (’Jam dpal mtsho) in Tagtsé, a large ritual dagger that still remains in the monastery.31 Some monks of Palkhor Chödé said that a master named Ngawang Döndrub was considered to be an emanation of Tsangnyön. This master was highly praised by the monks, and they related his amazing abilities and the miraculous events that surrounded his death in 2003. Ngawang Döndrub sometimes sang Tsangnyön’s songs, I was told, and according to the monk who had heard him sing the songs, they were very profound and filled those who heard them with faith and inspiration.32 Moreover, Ngawang Döndrub managed to save one of Tsangnyön’s shoes from being destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.33 When I visited the area, the shoe was stored in the village where Ngawang Döndrub passed away, and was worshiped as a precious relic.34 I was also taken to a cave in Yu Gan- den Chöling, not far from Tsangnyön’s birthplace in Kharkha, where both

30 See figure 5. Gurpa Dratsang is badly damaged on the inside and few statues and paintings remain, but the building is still intact. 31 ’Jam dbyangs bstan ’dzin 2007: 70. The well is situated not far from Drongtsé, north of Gyantsé, on the way to Kharkha. See figure 23. 32 The nuns of the nearby nunnery where Ngawang Döndrub’s books were stored helped me to search for Tsangnyön’s songs or other texts related to Tsangnyön. Since they did not find any such texts it is possible that Ngawang Döndrub had memorized the songs and that the actual texts have been lost, perhaps during the Cultural Revolution. 33 Changling Rinpoche told me that he had heard about the shoe (Kathmandu 2010). 34 See figure 26. epilogue 299

Figure 24. The entrance to the cave in Yu Ganden Chöling.

Tsangnyön and his emanation Ngawang Döndrub were known to have meditated for long periods.35 Traces of Tsangnyön and his tradition are also found in Rechung Puk, the place where Tsangnyön passed away. The monastery—which once housed around a thousand monks, several life-sized statues of Tsang- nyön and statues of all the other masters of his lineage, and had its own series of Rechung incarnations as abbots—was completely destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, but some efforts to restore the main caves have been carried out.36 A recently made statue of Tsangnyön is one of the most important objects of worship in the restored cave temple, and pilgrims have continued to visit the site.37 In the village below the cave temple there lives one of Rechung Puk’s former monks who had helped to restore the small temples around the caves. When I met him in 2006

35 See figure 24. 36 The number of monks had decreased to about sixty in 1959 (Batchelor 1987: 255). Hugh Richardson photographed Rechung Puk when he visited in 1949 (Richardson 1998: plate 69). 37 The statue was consecrated while Stephen Batchelor visited Rechung Puk in the eighties, and he mentions that it had been brought from Lhasa (Bachelor 1987: 255), see figure 22. For photos of Rechung Puk as it looks nowadays, see figures 12 and 25. 300 epilogue

Figure 25. The ruins of the monastery of Rechung Puk. he was seventy-three years old and was no longer able to walk the steep path up to his former monastery. The monk now served as a village lama for the peasants in the village, and told me that the ninth incarnation of Tsangnyön, Jampel Künzang Namtrül Gyamtso, recently passed away in Dromo, a county situated close to the Sikkimese and Bhutanese border.38 He also told me that Tsangnyön, Sharawa, and Götsangrepa were known as the three main siddhas of Tibet by the people of the area. Most of the texts containing Tsangnyön’s teachings, biographies, and songs have not been reprinted, and are therefore quite unknown today among Tibetans, both in Tibet and in exile. However, it is likely that this situation will change. A Drukpa Kagyü lama in Nepal has typed all three biographies of Tsangnyön into his computer, and intends to publish them. Such a publication would make Tsangnyön better known among Tibetans once again. There are probably also a few Kagyü yogins in places such as Tashi Jong, Lapchi, Kalimpong, Kathmandu, and Rechung Puk, who have received teachings stemming from Tsangnyön’s school. Many of these

38 Changling Rinpoche suggested that this was an incarnation of Rechungpa and not of Tsangnyön (personal conversation, Kathmandu 2010). epilogue 301 yogins are connected with the Drukpa Kagyü school. Some of them have passed away but a few are still alive.39 Besides the select few Tibetans in Tibet and in exile who have made efforts to restore and revive the memory of Tsangnyön and his transmission lineage, several Western scholars have been carrying out research related to the mad yogin and his tradition.40 These efforts suggest that we can anticipate an increasing knowledge of Tsangnyön and his tradition in the years to come. As the many works from the ‘school of Tsangnyön’ are gradually discovered, printed, translated, and studied, it is likely that the person who created this remarkable literary movement will also become better known once again, in the West as well as the East. Perhaps the time is finally ripe for the creator of the Life and Songs of Milarepa to become famous in his own right, and his lineage of practice, his own songs, and the biographies about him to be more widely dispersed. If this is so, the efforts of his female companion Küntu Zangmo, his disciples Götsangrepa, Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal, Ngödrub Pembar, and others who devoted time and effort to preserving the memory and spreading the teachings of their master, may eventually yield some long-lasting result. Another question that may be asked is whether the mad way of practice, the ‘disciplined conduct’ of Tsangnyön and his mad yogin contemporaries, has survived. Are there any mad yogins around today? In the introduction to this book some more recent figures who might arguably be seen as mad yogins were mentioned, but it is difficult to know how similar these masters actually are to the mad yogins of fifteenth- and sixteenth- century Tibet. Although there are Buddhist masters who act crazily, this alone does not make them ‘modern-day Tsangnyön Herukas.’ It may also be noted that the bone ornaments sometimes worn by Tsangnyön and

39 I have heard that some of the yogins (i.e. rtogs ldans) at Tashi Jong in north India practice teachings stemming from Tsangnyön’s tradition, but I have not been able to investigate whether this is correct. When I visited Kathmandu I heard that there was a wandering yogin who had received many teachings from Tsangnyön’s lineage who sometimes passed by. Guenther mentions that he received instructions from Tsangnyön’s aural transmission texts by Guru Tülshuk Lingpa when he translated the biography of Nāropa (Guenther 1986: xvi). Changling Rinpoche has established a small monastery in Kalimpong where the Rechung Kagyü tradition is practiced, see http://www.lotusspeech.ca/projects/ munsong-gompa/. 40 Besides myself, Michela Clemente, David DiValerio, and Marta Sernesi are continuing with research related to Tsangnyön. There are also a few PhD students working on topics related to Tsangnyön. We can also look forward to a publication of Andrew Quintman’s excellent PhD dissertation, titled The Yogin and the Madman: Reading the Biographical Corpus of Tibet’s Great Saint Milarepa (Columbia University Press). 302 epilogue

Figure 26. Tsangnyön Heruka’s shoe, kept in a small village near his birthplace in Kharkha. some of his contemporaries as they wandered around seem nowadays to be used mainly in a ritual setting.41 Another characteristic feature of many of the mad yogins, their homeless and wandering life style, is preserved today by some Tibetan yogins as well as by the Theravada ‘forest monks,’ but these wanderers are generally not acting in mad and transgressive ways. In Tsangnyön’s life story of Milarepa, it is said that Milarepa once met a man who told him to marry and get a house, like his teacher Marpa had done. Milarepa said that Marpa took a wife for the benefit of sentient beings. “I have neither the intention nor the ability to act in that way. To do so would be like a rabbit bounding along in the guise of a lion. It would fall into an abyss and surely die.”42 Similarly, Tsangnyön did not seem to have encouraged others to emulate his transgressive and odd behavior. However, even if Tsangnyön did not encourage others to become mad yogins, and although it is difficult to find any modern-day examples of

41 An example being the bone ornaments of Nāropa which are worn by the Drukpa Kagyü hierarchs on certain ceremonial occasions. 42 Tsangnyön 2010: 121. epilogue 303

Buddhist masters who possess all the characteristics of a mad yogin, the mad yogins are alive and well in stories and literature depicting their deeds and behavior. It is therefore possible for a Buddhist practitioner, even today, to become inspired by the mad yogins and choose to follow, at least in some ways, in their tracks.

Glossary: English-Tibetan with Sanskrit Parallels

This glossary contains some of the more specific and/or technical terms that are encountered in this book and their Tibetan equivalents. Although the Tibetan is emphasized, the Sanskrit is also included when available or particularly relevant. accomplished one grub thob, siddha accomplishment dngos grub, siddhi afflictions nyon mongs, kleśa all-engaging conduct of a protector mgon po kun tu spyod pa, *nāthasamudācāra aural transmission snyan brgyud Aural Transmission of the Ḍākinīs Mka’ ’gro snyan brgyud Aural Transmission of Dakpo Dwags po snyan brgyud Aural Transmission of Ngendzongpa Ngan rdzong snyan brgyud Aural Transmission of Rechung Ras chung snyan brgyud Aural Transmission of Saṃvara Bde mchog snyan brgyud Aural Transmission of Saṃvara [and] Bde mchog kha’ ’gro snyan brgyud the Ḍākinīs autobiography rang rnam biography rnam thar central channel dbu ma, avadhūti channels/subtle channels rtsa, nāḍī chosen deity yi dam, iṣṭadevatā cognitive obscurations shes bya’i sgrib pa command seal bka’ brgya completely victorious conduct phyogs las rnam rgyal gyi spyod pa completion phase rdzogs rim, niṣpannakrama/ saṃpannakarma completion phase without signs mtshan med rdzogs rim completion phase with signs mtshan bcas rdzogs rim conduct spyod pa, caryā conduct of a young prince rgyal bu gzhon nu’i spyod pa conduct of trampling on [and nyams nga thog rdzis kyi spyod pa destroying] fears conduct that resembles a lion seng ge lta bu’i spyod pa conduct that resembles a madman smyon pa lta bu’i spyod pa conduct that resembles a wounded ri dwags smas ma lta bu’i spyod pa deer conduct that resembles the sky nam mkha’ lta bu’i spyod pa conduct that resembles wind blowing bar snang gi rlung lta bu’i spyod pa through space 306 glossary conduct that shakes everything off kun ’dar gyi spyod pa, avadhūtacaryā/ avadhūticaryā/avadhūtīcaryā consecration ceremonies rab tu gnas pa/rab gnas conventional being dam tshig sems pa/dpa’, samayasattva dharma king chos rgyal, dharmarāja disciplined conduct brtul zhugs spyod pa, vratacaryā disciplined conduct of madness smyon pa’i brtul zhugs kyi spyod pa practice disciplined conduct of pure awareness rig pa’i brtul zhugs, vidyāvrata dream yoga rmi lam, svapna drops thig le, bindu eight worldly concerns/dharmas ’jig rten chos brgyad, aṣṭalokadharma emanation sprul pa empowerment dbang, abhiṣeka equalization of taste ro snyoms equal taste ro mnyam, samarasa fierce goddess gtum mo, caṇḍālī five meats sha lnga, pañcamāṃsa five nectars bdud rtsi lnga, pañcāmṛta five paths lam lnga, pañcamārga Four Letter Mahāmudrā phyag chen yi ge bzhi pa Fourth Empowerment dbang bzhi pa, caturthābhiṣeka general/common biography thun mong gi rnam thar generation phase bskyed rim, utpattikrama great completion rdzogs pa chen po, atiyoga great seal phyag rgya chen po, mahāmudrā great warmth drod chen po heart-son thugs sras heruka garments he ru ka’i chas illusory body sgyu lus, māyākāya incarnation sprul sku individual liberation vows so sor thar pa’i sdom pa, prātimokṣa intermediate state bar do, antarābhava inventory/index dkar chag(s) left-hand channel rkyang ma, lalanā lesser warmth drod chung luminosity ’od gsal, prabhāsvara mad/crazy smyon pa, unmatta mad yogin rnal ’byor smyon pa manifested conduct mngon par spyod pa mantric conduct sngags kyi spyod pa, mantracaryā meditation sgom pa, bhāvanā middle warmth drod ’bring mundane accomplishment thun mong gi dngos grub, laukikasiddhi Nāropa’s Secret Conduct Nāro gsang spyod non-dual [conduct] gnyis spang glossary 307 observance of madness smyon pa’i brtul zhugs, unmattavrata observance of madness conduct smyon pa’i brtul zhugs kyi spyod pa one-to-one transmission gcig brgyud pacification zhi byed pacification of suffering-doctrine sdug bsngal zhi byed path of connection sbyor lam, prayogamārga path of seeing mthong lam, darśanamārga patron-priest relationship mchod yon (mchod gnas dang yon bdag) pointing out instructions ngo sprod post-meditation practice rjes thob practices completely without shin tu spros med kyi spyod pa, elaboration atyantaniṣprapañcacaryā practice of reversal zlog pa’i sgom pa, viparītabhāvanā practices with elaboration spros bcas kyi spyod pa, prapañcacaryā practices without elaboration spros med kyi spyod pa, niṣprapañcacaryā pure appearance dag snang reading transmission lung right-hand channel ro ma, rasanā ritual feast tshogs ’khor, gaṇacakra root lama/main teacher rtsa ba’i bla ma same taste ro mnyam, samarasa secret conduct gsang spyod, guhyacaryā Secret Empowerment gsang dbang, guhyābhiṣeka, severance gcod sinful conduct sdig pa spyod pa Six Dharmas of Nāropa Nāro chos drug skull-cup thod pa, kapāla songs/songs of realization/spiritual mgur songs subtle channels see channels subtle energies/energies srog rlung, prāṇa supramundane accomplishment mchog gi dngos grub, lokottarasiddhi tantric commitments dam tshig, samaya tantric staff khaṭvāṅga totally good conduct kun tu bzang po’i spyod pa trampling on/upon thog rdzis transference ’pho ba, saṃkrānti treasure revealer gter ston treasure teachings gter ma Vase Empowerment bum dbang, kalaśābhiṣeka vajra master rdo rje slob dpon vajra verses rdo rje tshig rkang view lta ba, dṛṣṭi walking dead ro langs, vetāla 308 glossary warmth drod wheel ’khor lo, cakra wind rlung, vāyu wisdom being ye shes sems pa/dpa’, jñānasattva Wisdom-Knowledge Empowerment shes rab ye shes kyi dbang, prajñājñānābhiṣeka Word Empowerment tshig dbang Tibetan Spelling Key

