List of Wars by Death Toll - Wikipedia
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Does Cyclical Explanation Provide Insight to Protracted Conflicts in Africa?
Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review (Nigerian Chapter) Vol. 3, No. 11, 2015 DOES CYCLICAL EXPLANATION PROVIDE INSIGHT TO PROTRACTED CONFLICTS IN AFRICA? David Oladimeji Alao, Ph.D Department of Political Science and Public Administration Veronica Adeleke School of Social Sciences, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State +2348035572279. [email protected] Ngozi Nwogwugwu, PhD Department of Political Science and Public Administration Veronica Adeleke School of Social Sciences, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State. [email protected] ABSTRACT Africa accounted for greater percentage of violent conflict globally since the end of the cold war. There had been resurgence of violent conflict in many nations after what had been presumed to be peaceful resolution of such conflicts. Among the countries that have had recurring violent conflicts are Mali, Central African Republic, Egypt among others. This had resulted in formulation of many theories, largely revolving around causative and redemptive measures. The resurgence of deep rooted and protracted conflicts informed the paper which examined the cyclical model of conflicts in Africa. The cyclical model points government and practitioners to the defects of the haphazard conflict resolution measures which show lack of political will to combine causative and redemptive measures in ensuring peaceful resolution of conflicts. INTRODUCTION The joy and expectations of nations in Africa becoming independent was short-lived as conflicts and crises of multidimensional nature dotted the whole map turning citizens to refugees within and outside their nations. According to DFID (2001) report, 10 of the twenty four nations of the World engulfed in direct violence or outright war between 1980 and 1994 were located in Africa. -
Coltan, Congo & Conflict
Coltan, Congo & Conflict POLINARES CASE STUDY The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies No 20 | 03 | 13 HCSS helps governments, non-governmental organizations and the private sector to understand the fast-changing environment and seeks to anticipate the challenges of the future with practical policy solutions and advice. Coltan, Congo & Conflict The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies (HCSS) Rapport No 21 | 05 |13 ISBN/EAN: 978-94-91040-81-8 Project leader: Marjolein de Ridder Authors: HCSS Fraunhofer ISI Raw Materials Group BGR Artur Usanov Luis Tercero Espinoza Magnus Ericsson Henrike Sievers Marjolein de Ridder Masuma Farooki Maren Liedtke Willem Auping Stephanie Lingemann This research has received funding from the European Community’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007- 2013) under grant agreement n° 244516 (POLINARES project). © 2013 The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this report may be reproduced and/or published in any form by print, photo print, microfilm or any other means without previous written permission from the HCSS. All images are subject to the licenses of their respective owners. Graphic Design: Studio Maartje de Sonnaville, The Hague The Hague Centre Lange Voorhout 16 [email protected] for Strategic Studies 2514 EE The Hague www.hcss.nl The Netherlands Coltan, Congo & Conflict POLINARES CASE STUDY The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies No 21 | 05 | 13 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of contents Executive Summary 9 Introduction 11 1 Key facts and figures about coltan and tantalum 15 1.1 Properties -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979
Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979 Author: Jonathan Robert Kuiken Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104079 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2013 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History EMPIRES OF ENERGY: BRITAIN, BRITISH PETROLEUM, SHELL AND THE REMAKING OF THE INTERNATIONAL OIL INDUSTRY, 1957-1979 [A dissertation by] JONATHAN R. KUIKEN submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August, 2013 © copyright by JONATHAN ROBERT KUIKEN 2013 Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the remaking of the international oil industry, 1957-1979 Jonathan R. Kuiken Dissertation Advisor - James E. Cronin Dissertation Abstract This dissertation examines British oil policy from the aftermath of the Suez Crisis in 1956-1957 until the Iranian Revolution and the electoral victory of Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Party in 1979. It was a period marked by major transitions within Britain’s oil policy as well as broader changes within the international oil market. It argues that the story of Britain, and Britain’s two domestically-based oil companies, BP and Shell, offers a valuable case study in the development of competing ideas about the reorganization of the international oil industry in the wake of the rise of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting countries and the companies’ losing control over the production of oil. -
Improving Prospects for a Peaceful Transition in Sudan