Pronunciation Spelling

Akhu Tönpa A khu ston pa Awo Chöjé A bo/A pho chos rje Awo Chöjé Nyamnyi Dorjé A bo/pho chos rje mnyam nyid rdo rje Arapatsā A ra pa tsā Aseng Dorjé Tenpa A seng rdo rje brtan pa Bado Ba do Bara ’Ba’ ra Baram ’Ba ram Barawa Gyaltsen Palzang ’Ba’ ra ba rgyal mtshan dpal bzang Bar Druk Bar ’brug Bodong Bo dong Bodongpa Bo dong pa Bodong Choklé Namgyal Bo dong phyogs las rnam rgyal Bönchen Könchok Gyaltsen Dpon chen dkon mchog rgyal mtshan Bötang Gönpo Bod thang mgon po Butön Bu ston Butön Rinchen Drub Bu ston rin chen grub Chakna Dorjé Phyag na rdo rje Changchub Ling Byang chub gling Changkya Lcang skya Changkya Rölpé Dorjé Lcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje Changkya Yeshé Tenpé Drönmé Lcang skya ye shes bstan pa’i sgron me Changlingpa Zhönu Lodrö Lcang gling pa gzhon nu blo gros Changling Rinpoche Byang gling rin po che Chegompa Lce sgom pa Chegom Sherab Dorjé Lce sgom shes rab rdo rje Chenga Rinchen Den Spyan snga rin chen ldan Chimé Drubpa ’Chi med grub pa Chödrak Gyamtso Chos grags rgya mtsho Chödzé Mipam Shenyen Chos mdzad mi pham bshes gnyen Chögyal Gyamtso Chos rgyal rgya mtsho Chögyal Lhünpo Chos rgyal lhun po Chögyal Palzang Chos rgyal dpal bzang Chöjé Lingpa Chos rje gling pa Chöjé Yam Chilwa Chos rje g.yam spyil ba Chökyab Palzangpa Chos skyabs dpal bzang pa Chökyi Drakpa Chos kyi grags pa Chökyi Drönma Chos kyi sgron ma Chökyi Wangchuk Chos kyi dbang phyug Chonglung Khyungi Dzong ’Chong lung khyung gi rdzong 310 tibetan spelling key

Chongyé ’Phyongs rgyas Chöwang Gyaltsen Chos dbang rgyal mtshan Chöwang Lhündrup Chos dbang lhun grub Chung Gcung Chushul Chu shul Chuwar Chu bar Dakchen Chöjé Bdag chen chos rje Dakchen Drölma Kyab Bdag chen sgrol ma skyabs Dakpo Dwags po Dakpo Drukpa Lhatsünpa Bdag po ’brug pa lha btsun pa Dakpo Rinpoche Dwags po rin po che Dakpo Sang Sampa Dwags po sangs bsam pa Dakpo Tashi Namgyal Dwags po bkra shis rnam rgyal Dampa Dam pa Dampa Geu Choktrül Rinpoche Dam pa dge’u mchog sprul rin po che Kagyü Trinlé Wangchuk dka’ brgyud phrin las dbang phyug Dampa Sangyé Dam pa sangs rgyas Darma Dodé Dar ma mdo sde Dawa Gyaltsen Zla ba rgyal mtshan Dechen Ling Bde chen gling Degyampa Delé Gyamtso Sde rgyam pa bde legs rgya mtsho Densatil Gdan sa mthil Dezhung Sde gzhung Dezhung Rinpoche Sde gzhung rin po che Dingri Ding ri Dingri Langkor Ding ri blang ’khor Do Khyentsé Yeshé Dorjé Mdo mkhyen brtse ye shes rdo rje Domtsang Né Dom tshang gnas Döndrub Drakpa Don grub grags pa Döndrub Gyal Don grub rgyal Dönyö Dorjé Don yod rdo rje Dorjé Butri Rdo rje bu khrid Dorjé Den Rdo rje gdan Dorjé Naljorma Rdo rje rnal ’byor ma Dotrak Mdo krag Drakar Lingkha Grwa gar gling kha Dragmar Chonglung Brag dmar ’chong lung Drakchok Grags mchog Drakpa Gyaltsen Grags pa rgyal mtshan Drakpa Tayé Grags pa mtha’ yas Drakar Samling Brag dkar bsam gling Drakar Taso Brag dkar rta so Drakar Taso Chökyi Wangchuk Brag dkar rta so chos kyi dbang phyug Drak Yerpa Brag yer pa Drekar ’Bras dkar Drepung ’Bras spungs Dreyul ’Bras yul tibetan spelling key 311

Dreyul Dzongkar ’Bras yul rdzong dkar Dreyul Kyemotsal ’Bras yul Skyed mo tshal Driché Puk ’Bri lce phug Drigu Gri gu Drikung ’Bri gung Drikung Denrab Tendzin Chökyi ’Bri gung gdan rab bstan ’dzin chos kyi Lodrö blo gros Drimé Künden Dri med kun ldan Drin ’Brin Drogön Lharjé Darashri ’Gro mgon lha rje dha ra shri Drogön Pakpa ’Gro mgon ’phags pa Drölma Sgrol ma Drölma Kyab Sgrol ma skyabs Drölma Sönam Palzangpo Sgrol ma bsod nams dpal bzang po Dromo Gro mo Dromtön Gyalwé Jungné ’Brom ston rgyal ba’i ’byung gnas Dromtönpa ’Brom ston pa Drongtsé ’Brong rtse Drubchok Wangpo Grub mchog dbang po Druk ’Brug Drukchen ’Brug chen Drukchen Gyalwang Künga Paljor ’Brug chen rgyal dbang kun dga’ dpal ’byor Drukpa ’Brug pa Drukpa Künlé ’Brug pa kun legs Druknyön ’Brug smyon Druknyön Künga Lekpa ’Brug smyon kun dga’ legs pa Drungchen Drakpa Palzang Drung chen grags pa dpal bzang Drungchen Paljor Gyalpo Drung chen dpal ’byor rgyal po Düldzin Ngagi Wangpo ’Dul ’dzin ngag gi dbang po Düsum Khyenpa Dus gsum mkhyen pa Dzetrampa Mdzad kram pa Dzong Druk Rdzong drug Dzongkar Rdzong dkar Dzongkar Chödé Rdzong dkar chos sde Dzutrül Puk ’Dzu ’phrul phug Gampopa Sgam po pa Gampopa Sönam Rinchen Sgam po pa bsod nams rin chen Ganden Dga’ ldan Gandenpa Dga’ ldan pa Gang Karwa Sgang dkar ba Gang Tisé Gangs Ti se Garpa Sgar pa Garwang Dorjé Nyingpo Gar dbang rdo rje snying po Gedingpa Dge sding pa Geluk Dge lugs Gendün Chöpel Dge ’dun chos ’phel 312 tibetan spelling key

Gendün Drub Dge ’dun grub Gendün Gyamtso Dge ’dun rgya mtsho Genyen Chökyab Dge gnyan chos skyabs Gesar Ge sar Gö Mgos Gö Lotsawa Zhönu Pal Gos lo tsā ba gzhon nu dpal Gongkar Chödé Gong dkar chos sde Gönpo Rokpa Mgon po rog pa Götrukpa Sangyé Dorjé Rgod phrug pa sangs rgyas rdo rje Götrukrepa Rgod phrug ras pa Götrukrepa Dönyi Tarchin Rgod phrug ras pa don gnyis mthar phyin Götsang Rgod tshang Götsang Gönpo Dorjé Rgod tshang mgon po rdo rje Götsangpa Rgod tshang pa Götsangrechen Rgod tshang ras chen Götsangrepa Rgod tshang ras pa Götsang Ling Rgod tshang gling Gugé Gu ge Gungtang Gung thang Gurpa Gur pa Gurpa Dratsang Gur pa gra tshang Guru Tülshuk Lingpa Gu ru brtul zhugs gling pa Gyalpokhab Podrang Khyungdzong Rgyal po’i khab pho brang khyung Karpo rdzong dkar po Gyalsé Togmé Rgyal sras thog med Gyalwang Chöjé Rgyal dbang chos rje Gyalwang Sengé Rgyal dbang seng ge Gyantsé Rgyal rtse Gyantsé Dzong Rgyal rtse rdzong Gyurmé Dechen ’Gyur med bde chen Horshag Hor shag Ja Bya Jadral Chenpo Bya bral chen po Jadralpa Tsultrim Palden Bya bral pa tshul khrims dpal ldan Jamgön Kongtrül Lodrö Tayé ’Jam mgon kong sprul blo gros mthas yas Jampa Lhatsün Drakpa Byams pa lha btsun grags pa Jampa Püntsok Byams pa phun tshogs Jampa Shākya Palzang Byams pa Shākya dpal bzang Jampel Künzang Namtrül Gyamtso ’Jam dpal kun bzang nam sprul rgya mtsho Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen rtse dbang po Jamyang Könchok Zangpo ’Jam dbyangs dkon mchog bzang po Jamyang Künga Chözang ’Jam dbyangs kun dga’ chos bzang Jangchub Lingpa Byang chub gling pa Jangsem Sönam Gyaltsen Byang sems bsod nams rgyal mtshan Japa Bya pa tibetan spelling key 313

Jayul Bya yul Jema Yungdrung Bye ma g.yung drung Jonang Jo nang Jonangpa Jo nang pa Jowo Jo bo Kadampa Bka’ gdams pa Kagyü Bka’ brgyud Kalden Rinchen Zangmo Skal ldan rin chen bzang mo Kaṃṇi Gozhi Kaṃ ṇi sgo bzhi Kangyur Bka’ ’gyur Karma Chagmé Karma chags med Karma Chözang Karma chos bzang Karma Lobzang Karma blo bzang Karma Tashi Karma bkra shis Karma Trinlé Karma ’phrin las Katok Rigdzin Tsewang Norbu Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin tshe dbang nor bu Kharchu Mkhar chu Kharkha Mkhar kha Kharkhai Kyidé Puk Mkhar kha’i skyid de phug Khedrubjé Gelek Palzangpo Mkhas grub rje dge legs dpal bzang po Khedrub Sönam Döndrub Mkhas grub bsod nams don grub Khenpo Gangshar Mkhan po gang shar Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé Mkhan po ngag dbang rdo rje Khenpo Wangchuk Sherab Mkhan po dbang phyug shes rab Khetsün Ziji Gyaltsen Mkhas btsun gzi brjid rgyal mtshan Khokhom Kho khom Khyentsé Mkhyen brtse Khyentsé Wangpo Mkhyen rtse dbang po Khyi Puk Skyid phug Khyungpo Khyung po Khyung Tsangpa Yeshé Lama Khyung tshang pa ye shes bla ma Kodrakpa Ko brag pa Kodrakpa Sönam Gyaltsen Ko brag pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan Könchok Gyaltsen Dkon mchog rgyal mtshan Könchok Yenlag Dkon mchog yan lag Kongpo Kong po Kongtrül Kong sprul Kumbum Sku ’bum Kumbum Chörten Sku ’bum mchod rten Kumbum Tongwa Rangdröl Sku ’bum mthong ba rang grol Künga Gyaltsen Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan Künga Lekpa Kun dga’ legs pa Künga Lekzang Kun dga’ legs bzang Künga Nampar Gyalwa Rabtu Tenpé Kun dga’ rnam par rgyal ba rab tu brtan Dorjé Palzangpo pa’i rdo rje dpal bzang po Künga Namgyal Kun dga’ rnam rgyal Künga Nyima Kun dga’ nyi ma 314 tibetan spelling key

Künga Sangyé Kun dga’ sangs rgyas Künga Zangmo Kun dga’ bzang mo Künkhyen Natsok Rechen Kun mkhyen sna tshogs ras chen Künkhyen Zhönu Lodrö Kun khyen gzhon nu blo gros Künrig Kun rig Küntu Zangmo Kun tu bzang mo Küntu Zangpo Kun tu bzang po Künzang Kun bzang Kyamyul Rkyam yul Kyetsal Skyed tshal Kyichu Skyid chu Kyirong Skyid grong Lama Karma Guru Bla ma karma gu ru Lama Zhang Bla ma zhang Lang Rlang Langkhor Blang ’khor Lapchi La phyi Laphyipa Dongtön Namkha La phyi pa mdong ston nam mkha’ rgyal Gyaltsen mtshan Latö La stod Latö Gyal La stod rgyal Latok Zurkhar La thog zur mkhar Lawar La bar Lawar Zurkhar La bar zur mkhar Lharu Lha ru Lhatsen Kyab Lha btsan skyabs Lhatsün Lha btsun Lhatsün Namkha Jigmé Lha btsun nam mkha’ ’jigs med Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyal Lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal Lhawang Gyaltsen Lha dbang rgyal mtshan Lhodrak Lho brag Lhündrub Menling Lhun grub sman gling Lhündrub Tsé Lhun grub rtse Ling Gling Lingrepa Gling ras pa Lingrepa Pema Dorjé Gling ras pa pad ma rdo rje Lo Glo/Blo Lobzang Rabten Blo bzang rab brtan Lobzang Togmé Blo bzang thog med Lopaṇ Jampel Chölha Lo paṇ ’jam dpal chos lha Lopaṇpa Lo paṇ pa Lopön Targom Slob dpon star bsgom Lorepa Wangchuk Tsöndrü Lo ras pa dbang phyug brtson ’grus Lowo Glo bo Lowo Möntang Glo bo smon thang Lowopa Glo bo pa Machik Ma gcig tibetan spelling key 315

Machik Labdrön Ma gcig lab sgron Machik Ongyo Rema Ma gcig ong bhyo ras ma Machik Trülzhik Künden Rema Ma gcig ’khrul zhig kun ldan ras ma Magdé Ding Mag lde lding Manang Ma nang Manangpa Ma nang pa Mangyul Gungtang Mang yul gung thang Mapam Yutso Ma pham g.yu mtsho Marleb Mar leb Marpa Mar pa Marpa Chökyi Lodrö Mar pa chos kyi blo gros Martön Tsultrim Jungné Mar ston tshul khrims ’byung gnas Menkhab Sman khab Menlung Sman lung Mikyö Dorjé Mi bskyod rdo rje Mön Smon Möndro Mon ’gro Möntang Smon thang Nakartsé Sna dkar rtse Naljor Rüpé Gyenchen Rnal ’byor pa rus pa’i rgyan can Namgyal Dé Rnam rgyal lde Namgyal Drakzang Nam rgyal grags bzang Namkha Delé Nam mkha’ bde legs Namkha Dorjé Nam mkha’ rdo rje Namkha Lekpa Nam mkha’ legs pa Namkha Sengé Nam mkha’ seng ge Namkha Tobgyal Nam mkha’ stobs rgyal Namkha Wangpo Nam mkha’ dbang po Nampar Nangdzé Rnam par snang mdzad Namnang Rnam snang Natsok Rangdröl Sna tshogs rang grol Né Gnas Néchen Gönsar Gnas chen dgon gsar Nénang Gnas nang Nénying Gnas rnying Neudong Sne’u gdong Neu Dzong Sne’u rdzong Ngagi Wangchuk Tashi Drakpa Ngag gi dbang phyug bkra shis grags pa Gyaltsen Palzangpo rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po Ngagi Wangpo Ngag gi dbang po Ngari Dzongkar Mnga’ ris rdzong dkar Ngari Gungtang Mnga’ ris gung thang Ngawang Döndrub Ngag dbang don grub Ngawang Kalden Gyamtso Ngag dbang skal ldan rgya mtsho Ngawang Lobzang Gyamtso Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho Ngawang Tashi Drakpa Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa Ngedön Drubpé Dorjé Nges don sgrub pa’i rdo rje 316 tibetan spelling key

Ngendzong Ngan rdzong Ngendzongpa Ngan rdzong pa Ngendzong Tönpa Ngan rdzong ston pa Ngorchen Künga Zangpo Ngor chen dkun dga’ bzang po Ngödrub Pembar Dngos grub dpal ’bar Norbu Dé Nor bu lde Norbu Khyungtsé Nor bu khyung rtse Norbu Paldenpa Nor bu dpal ldan pa Nubri Nub ris Nya Snya Nyamnyi Dorjé Mnyam nyid rdo rje Nyanang Gnya’ nang Nyang Myang/Nyang Nyangchu Myang chu Nyangrel Nyang ral Nyangrel Nyima Öser Nyang ral nyi ma ’od zer Nyang Relpachen Myang ral pa can Nyang Relpachen Nyima Öser Nyang ral pa can nyi ma ’od zer Nyel Gnyal/dMyal Nyendrak Snyan grags Nyingma Rnying ma Nyishang Snyi shang Nyö Gnyos Nyönpa smyon pa Onjung ’O ’byung Padampa Sangyé Pha dam pa sangs rgyas Pagö Pha rgod Pakmo Phag mo Pakmodrupa Phag mo gru pa Pakmodrupa Dorjé Gyalpo Phag mo gru pa rdo rje rgyal po Palchen Riwoché Dpal chen ri bo che Pal Chimé Drubpa Dpal ’chi med grub pa Palden Sangyé Dpal ldan sangs rgyas Palden Zangpo Dpal ldan bzang po Paljor Gyalpo Dpal ’byor rgyal po Paljor Lhünpo Dpal ’byor lhun po Palkhor Chödé Dpal ’khor chos sde Palkhor Dechen Dpal ’khor bde chen Pal Tashi Dargyé Legpé Gyalpo Dpal bkra shis dar rgyas legs pa’i rgyal po Paṇchen Zhung Gyapa Paṇ chen gzhung brgya pa Paṇchen Bumtrak Sumpa Paṇ chen ’bum phrag gsum pa Patrül Rinpoche Dpal sprul rin po che Pawo Dpa’ bo Pema Karpo Padma dkar po Penyul ’Phan yul Podrang Dargyé Pho brang dar rgyas Polanä Pho lha nas tibetan spelling key 317

Pönriwa Dpon ri ba Purang Pu rang/Spu rangs/Pu hrangs Rabjam Rab ’byams Rabjampa Ngödrub Pembar Rab ’byams pa dngos grub dpal ’bar Rabjung Rab byung Rabten Künzang Pakpa Rab brtan kun bzang ’phags pa Ralung Ra lung Ra Namkha Palzang Ra Nam mkha’ dpal bzang Rechen Ras chen Rechenpa Denchikpa Ras chen pa gdan cig pa gzhon nu dpal Zhönu Palden ldan Rechung Ras chung Rechung Dorjé Drak Ras chung rdo rje grags Rechungpa Ras chung pa Rechung Puk Ras chung phug Reting Rwa sgreng Ribla Pangmo Rib la spang mo Rigdzin Jatsön Nyingpo Rig ’dzin ’ja’ tshon snying po Rinchen Palzang Rin chen dpal bzang Rinpung Rin spungs Rinpungpa Rin spungs pa Ritrö Repa Zhönu Gyaltsen Ri khrod ras pa gzhon nu rgyal mtshan Riwoché Ri bo che Riwo Gandenpa Ri bo dga’ ldan pa Rongchung Rong chung Rongta Pönsö Rong rta dpon bsod Rüpé Gyenchen Rus pa’i rgyan can Sakya Sa skya Śākya Chokden Shākya mchog ldan Śākya Düdul Shākya bdud ’dul Śākya Sengé Shākya seng ge Samdé Bsam sde Samdé Gyalpo Bsam sde rgyal po Samding Bsam sdings Samding Dorjé Pakmo Bsam sdings rdo rje phag mo Samdor Bsam rdor Samdrub Bsam grub Samdrub Dé Bsam grub lde Samdrubtsé Bsam grub rtse Samten Ling Bsam gtan gling Samyé Bsam yas Sangpu Gsang phu Sangyé Darpo Sangs rgyas dar po Sangyé Darpo Palzang Sangs rgyas dar po dpal bzang Sangyé Dren Sangs rgyas ’dren Sangyé Gyaltsen Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan Sangyé Lingpa Sangs rgyas gling pa 318 tibetan spelling key

Sangyé Öser Sangs rgyas ’od zer Sangyé Pal Sangs rgyas dpal Sangyé Palden Sangs rgyas dpal ldan Sangyé Palzang Sangs rgyas dpal bzang Sekhar Gutok Sras mkhar dgu thog Sera Se ra Sewo Gang Se bo sgang Shamar Zhva dmar Shamarpa Zhva dmar pa Shamarpa Chödrak Yeshé Zhva dmar pa chos grags ye shes Shang Namgyal Ling Shangs rnam rgyal gling Shangpa Kagyü Shangs pa bka’ brgyud Shara Sha ra Shara Rabjampa Sha ra rab ’byams pa Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé Sha ra rab ’byams pa sangs rgyas seng ge Sharawa Sha ra ba Sheldrong Shel grong Shelkar Shel dkar Shelkar Chödé Shel dkar chos sde Shentaputri Shan ta spu gri Shigatsé Gzhis ka rtse Situ Chökyi Gyamtso Situ chos kyi rgya mtsho Sokpo Gyaltsen Sog po rgyal mtshan Sönam Döndrub Bsod nams don grub Sönam Drakpa Bsod nams grags pa Sönam Lodrö Bsod nams blo gros Songtsen Gampo Srong btsan sgam po Taklung Stag lung Taklung Rinpoche Ngagi Wangpo Stag lung rin po che ngag gi dbang po Taklung Rinpoche Ngawang Drakpa Stag lung rin po che ngag dbang grags pa Taklung Tangpa Pal Ngawang Stag lung thang pa dpal ngag dbang Drakpa grags pa Takpa Thag pa Taktsang Stag tshang Taktsé Stag rtse Taktsel Stag tshal Taktsel Nang Stag tshal nang Tangpoché Thang po che Tangtong Gyalpo Thang stong rgyal po Tashi Dargyé Bkra shis dar rgyas Tashi Gang Bkra shis sgang Tashi Gomang Chörten Bkra shis mgo mang mchod rten Tashi Gön Bkra shis mgon Tashi Kharkha Bkra shis mkhar kha Tashi Lhünpo Bkra shis lhun po Tashi Pakpa Bkra shis ’phags pa Tashi Rabten Bkra shis rab rtan tibetan spelling key 319

Tashi Rabten Zangpo Bkra shis rab brtan bzang po Tashi Rinchen Palzang Bkra shis rin chen dpal bzang Tilo Sherab Zangpo Ti lo shes rab bzang po Tisé Ti se/Te se Toding Mtho lding Tödruk Stod ’brug Togden Rin Rtog ldan rin Tölung Dechen Stod lung bde chen Traktung Gyalpo Khrag ’thung rgyal po Tri Namgyal Dé Khri rnam rgyal lde Trinlé Gyamtso Phrin las rgya mtsho Trisong Detsen Khri srong lde btsan Tropu Khro pu Trülzhik Künga Samten ’Khrul zhig kun dga’ bsam gtan Tsa Rtsa Tsak Tshag Tsalpa Tshal pa Tsanda Tsha mda’ Tsang Gtsang Tsangnyön Gtsang smyon Tsangnyön Heruka Gtsang smyon heruka Tsangpa Gtsang pa Tsangpa Gyaré Gtsang pa rgya ras Tsangpa Gyaré Yeshé Dorjé Gtsang pa rgya ras ye shes rdo rje Tsangpa Pangchung Gtsang pa spang chung Tsangyang Gyamtso Tshang dbyangs rgya mtsho Tsari Tsāri/Rtsa ri/Tsa ri Tsari Tsagong Rtsa ri rtsa gong Tsechen Rtse chen Tselé Natsok Rangdröl Rtse le sna tshogs rang grol Tseringma Tshe ring ma Tsetang Rtse thang Tsezang Tshe bzang Tsibri Rtsib ri Tsokyé Dorjé Mtsho skyes rdo rje Tsomé Mtsho smad Tsöndrü Drakpa Brtson ’grus grags pa Tsongkhapa Tsong kha pa Tsurpu Mtshur pu Tuken Thu’u bkwan Tuken Lobzang Chökyi Nyima Thu’u bkwan blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma Tö Stod Ü Dbus Ünyön Dbus smyon Ünyön Künga Zangpo Dbus smyon kun dga’ bzang po Urgyen U rgyan Urgyenpa U rgyan pa 320 tibetan spelling key

Urgyenpa Rinchen Pal U rgyan pa rin chen dpal Vati Zangpo Vati bzang po Wangchuk Dorjé Dbang phyug rdo rje Yamdrok Yar ’brog Yamdrok Tso Yar ’brog mtsho Yangönpa Gönpo Dorjé Yang dgon pa mgon po rdo rje Yarlung Yar lung/Yar glung Yarlung Tsawa Dru Yar lungs tsha ba gru Yerpa Yer pa Yeshé Nyingpo Ye shes snying po Yolmo Yol mo Yu Ganden Chöling G.yu dga’ ldan chos gling Yu Lungpa Yönten Gyamtso G.yu lung pa yon tan rgya mtsho Yumbu Lagang Yum bu bla sgang Yungma G.yung ma Zablung Zab lung Zalmodrak Zal mo brag Zhabkar Zhabs dkar Zhalu Zhwa lu/Zha lu Zhalupa Zhwa lu pa Zhang Drowé Gönpo Zhang ’gro ba’i mgon po Zhang Lotsawa Jangchub Öser Zhang lo tsa ba byang chub ’od zer Zhepa Dorjé Bzhad pa rdo rje Zhijé Zhi byed Zhikha Rinpung Gzhis kha rin spungs Zhönu Pal Gzhon nu dpal Zurkhar Zur mkhar Zurpukpa Rinchen Palzang Zur phug pa rin chen dpal bzang Zurtso Zur mtsho Appendix one