Improving Prospects for a Peaceful Transition in Sudan Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°143 Nairobi /Brussels, 14 January 2019 What’s new? Protests across Sudan flared up as the government cut a vital bread subsidy. Economic grievances are fuelling demands for political change, with protest- ers calling on President Omar al-Bashir, in power since 1989, to resign. Authorities have responded with violence, killing dozens and arresting many more. Why does it matter? In the past, President Bashir and his government have been able to ride out popular demonstrations. But these newest protests, demanding Bashir resign because of economic mismanagement and corruption, have spread to loyalist regions and coincide with rising discontent in his party. What should be done? Foreign governments influential in Khartoum should continue to publicly discourage violence against demonstrators, with Western pow- ers signalling that future aid and, in the U.S.’s case, sanctions relief are at stake. They should seek to improve prospects for a peaceful transition by creating incentives for Bashir to step down. I. Overview Protests engulfing Sudanese towns and cities have seen dozens killed in crackdowns by security forces and could turn bloodier still. Demonstrators express fury over sub- sidy cuts and call for President Omar al-Bashir to resign. Discontent within the ruling party, the depth of the economic crisis and the diverse makeup of protests suggest Bashir has less room to manoeuvre than before. He may survive, though likely by suppressing protests with levels of violence that would reverse his recent rapproche- ment with Western powers and deepen Sudan’s economic woes. -
The Institutional Legacy of African Independence Movements∗
The Institutional Legacy of African Independence Movements∗ Leonard Wantchekon† Omar García-Ponce‡ This draft: September 2011 Abstract We show that current cross-country differences in levels of democracy in Africa originate in most part from the nature of independence movements. We find that countries that experienced anti- colonial "rural insurgencies" (e.g., Cameroon and Kenya) tend to have autocratic regimes, while those that experienced "urban insurgencies" (e.g., Senegal and Ghana) tend to have democratic institutions. We provide evidence for causality of this relationship by using terrain ruggedness as an instrument for rural insurgency and by performing a number of falsification tests. Finally, we find that urban social movements against colonial rule facilitated post-Cold War democratization by generating more inclusive governments and stronger civil societies during the Cold War. More generally, our results indicate that democratization in Africa may result from the legacy of historical events, specifically from the forms of political dissent under colonial rule. ∗We are grateful to Karen Ferree, Elisabeth Fink, Romain Houssa, David Lake, Nathan Nunn, Kaare Strom, David Stasavage, Devesh Tiwari, and seminar participants at Georgetown, UCSD, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Univer- sity of Namur, Université de Toulouse, and APSA Annual Meeting 2011 for helpful comments and suggestions. Excellent research assistance was provided by Nami Patel, Laura Roberts, Rachel Shapiro, Jennifer Velasquez, and Camilla White.The usual caveat applies. †Department of Politics, Princeton University. [email protected] ‡Department of Politics, New York University. [email protected] 1 1Introduction Modernization theory remains one of the most intense and open research questions in the social sciences. -
Democratic Republic of the Congo – Ebola Outbreaks SEPTEMBER 30, 2020
Fact Sheet #10 Fiscal Year (FY) 2020 Democratic Republic of the Congo – Ebola Outbreaks SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 SITUATION AT A GLANCE 128 53 13 3,470 2,287 Total Confirmed and Total EVD-Related Total EVD-Affected Total Confirmed and Total EVD-Related Probable EVD Cases in Deaths in Équateur Health Zones in Probable EVD Cases in Deaths in Eastern DRC Équateur Équateur Eastern DRC at End of at End of Outbreak Outbreak MoH – September 30, 2020 MoH – September 30, 2020 MoH – September 30, 2020 MoH – June 25, 2020 MoH – June 25, 2020 Health actors remain concerned about surveillance gaps in northwestern DRC’s Équateur Province. In recent weeks, several contacts of EVD patients have travelled undetected to neighboring RoC and the DRC’s Mai- Ndombe Province, heightening the risk of regional EVD spread. Logistics coordination in Equateur has significantly improved in recent weeks, with response actors establishing a Logistics Cluster in September. The 90-day enhanced surveillance period in eastern DRC ended on September 25. TOTAL USAID HUMANITARIAN FUNDING USAID/BHA1,2 $152,614,242 For the DRC Ebola Outbreaks Response in FY 2020 USAID/GH in $2,500,000 Neighboring Countries3 For complete funding breakdown with partners, see funding chart on page 6 Total $155,114,2424 1USAID’s Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance (USAID/BHA) 2 Total USAID/BHA funding includes non-food humanitarian assistance from the former Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance. 3 USAID’s Bureau for Global Health (USAID/GH) 4 Some of the USAID funding intended for Ebola virus disease (EVD)-related programs in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is now supporting EVD response activities in Équateur. -
“Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: the Central African Republic and South Sudan