Tentative Chronology of the Life of Tsangnyön

1452 Tsangnyön is born in Kharkha outside of Tagtsel in Upper Nyang, north of Gyantsé. 1452–1458 Tsangnyön’s first six years: his mother and Tsangnyön himself have many auspicious dreams; Tsangnyön plays religious games and shows a natural interest in Buddhism; he sits in vajra position for long periods and spontaneously supplicates former Kagyü masters. 1458 or 1459 At age six or seven:1 renunciation of samsara; receives novice monk-vows from the great preceptor Künga Sangyé. 1459–1465 Between ages seven and thirteen: many auspicious dreams and omens; displays great skill in memorization and keeps his monastic vows completely pure. Tries to escape to Lapchi to meditate, but is caught and brought back to Kharkha. 1465 or 1469 At age thirteen or seventeen: leaves Kharkha and travels toward Tsari by way of Lhasa; meets his root lama, Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé, before reaching Tsari in Lhawar Zurkhar in Dakpo; stays with his lama for nine months. Then goes to Tsari and meditates for three months; returns to Kharkha where he spends five months in seclusion. 1468–1472 Between sixteen and twenty: studies at Palkhor Chödé in (1469–1472?) Gyantsé; studies the tantras and their commentaries; learns how to perform tantric rituals. 1472 At age twenty: leaves Palkhor Chödé and becomes a wandering yogin; travels toward Tsari together with his brother; travels to Lhasa by way of Rongchung; destroys ransom offering ceremony; invited to the landlord Genyen Chökyab; visits Zurkhar in Dakpo; meets Künga Zangmo, Tashi Dargyé (Myriarch of Ja), and Chimé Drubpa at Ribla Pangmo. 1472–1475 Between twenty and twenty-three: three-year retreat in Tsari; at age twenty-three: becomes an accomplished one, a heruka; due to his seemingly mad behavior the people of Tsari give him his sobriquet: Madman of Tsang. Conflict between Nyel and Ja; Tsangnyön intervenes; visits the palace of Ja, Chögyal

1 Contrary to prior practice the Western system of calculating age will be adhered to in the chronological outline. 322 appendix one

Lhünpo; wanders around; undergoes attack by tribal people; subdues demons; meets the king of Samdé Drakpa Tayé; undergoes attack by drunks in Tsetang; meets the district officer of Neu Dzong, Paljor Gyalpo; visits Lhasa; invited to the palace of Paljor Gyalpo; visits his mother in Kharkha; travels together with his brother to Northern Latö. 1476 At age twenty-four: meets Tangtong Gyalpo at Palchen Riwoché in Northern Latö; travels through Mön on his way to Tsanda; meets Namkha Tobgyal with his retinue in Tsanda; stays some days in a charnel ground in Langkhor; stays in Chuwar for the autumn. 1477–1480 Between ages twenty-five and twenty-eight: goes to Nepal for the winter; visits Svayambhū Stūpa; returns to Tibet; stays in Chuwar; meditates in Lapchi; goes to Nyanang; embellishes Milarepa’s footprint with gold at Laphyi; retreat at Tashi Gang; sings songs of realization; gathers disciples; intervenes in a conflict between Northern and Southern Latö. 1481 At age twenty-nine: travels to Tisé; meets the Lowo ruler, Tashi Gön, in Lowo Möntang on his way to Tisé; circumambulates Tisé; meets the king of Mangyul Gungtang, Tri Namgyal Dé, in Dzongkar on his way back from Tisé. 1482–1485 Between ages thirty and thirty-three: meditates in the Six Forts for three years; then meditates for one year in Lapchi. 1486–1489 Between ages thirty-four and thirty-seven: three years of meditation in Tsari; composes texts for the aural transmission compilation. 1489–1491 Between ages thirty-seven and thirty-nine: meditation in (1485–1488?) Lapchi; compiles and prints the Life and Songs of Milarepa; visits Lowo Möntang for the second time, meets the ruler of Möntang, Aseng Dorjé Tenpa. 1492–1495 Between ages forty and forty-three: three years of meditation in Lapchi and Chuwar; composes aural transmission texts; one-year retreat in Chuwar; stays in Crystal Cave for the summer; gives empowerments and instructions to many people; travels to Kyirong and Dzongkar where he meets the king of Gungtang and his sons. 1495 At age forty-three: visits the Kathmandu Valley in Nepal for a second time; whitewashes the Svayambhū Stūpa in the spring. 1496 At age forty-four: returns to Tibet; reconciles the conflict between the people east and west of the Jowo statue in Kyirong. 1496–1499 Between ages forty-four and forty-six: travels to Tisé; at the end of the summer and stays there to practice in retreat for three years. 1498 At age forty-six: stays one month in Möntang (Mustang) on his way to Chuwar. tentative chronology of the life of tsangnyön 323

1499 Chuwar; guides many disciples, composes texts. 1501 At age forty-nine: receives invitations from the Nepalese king who wants him to repair the Svayambhū Stūpa. 1504 At age fifty-two: renovates the Svayambhū Stūpa in three months; averts the danger of war between Rinpung and Gyantsé; Tsangnyön; spends the winter in Chuwar and the summer in the forests of Onjung. 1505 At age fifty-three: composes aural transmission texts and the Life of Marpa; departs from Chuwar; meets Künga Namgyal (king of Southern Latö) and Künga Lekpa (king of Northern Latö) in Tö; meets Dönyö Dorjé of Rinpung in Shang Namgyal Ling; visits Samdrubtsé (Shigatsé). About 1506 At age fifty-four: stays for the summer in Norbu Khyungtsé, in Panam; visits Kharkha, performs rituals for his dead mother; visits Lhasa; makes offerings in front of Jowo; spends winter in Zalmodrak. 1507 At age fifty-five: meets the dying disciple Chöchok Palzang in Sewo Gang in Yarlung; falls ill; goes to Rechung Puk. Passes away at Rechung Puk. Appendix two

A Summary of the Life of Tsangnyön Heruka

Tsangnyön was born in 1452 in Tsang, the western part of Central Tibet. Accord- ing to the biographies, his birth and childhood were marked by extraordinary events.1 When he was around seven years old, strong disgust towards the unend- ing rounds of cyclic existence arose within him, accompanied by unbearable compassion for the beings who suffer therein, and he became a monk, receiving the ordination name Sangyé Gyaltsen.2 As a young monk, he became famous for his great emphasis on monastic discipline, and it is mentioned that he vowed to take poison rather than impinge on his monk vows. He studied many sūtras and soon became well known for his capacity to remember and recite texts by heart. At that time, he had several dreams and visions urging him to leave his home, and when he was eighteen, he managed to do so. During a trip to the holy pilgrimage place of Tsari, he met his root lama, Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé (1427–1470), from whom he received many teachings and empowerments. After completing his studies and meditation training under his guru’s guidance, Tsangnyön studied for about three years in the famous Palkhor Chödé Monastery in Gyantsé not far from his birthplace. He soon became expert in performing the complicated tantric rituals and was thus formally educated as a vajra master. He also became learned in many tantras and their Indian and Tibetan commentaries, Hevajra Tantra in particular. Tsang- nyön’s actual debut as a mad yogin occurred at a time when especially prominent and important guests happened to be visiting his monastery. On this occasion, he behaved in such an insulting and crazy manner that the master of studies of the monastery had to rebuke him. After this incident, the twenty-one-year-old Tsangnyön left his monastery and became a wandering yogin with no fixed abode. Abandoning not only his monastery but also his vows as a monk, he began to follow another kind of discipline, called ‘disciplined conduct’ (brtul zhugs, vrata) in the biographies. It is said that Tsangnyön, after having thought extensively about how to benefit the Buddhist doctrine and living beings, went into a gathering of people, behaving very provocatively and strangely. Instead of clothes he wore pieces of human corpses that he found on a charnel ground, sometimes he laughed and sometimes he cried. The people who witnessed him started to call him the ‘Madman of Tsang’ (Tsang- nyön) and it is under this sobriquet that he became known.

1 For a slightly longer abbreviated biography of Tsangnyön, see Larsson 2011c. 2 It should be noted that according to the Tibetan system for calculating age, everyone is considered one year old at birth. This means that a person who is seven according to Tibetan calculation is six according to Western calculation. Except in the chronological outline (appendix 1), I render age according to the Tibetan system of counting. a summary of the life of tsangnyön 325

For the remaining thirty-plus years of his life, Tsangnyön never settled anywhere permanently. He wandered among different holy places, and though he might stay in one place for years to meditate, he always continued his travels. Tsangnyön’s three favorite regions were all connected with the tantric deity Cakrasaṃvara: Tsari in southeastern Tibet, Lapchi in southern Tibet close to the Nepalese border, and Kailāsa in southwestern Tibet. In these places he stayed and meditated many times, often for several years at a time. Tsangnyön also went to other holy places, and he often walked in the footsteps of his great role model, Milarepa. Milarepa had meditated in Lapchi and Tisé (Kailāsa) but also in many other remote areas such as Chuwar and the so-called Six Forts in the Kyirong area close to the Nepalese border. Tsangnyön often stayed in these regions to meditate, and later in life he also composed books there. Furthermore, he went to Lhasa a couple of times and visited Kathmandu three times. He also visited Lo (Mustang), in present day Nepal close to the Tibetan border, three times. Tsangnyön gradually became famous and gained supporters and disciples. Many of the leaders of the areas he visited became his benefactors and devotees. The network of people who supported him eventually enabled him to accomplish several of the works for which he became famous. In his late twenties, he had a visionary encounter with the tantric deity, Heva- jra, who encouraged him to write texts. After that, he wrote a ritual text about Hevajra. It was also in his late twenties that he started to attract disciples and sing songs of realization. He continued to compose texts and sing songs of realization from time to time, and when he was in his late thirties, during a three-year stay in Lapchi, his most important literary works—the biography and song collection of Milarepa—were completed. These works became widely disseminated and were also accepted as authoritative by the different Tibetan Buddhist traditions. The importance of this enterprise can hardly be overestimated. Tsangnyön’s versions of the Life and the Songs of Milarepa are among the most widely read Tibetan texts ever written, and both texts have been translated into numerous languages. Tsangnyön was a pioneer in using the relatively new wood-block printing technique, which enabled him to make many copies of his works and to distribute them all over Tibet. Besides being one of Tibet’s greatest authors, he was thus a key figure in the history of printing in the country. After completing his works on Milarepa, Tsangnyön continued to wander, alter- natively meditating, composing texts, instructing disciples, and singing songs of realization. As his fame steadily increased, he became an important and influential figure in Tibet and elsewhere. It is paradoxical perhaps that a man who lived the life of a mendicant yogin, and who emulated and propagated the lifestyle of Milarepa, had so many important connections among powerful Tibetan leaders. According to the biographies, Tsangnyön sometimes used his influence to reconcile opposing factions in disputes and wars, and it was not uncommon for the parties on both sides of a dispute to be his disciples, who therefore respected and listened to him. Tsangnyön also performed many miracles, healing the sick and removing epi- demics that afflicted certain areas. He subdued ghosts, the walking dead, and various kinds of evil spirits. These activities made him famous as a siddha and he was greatly respected and renowned for his powers. 326 appendix two

Tsangnyön practiced and disseminated the core teachings of the Kagyü tradition. He was known for his expertise and accomplishment in the Six Dharmas of Nāropa, the Four Letter Mahāmudrā, and the esoteric aural transmissions that had been transmitted by Milarepa’s closest disciples. In 1504, the king of Kathmandu, Ratnamalla, invited Tsangnyön to Nepal. Rat- namalla had repeatedly requested that Tsangnyön restore the famous Svayambhū Stūpa. Despite his disciples’ attempt to persuade him to postpone this difficult endeavor, he was encouraged by a vision, and decided that the time was ripe to perform this task. The renovation was completed in less than three months, with many people inspired to participate. Having successfully accomplished the renovation of the famous stūpa, he returned to Tibet. The biographies describe how even those who previously had entertained doubts about Tsangnyön were won over and filled with faith when they heard how he had renovated the stūpa. The Seventh Karmapa Chödrak Gyamtso (1454–1506), who was the most powerful religious dignitary at the time, wrote him a letter of praise, and the most powerful worldly leader of Tibet at the time—Dönyö Dorjé (1462–1512)—invited him to visit and treated him with great respect. The acknowledgement he received from these and other religious and secular leaders was a sure sign that he was accorded their highest esteem. Tsangnyön’s largest literary work was a compilation of these aural transmissions that included both his own works and works attributed to other masters of the tradition. Around 1505, just two years before his death, he also compiled a biography and song collection of Marpa (1012?–1097), the teacher of Milarepa. This work also became popular and widely distributed. Having successfully renovated the Svayambhū Stūpa, and also having written down and printed the biography and song collection of Milarepa, as well as the extensive collection of the aural transmissions of the Kagyü tradition, he felt that his mission in life was completed. He showed some signs of illness and decided that he should pass away in the Cave of Rechung (Rechung Puk) south of Tsetang. After a few weeks, in 1507, at age fifty-five (fifty-six according to Tibetan reckon- ing), he passed away, with his death accompanied by miracles. Hearing of his death, people all over Tibet and Nepal lit butter lamps and made other offerings. Many statues of him were made, and his songs and life story were written down and printed. A large number of his disciples followed his example and practiced meditation in the remote mountain areas that he himself had frequently visited. His disciples also carried on his literary activities, composing many texts, mainly biographies, song collections, and instructions connected with his transmission lineage. Bibliography

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Abhayadatta 35, 207, 209 Barawa Gyaltsen Palzang 88, 89 n. 83, Acharn Mun 233 90, 295 Advayavajra. See Maitrīpa Bar Druk (subsect of the Drukpa Kagyü Akaniṣṭha 62 school) 27, 89, 140, 141 n. 29, 148 n. 71, Akhu Tönpa 19 295, 301 all-engaging conduct of a protector 219, Barron, Richard 214 n. 99, 218 n. 120, 219 222 n. 129 Amitayus 141, 256 n. 2 Batchelor, Stephen 260 n. 25, 299 n. 37 Ananda 55 Bearded Man of Tsang (Gtsang pa anuttarayogatantra. See highest yoga rgya’o) 122, 126 tantras Bhadracarīpraṇidhānarāja (Aspiration of Ardussi, John 8, 10 n. 26, 11, 198 Noble Exalted Conduct) 70 n. 72 Âryadeva 6–7, 214, 216 Bhairava 192, 206 Aseng Dorjé Tenpa (ruler of Lo) 165–166, Bhairavī 192 172 Bhaktapur 18, 175 Aśvaghoṣa 32 Bhusuku-conduct (bhusukucaryā) 216 Atiśa 10–12, 144 n. 48, 223 n. 153, 239 biographies (rnam thar) 31, 33, 35–36, 40, aural transmission (snyan brgyud) 29, 45, 97 n. 128, 233 69, 83–92, 94, 127 n. 96, 136, 153, 162, 171, biography, inner 36–37, 101, 108 173–174, 182–183, 220, 244 n. 63, 245–250, biography, outer 36–37 251 n. 118, 258, 260–261, 267, 272, 278, biography, secret 36–37, 97 n. 128 292, 295, 301 n. 39 Blancke, Kristin 239–240 Aural Transmission of the Ḍākinīs 85, bloodthirsty demon. See rākṣasa demon 135, 194, 246, 266 Blue Annals 10–13, 14 n. 49, 115 Aural Transmission of Dakpo 86, 89, Bodong(pa) (tradition) 25, 114 295 Bodong Choklé Namgyal 116, 167 n. 37, Aural Transmission of Ngendzongpa 86, 262 88 Bötang Gönpo (Mahākāla statue) Aural Transmission of Rechung 25, 83, 76 n. 16, 135, 152 n. 91, 155, 175 86, 89 n. 86, 244, 261, 292, 294–295 Buddhacarita 32, 62, 66 n. 51 Aural Transmission of Saṃvara 83, 85, Buddhaghosa 194 n. 23 260–261, 282 Bunnag, Jane 195 n. 29 Aural Transmission of Saṃvara and the Butön 25 n. 99, 100 Ḍākinīs 85, 249, 260 Butön Rinchen Drub. See Butön Aural Transmission of Tangtong Gyalpo 220 Cakrasaṃvara 69, 75–76, 80, 92, 94, 96, autobiography (rang rnam) 35 127, 154, 159, 166, 205, 210–211, 245, 248, avadhūtacaryā/avadhūticaryā/ 250, 252, 261, 282 avadhūtīcaryā 218 Cakrasaṃvara Tantra 95, 205 n. 60, 210, Avalokiteśvara 16 n. 59, 175, 201, 260 216, 261 Awo Chöjé 81–82, 114 Candrakīrti 7 Awo Chöjé Nyamnyi Dorjé. See Awo Chöjé caryāgīti (spyod pa’i glu) 39 Caryāmelāpakapradīpa 214, 216 Bado 143 caryātantra (spyod rgyud) 199 n. 37, 200, Baizhang (Chan master) 285 206, 212 n. 90 Bara (transmission lineage) 89, 295 Catuḥśataka 6–7 Baram (one of the four ‘greater’ Kagyü Cave of the Footprint (Rkang tshug phug) schools) 309 167 344 index

Cave of Rechung. See Rechung Puk Chung, valley of 149 Central Asia 25 Chushul (township) 148 central channel (dbu ma, avadhūti) 93, Chuwar 49, 76, 95, 148–149, 151–154, 125, 131, 156, 201, 224 157, 159, 162 n. 12, 165, 173–174, 177–180, Chagtsé Drigu (township in Tsomé 182–183, 242, 245, 247–248, 251, 259–260, County) 141 266 Chakna Dorjé (Vajrapāṇi) 75 n. 11 command seal 87, 246, 267 Chan (Zen) 14, 285 completely victorious conduct 217, Changchub Ling (Monastery) 292, 294, 219–220 297 completion phase 125 n. 88, 199, 201–202, Changkya Rölpé Dorjé 51, 296 207, 212, 216, 282 Changkya Yeshé Tenpé Drönma. See completion phase without signs 201–202 Changkya Rölpe Dorjé completion phase with signs 201 Changlingpa Zhönu Lodrö 273 n. 103 conduct of a young prince 218 Changling Rinpoche 50 n. 8, 291 n. 3, conduct of trampling on [and destroying] 292, 295 n. 18, 298 n. 33, 300 n. 38, 301 fears 117 channels. See subtle channels conduct that resembles a lion 220 charnel ground(s) 19, 75, 94, 133–134, 139 conduct that resembles a madman 220 n. 152, 161, 175, 191, 194–195, 203–207, conduct that resembles a wounded 209, 213, 221–222 deer 220 charnel ground of Nāropa (Vārāhī Charnel conduct that resembles the sky 220 Ground, Phag mo dur khrod) 175 conduct that resembles wind blowing Chegompa 79 n. 37, 222 through space 220 Chegom Sherab Dorjé. See Chegompa conduct that shakes everything off Chenga Rinchen Den 88 217–218 Chimé Drubpa 114, 116–117, 129 conventional being 200 China 13, 25, 184 n. 121 Cool Grove Charnel Ground (Dur khrod Chöchok Palzang (heart-son) 161, 185, bsil ba tshal) 152 251, 266 Crazy Ji. See Jigong Chödrak Gyamtso. See Karmapa, Seventh crazy wisdom 8–9, 20 Chödrak Yeshé. See Shamarpa, Fourth Crystal Cave (Shel phug) 174, 231, 264, Chödzé Mipam Shenyen 163 271 Chögyal Gyamtso 36 Cultural Revolution 99 n. 141, 292, 298–299 Chögyal Lhünpo (capital of Ja) 115, 117 Chögyal Lhünpo (one of Tsangnyön’s Dakchen Chöjé 182 names) 66, 74 Dakchen Drölma Kyab. See Drölma Kyab Chögyal Palzang 118 ḍākinīs 55, 68, 71, 77, 85, 107, 110, 123–124, Chögyam Trungpa. See Trungpa, Chögyam 127, 135, 144, 154–155, 161–162, 169, 178, Chöjé Lingpa 294 182, 193–194, 203, 213 n. 95, 246, 249, 260, Chöjé Yam Chilwa 58, 60 266 Chökyab Palzangpa. See Chögyal Palzang Dakpo (region) 80–81, 113, 114 n. 40, Chökyi Drakpa (one of Tsangnyön’s 115–116 names) 82, 94 Dakpo Drukpa Lhatsünpa 266 Chökyi Drönma 76 n. 16, 115–116 Dakpo Rinpoche. See Gampopa Chökyi Wangchuk. See Shamarpa, Sixth Dakpo Sang Sampa 95 Chonglung Khyungi Dzong. See Dragmar Dakpo Tashi Namgyal 213 n. 95, 217, Chonglung 219–222, 226 Chongyé (Valley) 310 Dalai lamas, the 8–9, 22–23, 79, 290 chosen deity (yi dam, iṣṭadevatā) 95, Dalai Lama, First 26 199–201, 206, 282–283, 245 Dalai Lama, Second 8, 26 Chöwang Gyaltsen 262 n. 39 Dalai Lama, Fifth 23–24, 144, 290, 294 Chöwang Lhündrup (the first Pawo Dalai Lama, Sixth 79 incarnation) 15 n. 52 Dalai Lama, present (Fourteenth) 8–9 Chöying Dorjé. See Karmapa, Tenth Dalton, Jacob xviii, 219 n. 124 index 345

Dampa Geu Choktrül Rinpoche Kagyü Drakar Taso 49–50, 230, 232, 242, 262, Trinlé Wangchuk 295 n. 19 267, 268 n. 68, 293, 297 Dampa Sangyé. See Padampa Sangyé Drakar Taso Chökyi Wangchuk Dam tshig. See tantric commitments 297 n. 29 Darma Dodé (Marpa’s son) 86 n. 74, 243 Drak Yerpa 144 n. 48 Dasgupta, Shasibhusan 208 dream yoga 201–202 Davidson, Ronald 11, 13–14, 84, 192, 211 Drekar 107 n. 85, 218 n. 120, 219 n. 129, 243 n. 60 Drepung (monastery) 26–27, 147, 273 Dawa Gyaltsen 113 n. 35, 272, 273 Dreyfus, Georges 273 n. 101 nn. 100, 105 Dreyul (region) 269 Decaroli, Robert 286 Dreyul Dzongkar 269 n. 83 Dechen Ling (monastery in Ja) 118 Dreyul Kyemotsal, see Dreyul Dzongkar Degyampa Delé Gyamtso (king of Lo) Driché Puk (Cave of the Dri’s Tongue) 177 159 demon (’dre) 146 Drigu 141 Densatil 24 Drikung (Kagyü school) 27 Desi Sangyé Gyatso 82 Drikung Denrab Tendzin Chökyi devotionalism (bhakti) 191 n. 5 Lodrö 296 Dezhung Rinpoche 214, 218 n. 123, 219 Drimé Künden 252 dge bshes 17 n. 65, 28, 81, 108, 147, 157, Drin (region) 76, 157, 179, 231, 264 172, 177, 208 n. 71, 235–236, 270, 277–278 Drögon Larjé Darashri 87 dhutaguṇa practices 194–195, 286 Drögon Pakpa 102 Diemberger, Hildegard 22 Drölma (Sharawa’s mother) 272 Dingri (region) 22, 76, 151–152, 154, 238 Drölma Kyab 163 n. 18 Dingri Langkhor 22, 151 Drölma Sönam Palzangpo. See Drölma disciplined conduct of madness practice. Kyab See also observance of madness Dromo 97, 300 conduct 218 Dromtön Gyalwé Jungné. See Dromtönpa disciplined conduct of pure awareness 3, Dromtönpa 11 218, 222, 224 Drongtsé 60, 77 n. 25, 298 n. 31 DiValerio, David 15 n. 52, 17 n. 65, 21 Drops (thig le, bindu) 93, 123, 201 n. 86, 165 n. 30, 174 n. 69, 252 n. 123, Drubchok Wangpo 292–293 301 n. 40 Druk (place in Tibet) 141 n. 29, 148 dohā 39 n. 71, 260 Dohā Trilogy (Dohā skor gsum) 90 Drukchen. See Gyalwang Chöjé Do Khyentsé Yeshé Dorjé 19 Drukchen Gyalwang Künga Paljor Drukpa. Domtsang Né 127 See Gyalwang Chöjé Döndrub Drakpa, paṇchen (one of Drukchen Rinpoche (head of Drukpa Tsangnyön’s teachers) 102 Kagyü school) 66 n. 49 Döndrub Gyal 39 Druknyön. See Drukpa Künlé Dönyö Dorjé (Rinpungpa leader) 24, 28, Druknyön Künga Lekpa. See Drukpa 182–184, 265, 287 Künlé 15 Dorjé Butri (Götsangrepa’s mother) 256 Drukpa. See Drukpa Kagyü school Dorjé Den 106, 108 Drukpa Kagyü school 89, 295, 301 Dorjé Naljorma. See also Vajrayoginī 87 Drukpa Künlé 15–19, 21 n. 86, 29, 36, 37 Dotrak 166 n. 27, 208 n. 71, 252, 256 n. 2, 280 n. 1 Dragmar Chonglung (Red Rock of the Drungchen Drakpa Palzang 144 Valley of Agates) 49, 157 Drungchen Paljor Gyalpo. See Paljor Drakar Lingkha 182 Gyalpo Drakchok 166 Ducher, Cécile 242 n. 58, 243 n. 60 Drakpa Gyaltsen 218 Düldzin Ngagi Wangpo (one of Sharawa’s Drakpa Tayé (Kagyü yogin) 15 n. 52 teachers) 88–89, 273 Drakpa Tayé (king of Samdé) 141 n. 33 Düsum Khyenpa. See Karmapa, First Drakar Samling 293 n. 12 Dzetrampa 189, 191, 224 346 index