al Science tic & li P o u P b f l i o c l A a f Journal of Political Sciences & Public n f r a u i r o s J ISSN: 2332-0761 Affairs Review Article “Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: The Central African Republic and South Sudan Agberndifor Evaristus Department Political Science and International Relations, Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul, Turkey ABSTRACT Civil wars are not new and they predate the modern nation states. From the time when nations gathered in well- defined or near defined geographical locations, there has always been internal wrangling between the citizens and the state for reasons that might not be very different from place to place. However, the tensions have always mounted up such that people took to the streets first to protest and sometimes, the immaturity of the government to listen to the demands of the people radicalized them for bloodshed. This paper shall empirically examine the cause of civil wars in Sub-Saharan Africa having at the back of its thoughts that civil wars are most times associated to political, economic and ethnic incentives. This paper shall try in empirical terms using data from already established research to prove these points. Firstly, it shall explain its independent variables which apparently are some underlying causes of civil wars. Secondly, it shall consider the dense literature review of civil wars and shall look at some definitions, theories of civil wars and data presented on a series of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Lastly, it shall isolate two countries that will make up its comparative analysis and the explanations of its dependent variable by which it shall seek to understand what caused the outbreaks of civil wars in those two countries. -
KAS International Reports 06/2013
56 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 6|2013 M23 REBELLION A FURTHER CHAPTER IN THE VIOLENCE IN EASTERN CONGO Steffen Krüger Steffen Krüger is Resident Representa- In recent years, the provinces of North Kivu and South tive of the Konrad- Kivu in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Adenauer- Stiftung have once again become the epicentre of various conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. in the African Great Lakes Region. The two provinces and their population of ten million were affected particularly strongly by the three Congo Wars between 1996 and 2006. For years they have been the scene of looting, indiscrimi- nate killing and other crimes committed by various parties to the conflict. The region is very densely populated and rich in mineral resources. The reserves of gold, diamonds, tin, coltan1 and other raw materials are worth hundreds of billions of euros. In April 2012, the M23 Rebellion2 began with the mutiny of 600 Congolese soldiers, bringing a new wave of violence and destruction to the region. Many women, children and men fell victim to the conflict and over 900,000 people had to flee their homes yet again. Nobody knows the precise figures because many are left to their own devices and have hardly any access to assistance. The fighting has now stopped, but the insecurity of not knowing whether a new conflict may break out remains. Various national and inter- national actors have analysed the events during the past few months and discussed solutions for a lasting peace. 1 | Coltan is an ore, which is mainly processed to extract the metal tantalum. -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
Iraq Main to Printer 3
U.S. POLICY IN POST-SADDAM IRAQ LESSONS FROM THE BRITISH EXPERIENCE Edited by Michael Eisenstadt and Eric Mathewson THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, re- cording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2003 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2003 in the United States of America by The Washing- ton Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data U.S. policy in post-Saddam Iraq : lessons from the British experience/ edited by Michael Eisenstadt and Eric Mathewson. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-944029-84-1 1. Iraq—Relations—Great Britain. 2. Great Britain—Relations—Iraq. 3. World War, 1914–1918—Iraq. 4. World War, 1939–1945— Iraq. 5. National state. I. Title: U.S. policy in post-Saddam Iraq. II. Eisenstadt, Michael. III. Mathewson, Eric, 1959– IV. Washington Institute for Near East Policy. DS70.96.G7U15 2003 327.410567'09'04—dc21 2003004627 Cover inset photograph of Faysal ibn Husayn with his delegates and advisors at the Versailles peace conference in 1919 © Bettmann/Corbis. Behind him in the picture are (left to right) his private secretary and fellow delegate Rustum Haydar; Brigadier General Nuri al-Sa‘id of Baghdad; Captain Rosario Pisani of France; Colonel T. E. -
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23
Mapping Conflict Motives: M23 1 Front Cover image: M23 combatants marching into Goma wearing RDF uniforms Antwerp, November 2012 2 Table of Contents Introduction 4 1. Background 5 2. The rebels with grievances hypothesis: unconvincing 9 3. The ethnic agenda: division within ranks 11 4. Control over minerals: Not a priority 14 5. Power motives: geopolitics and Rwandan involvement 16 Conclusion 18 3 Introduction Since 2004, IPIS has published various reports on the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Between 2007 and 2010 IPIS focussed predominantly on the motives of the most significant remaining armed groups in the DRC in the aftermath of the Congo wars of 1996 and 1998.1 Since 2010 many of these groups have demobilised and several have integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) and the security situation in the DRC has been slowly stabilising. However, following the November 2011 elections, a chain of events led to the creation of a ‘new’ armed group that called itself “M23”. At first, after being cornered by the FARDC near the Rwandan border, it seemed that the movement would be short-lived. However, over the following two months M23 made a remarkable recovery, took Rutshuru and Goma, and started to show national ambitions. In light of these developments and the renewed risk of large-scale armed conflict in the DRC, the European Network for Central Africa (EURAC) assessed that an accurate understanding of M23’s motives among stakeholders will be crucial for dealing with the current escalation. IPIS volunteered to provide such analysis as a brief update to its ‘mapping conflict motives’ report series.