Dzong Druk. See Six Forts Gang Tisé. See Tisé Dzongkar (capital of Gungtang) 166, 174, Garpa. See Dönyö Dorjé 266 n. 60 Garwang Dorjé Nyingpo 293 n. 12 Dzongkar Chödé 269 Gaurishankar Mountain. See Tseringma Dzutrül Puk (cave in Tisé) 296 Mountain Gayādhara 13 Ehrhard, Franz-Karl 18 n. 69, 42, 43 n. 59, Gedingpa 87 n. 80 230, 294 n. 13 Geluk(pa) 26–28, 51, 81, 100, 141 n. 33, eight kinds of oath bound ones (dam can 236, 290–291, 296 sde brgyad) 178 Gendün Chöpel 6–7 eight worldly concerns/dharmas 73, 93, Gendün Drub. See Dalai Lama, First 95, 149, 170, 215, 218 n. 123, 220, 224, 282 Gendün Gyamtso. See Dalai Lama, Second emanation (sprul pa) 57 general/common biography (thun mong gi empowerment (dbang, abhiṣeka) 202 rnam thar) 36, 45 Entering the Conduct (of a Bodhisattva) generation phase (utpattikrama) 199–200 (Bodhicaryāvatāra) 264 Genyen Chökyab 113 Epstein, Lawrence 8, 10 n. 26, 11 Germano, David 10 n. 26 equalization of taste 94, 133, 221–222 Gesar (of Ling) 38 equal taste 210, 223 Glorious Lady of Zhalu (Zha lu dpal ldan ma) 65 father tantras (pha rgyud). See also Gö (clan) 256 Mahāyoga tantra 199 n. 37 Golden Temple (Gser gyi lha khang) 177 female mad masters 287 Gö Lotsawa Zhönu Pal. See Zhönu Pal fierce goddess 91, 93, 125, 201 Gomasala Ghata Stūpa. See Svayambhū Fivefold Mahāmudrā (Phyag rgya chen po Stūpa lnga ldan) 90 Gombrich, Richard 195 Five Long-Life Sisters (Tshe ring mched Gongkar Chödé 312 lnga) 154, 239 Gönpo Rokpa 139 five meats 204 Goss, Robert Everett 236 five nectars 204, 213 Götrukpa Sangyé Dorjé 292–293 five paths 217–218, 221, 226, 282 Götrukrepa 256, 293 Flood, Gavin 193 Götsang Gönpo Dorjé 70 n. 69, 76, 88, Flying Bird Hill (Bya ’phur sgang) 130 252 forest monks 194–196, 302 Götsangpa. See Götsang Gönpo Dorjé Formless Ḍākinī, Nine Teachings of Götsang Ling 260, 292, 293 n. 12, 294, 297 the 85–86 Gray, David B. 206–207 Four-Armed Protector. See Māhakāla, great completion (atiyoga) 92, 202 Four-Armed Great Prayer Festival (smon lam chen mo) Four-Armed Wisdom Protector. See 27 Māhakāla, Four-Armed great seal. See mahāmudrā Four Letter Mahāmudrā 83, 91–92, 260, gtum mo. See fierce goddess 264, 266, 268, 270 Guenther, Herbert V. 202 n. 46, 268, 301 Fourth Empowerment. See also Word n. 39 Empowerment 203 Gugé 25, 165–166, 176, 262 Guhyasamāja 210, 216 Gampopa 26, 29, 70 n. 68, 82 n. 50, Guhyasiddhi 211–212, 216 88–89, 223, 239–240, 278–279, 281, 286 Gungtang (region) 28, 115 n. 48, 165–167, Gampopa Sönam Rinchen. See Gampopa 170–171, 174, 183 n. 115, 248, 262, 266 gaṇacakra. See ritual feast n. 60, 272, 294 n. 17 Gaṇapati 154 n. 96 Gur mgon. See Pañjaranātha Ganden (monastery) 26 Gurpa Dratsang. See Gurpa (monastic) Gandenpa. See Gelukpa department Ganden Palace government 23, 290, 294 Gurpa (monastic) department 97, 99, 106 Gangshar, Khenpo. See Khenpo Gangshar Güshri Khan 24 index 347

Gyalpokhab Podrang Khyungdzong Jampa Püntsok 291–293 Karpo 312 Jampa Shākya Palzang (one of Gyalsé Togmé 143 Götsangrepa’s names) 258 Gyalwang Chöjé 15 n. 55, 140, 141 Jampel Künzang Namtrül Gyamtso 300 nn. 29–30, 148 n. 71, 151 Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo 59, 91 n. 98 Gyalwang Sengé 293 n. 12 Jamyang Könchok Zangpo 99 Gyantsé 25, 60–61, 97–98, 99 n. 143, 100, Jamyang Künga Chözang 269 105–107, 298 Jangchub Lingpa 56 Gyantsé Dzong 107 n. 7 Jangsem Sönam Gyaltsen 87 Gyatso, Janet 16 n. 60, 32–33, 35, 37 Japa. See Tashi Dargyé Gyurmé Dechen 151 n. 87 Jäschke, H.A. 8, 32 Jayul. See Ja Hayagrīva 95 Jema Yungdrung 166 Heap of Jewels Sūtra (Ratnakūṭasūtra) 55 Jigong (Daoji, alias Jidian) 285 Heart Sūtra 197 Jñānaḍākinī 85 Herrmann-Pfandt, Adelheid 193 Jokhang (temple) 12 heruka 18, 108, 129–130, 133–134, 154, Jonang(pa) 25 n. 99, 76 n. 16, 178 n. 89 189, 191, 204–206, 217, 219, 224, 226, 271, Jowo (statue in Kyirong) 175–176, 184 282–284 Jowo (statue in Lhasa) 175, 184 heruka garments/implements 189, 224, Jowo Tseringma. See Tseringma Mountain 226, 271, 284 Hevajra 75, 95, 97 n. 128, 99, 102, 106, Kadam(pa) 25, 144 n. 48, 239–240, 278 108, 116, 125, 127–130, 140, 144, 147, 154, Kagyü(pa) 230, 267 159–160, 203, 205, 210, 245, 250–251, Kailāsa. See Tisé 282–283 Kalapa (siddha) 209 Hevajra Tantra 95, 97, 99, 108, 117, 129, Kalden Rinchen Zangmo 144 140, 147, 163, 203, 205 n. 60, 210–211, 213, Kalimpong 300, 301 n. 39 216, 219, 245, 251 Kaṃṇi Gozhi (stūpa) 146 highest yoga tantras 5, 92, 129, 282, 287 Kangyur 115 Hinduism 199 Kāpālika 192–193 holy fool 287 Kapstein, Matthew 23 Horshag, governor of 110 Karma (one of the four ‘greater’ Kagyü Huber, Toni 76, 114 n. 40, 138 n. 21, schools) 24, 26–27, 29, 290, 292–294, 297 160 n. 5, 212 Karma Chagmé 36 Karma Chözang 293–294 illusory body 91, 93, 201–202 Karma Kagyü (school) 24, 26–27, 29, 290, incarnation (sprul sku) 15 n. 52, 26, 292–294, 297 57–60, 69, 115 n. 49, 235, 292, 295 Karma Lobzang 293–294 India 13, 17, 25, 38, 85–86, 105, 113, 147, Karma Trinlé 82 n. 47 189, 191, 194, 198, 204–206, 213 n. 95, 223, Karmapa, First 14, 26 269 n. 79, 286, 301 n. 39 Karmapa, Second 26 individual liberation vows 197, 282 Karmapa, Seventh 15 n. 55, 27, 29, 179, intermediate state 91, 201–202 240, 260, 326 iurodivyi. See holy fool Karmapa, Eighth 27, 292 Karmapa, Ninth 219, 293 Ja (region) 114–116, 117 n. 54, 118–119, Karmapa, Tenth 290 137–138 Karma Pakśi. See Karmapa, Second Jackson, Roger R. 38 Kathmandu 18, 28, 155, 174 n. 66, 178, 231, Jadral Chenpo 11 300, 301 n. 39, 322, 325–326 Jadralpa Tsultrim Palden 312 Katok Rigdzin Tsewang Norbu 167 n. 37, Jamgön Kongtrül 59–60, 70, 216, 226, 295 294 Jamgön Kongtrül Lodrö Tayé. See Jamgön Kaula 192–193 Kongtrül Keśin 192 Jampa Lhatsün Drakpa 269 n. 83, 270 Kharchu 140, 141 n. 29 348 index

Kharkha 61, 77, 80, 97–98, 99 n. 143, 101, Künlé (king of Northern Latö) 15–19, 21 108, 110 n. 19, 137 n. 15, 148–149, 174, 184 n. 86, 29, 36, 37 n. 27, 208 n. 71, 252, 256 n. 119, 298 n. 2, 280 n. 1 Kharkhai Kyidé Puk 70 Künrig (Sarvavid) 78 Khetsün Ziji Gyaltsen 88 Küntu Zangmo (Tsangnyön’s female khaṭvāṅga 116, 141, 143–144, 148, 193, 213, companion) 41–44, 172–173, 174 n. 69, 256 n. 2, 284 247–248, 260, 301 Khedrubjé Gelek Palzangpo 100 Küntu Zangpo (leader of the Rinpung Khedrub Sönam Döndrub. See Sönam estate) 280 n. 1 Döndrub Kurukule (Kurukullā) 124 Khenpo Gangshar 19–20 Kyamyul 256 Khenpo Ngawang Dorjé 107 n. 9, Kyichu River 112 125 n. 88, 153 n. 93 Kyirong 43 n. 57, 174–176, 230, 267, Khenpo Wangchuk Sherab 88 293 n. 12 Khokhom 175 n. 74 Khyentsé Wangpo 60, 295, 297 n. 29 Lakṣmīnkarā (female siddha) 209 Khyi Puk (Cave of Happiness) 237 Lākulīśa Pāśupatas 193 Khyungpo Naljor 4 n. 4 Lalitavistara 32, 62, 66 Khyung Tsangpa Yeshé Lama 87 Lama Zhang 13–14, 140 n. 27 Kodrakpa 4 n. 2, 39, 268 Lang (clan) 23 n. 93 Kodrakpa Sönam Gyaltsen. See Kodrakpa Langkhor 22, 151–152 Könchok Gyaltsen (Tsangnyön’s younger Lapchi 21, 49 n. 85, 59, 76, 80, 95, brother) 63–64, 68, 110–111, 113–114, 116, 97 n. 130, 148–149, 152, 154, 157, 160–161, 118–119, 122, 125–126, 130–131, 135 n. 10, 165–166, 171–173, 180, 182, 245, 252, 260, 137–138, 149–151, 165 269, 296, 300 Könchok Yenlag. See Shamarpa, Fifth Laphyipa Dongtön Namkha Gyaltsen 88 Kongpo 115, 139, 260 Latö 163 Kongtrül. See Jamgön Kongtrül Latö Gyal 43 Kṛṣṇācārya/Kāṇha 38 Latö Jang. See Northern Latö kriyātantra (bya rgyud) 199 n. 37, 200, Latö Lo. See Southern Latö 206 Latok Zurkhar 81 Kudṛṣṭinirghātana 212 Lawar. See Zurkhar Kula 193 Lawar Zurkhar. See Zurkhar Kulārṇava Tantra 193 Lharu (village in Yarlung) 256 Kumbum Stūpa (in Gyantsé) 60, 99 Lhasa 12, 26–27, 80, 97, 101, 111, 144–146, Kumbum Tongwa Rangdröl Stūpa 296 148, 175, 184, 257, 272, 280, 299 n. 37 Kunḍali sisters, five 152 Lhatsen Kyab 163 n. 18 Künga Gyaltsen of Gang Karwa 262 Lhatsün Namkha Jigmé 296 Künga Lekpa (son of Namkha Dorjé) 165, Lhawang Gyaltsen (king of Ngari 183 Gungtang) 115 n. 48 Künga Lekzang (disciple of Lhodrak 140 Tsangnyön) 153 Lhündrub Menling 81 Künga Namgyal (king of Southern Lhündrub Tsé 61 Latö) 183 Life and Songs of Lhatsün 49, 264 Künga Nampar Gyalwa Rabtu Tenpé Dorjé Life of Marpa. See Marpa, life story of Palzangpo 183 n. 115 Life of Milarepa. See Milarepa, life Künga Nyima (one of Tsangnyön’s story of teachers) 102 life stories. See biographies Künga Sangyé (Tsangnyön’s Lingrepa. See Lingrepa Pema Dorjé preceptor) 74, 321 Lingrepa Pema Dorjé 88, 141 Künga Zangmo (Vārāhī incarnation) Lo (Mustang) 25, 165–166, 176–177, 325 114–116, 129, 174 Lobzang Rabten (king of Gugé) 165 n. 31 Künkhyen Zhönu Lodrö 273 Lobzang Togmé 134 n. 5 index 349

Long-Life Sisters, Five (Tshe ring mched Martön Tsultrim Jungné 87 n. 80 lnga) 154, 239 mātṛikā 144 n. 46, 213 Lopaṇ Jampel Chölha 41, 43 Mazu (Chan master) 285 Lopaṇpa. See Lopaṇ Jampel Chölha Medicine Buddha (Bhaiṣajyaguru) 78 Lopez, Donald 234 Menkhab 163, 189 Lopön Targom 87 n. 80 Menlung 77, 80 n. 40, 183 Lorepa Wangchuk Tsöndrü 261 mgur. See songs Lowo. See Lo Mikyö Dorjé. See Karmapa, Eighth Lowo Möntang. See Lo Mikyö Dorjé (one of Tsangnyön’s names) Lowopa (lama) 177 91 luminosity 91–92, 124–125, 131, 159, 162, Milarepa 3–4, 8, 14, 28, 34, 42–44, 49 168, 201–202 n. 85, 58–60, 62–63, 66 n. 52, 70, 76, 82 n. 50, 86–88, 92–93, 121–122, 127 n. 95, Machik Labdrön 13, 15, 65 n. 43, 109, 220 140, 148, 154, 157, 159 n. 1, 160, 167–168, Machik Ongyo Rema 87 n. 80 171–172, 179, 186–187, 188 n. 142, 229, Machik Trülzhik Künden Rema 88 n. 81 231–243, 246, 251, 253, 264, 267 n. 68, Mad Woman of Lhasa (Lha sa’i smyon ma) 268, 271 n. 93, 278, 285–286, 289, 290, 12 301–302 Mad Samdrub (Bsam grub smyon ma) 13 Milarepa, life story/biography of 34, 58 Magdé Ding 106 n. 19, 43, 77 n. 22, 157, 172, 231–243, 245, Mahākāla, Bötang Gönpo. See Bötang 260 n. 25, 290, 302 Gönpo Milarepa, song collection/songs of 42, 44, Mahākāla, Four-Armed 135, 152 77 n. 22, 157, 172, 179, 229, 231–232, mahāmudrā 3, 14, 66, 82–83, 90–92, 125, 234–235, 236 n. 32, 237–239, 241, 245, 202, 212, 240, 260, 264, 266, 268, 270, 294 264, 268, 301 Mahāmudrā, Four Letter. See Four Letter Mirror of Beryl 82 Mahāmudrā Mön 151 Mahāmudrā—The Moonlight 220 Mongols 24 Mahāyāna 32 n. 8, 34, 56, 63, 69, 78–80, Möndro 61 134, 194, 196–199, 205, 212 n. 90, 218, 224, monk-scholars. See also dge bshes 6, 240, 278, 283–284, 287 17 n. 65, 28, 81, 108, 147–148, 152, 157, 172, Mahāyoga tantra/mahāyogatantra 198, 177, 208 n. 71, 235–236, 270, 277–278 199 n. 37, 200, 205 Möntang. See Lo Maitreya 157 mother tantras (ma rgyud). See also Yoginī Maitrīpa 211–212 tantra 199 n. 37, 212 n. 90 Manang (district in North-Central Mukpo, Diana J. 20 Nepal) 174 n. 71, 293 mundane accomplishment 207 Mangyul Gungtang 167, 171, 272, 294 n. 17 Mustang. See Lo Mañjuśrīnāmasaṃgīti (Utterance of the Names of Mañjuśrī) 70 n. 70 Nāgārjuna 6, 198 Mantrayāna 198, 283 Nakartsé 141 mantric conduct 217 Namgyal Dé (king of Gungtang) 28, Māra 34, 160, 220, 286 165–167, 170–171, 174, 176, 183, 248, māras, four (bdud bzhi) 219 262 n. 36 Māra Subjugation Cave (Bdud ’dul phug) Namgyal Drakzang (king of Northern 160 Latö) 163 n. 14 Marleb 162 Namkha Delé (leader of Southern Latö) Marpa 3–4, 28, 38, 59–60, 85–88, 95 163, 183 n. 115, 140, 182, 203, 231–232, 242–243, Namkha Dorjé (king of Northern 285–286, 289, 302 Latö) 28, 163–164, 183 n. 115 Marpa Chökyi Lodrö. See Marpa Namkha Lekpa (son of Namkha Marpa, life story/biography of 242–243 Dorjé) 165, 183 n. 115 Martin, Dan 10 n. 25, 89 Namkha Sengé 315 350 index

Namkha Tobgyal (leader of Tsanda) 28, Northern Latö 25, 28, 149–150, 163–165, 183 151–152, 162 Nubri 294 n. 17 Namkha Wangpo (lama) 184 Nyamnyi Dorjé. See Awo Chöjé Nampar Nangdzé (Vairocana) 57 n. 14, Nyanang (region) 28, 60, 76, 157, 159, 162, 78 n. 30 165, 293 n. 12 Namnang (Vairocana statue in Nyang (clan) 11 n. 30, 28, 57, 61, 63, 65 Samyé) 57 Nyang (region) 11, 28, 60–61, 97, 98 n. 135 Nāro gsang spyod. See Secret Conduct of Nyang, Upper (Myang stod) 60, 98 n. 135 Nāropa Nyangchu River 60 Nāropa 3–4, 85, 87, 91–92, 95, 108–109, Nyangrel. See Nyangrel Nyima Öser 121–122, 175, 201, 202 n. 46, 229, 242, 243 Nyangrel Nyima Öser 11, 42 n. 65 n. 60, 248, 250, 266, 268, 285–286, Nyang Relpachen. See also Nyangrel 301 n. 39, 302 n. 41 Nyima Öser 11, 65 Nāropa, Six Dharmas of. See Six Dharmas Nyang Relpachen Nyima Öser. See of Nāropa Nyangrel Nyima Öser Nāropa’s Secret Conduct. See Secret Nyel (region) 25, 136–137 Conduct of Nāropa Nyendrak (Lord of the Purang Néchen Gönsar 43 family) 176 Nénang 116 Nyingma(pa) 10 n. 25, 25, 27, 57 n. 15, 100, Nénying 106 n. 2 177, 202, 280, 294–297 Nepal 13, 48 n. 72, 153–155, 174–176, 179– Nyishang 174, 293 n. 12 180, 182, 260, 265, 268, 292, 293 nn. 11–12, Nyö (Marpa’s rival) 242 294–297, 300 Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation observance of madness Project (NGMPP) 45 n. 65, 48 n. 72, (unmattavrata) 211–212, 216 50 n. 90, 90, 230–231, 232 n. 14, 242, observance of madness conduct 307 244 n. 63, 250, 251 n. 118, 253, 268 n. 71, one-to-one transmission (gcig brgyud) 85 291–292 n. 3 n. 68, 86, 87 n. 76 Neudong 23, 185 Onjung 182 Neu Dzong 28, 144 New Red Annals (Deb gter dmar po gsar pacification (zhi byed) 3, 13–14, 25, 27 ma) 141 n. 33, 144 pacification of suffering-doctrine 3 Ngagi Wangchuk Tashi Drakpa Gyaltsen Padampa Sangyé 3, 13–14, 152, 168, 220, Palzangpo. See Ngawang Tashi Drakpa 238 Ngagi Wangpo (Pakmodrupa ruler) 24 Padmasambhava 56–57, 65 n. 49, 68–69 Ngari Dzongkar 184 Padmavajra 211 Ngawang Döndrub 298–299 Pakmo (one of the four ‘greater’ Kagyü Ngawang Lobzang Gyamtso. See Dalai schools) 114, 115 n. 48 Lama, Fifth Pakmodru(pa) 23 n. 93, 29, 185 Ngawang Tashi Drakpa (Pakmodrupa Pakmodrupa Dorjé Gyalpo 23 n. 93, ruler) 24, 29, 185 70 n. 68, 88, 140 Ngedön Drubpé Dorjé 19 Palchen Riwoché 149–150 Ngendzong(pa). See Ngendzong Tönpa Pal Chimé Drubpa (Bodongpa Ngendzong Tönpa 29, 58, 60, 86 master) 114, 116–117, 129 Ngorchen Künga Zangpo 273 n. 101 Palden Sangyé 167 n. 37 nirmānakāya 259 Palden Zangpo 61, 98 non-dual [conduct] 198, 202, 204, 210, Paljor Gyalpo (leader of Neu Dzong) 28, 214, 218 144–146 Norbu Dé (prince of Gungtang) 28, 167, Paljor Lhünpo (palace) 146, 148 262 n. 36 Palkhor Chödé (monastic complex of Norbu Khyungtsé (town southeast of Gyantsé) 60, 97–102, 105, 107 n. 7, 113, Samdrubtsé) 184 118, 127, 129, 146, 149, 171, 177, 298 Norbu Paldenpa (heart-son) 41, 161, 185, Palkhor Dechen. See Palkhor Chödé 251, 266 n. 61 Paṇchen Bumtrak Sumpa 269 index 351

Paṇchen Zhung Gyapa 269 rang rnam. See autobiography Pañjaranātha (Gur mgon) 76, 135 Ratnamalla, king of Kathmandu 28, 178, Pāśupata 113 n. 32, 192–193 326 Pāśupatasūtra 192 n. 10 Rechen Cave (in Laphyi) 59 pāśupatavrata 192 n. 9 Rechenpa Denchikpa Zhönu Palden 88 Patan 175 Rechung Dorjé Drak 317 path of accumulation 218, 224 Rechung Kagyü 29, 89 n. 86, 295, 301 n. 39 path of connection 217, 218 n. 118, 221, Rechung(pa) 4 n. 3, 29, 34, 58–60, 65, 224, 282 86–88, 93, 186, 234–234, 240, 260–261, path of seeing 218 n. 118, 221, 224 267, 268 n. 68, 278–279, 292, 300 n. 38 Path with the Results (lam ’bras) 84, 102 Rechung Puk 34, 185–186, 230, 251, 252 patron-priest relationship (mchod n. 128, 260–261, 267, 291–294, 297–300, 326 yon) 24–25, 27–28 Reting 144 Patrül Rinpoche 138 n. 19, 223 Ṛg Veda 191, 192 n. 6 Pema Karpo 27 n. 103 Ribla Pangmo (place in Tsari) 114, 116 Penyul 272 Rigdzin Jatsön Nyingpo (treasure Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra revealer) 294 (Prajñāpāramitāsūtra) 55–56 Rinchen Palzang (heart-son) 88, 161, 165, Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra, Concise 251 version 77 Rinpung(pa) 23–25, 27–29, 182 Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra, Ritrö Repa Zhönu Gyaltsen 88 Eight-Thousand-Line version 34 n. 17, ritual feast (gaṇacakra) 39, 71, 81, 110, 123, 77, 108, 157 142, 150, 203–204 Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra, Riwoché. See Palchen Riwoché Hundred-Thousand-Line Roberts, Peter Alan 58, 235 n. 29, 241 version 77–78 Robinson, James B. 209 Podrang Dargyé 259 ro langs. See walking dead Polanä (king) 61 Rölpé Dorjé. See Changkya Rölpé Dorjé Pönriwa (lama) 154 Rongchung 111 post-meditation practice 92 Rongta Pönsö (Sharawa’s father) 272 practice of reversal 210–211 rnam thar. See biography practices completely without Rudra 192, 206 elaboration 216 Rüpé Gyenchen (one of Tsangnyön’s practices with elaboration 216 names) 252 practices without elaboration 216 Russian Orthodox Christianity 287 Prajñāpāramitā. See Perfection of Wisdom Prajñāpāramitāsañcayogāthā (A Synopsis Sadāprārudita (Ever-Weeping Bodhisattva) of Sūtras) 70 n. 71 110 prātimokṣa. See also individual liberation sādhana 16 n. 59, 199–203, 205, 216, vows 79, 197, 224, 282 247–248, 282 pratyeka-buddha 73 sahaja 210 Precious Garland of the Sublime Path 223 Śaiva 192–193, 206, 286 Purang (region) 25, 176 Sakya(pa) 23, 100, 260, 270 pure appearance (dag snang) 96 Śākya Chokden 81 n. 47, 260 Śākya Düdul 293 n. 12 Quintman, Andrew 59, 63 n. 40, 172 Śākyamuni, Buddha 32, 55, 57, 62, n. 58, 231, 232 n. 15, 234–235, 238 n. 40, 65 n. 49, 115, 286 241, 301 n. 40 Śākya Sengé 294 n. 17 Śākya Tubpa. See Śākyamuni, Buddha rab ’byams (degree) 146, 273, 291 Samantabhadra 259 Rabten Künzang Pakpa 98, 100 samarasa 210 rākṣasa demon 145, 149 samaya. See tantric commitments Ralung 18, 141 n. 29, 148 n. 71, 280 n. 1 Samdé 141 Ra Namkha Palzang 256 n. 2 Samding Dorjé Pakmo 114, 115 n. 48 352 index

Samding Monastery 115 Sharawa 29 n. 117, 81–83, 87–95, 96 Samdor (Götsangrepa’s father) 256 n. 124, 97, 99, 101, 109, 113–114, 123–125, Samdrub Dé (prince of Gungtang) 28, 127–129, 148, 203, 271–273, 292, 295, 300 167–168, 170 Shara Rabjampa. See Sharawa Samdrubtsé (Shigatsé) 23, 60, 97, 106 Shara Rabjampa Sangyé Sengé. See n. 2, 184, 292 Sharawa Sampuṭa 102, 216 Sheldrong 143 Samten Ling (monastery) 43, 270 Shelkar (name of a district) 270 Samuel, Geoffrey 10 n. 26, 12, 196 n. 30 Shelkar (the master who gave Götsangrepa Saṃvarodaya Tantra 211–212 ordination) 258 Samyé 57, 143 Shelkar Chödé (monastery) 164, 270 Sanderson, Alexis 192 n. 7, 193 Shentaputri 154 Sangpu (monastery) 273 Shigatsé. See Samdrubtsé Sangyé Darpo 230, 253, 269 n. 82, 291 n. 2 siddha (accomplished one) 3, 5, 10, 13–14, Sangyé Darpo Palzang. See Sangyé Darpo 16, 20–21, 28, 34–35, 38–39, 65, 69, 81, 84, Sangyé Dren (Tsangnyön’s mother) 105, 108–109, 122, 123 n. 78, 130, 134 n. 5, 62–63, 65, 67–69, 74–75, 77, 80 n. 40, 97, 139, 146, 150–151, 155 n. 104, 164, 171, 174, 148–149, 151, 174, 184 n. 119, 265 176, 180, 189, 191–193, 198, 204, 206–210, Sangyé Gyaltsen (Tsangnyön’s ordination 212, 223, 255 n. 2, 256 n. 2, 271, 277, name) 5, 63, 74, 124 281–282, 284–287, 291, 300 Sangyé Lingpa 57 n. 13 siddhas, eighty-four 35, 207 Sangyé Öser 291 siddhi (accomplishment) 166, 189, 193, Sangyé Pal 273 n. 101 206–207 Sangyé Palden (Tsangnyön’s Siṃhavakrā (Seng gdong) 124 father) 62–63 sinful conduct 218 Sangyé Palzang 108 Situ Chökyi Gyamtso 261, 297 n. 29 Saraha 38, 81, 123–124, 148, 208 n. 71, Śiva 192–193, 206 255 n. 2 Six Dharmas of Nāropa (Nāro chos drug) Sarvabuddhasamāyoga 216 90–92, 201, 202 n. 46, 266 Schaeffer, Kurtis 35 n. 18, 188 n. 142, Six Forts (Rdzong drug) 95, 149, 167, 171, 229–230, 242 n. 53, 252 n. 128, 253 n. 129, 180, 260 268 n. 69, 269 n. 81, 271 n. 95 Slusser, Mary 178 n. 92 secret biography/life story. See biography, Smith, Gene E. 48, 58, 63, 65 n. 42, 230, secret 232–233, 242, 253, 262, 268 n. 69, 269 secret conduct 94, 211–212, 218, 220–221, n. 81, 295 224 smyon pa 6–8, 10–11, 13, 16, 94, 157, 209, Secret Conduct of Nāropa (Nāro gsang 211 n. 85, 220 n. 135, 221 n. 139, 223, 236, spyod) 121, 248, 250 239 n. 41, 271 n. 94 Secret Empowerment 128, 203 Sokpo Gyaltsen (Tsangnyön’s older Sekhar Gutok 140 brother) 63 Sera (monastery) 26–27, 147, 273 Sönam Döndrub (one of Sharawa’s Sernesi, Marta 230 n. 7, 248 n. 95, teachers) 88–89, 273 301 n. 40 Sönam Drakpa 115 severance (gcod) 13–15, 25, 27, 94 Sönam Lodrö (disciple of Tsangnyön) 59, Sewo Gang 318 188 n. 142, 242 n. 52, 270–271 Shakabpa, Tsepon 24, 296 songs (mgur) 38–39 Shamarpa, Fourth 24, 27 Songs of Milarepa. See Milarepa, song Shamarpa, Fifth 27, 292 collection Shamarpa, Sixth 293 Songtsen Gampo (ancient ruler of Tibet) Shamarpa, Seventh 290 38, 176, 184 n. 121 Shang Namgyal Ling 183 Sørensen, Per K. 23 n. 91, 61 n. 33, 137 Shangpa Kagyü 4 n. 4, 15 n. 54, 27 n. 105 n. 13, 141 n. 34, 256 n. 5 Shara (ferry place) 110 Southern Latö 25, 43, 163, 182–183, 264, Shara (in Penyul) 272 269–270 index 353

śravaka 73 Tibetan Renaissance: Tantric Buddhism in Stearns, Cyrus 16, 18, 84–85, 115, 129 the Rebirth of Tibetan Culture 13 n. 100, 150, 214 Tilopa 3–4, 38, 58, 59 n. 25, 60, 69, 85, Stearns [Kalnins], Ilze Maruta 59, 62 87–88, 109, 122, 201, 248, 249 n. 107, 285 n. 37, 66 n. 50, 172 n. 58, 174 n. 69 Tilo Sherab Zanpo. See Tilopa Stein, R. A. 37 n. 27, 40, 232 Tisé (Kailāsa) 95, 138, 149, 154, 165–166, Stomach Cave (Grod phug) 157, 293 n. 12 171, 176–177, 182, 248, 252, 296 Strong, John S. 32–33, 37 Tö. See Tödruk subtle channels (rtsa) 123, 131 Toding 262 subtle energies (rlung) 123, 125, 201 Tödruk (subsect of the Drukpa Kagyü supramundane accomplishment 207 school) 70 n. 69, 89, 295 n. 22 Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish Togden Rin 258 (*Damamūkanāmasūtra) 78 Tölung Dechen 293 Svayambhū Stūpa 41, 49 n. 80, 154–155, totally good conduct 217, 219, 224 174–175, 178–179, 182, 248, 260, 265 n. 53, trampling on/upon (thog rdzis) 221–222 268, 291 Traktung Gyalpo (Tsangnyön’s secret name) 128–129, 283 Taklung (monastery) 28 n. 109 transference (’pho ba) 86 n. 74, 202 Taklung (school) 273 n. 104 treasure revealer (gter ston) 69 Taklung Rinpoche Ngawang Drakpa treasure teachings (gter ma) 69 (twelfth abbot of Taklung) 273 Treasury of Oral Instructions (Gdams ngag Taklung Ngawang Namgyal 81 n. 47, 273 mdzod) 260 n. 21, 295 n. 104 Tribe, Anthony 200, 209 Taktsang (Tiger’s Den) 121 Tri Namgyal Dé (king of Gungtang) 28, Taktsé 60–61 166–167, 174, 176 n. 77, 262 n. 36 Taktsel 61 Trinlé Gyamtso 293 Taktsel Nang 68 Trisong Detsen (ancient ruler of Tibet) 61 Tambiah, Stanley 194, 233 Trülzhik Künga Samten (one of Tangpoché (Lhatsün’s place of birth) 266 Götsangrepa’s teachers) 259 Tangtong Gyalpo 15–17, 27 n. 105, 111 Trungpa, Chögyam 8, 20, 79 n. 36, 96, n. 23, 115 n. 48, 144–146, 149–151, 155 242 n. 55 n. 104, 163 n. 14, 220 Tsa (name of a place) 167 tantric commitments/vows (samaya) 4, Tsak (name of a place) 259 128, 203, 282 Tsalpa (Kagyü school) 13 tantric feast. See ritual feast Tsanda (region) 28, 151–152, 162–163 tantric staff. See khaṭvāṅga Tsang (Gtsang) 5, 12, 17, 22–28, 60, 65 Tashi Dargyé (governor of Ja) 28, 114–116, n. 47, 76, 94–95, 97, 121 n. 64, 122, 126, 118–119, 137, 287 134–135, 150, 178, 182, 269 n. 83, 292 Tashi Gang 258 Tsangnyön’s father. See Sangyé Palden Tashi Gomang Stūpa. See Kumbum Stūpa Tsangnyön’s mother. See Sangyé Dren Tashi Gön (ruler of Lo) 28, 165–166, 172 Tsangnyön’s older brother. See Sokpo Tashi Jong 300, 301 n. 39 Gyaltsen Tashi Kharkha. See Kharkha Tsangnyön’s secret life story/secret Tashi Lhünpo (monastery) 26, 266 biography 45 n. 66, 97 n. 128, 127–129, Tashi Pakpa (prince of Gyantsé) 99 186 Tashi Rabten Zangpo (prince of Gyantsé) Tsangnyön’s younger brother. See Könchok 100 Gyaltsen Tashi Rinchen Palzang. See Rinchen Palzang Tsangpa, kings 24 Tattvadaśaka 211 Tsangpa Gyaré 4 n. 3, 8, 140, 260 n. 25 Theravāda 194, 302 Tsangpa Gyaré Yeshé Dorjé. See Tsangpa Thompson, Ewa M. 287 Gyaré Thondup, Tulku 58 n. 17 Tsangpa Pangchung (name of a place) Thundering Falcon temple (Khra ’brug) 121, 125 260 Tsangpo River 143, 149 354 index

Tsangyang Gyamtso. See Dalai Lama, Sixth Viśvāntara (Vessantara) 196 Tsari 48, 80–81, 96–97, 101, 110, 113–115, Vostrikov, A. I. 36, 242 117–123, 127–129, 134–138, 149, 154, 160 vrata 5, 9, 192, 213–214, 282 n. 4, 166, 171, 174, 180, 182, 185–186, vratacaryā 9, 213–216, 282–283 244–245, 252, 258, 260, 283 Tsari Tsagong. See Tsari walking dead (ro langs) 19, 152–153 Tsechen 61 Wallis, Glenn 211 Tselé Natsok Rangdröl 220 Wangchuk Dorje. See Karmapa, Ninth Tsen (king of the Northern Latö) 163 warmth (drod) 83, 217–219, 222, 282 Tseringma Mountain 183 wheels, ’khor lo, cakra 201 Tsetang 142, 230, 260, 273 Willis, Janice D. 37 Tsezang (minister at Lo/Mustang) Wind (rlung, vāyu) 4, 93, 137, 156, 180, 177–178 182, 201, 220, 224 Tsibri 43 wisdom being (jñānasattva) 200 Tsokyé Dorjé (Rinpungpa leader) 24 Wisdom-Knowledge Empowerment 203 Tsomé (County) 141 n. 32 Word Empowerment 128, 203 n. 51 Tsongkhapa 26–28, 211 n. 84 Tsurpu 248 n. 90 Yamamoto, Carl 14 Tucci, Giuseppe 50, 232 Yamdrok Tso (lake) 115 n. 49, 176 Tuken 51, 59–60, 78 n. 33, 93 n. 107, 101, Yangönpa Gönpo Dorjé 88, 90 114, 284–285, 296 n. 27 Yarlung (region/valley) 115, 141–142, 185, Tuken Lobzang Chökyi Nyima. See Tuken 256, 259 Turquoise Lake (G.yu mtsho) 96, 127 Yarlung Tsawa Dru 142 Tuṣita 33, 62 Yerpa 144 Two Segments. See Hevajra Tantra Yeshé Nyingpo. See Shamarpa, Seventh yidam. See also chosen deity 92, 96, Ü (Dbus) 23, 25, 27, 45, 76, 178 n. 89, 182 97 n. 128, 124, 201, 206, 282 Uḍḍiyāṇa 56, 85 yogatantra 199 n. 37, 200, 206 unmattavrata. See observance of madness Yoginī tantra/yoginītantra 198, 199 n. 37, Ünyön 15–16, 18, 21 n. 86, 29, 165, 167 200, 203, 205–206, 212 n. 90, 282 n. 36, 258, 296 Yolmo 260, 292, 293 n. 12, 294, 297 n. 29 Ünyön Künga Zangpo. See Ünyön Yu Ganden Chöling 298 Urgyen (buddha-field) 186–187 Yu Lungpa Yönten Gyamtso (one of Urgyen (Padmasambhava) 57 n. 16, 68 Tsangnyön’s teachers) 102 Urgyenpa 90, 114 Yumbu Lagang 256 n. 5 Urgyenpa Rinchen Pal. See Urgyenpa Yungma (governor of Menkhab) 163

Vajradhara 3, 34, 55, 66, 85, 87–88, 131, Zablung 260 147, 249, 258–259 Zalmodrak 45, 184 Vajra Cutter Sutra Zhabkar 296 (Vajracchedikāprajñāpāramitā) 78 Zhalu(pa) (school/tradition) 25, 99–100 vajrāgīti (rdo rje’i glu) 39 Zhang Drowé Gönpo. See Lama Zhang Vajrakīlaya 2, 118 Zhang Lotsawa Jangchub Öser 87 Vajravārāhī. See also Vajrayoginī 62 Zhepa Dorjé (Milarepa’s name) 127, 271 n. 36, 92, 94, 115, 124, 127, 175 n. 73 Zhepa Dorjé (one of Tsangnyön’s secret vajra verses (rdo rje tshig rkang) 85, 86 names) 66 n. 52, 127, 271 n. 71, 127 n. 96, 245, 246 n. 72 Zhijé (zhi byed). See pacification Vajrayoginī. See also Vajravārāhī 86–87, Zhönu Pal 10–11, 115 92 n. 103, 245–246, 250 Zurkhar (region/district) 81–82, 113 Vase Empowerment 128, 202 Zurkhar/Zur School (of Tibetan Vati Zangpo (statue) 176 n. 76, 293 n. 12 medicine) 81, 113 n. 35 Viśvakarman 154 n. 96 Zurpukpa Rinchen Palzang 88